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Triangular trade
Triangular trade or triangle trade is trade between three
ports or regions. Triangular trade usually evolves when a region
has export commodities that are not required in the region from
which its major imports come. Such trade has been used to offset
trade imbalances between different regions.
The most commonly cited example of a triangular trade is the
Atlantic slave trade, but other examples existed. These include the
seventeenth-century carriage of manufactured goods from
England to New England and Newfoundland, then the transport The classical model of the triangular
of dried cod from Newfoundland and New England to the trade
Mediterranean and the Iberian peninsula, followed by cargoes of
gold, silver, olive oil, tobacco, dried fruit, and "sacks" of wine back
to England. Maritime carriers referred to this Atlantic trade as the
"sack trade". A 19th-century example involved general cargo
shipped from Britain to Australia, Australian coal to China, then
tea and silk back to Britain.
The Atlantic slave trade used a system of three-way transatlantic
exchanges – known historically as the triangular trade – which
operated between Europe, Africa, and the Americas from the 16th
to 19th centuries. European merchants outfitted slave ships, then
shipped manufactured European goods owned by the trading The triangular trade of slaves, sugar, and
companies to West Africa to get slaves, which they shipped to the rum, with New England instead of Europe
as the third corner
Americas (in particular to Brazil and the Caribbean islands). First,
in West Africa, merchants sold or bartered European
manufactured goods to local slavers in exchange for slaves. Then crews transported the slaves and the
remaining European manufactured goods to the Americas, where ship merchants sold the slaves and
European manufactured goods to plantation-owners. Merchants then purchased sugar and molasses from
the plantation-owners, and crews shipped them to North American colonies (such as the future states of
the US), where the merchants sold the remaining supplies of European manufactured goods and slaves, as
well as sugar and molasses from plantations to local buyers, and then purchased North American
commodities - including tobacco, sugar, cotton, rum, rice, lumber, and animal pelts - to sell in Europe.
This trade, in trade volume, was primarily with South America, where most slaves were sold, but a classic
example taught in 20th-century studies is the colonial molasses trade, which involved the circuitous
trading of slaves, sugar (often in liquid form, as molasses), and rum between West Africa, the West Indies
and the northern colonies of British North America in the 17th and 18th centuries.[1][2] In this triangular
trade, slaves grew the sugar that was used to brew rum, which in turn was traded for more slaves. In this
circuit the sea-lane west from Africa to the West Indies (and later, also to Brazil) was known as the Middle
Passage; its cargo consisted of abducted or recently purchased African people.
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During the Age of Sail, the particular routes were also shaped by the powerful influence of winds and
currents. For example, from the main trading nations of Western Europe, it was much easier to sail
westwards after first going south of 30° N latitude and reaching the belt of so-called "trade winds", thus
arriving in the Caribbean rather than going straight west to the North American mainland. Returning
from North America, it was easiest to follow the Gulf Stream in a northeasterly direction using the
westerlies. (Even before the voyages of Christopher Columbus, the Portuguese had been using a similar
triangle to sail to the Canary Islands and the Azores, and it was then expanded outwards.)
The countries that controlled the transatlantic slave-market until the 18th century in terms of the number
of enslaved people shipped were Great Britain, Portugal, and France.
The Atlantic sack trade
From 1620 to 1709, ships and additional maritime vessels embarked from Newfoundland and New
England docks in a "sack trade."[3] Sailors from both regions carried salted cod into southern Europe,
particularly from Boston and Ferryland into Mediterranean and Iberian peninsular seaports. Spanish and
Portuguese Catholics welcomed these traders for manifold reasons, including church exemption of cod
from the fasting and abstinence mandated for Lent, Advent, and myriad saint remembrance days.
Newfoundland and New England ships then carried Iberian wine "sacks", olive oil, dried fruit, tobacco,
and substantial volumes of Iberian specie, mined by indigenous captives in Cerro Rico and Cerro de
Pasco, into England. After 1661, Parliament lifted a ban on bartering New England cod for Iberian
material goods, as well as for bills of exchange. Oil, fruit, tobacco, New World gold and silver, "sacks" of
wine, Iberian material culture, and then this paper currency were exchanged for manufactured products
in England.[4] During the final leg, colonial carriers transshipped English metropolitan goods, and any
"sacks" of surplus wine, across the Atlantic and back into their homeports.[5]
The "sack trade" dissolved after 1709 because of changes in cod curing processes and provincial demand
for sugar as well as molasses. Atlantic demand for dried cod pushed New England and Newfoundland
competency thresholds for angling into transatlantic barter and exchange economies. These shifting
conceptions, and scope of, provincial competency resulted in New England and Newfoundland schooners
searching for more and more fishing sites along northeastern banks. Fishermen remained offshore for
extended periods of time as their vessels trawled North American waters. Peter Pope argues that women
often worked shorecrews and as substitutes for men.[6]
In order to sustain catches within schooner holds during these protracted trips, fishermen began to
"lightly salt" cod and stored the wet fish for air-drying, the latter after returning to points of departure.
According to historian Christopher Magra, "invariably, the combination of a wet-salt cure and an air-dry
cure produced a greater percentage of refuse-grade, dried cod." Increasing amounts of this "refuse" cod
became unmarketable in southern Europe as expansion of the "sack trade" counterintuitively expedited
contraction from within. But New England and Newfoundland fishermen tapped their own demand for
sugar, molasses, and cheap, domestically-distilled rum, as a commercial avenue to alternate markets for
"refuse" cod: sugarcane planters and their agents in Caribbean littorals. Sugarcane planters relied on
cheap, low-grade fish to feed chattel slaves.[7]
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The Atlantic triangular slave trade
The most historically significant triangular trade was the transatlantic slave trade which operated among
Europe, Africa, and the Americas from the 16th to 19th centuries. Slave ships would leave European ports
(such as Bristol and Nantes) and sail to African ports loaded with goods manufactured in Europe. There,
the slave traders would purchase enslaved Africans by exchanging the goods, then sail to the Americas via
the Middle Passage to sell their enslaved cargo in European colonies. In what was referred to as a "golden
triangle", the slave ship would sail back to Europe to begin the cycle again.[8] The enslaved Africans were
primarily purchased for the purpose of working on plantations to work producing valuable cash crops
(such as sugar, cotton, and tobacco) which were in high demand in Europe.[9][10][11][12][13] Slave traders
from European colonies would occasionally travel to Africa themselves, eliminating the European portion
of the voyage.[14][15]
A classic example is the colonial molasses trade.
Merchants purchased raw sugar (often in its liquid
form, molasses) from plantations in the Caribbean and
shipped it to New England and Europe, where it was
sold to distillery companies that produced rum.
Merchant capitalists used cash from the sale of sugar
to purchase rum, furs, and lumber in New England
which their crews shipped to Europe.[16]
The number of slaves embarked to America from 1450
With the profits from the European sales, merchants until 1800 by country
purchased Europe's manufactured goods, including
tools and weapons and on the next leg, shipped those
manufactured goods, along with the American sugar and rum, to West Africa where they bartered the
goods for slaves seized by local potentates. Crews then transported the slaves to the Caribbean and sold
them to sugar plantation owners. The cash from the sale of slaves in Brazil, the Caribbean islands, and the
American South was used to buy more raw materials, restarting the cycle. The full triangle trip took a
calendar year on average, according to historian Clifford Shipton.[16]
The first leg of the triangle was from a European port to one in
West Africa (then known as the "Slave Coast"), in which ships
carried supplies for sale and trade, such as copper, cloth, trinkets,
slave beads, guns and ammunition.[17] When the ship arrived, its
cargo would be sold or bartered for slaves. Ports that exported
these enslaved people from Africa include Ouidah, Lagos, Aného
(Little Popo), Grand-Popo, Agoué, Jakin, Porto-Novo, and
Badagry.[18] These ports traded slaves who were supplied from
African communities, tribes and kingdoms, including the Alladah
and Ouidah, which were later taken over by the Dahomey
The loss of the slave ship Luxborough
kingdom.[19]
Galley in 1727 ("I.C. 1760"), lost in the
last leg of the triangular trade, between
On the second leg, ships made the journey of the Middle Passage
the Caribbean and Britain.
from Africa to the New World. Many slaves died of disease in the
crowded holds of the slave ships, and a estimated 15 to 25% would
die of disease's before completing there trip[20], which ships often carry 700 enslaved people.[21] Once the
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ship reached the New World, enslaved survivors were sold in the
Caribbean or the American colonies. The ships were then
prepared to get them thoroughly cleaned, drained, and loaded
with export goods for a return voyage, the third leg, to their home
port,[22] from the West Indies the main export cargoes were
sugar, rum, and molasses; from Virginia, tobacco and hemp. The
ship then returned to Europe to complete the triangle.
The triangle route was not generally followed by individual ships.
Slave ships were built to carry large numbers of people, rather The North Atlantic Gyre
than cargo, and variations in the duration of the Atlantic crossing
meant that they often arrived in the Americas out-of-season. Slave
ships thus often returned to their home port carrying whatever goods were readily available in the
Americas but with a large part or all of their capacity with ballast.[23][24] Cash crops were transported
mainly by a separate fleet which only sailed from Europe to the Americas and back.[25] In his books,
Herbert S. Klein has argued that in many fields (cost of trade, ways of transport, mortality levels, earnings
and benefits of trade for the Europeans and the "so-called triangular trade"), the non-scientific literature
portrays a situation which the contemporary historiography refuted a long time ago.[26]
Finally, even if the "triangle trade" idea is essentially incorrect, the Atlantic slave trade was one
of the more complex of international trades that existed in the modern period. (…) Thus, while
an actual "triangle trade" may not have existed as a significant development for ships in the
trade, the economic ties between Asia, Europe, Africa, and America clearly involved a web of
relationships that spanned the globe.[27]
A 2017 study provides evidence for the hypothesis that the export of gunpowder to Africa increased the
transatlantic slave trade: "A one percent increase in gunpowder set in motion a 5-year gun-slave cycle that
increased slave exports by an average of 50%, and the impact continued to grow over time."[28]
New England
New England also made rum from Caribbean sugar
and molasses, which it shipped to Africa as well as
within the New World.[29] Yet, the "triangle trade" as
considered in relation to New England was a
piecemeal operation. No New England traders are
known to have completed a sequential circuit of the
full triangle, which took a calendar year on average,
according to historian Clifford Shipton.[16] The
concept of the New England Triangular trade was first
suggested, inconclusively, in an 1866 book by George
H. Moore, was picked up in 1872 by historian George
C. Mason, and reached full consideration from a
lecture in 1887 by American businessman and The number of slaves imported from Africa from 1501
historian William B. Weeden.[16] to 1866
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In the context of an incohesive operation within a multipolar Second Atlantic System, expansive eastern
seaboard "Farms" had, in earnest after 1690, not only sustained southern New England proprietorship,
land banks, and currency, but also a territorial evolution of the Caribbean. This carrying trade contributed
to the expansion of monocentric North American littoral zones for sugarcane cultivation into a polycentric
West Indies basin and Southern Caribbean plantation complex. During the seventeenth century, colonial
charters and royal commissioners precluded attempts to establish a New England carrying trade to by, for
example, the Atherton Trading Company and John Hull. But proposals by Peleg Sanford provided
implementation frameworks for eighteenth-century "Farms" and carriers. Historian Sean Kelley examines
nineteenth-century "American slavers" because "the North American transatlantic slave trade before 1776
was, in essence, merely another branch of the carrying trade."[30][31]
In response to illegal carrying as well as Rhode Island General Assembly endorsement of Aquidneck as a
haven for pirates, the Lords of Trade threatened to embargo Newport until enforcement of a resumption
bill for the restoration of lawful mercantile commerce. Periodic trials and executions of notorious
smugglers from abroad diverted their attentions away from local privateers, such as the Wanton brothers.
Pirates began to disperse from Newport between Queen Anne's War and 1723 mass executions by royal
magistrates, establishing the seaport as the dominant carrying hub, with Providence coming in a distant
second. British carriers continued to provision plantations outside the boundaries of empire.[32][33]
Before 1780, wartime embargoes and the Atlantic hurricane season spurred carrier attempts to address
deficits by circumventing mercantile restrictions, increasing New England trade with Dutch Suriname as
well as the Danish, French, Spanish, and Luso Caribbean.[34] Between 1752 and 1758, southern New
England carriers commissioned John Greenwood for a self-deprecating portrait as Sea Captains
Carousing in Surinam. In 2012, historical archaeologists in Suriname came across two graves of
eighteenth-century carriers from Connecticut (Michael Burnham and William Barbut) as well as two
graves of Rhode Island carriers (Nathaniel Angel and William Gardner Wanton) interred during the same
period.[35]
Wartime embargoes that reduced overseas trade precipitated speculative ventures, as well as land and
estuary auctions of Narragansett tribal reserves, under legislature (public) jurisdiction, by private trusts, a
specific type of fiduciary relationship for subsidizing expense accounts, purveying regular annuities, or
both. Bidders at vendue were frequently interior "composite"[36] yeomen and fishermen,[37] who
(according to certain historians) misconceived[38] of revenue derived from the carrying trade as income
"competency." Bidders included competitive carriers in secondary seaports such as Providence as well.[39]
Despite the antebellum rise of "Greater Northeast" industrial agriculture,[40] the southern New England
"Farms" and the carrying trade[41] in Caribbean sugar, molasses, rice, coffee, indigo, mahogany, and pre-
1740 "seasoned slaves",[42] began to dissipate by the Election of 1800[43] and largely collapsed into
agrarian ruins by the War of 1812.[44]
Newport and Bristol, Rhode Island, were major ports involved in the colonial triangular slave trade.[45]
Many significant Newport merchants and traders participated in the trade, working closely with
merchants and traders in the Caribbean and Charleston, South Carolina.[46]
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Statistics
According to research provided by Emory University[47] as well as Henry Louis Gates Jr., an estimated
12.5 million slaves were transported from Africa to colonies in North and South America. The website
Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database assembles data regarding past trafficking in slaves
from Africa. It shows that the top four nations were Portugal, Great Britain, France, and Spain.
Flag of vessels carrying the slaves
Destination Total
Portuguese British French Spanish Dutch American Danish
Portuguese
4,821,127 3,804 9,402 1,033 27,702 1,174 130 4,864,372
Brazil
British
7,919 2,208,296 22,920 5,795 6,996 64,836 1,489 2,318,251
Caribbean
French
2,562 90,984 1,003,905 725 12,736 6,242 3,062 1,120,216
Caribbean
Spanish
195,482 103,009 92,944 808,851 24,197 54,901 13,527 1,292,911
Americas
Dutch
500 32,446 5,189 0 392,022 9,574 4,998 444,729
Americas
United States 382 264,910 8,877 1,851 1,212 110,532 983 388,747
Danish West
0 25,594 7,782 277 5,161 2,799 67,385 108,998
Indies
Europe 2,636 3,438 664 0 2,004 119 0 8,861
Africa 69,206 841 13,282 66,391 3,210 2,476 162 155,568
did not arrive 748,452 526,121 216,439 176,601 79,096 52,673 19,304 1,818,686
Total 5,848,266 3,259,443 1,381,404 1,061,524 554,336 305,326 111,040 12,521,339
Other triangular trades
The term "triangular trade" also refers to a variety of other trades.
A triangular trade is hypothesized to have taken place among ancient East Greece (and possibly
Attica), Kommos, and Egypt.[48]
A new "sugar triangle" developed in the 1820s and 1830s whereby American ships took local produce
to Cuba, then brought sugar or coffee from Cuba to the Baltic coast (Russian Empire and Sweden),
then bar iron and hemp back to New England.[49]
Ships sailing from Britain to Australia in the last third of the 19th century found a shortage of cargoes
to take back to Britain. Therefore they took New South Wales coal to China and then loaded tea and
silk to carry back to Britain. The clipper Thermopylae was one of the ships that sailed this triangular
route. When steamships became fuel-efficient enough to cover the distances involved, they could
make two trips to Australia in a year, with one returning direct to Britain with Australian wool and the
other going via China. This competed with the China and Japan Conference, a cartel of steamship
owners who fiercely protected their trade and won a sequence of court cases in order to do
so.[50]: 123–128
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See also
Mercantilism
North Atlantic triangle
Transatlantic relations
Biography and the Black Atlantic
Notes
1. Emert, Phyllis (1995). Colonial triangular trade: an economy based on human misery. Carlisle,
Massachusetts: Discovery Enterprises Ltd. ISBN 978-1-878668-48-6. OCLC 32840704 ([Link]
[Link]/oclc/32840704).
2. Merritt, J. E. (1960). "The Triangular Trade". Business History. 3 (1). Informa UK Limited: 1–7.
doi:10.1080/00076796000000012 ([Link] ISSN 0007-
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g/CorpusID:153930643).
3. Pope, Peter (January 1996). "Adventures in the Sack Trade: London Merchants in the Canada and
Newfoundland Trades, 1627–1648". The Northern Mariner/Le Marin du Nord. 6 (1): 1–19.
doi:10.25071/2561-5467.693 ([Link]
4. Magra, Christopher P. (2009). The Fisherman's Cause: Atlantic Commerce and Maritime Dimensions
of the American Revolution. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 73–126.
ISBN 9780521518383.
5. Pope, Peter E. (2004). Fish into Wine: The Newfoundland Plantation in the Seventeenth Century.
Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. pp. 303–406. ISBN 0807829102.
6. Pope, Peter E. (2004). Fish into Wine: The Newfoundland Plantation in the Seventeenth Century.
Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. pp. 407–438. ISBN 0807829102.
7. Magra, Christopher P. (2009). The Fisherman's Cause: Atlantic Commerce and Maritime Dimensions
of the American Revolution. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 73–126.
ISBN 9780521518383.
8. Gold, Susan Dudley (2006). United States V. Amistad: Slave Ship Mutiny ([Link]
nitedstatesvami0000gold). Marshall Cavendish. p. 35 ([Link]
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9. Weber, Jacques. "La traite négrière nantaise de 1763 à 1793" ([Link]
Bernard_Michon_Nantes_et_la_traite_negriere.pdf) (PDF). Centre national de la recherche
scientifique (in French).
10. Vindt, Gérard; Consil, Jean-Michel (June 2013). "Nantes, Bordeaux et l'économie esclavagiste – Au
XVIIIe siècle, les villes de Nantes et de Bordeaux profitent toutes deux de la "traite négrière" et de
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27. Klein, Herbert S. The Atlantic Slave Trade. Cambridge University Press 1999. p. 101.
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[Link]/books?id=FgvMCgAAQBAJ). NYU Press. pp. 24–27. ISBN 978-1-4798-7042-4.
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[Link]/books?id=FgvMCgAAQBAJ). NYU Press. p. 90. ISBN 978-1-4798-7042-4.
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External links
The Transatlantic Slave Trade Database ([Link] a portal to data concerning
the history of the triangular trade of transatlantic slave trade voyages.
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Report of the Brown University Steering Committee on Slavery and Justice ([Link]
esearch/Slavery_Justice/documents/[Link])
Retrieved from "[Link]
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