Unit Four
Politics, Economy and Society from the Late 13th to the
Beginning of the 16th Centuries
[Link] “Restoration” of the “Solomonid”Dynasty
The Zagwe dynasty was overthrown in 1270 by a powerful force
that combined military, economic, and ideological resources.
Yekunno-Amlak, a contender from Amhara, launched a series
of military campaigns from Lasta to Gayint, ultimately defeating
Yetbarek, the last Zagwe king.
Relatively quiet politically and militarily, the Zagwe rulers were
unable to resist, Yekunno-Amlak’s military power base in
Shewa.
In the dominant ideological narrative of the “Solomonids”, the
Zagwe dynasty was cast as the “usurper” of the royal throne of
the ancient kingdom of Aksum, despite its promotion of
Christianity and adherence to Aksumite secular culture.
The Kibre Negest (“The Glory of the Kings”), the
foundational myth of the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia,
claims that Ethiopian rulers have descended from the
ancient rulers of Aksum and beyond that from King
Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.
This has been constantly evoked to delegitimize the
Zagwe and legitimize the “Solomonid” dynasty.
Taking the reign of Yekunno-Amlak (r. 1270-85) as the
starting point of the “restoration” of the ancient
“Solomonid” dynasty of Aksum, the legend essentially
binds/ties Ethiopia with the Judeo-Christian tradition
(promoting mutual respect and understanding between
Jews and Christians).
4.2. Internal Political Conflict
The early/formative years of the “Solomonids” were
characterized by two difficult/vexing challenges:
1. Establishing a consistent modality of succession to the
throne and
2. Formulating an effective policy for regulating Christian-
Muslim relations in Ethiopia.
As the emperors practiced polygamy and arranged political
marriages between their offspring(s) and those of the
tributary kings and provincial nobilities, intrigues were rife
even before the demise of a reigning monarch.
For instance, such crises of succession erupted following the
death of Yekunno- Amlak (1285) and his son and successor,
Yegba-Tsion (r. 1285-94).
The term “Solomonid” is enclosed in quotation marks to
signify that the rulers who purportedly trace their lineage back
to King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba lack historical
evidence to support their claims.
The same also applies to "restoration" of the dynasty, and the
accusation levelled against the Zagwe dynasty as "usurper".
These terms are loaded with the ideological narratives of the
“Solomonid” claimants.
To prevent a similar future power struggle between potential
heirs, a "royal prison" was established at Amba Gishen, in
Wollo, commissioned by Widim-Ra’ad (r. 1299-1314).
The fortress served the intended purpose from the 13th
century until it fell to Imam Ahmed ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi’s
army in 1540.
This flat-topped mountain fortress, with its steep sides,
accessible only through a heavily guarded entrance, became the
residence of the sons of monarchs, their immediate
predecessors, and other princes, providing them with all kinds
of amenities befitting their royal status.
According to a 15thc manuscript, by the middle of the same
century, 590 descendants of sovereigns were sequestered at
Amba Gishen.
4.3. Power Consolidation and Spatial Extension
When Yekunno-Amlak come to the throne in 1270, the
Christian kingdom had already expanded its territory to a large
portion of present-day Eritrea, northern, north western and
central Ethiopia.
However, it had no control east of the Shewan plateau, a
territory increasingly occupied by such Muslim states as Ifat
and Hadiya.
Moreover, there were other political entities of various sizes,
including:
The kingdom of the Ethiopian Jews,
The kingdom of Gojjam,
The kingdom of Damot, and
Muslim principalities along the coast from the Dahlak
archipelago/islands in the Red Sea to the Somali
settlement of Brava on the coast of the Indian Ocean.
King Amde-Tsion (r. 1314-44) embarked on two major
projects:
A. Solidifying the power of the “Solomonid” dynasty in the
Christian provinces, and
B. Enlarging the kingdom by conquering other political
units.
His efforts to consolidate power were resisted by
governors seeking to strengthen their own positions at the
expense of the central authority.
Amde-Tsion dealt with the pressing internal problem by
successfully suppressing politically motivated revolts,
particularly in the northern region of Enderta.
After the suppression of the revolts, he reorganized the
rebellious provinces into smaller, more easily
governable units led by trusted governors, backed and
controlled by strategically placed imperial garrisons
(military bases).
Under Amde-Tsion, the Christian kingdom saw rapid
expansion, with no parallel in medieval Ethiopian
history.
The emperor marched south and successfully conquered the
vast kingdoms of Damot and Hadiya, the strongest polities
west and south of the Awash River, respectively, in 1316-17.
His kingdom’s sphere of influence stretched to the region
encompassing the basins of the Gibe, Gojeb and Omo rivers.
Gojjam and the northern area of Lake Tana were also
annexed around this time.
Thus strengthened, Amde-Tsion was able to assert his
authority over a chain of Muslim communities stretching from
the Gulf of Aden to the Awash valley - Ifat, Dawaro,
Sharkha, and Bali.
In reducing the powerful Muslim principalities into tribute-
paying vassalage and strengthening the Christian military
positions on all fronts, Amde- Tsion’s achievement was
immense.
The Arab historian Ibn Fadil al Umari described him as
having “ninety-nine kings under him, and that he makes up the
hundredth.”
Amde-Tsion is rightly credited for shaping and solidifying
the medieval Christian kingdom of Ethiopia.
The basic causes for the Amde-Tsion’s expansionist campaigns
were:
1. Primarily motivated by the ambition to seize(control) new
lands and
2. To gain control over the lucrative trade routes
dominated by Ethiopian Muslims.
In short, the “Solomonids” had set their eyes on “terrain and
trade.”
Yet, the kingdom’s rapid expansion to the trade hubs of the southern
and western regions entailed the subjugation of the indigenous
peoples on the one hand and the admixture of linguistic, religious
and cultural features on the other.
4.4. Administration and Military Organization of the
Ethiopian Christian Kingdom
4.4.1. Administration
Amde-Tsion’s vast kingdom, with few additions by his descendants,
was not a unified state.
It was a loose confederation of numerous principalities with
diverse religious, ethnic, and linguistic traits.
Despite the constant use of military campaigns, the monarchs
attempted to form a functional government and administrative
machinery to render the kingdom more cohesive.
The hybrid administrative system served as the basic organization
of the kingdom.
It consisted of three concentric circles around a core.
A. The innermost circle:- constituted the core provinces directly
controlled by the emperor and administered by his representatives.
It was in these provinces that centralized administration appeared
stronger.
B. The second circle:- the largest part
Included territories whose rulers, upon submission
to the king, payment of tribute and fulfilment of
obligations, could retain their autonomy and
hereditary positions.
The core army which the Christian emperors maintained
as a symbol and mainstay of their authority ensured the
continued loyalty of these territories.
As such, they were heavily garrisoned by the chewa, as
this military regiment was known.
C. The third circle:- consisted of territories that lay beyond
the direct control of the king
Although considered an integral part of the kingdom’s
political realm.
In these outlying areas, the authority of the monarchs was
more symbolic than real, with local rulers recognized as
autonomous actors, and it hinged/depend on the monarch’s
ability to compel their designated governors into
submission.
The local rulers were expected to acknowledge the
suzerainty of and pay tribute to the king.
Failure to do so often resulted in raids and devastation.
A centralized system of administration was never fully
achieved.
The daily lives of people in different regions were highly
localized.
Emperor Zara- Yaqob (r. 1434-1468)
Was particularly determined to establish a centralized
administrative system by:
Strengthening the central authority,
Creating a body of state officials,
Reorganizing court officials,
Bolstering the army, and
Increasing control over revenue sources.
He also sought the active involvement of the church
hierarchy and monastic orders in implementing his
reforms.
Unlike his predecessors’ careful/cautious approach, Zara-
Yaqob’s radical approach ultimately failed/backfired, as it
united rival factions and power holders against his reforms.
4.4.2. Military Organization
For the medieval period, the kingdom’s army consisted of
four types of regiments:
1) Regular troops of the emperor
2) Regular troops of individual military leaders
3) Specially mobilized territorial troops and
4) Irregular troops.
The spearhead (leader) of the traditional military units
were regiments called chewa.
The word chewa has had a complex history, for its earliest
meaning was a military regiment (brigade)
Other terms used to describe units or armies included
serawit, hara (‘army’), and chefra (‘body of troops’).
These regiments were organized on the basis of region of
origin and identity, and relied on provisions supplied
by the peasantry.
A network of chewa regiments formed the core of the
state’s army from the late 14th c to the early 16th century.
The rapid expansion of territories allowed Amde-Tsion
and his successors to create new chewa regiments from
the conquered peoples, who were known for their martial
abilities.
These military units had diverse religious and ethnic
composition.
Emperor Yekunno-Amlak frequently participated in
fierce battles, with his front line commanders often chosen
from trusted friends and relatives.
These officers held titles such as azmach, dejjazmach,
ras, fitawrari, balambaras, azazh and basha.
The number of soldiers under the command of each type
of officer varied, with :
a ras typically commanding larger armies (up to 40,000),
dejjazmach or fitawrari commanding mid-sized corps
(up to 10,000 men), and
other officers commanding smaller groups of men (2,000
to 5,000).
During Amde-Tsion’s reign, a significant
reorganization and enhancement of the royal army
occurred with the introduction of new units.
The chronicle of Amde-Tsion documents have three
distinct types of units.
The first unit consisted of territorial forces named
after the provinces from which they were recruited,
such as Amhara, Shewa, Gojjam, Damot, Hadiya,
Seqelt, Gondar, Harb Gwanda (likely Gafat), and Nara.
The second unit consisted of elite contingents with
prestigious names signifying their military prowess,
such as
Tekula (‘Jackal’),
Qeste neheb (‘arrow of a bee’), and
Korem (‘cavalry’).
The third group was identified by the weapons or
equipment that the soldiers wielded.
Tsewareyane warmat (‘carriers of spear (s)’),
the Tsewareyane warmat abbiyan (‘carriers of large spears’), &
Tsewareyane asayeft (‘carriers of swords’), among others, were
some of the units in this category.
Regiments and units in the armies of later emperors
followed similar patterns.
Zara-Yaqob, in particular, reorganized the chewa
regiment by keeping them in the royal camp as a mobile
striking force and strengthening his bodyguards.
He also attempted to introduce new technologies and
methods of warfare into his army from Mamluk Egypt
and Christian Europe.
Shihab al-Din describes the army of Emperor Lebne-
Dengel (r. 1508-1540) “as numerous as locusts”, with
approximately 16,000 cavalry and 200, 000 infantry at one
point around 1529.
[Link] Administrative and Military Decline
The traditional dominance of the Christian kingdom in
Ethiopia's balance of power began to wane (decrease) in the
last three decades of the 15th century.
Factors for Military Decline:
1. Internal political rift, which began at the end of Zara-
Yaqob’s reign.
Law and order reached a low point, the power of the
monarchy weakened, and the economy suffered.
Lords who resented centralized power often defected to the
Muslim forces.
By the early 16th century, the kingdom was once again
divided amid internal rivalry, followed by large scale
violent conflict.
2. The failure of national integration.
The extensive conquests of the 14th and 15th centuries
brought into the orbit of the Christian kingdom diverse
communities.
However, cultural assimilation and political integration
could not be fully realized.
Emperor Zara-Yaqob made serious attempts to forge a unified
nation from various communities.
His successors proved to be powerless to remedy the situation.
The weakening of the central power reduced the revenue
flow as more of it was retained by local authorities due to the
withdrawal or weakening of imperial garrisons.
Economic Bases of the Kingdom
The economic power of the kingdom was primarily
derived from control over land, labour, and trade routes.
These helps to maintain larger military forces.
The conquests not only expanded the court and the army,
but also enriched the monarchs themselves.
Land was the cornerstone of the country’s economy,
supporting farming, animal husbandry, and mining of
minerals such as copper, iron, gold, and silver.
A significant portion of the wealth came from tributes
imposed on dependent peripheries.
Failure to pay tribute was viewed as a serious act of
treason and subjected to punishment: disgrace, arrest, or
execution of the responsible vassals.
After conquering the Muslim territories along the eastern
frontiers, the monarchs could tap into a profitable source
of wealth through their control over trading activities.
They capitalized on these activities to generate revenue by
levying import and export taxes on all traded goods and
organizing well-equipped caravans led by their own
appointed commercial representatives.
4. Cooperation, Competition and Conflict between
Christian and Muslim Rival Powers
By the end of the 13th century, the trade had given rise to
powerful Muslim communities that formed well-organized
principalities and states.
Among them were Shewa, Ifat, Fatagar, Dawaro, Hadiya, Bale,
and Adal.
It is important to note the distinction between the sultanates of
Adal and Ifat, which are often mistakenly conflated.
Adal was a small state believed to have been situated south of
Ifat, possibly in the direction of the Harar Plateau.
It was conquered by the Walasma ruler of Ifat in 1288,
following his triumph over the Makhzumite dynasty of Shewa,
and other Muslim principalities.
In the years following 1288, Adal apparently regained its
sovereignty.
This is because during Amde-Tsion’s conflicts with the
Muslims, Adal operated independently from Ifat.
It eventually formed an alliance with the Walasma ruler
Jamaladdin, rather than being a vassal.
However, this coalition was defeated by Amde-Tsion.
Soon afterwards, Adal became subordinate to Ifat.
This arrangement apparently persisted until 1415.
In 1415, Zeila was captured by King Yishaq, and the
Walasma sultan Sadaddin Abu 1-Barakat Muhammad b.
Ahmad was killed.
The members of the Walasma family were forced to flee to
Yemen but later returned.
From then on, they no longer held the title “sultan of
Ifat” but “sultan of Adal.”
It appears that their homeland Ifat was vulnerable to
Christian attacks, forcing them to relocate the center of
their state farther south.
Their capital shifted to Dakar, east of Harar.
Adal was no longer part of Ifat; rather, Ifat was part of
Adal.
Adal inherited the political mantel and aspirations of Ifat,
and solidified its authority using its new center as a base to
launch military campaigns against the Christian Kingdom.
One of the most challenging tasks for the Christian
Kingdom was to establish amicable (good) relations with
the influential Muslim Sultanates.
In the absence of effective policy, the interactions between
the Christian Kingdom and the Muslim principalities
swung(moved) between peace and hostility.
Peaceful cooperation was achieved through the implementation
of a tributary system.
Many Muslim principalities continued to be governed by their
hereditary rulers as long as they acknowledged the suzerainty
of the Christian monarch, paid tribute, and guaranteed the
safe passage of traders to the coast.
This peaceful approach benefited both parties, as each desired
security on the trade routes that crisscrossed their respective
territories.
The desire for economic and political hegemony caused the
hostility between the two rival Christian and Muslim power
centers.
Refusal to pay tribute and the prevention of free passage of
messengers and agents were factors precipitating several
armed confrontations, all ultimately resulted/comes from the
desire for economic and political hegemony.
For instance, determined to expand the power of the
“Solomonid” dynasty, Yekunno-Amlak reduced Ifat to a
tributary status.
Amde-Tsion's punitive campaigns against Ifat, and later
against Hadiya, Fatagar, and Dawaro, were provoked by
the attack of Ifat's ruler Haqaddin I on the Christian
Kingdom in 1328, as well as the arrest of a Christian
servant of the emperor on route to the coast.
Amde- Tsion also ahead crushed the planned attacks of
Ifat’s Sultan Sabreddin, Dawaro’s ruler Haydara and
Hadya’s king Amano in 1332.
Neway Maryam (r. 1371-80) launched a campaign against
Adal after Haqaddin II (1363-86) refused to pay tribute.
The confrontations of Dawit II (r. 1379-1412), Tewodros I
(r. 1412-1413), and Yeshaq (r. 1413-1430) with successive
leaders of Adal were driven by both parties' desire to assert
dominance.
The well-documented battle of Yeguba in 1445 was triggered
by the refusal of the Adal king Ahmed Badlay to send
tribute to Emperor Zara-Yaqob.
Peaceful relations resumed when Mohammed Ahmed (r.
1445-71), the son and successor of Ahmed Badlay, sent the
required tribute to Emperor Ba'ede Mariam (r.1468-78).
Emir Mahfuz's advance against Emperor Lebne-Dengel
ended in failure and resulted in his death in July 1517.
These military campaigns were aimed at ending the
economic hegemony of the Christian kingdom and
establishing his own hegemony over the Christian
Kingdom.
The religious difference between Christian emperors and
Muslim rulers was not the primary cause of the conflicts.
However, both rulers fortified their campaigns with
religious motivations, as this allowed them to effectively
mobilize their troops with crusading or jihadist fervour.
Thus, the conflicts should not be viewed solely through
ethno-religious lenses, but rather as a complex interplay of
varying economic and political aspirations.
4.7. Interaction and Integration of Peoples and Cultures
In the evolution of a multi-ethnic society, three key patterns
underpin the Ethiopian collective experience.
[Link] are the continuous interaction between diverse
peoples,
2. The formation of shared cultural characteristics across
Ethiopia, and
3. A distinct mode of absorbing periodic influx of new
peoples and cultures.
The successive conquests of the Christian Kingdom brought
into the fold a diverse array of peoples with varying
identities.
Of necessity, these peoples continuously interacted with one
another, resulting in the process a shared sense of
belongingness.
4.7.1. Expansion of the Christian Kingdom
The expansion of the Christian Kingdom in the 14 th and
15thc promoted the integration of Ethiopia in two respects.
First, it broadened the support base for the kingdom by
attracting more people in the highland plateau who needed
little prompting to identify with the Christian Kingdom
and its Christian religion.
Second, the expansion captivated the outlying kingdoms
and peoples with the grandeur of the imperial center and
the power of its religion.
They even began to associate themselves with the legend
of the Queen of Sheba.
For example, the kings of Kafa and Kambata claimed
descent from Solomon and Sheba.
The Sidama have a legend that describes Emperor Zara-
Yaqob’s reign as their own golden age, while the Dizi and
others in the Maji area remember the emperor as Seraqo.
A more telling indication of the influence of the Christian
Kingdom’s ruling “Solomonid” dynasty is the use of
Amharic terminologies in the political vocabulary of the
Omotic kingdoms, such as yegebir adarash (royal hall),
amakari (councilor), awaj (proclamation), gebir
(tribute), negarit (royal drum), and debab (royal
umbrella).
4.7.2. Population Movement, Interaction, and
Integration
As the Christian Kingdom expanded, various populations
also moved into the kingdom through both small and
large-scale movements.
A good number of Ethiopian people have travelled over
time in search of new lands or on raiding expeditions, or
to escape famine, or to conduct trade or in pursuit of
religious studies and on pilgrimages.
These frequent travels have helped to forge intimate
relationship between otherwise distinct ethnic groups of
Ethiopia.
The Amarro, Konta, and other ethnic groups have
credible traditions regarding the immigration of the
Amhara from the north several centuries ago.
Conversely, the Wolayta trace one of their prominent
dynasties, called Tigre, to Tigrean immigrants.
Likewise the kingdom of Dawuro is believed to have been
established by refugees from Dawaro in the 16thc
During this period, groups of Gurage were even found as
far north as Gondar.
The Kafa minstrels have rich stories that tell of their origin
from northern Agew immigrants who intermarried with
and passed down their art to some noble Kafa clans.
The Muslims of Shewa and the Gurage claim to have
hailed from a locality in Tigray.
What can be said with certainty is that Christians migrated
from Tigray in the north to the Amhara province and
eventually farther south to Shewa.
4.7.3. Roving (Moving) Court
Adafa, the seat of the Zagwe rulers, served as the last
permanent capital of the Ethiopian Christian Kingdom until
the establishment of Debre Birhan for a brief period in the
1450s.
While Aksum retained its status as a spiritual capital,
Yekunno-Amlak and his successors governed their vast
territories from mobile royal camps in regions such as Ifat,
Amhara, Shewa, Dawaro, and Fatagar.
This mobility allowed them to:
Assert their authority,
Dispense justice,
Quell/suppress uprisings,
Deter raids from lowland pastoralists, and
Avoid resource diversion.
Despite its mobility, the royal court played a crucial role
as an integrative force.
It remained the central hub of political and economic
activity for all subjects, acting as a melting pot for the
bearers of diverse customs and languages.
The royal encampment also served as trading center
where Christian and Muslim artisans, vendors and
merchants met to exchange goods and services.
This regular traffic between the court and country
fostered cultural exchange between large numbers of
Ethiopians, contributing to the relative cohesion of the
kingdom.
4.7.4. Establishment of Military Garrisons (Military
Bases)
The military regiments of the Ethiopian Christian
Kingdom played a crucial role in both political and
cultural integration.
Military garrisons of chewa regiments were established in
newly conquered territories.
The regiments became less mobile, forming strong
connections with the inhabitants of the territories they
were stationed in, which in due course evolved into a
territorial army (regional) over time.
The soldiers of the chewa regiments gradually melded
with the local population through marriage and other
social ties.
Their ambitious commanders were also married to the local
nobility and began to identify with elites of the host community.
This integration allowed the soldiers to promote Christianity,
languages, class manners/social structure, and the land
tenure system to the regions they were stationed in.
4.7.5. Warfare
Throughout history, various Ethiopian social groups have
engaged in conflicts for a multitude of reasons,
Such as acquiring cattle, slaves, territory, control over trade
routes, fulfilling ritual obligations or display of masculinity.
These conflicts facilitated interactions among different groups.
The resulting displacement and resettlement also fostered new
forms of encounters.
4.7.6. Market Centers as Cultural Melting Pots
Markets have served as a platform for interethnic interactions.
Local and regional markets facilitated direct contact
between different groups, and indirectly through caravan
trades.
Local markets, which typically convened/met weekly,
attracted numerous traders and buyers from distant locations
and diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds.
Most Ethiopians are not confined to a single market but are
rather familiar with markets networks in their area that meet
on different days of the week.
Goods from local markets are transported by traders to larger
and distant regional centers.
Regional markets draw people and products from more
diverse locations and greater distances.
Historical marketplaces: such as
Dabarwa in Eritrea,
Manadalay in southern Tigray,
Qorqora/Qoreta (around Waldiya) and
Wasel near Ware-Illu had played an important integrative role.
The ruins surrounding Jigjiga, Harar and Charchar attest
to market towns that had once developed/thrived along the
main trade routes.
Weez-Gebeya in western Shewa,
Suq-Wayzaro in Damot, and
Suq-Ameja and Gandabalo in Ifat-Awsa in eastern
Shewa were famed hubs for commercial and cultural
exchange.
Gandabalo, in particular, stands out as a site of convivial
(friendly) interaction between Muslim and Christian
communities.
4.7.7. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church and Monastic
Networks Fostered Integration
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church has historically been a
force of integration particularly on the religious and
cultural planes.
It played a crucial role in uniting diverse groups whose
heterogeneity was quite marked, particularly in the wake
of the territorial expansions of the kingdom.
Even in the areas where the kingdom's military and
administrative structures failed to create unity and
identity, the church succeeded.
Two factors which prompted this role were:
The internal revival within the church and
The emergence of monastic networks.
The revival of the church also led to the rise of monastic
activities, particularly in Amhara and Shewa, by monastic
figures like Iyesus Mo’a of Debre Hayq and
Tekle-Haymanot (1215-1313) of Debre Asbo (renamed
in the 15thc as Debre Libanos).
Monasteries became the epicenters of the dissemination of
Christianity, with organized missionary activities dating
back to the 13th century.
Later, monastic fathers and their disciples went to the
Ethiopian interior with little more than a cross.
Christianity was evangelized without completely
eradicating traditional beliefs and practices.
Nevertheless, Emperor Zara-Yaqob’s church reforms,
which aimed to maintain the “purity” of Christianity, were
the last serious blow to this practice of syncretism.
His reforms had grave consequences for people suspected
of magical practices and monastic communities accused of
alleged heresies.
While the Ewostatean monastic movement, active since
the 14th century and centered on the issue of the
observance of the Sabbath, was peacefully resolved,
Others, like the Stephanites, who refused to bow before
religious icons, faced gruesome persecution.
Despite his zealous/strong efforts to draw a clear line
between Christian and indigenous practices, Zara-
Yaqob had little success in eradicating non-Christian
practices within the Christian faith.
Christianity continued to mixing/intertwine with traditional
beliefs, giving rise to a syncretism that persists to this day.
The cultural repertoire of monastic missionaries laid the
groundwork for the Judeo-Christian tradition in Ethiopia.
To the Christian faithful, Christianity offered a sense of
belonging to a new worldview, and a way of life.
The faith drew converts from diverse linguistic and
cultural backgrounds, manifested by the numerous
monasteries and parishes that dotted the kingdom from
north to south, and east to west.
4.7.8. Islam Promoted Integration, Unity and
Collective Identity
Islam has played a crucial role in Ethiopia in uniting
diverse groups who had either abandoned their
indigenous beliefs or converted from other faiths to
embrace the tenets of the Islamic faith.
In the views of most Muslims, Ethiopia enjoys a
privileged status as a place of sanctuary for the
persecuted companions of the prophet Mohamed.
The story of Al-Najash I in Islamic tradition holds a
unique place in Ethiopia's socio-political narrative, serving
as a source of collective memory of interfaith harmony.
Thanks to the preaching of itinerant (traveler) Sufi Sheikhs
and scholars, learned men, sometimes of foreign origin
(especially Yemenites), and traders, Muslim communities
thrived from eastern Ethiopia as far north as Tigray from the
eighth to the sixteenth centuries.
There was regular contact between the various Muslim
communities through trade, education, pilgrimage and
movement of peoples.
Basic Islamic cultural institutions in Ethiopia did not take root
in the first half of the fourteenth century, but developed in
time.
Islamic literature in Arabic and local languages flourished in
Harar and Wollo.
This was greatly facilitated by the mystical orders that
inspired the composition of the hagiographies of Sufi
masters.
Manzuma poems in praise of the Prophet and the saints
were recited throughout the country.
Like Christianity, Islam offered wide room for local
customs insofar as they did not contradict the fundamental
tenets (beliefs) of the religion.
The missionary activities of Christians and Muslims
intertwined/mix Ethiopia with networks of supra-ethnic
alliances.
Despite occasional conflicts between the two religious
groups, mutual accommodation was common throughout
the period in question.
Given the syncretic nature of Islam and Christianity in
Ethiopia, followers of both faiths have found common
ground in shared religious practices.
4.8. External Relations
4.8.1. Relations with Egypt
Yekunno-Amlak sent an agent/emissary to Egypt’s sultan,
Baybars, in 1272 requesting an abun from the Coptic
Church.
Furthermore, both Egypt and Ethiopia continued to act as
protectors of religious minorities in their respective domain.
Egypt also wanted to ensure the secure flow of the Blue
Nile.
The Egyptian ruler Mohammed ibn Qala’un persecuted
the Copts and destroyed their churches in Cairo in the early
14th c.
In response, Amde-Tsion demanded the restoration of the
churches and warned that failure to do so would result in
the diversion of the Nile waters.
Patriarch Marqos (1348- 63) sent a message to Sayfa-
Arad (r. 1344-71), revealing his imprisonment by the then
Egyptian Sultan.
Sayfa-Arad is said to have mobilized a huge army against
Egypt after which the Sultan released the patriarch and
sent a delegation to the King.
Patriarch Matewos (1328-1408), delegated by the
sultan, established harmonious relations between Dawit II
and Egypt.
The sultan is said to have sent a piece of the "True Cross"
and, in return, Dawit II is said to have given a number of
religious paintings to the sultan.
Zara-Yaqob wrote a friendly letter to Sultan Barsbay
requesting the protection of Christians in Egypt in 1437/8.
Three years later, Patriarch Yohannes XI wrote Zara-
Yaqob a letter stating the demolition of the famous church
of Debre-Mitmaq.
Zara-Yaqob then sent an envoy to Sultan Jaqmaq (r.
1438-53) with a strongly worded letter.
In reply to this, Jaqmaq sent an envoy to Ethiopia, with
complimentary gifts to the emperor but rejected the
reconstruction of the church.
4.8.2. Relations with Christian Europe
Amde-Tsion sent a message to King Phillip of France in
1332.
The Ethiopian delegation that carried the letter was in
attendance at Gian Galeazzo Visconti’s coronation in
Milan in 1395.
The earliest known message to Ethiopia from a
European monarch is the letter of King Henry IV of
England dated 1400 AD and addressed to “Prester
John.”
Emperor Dawit II(Libne Dengel) received some
craftsmen, mainly Florentines.
The emperor sent his first delegation to Europe led by a
Florentine man, Antonio Bartoli, in 1402.
Three Ethiopians attended an ecumenical council of the
Catholic Church held in the diocese of Constance, in
present-day Germany from November, 1414 to April
1418, addressing issues such as the schism (split) between
the Western and Eastern churches, heresies,
ecclesiastical conciliarism and papal supremacy.
Alphonso de Paiva V of Aragon (today’s Spain)
received a delegation sent to ask for more artisans from
Yishaq in the city of Valentia in 1427.
The embassy of Charles, the Duke of Berry, consisting of
craftsmen (the Neapolitan Pietro, a Spaniard and a
Frenchman) reached Yishaq’s court.
A Silican, Pietro Rombulo, who had been in Ethiopia
since the last years of Dawit's reign and who had
previously carried out a successful trade mission to India
on behalf of the king, was sent to Europe as Zara-
Yaqob’s ambassador in 1450.
Emperor Zara-Yaqob sent an Ethiopian priest, Fikre-
Mariam, accompanied by two other individuals, to
Alphonso of Aragon (also ruled as king of Naples and
Sicily) to get political and technical assistance.
Alphonso wrote a letter to Zara-Yaqob and informed
him that he sent him artisans and masons he
requested.
The most authentic pieces of evidence on Ethio-Europe links are
the maps of Egyptus Novelo (c. 1454) and Fra Mauro's
Mappomondo (1460) which clearly depicted many places and
peoples in the Horn.
Venetian Gregorio or Hieronion Bicini visited Ethiopia in 1482.
Pedros da Covilhao (Peter de Covilham) arrived at the court of
Eskindir (r. 1478-1494) in 1493.
Queen Elleni (the daughter of the Hadiya garad married to Zara-Yaqob
and regent of the under age Lebne- Dengel), anticipating the threat that
would come from the Ottomans who showed a clear interest to support
the Muslim sultanates, sent an Armenian called Mathew to Portugal
around 1512.
The Portuguese Embassy led by Rodrigo di Lima, Duwarto
Galliba and Francisco Alvarez reached Ethiopia in 1520 and
remained for six years.
Its aim was to establish a naval port against the Turkish power
in Red Sea area, but it was not successful.
End of Chapter Four!!