FROM GENDER EQUALITY TO GENDER JUSTICE: A CRITICAL

DISCOURSE ANALYSIS IN TERMS OF GENDER EQUALITY IN TURKEY

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
OF
MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY

BY

ELİF BABA

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR
THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE
IN
THE DEPARTMENT OF GENDER AND WOMEN’S STUDIES

AUGUST 2019
Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sadettin Kirazcı

Director (Acting)

I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of
Master of Science.

Prof. Dr. Ayşe Saktanber

Head of Department

This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully
adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science.

Prof. Dr. Yıldız Ecevit

Supervisor

Examining Committee Members

Prof. Dr. Gülriz Uygur (Ankara Uni., HUKUK)

Prof. Dr. Yıldız Ecevit (METU, SOC)

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Canan Aslan-Akman (METU, ADM)

I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and
presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare
that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced
all material and results that are not original to this work.

Name, Last Name : Elif Baba

Signature :

iii
 ABSTRACT

FROM GENDER EQUALITY TO GENDER JUSTICE: A CRITICAL

DISCOURSE ANALYSIS IN TERMS OF GENDER EQUALITY IN TURKEY

Baba, Elif
Master of Science,
Supervisor: Prof. Dr.

August 2019, 244 pages

to gender justice within the last years in Turkey. Gender justice is the reflection of
the miscellaneous transformation policy of the neoconservative discourse on

neoconservative discourse to eliminate the role of gender equality

policies, by its distortion. Lacking a theoretical background or an effective
argument, gender justice reproduces patriarchal gender roles by promoting a
biologically deterministic attitude towards the relationship between women and
men. New Right government policies including the glorification and promotion of
religion, family and nationalism are instrumentalized by the discourse within the
formulation of gender justice. The study remarks that gender justice, grounds on the
principle of complementarity instead of equality and emphasizes biological
differences between men and women on gender roles influenced by the religious
approach of the Vatican, along with strategies imported from anti-gender
movements of the West. The objective of this study which is conducted with the
iv
method of critical discourse analysis from a feminist perspective is to demonstrate
the inconsistency of gender justice with the notions of ,
analyzing the discourse of neoconservatives on women. As a result, this study
discusses how gender justice approach constitutes a context for the current discourse
of the representatives of neoconservatism, with its characteristics that realize the
transformation against gender equality and reproduce hegemonic gender roles.

Keywords: Gender, gender equality, gender justice, neoconservatism, Turkey.

v
Baba, Elif

Dr.

2019, 244 sayfa

Toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti,

ana

vi
 . Feminist b

ederek

Anahtar Kelimeler: Toplumsal

cinsiyet adaleti .

vii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my heartiest gratitude to my advisor and mentor Prof. Dr.

would not be able to complete

this study. I truly wish to become an influential woman not only in the academia but
in

course on me to choose this subject and her personal sensitivity towards providing
academic encouragement and collaboration.
academic work and experience related to the subject
of the study.

I am thankful to valuable
comments and especially to Assoc. Prof. Dr. Canan Aslan-Akman for her numerous
suggestions and assistance for the improvement of the study.

I am deeply indebted to the most amazing woman, my mother Zeynep Feryal Baba,
from whom I have learnt strength, compassion, courage, reason and love. Most
special thanks to her for raising me to believe in the endless virtue of equality and
human rights. For providing me with eternal support, opportunity and love, at times
giving up on her own comfort. I hope to be as successful, strong and kind hearted as
her.

I would like to send my thanks and gratitude to three incredible women that have

is one of the strongest and resistant people let alone women I have known, for giving
her support and love at my best and worst times and teaching me to never give up

viii
on life and myself. My cousin Zeynep Sağır for being my supportive sister
throughout my education and on every condition. My grandmother Necibe Özdil for
raising me as the strong woman I am today, of whose efforts I could never be able
to pay back.

I am grateful to my friends Damla Ercan, Burçak Baş, İmge Ceren Kostik and Seda
Kavruker for sharing incredible memories with me from childhood to adulthood,
staying beside me and providing their support at every instant including the
compelling duty of conducting this study. I am gratified to my dear friend Nur
Çöllü, with whom I have shared this challenging process and feel blessed to have
overcome the difficulty together with her.

Lastly, I would like to thank every woman that has crossed my path for their
companionship. We will grow stronger together...

ix
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

PLAGIARISM......................................................................................................... iii
ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................ iv
ÖZ ............................................................................................................................ vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................. viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ......................................................................................... x
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................... xiii
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................ 1
1.1. Objective of the Study and Research Problem .............................................. 1
1.2. Methodology of the Study ............................................................................. 3
1.3. Significance and Limitations of the Study................................................... 10
1.4. Personal Motivation ..................................................................................... 12
1.5. Structure of the Study .................................................................................. 13
2. THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: FEMINIST
APPROACHES TO GENDER EQUALITY .................................................... 16
2.1. Gender Equality ........................................................................................... 17
2.1.1. Women’s Equality and Adoption of ‘Gender’ .................................... 18
[Link]. Revolutions and First Wave Feminism .................................. 18
[Link]. Formal Equality ...................................................................... 25
[Link]. ‘Gender’ born with Second Wave Feminism ......................... 27
2.1.2. Different Approaches to Gender Equality .......................................... 31
[Link]. Sameness Approach and Equality Feminism ......................... 32
[Link]. Difference Approach and Difference Feminism .................... 35
[Link].1. Substantive Equality ................................................ 37
[Link].2. Necessity and Adequacy of Equality ....................... 39
[Link]. Sameness vs Difference Debate ............................................. 42
x
 [Link]. Transformative Approach ...................................................... 45
2.1.3. Third Wave Feminism ........................................................................ 48
3. INTERNATIONAL EFFORTS AND OPPOSITIONS TO GENDER
EQUALITY ....................................................................................................... 51
3.1. Progressive Movements of Institutions and Acquisitions of Gender
Equality ....................................................................................................... 51
3.1.1. United Nations .................................................................................... 52
[Link]. CEDAW ................................................................................. 55
3.1.2. Council of Europe ............................................................................... 57
[Link]. European Convention on Human Rights and European
Court of Human Rights .......................................................... 57
[Link]. Istanbul Convention ............................................................... 59
3.1.3. European Union .................................................................................. 60
3.2. Oppositions and Counter-movements on Gender Equality ......................... 64
3.2.1. Neoconservatism and the New-Right ................................................. 64
[Link]. New Right on Gender Equality .............................................. 70
[Link].1. Equal Rights Amendment........................................ 70
[Link].2. Women’s Equality during Reagan Period ............... 72
3.2.2. Equity Approach of the Vatican ......................................................... 75
3.2.3. Gender Equality vs Gender Justice ..................................................... 80
3.2.4. Gender and Islamist Fundamentalism ................................................ 85
3.2.5. Anti-Gender Movements and Stagnation of Gender Equality in the
2000s .................................................................................................. 87
4. GENDER POLICIES IN TURKEY AND THE RISE OF
NEOCONSERVATISM UNDER THE JDP GOVERNMENT ........................ 94
4.1. Acquisitions of Women’s Movements Before JDP ..................................... 94
4.1.1. Feminist Movement ............................................................................ 96
4.2. Gender Equality Policies After JDP .......................................................... 101
4.2.1. Pillars of JDP’s Neoconservatism .................................................... 101
4.2.2. The Reformist Phase of JDP- The Era Improving Gender
Equality ............................................................................................ 109
[Link]. Legal Reforms ...................................................................... 110
[Link].1. Civil Code and Penal Code.................................... 110
xi
 [Link].2. Law on the Protection of the Family and
Prevention of Violence Against Women ................ 113
4.2.3. The Era Eliminating Gender Equality............................................... 114
[Link]. KADEM ............................................................................... 115
5. CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS: THE NEOCONSERVATIVE
SPHERE IN TERMS OF GENDER EQUALITY AND GENDER
JUSTICE .......................................................................................................... 117
5.1. Gender Justice and Gender Equality.......................................................... 118
5.1.1. Fıtrat .................................................................................................. 121
5.1.2. Protectionism .................................................................................... 125
5.1.3. Family and Familialism .................................................................... 139
[Link]. Motherhood .......................................................................... 147
[Link]. Reproductive Rights ............................................................. 149
[Link].1. Abortion ................................................................. 149
[Link].2. Birth Control and Promotion in Population
Growth.................................................................... 153
[Link]. Discussion............................................................................. 158
5.1.4. Modernization and Westernization ................................................... 160
5.1.5. Women in the Public Sphere............................................................. 173
[Link]. Work ..................................................................................... 173
[Link]. Politics .................................................................................. 184
[Link]. Education .............................................................................. 192
5.2. Evaluation: ‘Equal in Rights, Complementary in Roles’ .......................... 200
6. CONCLUSION ................................................................................................ 209
REFERENCES ..................................................................................................... 219
APPENDICES
A: TURKISH SUMMARY / TÜRKÇE ÖZET .................................................... 233
B: TEZ İZİN FORMU / THESIS PERMISSION FORM .................................... 244

xii
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ANAP Anavatan Partisi (Mainland Party)

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women
CSW Commission on the Status of Women
ECHR European Court of Human Rights
ECOSOC United Nations Economic and Social Council
ERA Equal Rights Amendment
EU European Union
GONGO Government-Operated Non-Governmental Organization
JDP Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi)
KADEM Kadın ve Demokrasi Derneği (Women and Democracy
Association)
MHP Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (Nationalist Movement Party)
MP Member of Parliament
NAWSA National American Woman Suffrage Association
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NOW National Organization for Women
RP Refah Partisi (Welfare Party)
TBMM Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi (Turkish Grand National
Assembly)
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
USA United States of America

xiii
 CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1. Objective of the Study and Research Problem

Women’s struggle for equality, has always been a significant and substantial
movement in Turkish history. The endeavor of women was persevered under the
objectives of equality, liberty and protection for women until the emergence of
‘gender’ in the international rhetoric with the exertion of feminists. With the
theorization of gender and the international embracement of gender equality, the
axis of the movement has shifted to an ambit direction towards the elimination of
gender discrimination regulated under treaties such as the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Gender
equality has, thus been the built-on concept of women’s rights and gender discourse
in accordance with the global strategies concerning women. Although Turkey is one
of the states whom have precipitously ratified the influencing documents, CEDAW
and the newly adopted Istanbul Convention, and for which the gender discourse has
been formed around the axis of the agenda, the newfangled rising discourse on
women and women’s rights is intensely remarkable.

Gender equality, having been the most influential concept of the last decade in terms
of gender and feminism, has been facing oppositions since the uptrend of
neoconservatism in Turkey. The neoconservative discourse, that has been evolving
ever since the rule of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) governments, have
transformed state policies in many areas, of which the latest was their strategy
against gender equality. Neoconservative discourse, suggests the adoption of a new
concept on women’s rights and issues, enduring on a theological perspective.
1
Gender justice, is formulated by the academics of the neoconservative sphere as an
alternative to gender equality, with the sake of creating a socially just society. The
main argument put forward is that the idea of gender equality neglects innate and
biological differences between men and women deriving from creation. In spite of
the legal implementations regulated during its own rule and the ratification of
international conventions on gender equality, JDP has now positioned itself together
with the discourse in supporting gender justice over gender equality. Consequently,
the interminable discussion between gender equality and gender justice has been the
hot topic within the last five or six years in Turkey, on account of this this study
focuses on the debate.

This study intends to inquire into the transformation of state policies on women from
gender equality approach to gender justice approach with the sake of reproducing
and perpetuating patriarchal gender roles in the Turkish society. It also aims to
illustrate the reasons embedded in the distortion of gender equality and the
promotion of its abandonment with critical discourse analysis of the
neoconservative discourse. I will lay out the reasons of the objection and judgements
on gender equality hidden in the discourse of the neoconservative sphere, to
demonstrate the significance of gender justice. In this context research problems of
the study are; 1) Is the promotion of gender justice against gender equality accurate
in terms of improving women’s rights? 2) Is the approach of gender justice
compatible with the discourse of neoconservatives in Turkey? The study argues that
gender justice is designed by the neoconservative discourse with the impact of JDP
government to accomplish a shift and transformation on women’s policies from
gender equality, to reproduce the patriarchal gender roles attributed to men and
women. It is underlined within the study that the concept of gender justice does not
ground on a strong theoretical background and fails to contribute an eligible
argument other than reinforcing biological determinism on gender relations. With
critical discourse analysis I aim to shed light on the contradictions between the
neoconservative discourse and women’s rights.

2
1.2. Methodology of the Study

Concepts that are disputed are investigated to, clarify the distortion of gender in
terms of feminist discourse by the neoconservatives. Concerning that the concept
‘gender justice’ has been fairly new, the method that would display the intention and
implication of the transformation from ‘gender equality’ most accurately by
discourse analysis. For this reason, I have done a study in which both the distortion
of the concept of ‘equality’ and the objectives under the transformation would be
demonstrated evidently. I have intended to clarify the misconception of gender
equality and equality, acknowledging it as the starting factor of the reconstruction
of the gender discourse.

I have conducted the study with the method of critical discourse analysis together
with the theoretical examination of the concepts from a feminist approach. Taking
into consideration meanings and objectives embedded in the discourse that are the
basis of social policies and movements, I believe that it is important to clarify the
codes and understandings of the neoconservative sphere on gender and gender
equality, rather than just focusing on the comments on the surface alone. Critical
discourse analysis is the most accurate method for this study, within other methods
of discourse analysis considering that the background and interpretation of discourse
is phenomenal in social studies and social policies. Feminist analysis of the terms
and discourses are held including speeches, texts and articles embracing the method
of critical discourse analysis. Critical discourse analysis, having been influenced
both the poststructuralists and content analysis, is instrumentalized to undercover
the paradoxes and discrepancies between the content and deeper meanings declared
by the neoconservative discourse in Turkey. The method is often utilized in feminist
studies, regarding the significance given to investigation and interrogation by the
approach. Feminist critical discourse analysis includes the examination of power
relations in terms of patriarchy, hegemony and gender relations from a feminist
perspective.

Discourse analysis is a research method that has been designed firstly by the field
of linguistics, and then adopted into sociopolitical research. The field of linguistics

3
focuses on the usage of language and the lingual roots of words from a scientific
perspective. How the text is organized, the formulation of words and grammar are
the vital elements of linguistic discourse analysis (Fairclough, 1995). Although it
was found by linguistics, social sciences adopted the method in various approaches.
The characteristic of discourse analysis’ deep interest on the intention, direction,
content and the direction of the discourse endures on its adoption by post-
modernism, as an objection to the empirical research methods of modernism.
Scholars like Foucault have advocated a deeper meaning within the discourse itself,
opposing to modernist approaches that rely on the surface of context. Discourse
does not only connotes speeches or verbal material but every element of
communication including written texts and visuals (Fairclough, N., Mulderrig, J., &
Wodak, 2011).

According to structuralism there is no deeper meaning of the discourse from the

signified to the signifier. In other words, the meaning is no other than what is
directed or illustrated. The discourse is formed of the signifier and the signified,
which are the only factors forming the sign. Post-structuralism on the other hand
highlights the importance of the background of the signifier as well as the
circumstances and other various factors between them. For instance, the
construction or the intention of the meaning, of that what is the objective behind the
verbal text has gained relevance with post-structuralism. The relationship between
language and discourse is more than just a constant verbal connotation but rather a
transforming reactional matter. Hence, poststructuralists argue the variability of
language and meaning under the effect of various aspects such as time, position and
location (Fairclough, N., Mulderrig, J., & Wodak, 2011).

Discourse analysis relies on commentaries of declarations or written material rather

than an objective observation. Hence, there is no analysis of empirical data. The
method utilized in social sciences differs from the field of linguistics. A significant
approach to discourse analysis has been established as critical discourse analysis.
Social scientists prefer critical discourse analysis regarding its helpful aspects on
critiquing political texts in terms of hierarchy and power relations. The association
of social practices and actions are inquired in terms of the discourse which is formed
4
by comments and other materials. A multidimensional analysis is conducted to relate
social practice with the discourse, in other words hierarchical policies (Lazar, 2017).

The approach of social scientists on discourse analysis has been through the
significance of the history, psychology and sociology behind the discourse or
material. Foucault endures his approach on power and power relations, advocating
that discourse mutates accordingly to the object of power. For as the object holding
the power rotates, the meaning of the discourse evolves into another form. Hence,
what designated the discourse is neither the sign, nor the signified but the power that
shapes the discourse in the first place. Foucault’s emphasis on power and power
relations caught the eye of feminism and gender studies concerning his italicization
of socially constructed meanings (Fairclough, 1995; T. Van Dijk, 2001). The
clarification between the connotation of language and the social is the primary goal
of discourse analysis. The usage of meaning and verbal contexts foreshadows the
positioning of the signifiers as well as the signified through the analysis.

Critical discourse analysis is a method linked with the clarification of the ideological
aspects and relations of the text and language. Fairclough argues that there is a
dialectical relation between the social and practice. It is for this reason that critical
discourse analysis has no sole method or approach, in fact it is evaluated also as a
theory. The transformation of the connotations depending on the dominant is the
main objective of critical discourse analysis. As the analysis of power relations
constitute a wide space in the method, ideology and perspectives are undercovered
through the usage of language and discourse in general (Fairclough, 1995).

Critical discourse analysis studies the sociopolitical strategies through the use of
language and its connotations. The dialectical relationship of equality and power is
investigated, regarding their impact on social norms and institutions (Fairclough, N.,
Mulderrig, J., & Wodak, 2011). In terms of studying gender, critical discourse
analysis is an accurate method since the construction process and aspects of notions
such as power, ideology, ethnicity etc. are clarified with this method of analysis
(Hyland & Brian Paltridge, 2011). Social policy and policy making are fields in
which critical discourse analysis is utilized, especially with the impact of the

5
approaches of Frankfurt School and Michelle Foucault. This study is conducted
from the approach of Norman Fairclough. In Norman Fairclough’s approach,
critical discourse analysis was constructed with a three-dimensional model;
description, interpretation and explanation. Fairclough uses “text analysis,
correlating with critical linguistics.” (Baker & Ellege, 2011, p.26) The
interpretation stage;

focuses on the relationship between text and interaction, seeing the text both as product
of the process of production and a resource in the process of interpretation. The final
stage (explanation) examines the relationship between interaction and social context,
considering the social effects of the processes of production and interpretation. (Baker
& Ellege, 2011, p.26)

Although Fairclough’s approach is influenced on the study, there is no exact method

to Critical discourse analysis concerning numerous forms of approaches it has been
established on. For an adequate and intensive study of the discourse on gender
equality and gender justice, the method approach of Fairclough is incorporated with
text analysis and theoretical definitions of the relational meanings. The study has
employed feminist critical policy discourse analysis in order to investigate the
reproduction and construction of the patriarchal power relations on gender equality.
Critical discourse analysis is chosen together with text analysis and theoretical
analysis to constitute a prosperous reflection and a proper feminist illustration of the
transformation of the gender discourse. Feminist discourse analysis according to
Lazar (2005, p.5) is;

a form of critical discourse analysis which is used to critique ‘discourses which sustain
a patriarchal social order: that is, relations of power that systematically privilege men
as a social group and disadvantage, exclude and disempower women as a social group.

The declarations and comments of representatives of the neoconservative discourse

have been primarily the center of analysis of the study including politicians and
journalists. Articles from scholars are joined together with their declarations to
provide an integrated perception. Texts from the media are investigated as the shade
of the policies concerning the neoconservative paradigms as well as the implications
that are made by the politicians. The results indicate the promotion and reproduction
of the patriarchal gender roles by the center of power and reconstruction of power
relations. Hence the transformation of gender roles is normalized by the media
6
articles that are brought by the journalists, mostly in support of the verbal speeches
that are given by politicians. Articles of scholars form a frame for the hegemonic
ideology of the dominant. Gender roles are practiced and the hidden meanings of
written texts and articles are mostly ejaculated through verbal speeches or
comments, easing the detection of the undercover meaning of the discourse. My
objective in applying feminist critical discourse analysis to the research is to attain
accurate replications of the hidden meanings behind the transformation of the gender
discourse and to lay out how the struggle of reproduction of gender roles are related
to patriarchal power relations of the discourse in Turkey.

Feminist studies focus on the unequal gender relations and the presence of gender
discrimination within the subject of study, during the investigations of the issue.
Similar to poststructuralism, feminism rejects the measures of positivism on the
position of the researcher and the subject as well as the conjuncture in which the
actions are shaped. Criticizing the belief in the objectivity of the researcher, feminist
researches find virtue in experience and multicultural and multidimensional
experience (Cancian, 1992). Hence, feminist studies embrace the differences and
significance of the researcher on the subject in accordance with the experiment.
Experience is a vital part of feminist study and research for which the researcher
often includes her/his own experience, impressions and perceptions comprised
before, during and after the research into the study. Feminist research is against the
dominant and hegemonic and for this reason it is judgmental (Stanley & Wise,
1984). The resistance to the hierarchical and patriarchal internalization of notions
are challenged with the diverse approaches and methods of feminist study. This
approach accommodates a critical position towards the socially and academically
accepted notion of positivism, and embraces the position of the researcher in terms
of their identity, race, sex and other characteristics and promotes the inclusion of the
researchers characteristics into the study as a reflection of the ideological stance of
the researcher (Cancian, 1992). Experience is valuable, on account of this
experience of different women is the major episode of feminist research.

Feminist critical discourse analysis is a method which is the combination of the

Critical discourse analysis of social research and the feminist approach. The method
7
is utilized to analyze the power relations and ideologies concerning issues of gender
and hegemony in terms of discourse analysis. According to Lazar, feminist critical
discourse analysis aims to;

show up the complex, subtle, and sometimes not so subtle, ways in which frequently
which frequently taken-for-granted gendered assumptions and hegemonic power
relations are discursively produced, sustained, negotiated, and challenged in different
contexts and communities. (Lazar, 2007, p.142)

Being interdisciplinary in character, this method uses language and social sciences
as the apparatus of research. Hence the discourse analysis conducted by feminist
approach leads to the analysis of praxis, investigating the relation between the
actions and the discourse of the subject. Feminist critical discourse analysis focuses
on notions of gender relations and power in relation to ideology as a part of its
judgmental character. The reflection of dominance and investigation of inequality
rests on a political purpose. Hegemonic aspects are clarified with the analysis of
texts and declarations together with verbal material, underlining the emphasis of
language. Thus, critical discourse analysis provides a successful outcome with
feminist perspectives.

The fact that feminist critical discourse analysis stands with praxis, empowers the
objective of illustrating the relations of power, gender and ideology right before
portraying a feminist approach. This method unlike most of the research methods is
able to demonstrate “the dialectical relationship between theory and practice”
(Lazar, 2007, p.145), utilizing the combination for a feminist study. The patriarchal
social order that compel women into a subordinated position, is one of the objectives
that are designed to be challenged by the feminist critical discourse analysis method.
In fact, that is why the usage of critical discourse analysis together with feminist
approach results in a comprehensive content. As one of the aspects of critical
discourse analysis, the feminist approach of the method utilizes the socially
constructed institutions and notions, in consideration with the analysis of the
contents of the discourse. Regarding that there is no internalization of a specific
perception within the method, feminist approach challenges the domination and
hegemony perpetuated by patriarchally set norms, mashing practice and theory. For
this reason, feminist critical discourse analysis is not only a method of investigation
8
but rather one of the apparatus in policy construction especially in terms of
deconstructing the patriarchal notions and norms embedded in unnoticed gendered
the social (Lazar, 2017).

This method embraces the idea that patriarchy within social norms and values are
not constant but rather fractional as well as lacking a symmetry in relations. Thus,
the ideology is perpetuated and reproduced with societal routines (Weedon, 1997).
Stemming from poststructuralism, critical discourse analysis deconstructs the
structural dichotomies and hierarchies via focusing on material of analysis of
oppression, power relations and subordination. For the objective of feminist critical
discourse analysis is the demonstration and decomposition of the gendered relations
and institutions within the existing social compositions. The deconstructing and
analysis of the language utilized by the agents of the discourse are vital in this
method, considering the approach towards ideological base of the multidimensional
subordination and discrimination performed within the society through language.

The study collects data from public speeches, journal articles and newspaper articles
as primary sources, in terms of the discourse of the neoconservative sphere.
However, legal codes and implementations, international treaties and public news
have been referenced as secondary resources for decoding the buried connotations.
The primary resources consist of public speeches of the representatives and
politicians of the ruling party JDP, mostly by the president, prime minister and
ministers concerning women’s issues. The articles and speeches of the NGO
KADEM, that has theorized ‘gender justice’ and positioned it on an academic basis
via its scholars and representatives have been frequently underlined and analyzed,
as having the primary role in the transformation of the gender discourse in Turkey.
Legal codes and implementations that have influenced Turkey’s position on gender
equality such as CEDAW, Istanbul Convention and Penal and Civil Codes are
mentioned under various chapters and titles as secondary sources in drawing
attention to the consistency of the center of power. In this study, I intend to conduct
a content/ discourse analysis, from a feminist point of view. The material of analysis
is organized as speeches, statements, newspaper articles, academic journal articles
and in some cases drafts of legal regulations. Thus, the study includes an extensive
9
literature review (including books, articles, essays, and other sources of the existing
literature). The theoretical definitions and formulations of concepts are portrayed
with the literature review, to exhibit a well-developed analysis of the topic of
discussion.

Considering that gender equality is a fundamental term within feminist movement

and the area of women’s rights, the necessity was born to investigate the ideology
behind the distortion of the concept. Appreciating the value of experience in terms
of feminist research, I have personally acknowledged worth of the notions of
equality and gender equality. The importance of equality and gender equality within
women’s rights throughout the history of Turkey and women have been vital. The
place of equality within women’s experience in history has been underlined in terms
of different approaches from a feminist perspective.

The political and social backgrounds to the formulated concepts and discourse of
the neoconservative sphere is presented to provide a clear picture to the axis of the
approach towards women’s rights and gender. The relation between the discourse
and the actions are studied in connection to each other as a method together with
critical discourse analysis to lay out the paradox within the objectives of the
discourse from time to time. The incompatibilities of the discourse with the legal
framework and the obligations forced by international agreements are portrayed. On
the other hand, the consistence of the declarations and approach to women’s rights
and gender equality are presented. Critical discourse analysis applied from a
feminist perspective demonstrates both the content of the discourse on gender
equality and the ideology embedded in the textual connotations. Hence, the study
aims to portray the distortion of gender equality instrumentalizing the content of the
developments and the stagnation of women’s societal position in accordance with
legal frames.

1.3. Significance and Limitations of the Study

Considering the domination of neoconservatives in every field of society with the

impact of the JDP government, it is crucial to highlight the fundamental concept and

10
approach of the discourse on women’s issues. Gender justice, being the core axis of
women’s policies of the government, has not been studied or investigated
comprehensively by feminist scholars. There has been few articles published on the
issue. For this reason, I have felt the obligation and interest to conduct this study
that includes both the formulation of the definition, the significance and the
objective of gender justice. The questions I search for are basically formed on the
arguments that are made by the representatives of the discourse. The analysis of
gender justice in terms of its objectives and background is significantly important,
regarding the fact that the concept will likely be adopted by JDP government as the
fundamental approach on women’s policies for the next few years. Hence, this study
will be a pioneer for further social or feminist research on the newly designed
concept. I also believe that it will draw attention to the significant uptrend of the
reconstruction process on women’s rights and rhetoric in Turkey. Although it is vital
for gender justice to be examined, the deficiency in its theoretical background and
vagueness in arguments challenged me to base my study on a proper academic
research. Gender justice has been introduced by the NGO, Women and Democracy
Association (KADEM), however they have not provided any methodological or
conceptual base for the concept other than religious references from Islam. Thus it
was difficult to trace the connotations and approach in the root of the gender justice
approach. Especially demonstrating the international definition of gender justice
was truthfully challenging since the term connotates a totally different concept in
the international rhetoric. While the international usage of gender justice is in
support of gender equality, the Turkish case on the contrary rejects gender equality.
Hence, the international and Turkish meanings of the term were not in accordance
henceforth I had difficulty tracking English documents for the Turkish case. Most
importantly, the feminist literature had been partly indifferent to gender justice that
limited my reference to feminist scholars in terms of putting forward
counterarguments to the approach. Another difficulty was on presenting the
paradoxes on the approach within itself. Even though they are firmly against any
sexual orientation except for heterosexuality, the founders of gender justice have
utilized the term ‘gender’. Taking this into account, the vocabulary used and the
definitions meant by the discourse was completely reconstructed, therefore I had to
adopt the study into the diverse connotations. On the other hand, I have chosen the
11
method of critical discourse analysis to investigate the social and political
foundations of the interpretation of gender through texts and declarations, regarding
their neutrality. The combination of the Vatican’s approach, anti-gender movements
and the effects of New Right on the formation of gender justice approach correlated
perfectly through texts. All in all, the inadequacy of the theoretical foundations of
the gender justice challenged me at first but the multidimensional approach I used
culminated in a prosperous study at the end. The theoretical delicacy of the approach
is the reflection of the oppositions directed on gender equality and gender discourse.

1.4. Personal Motivation

Having spent my teenage years in the early period of the neoconservative

government, growing into adulthood the residuary rigidness in women’s policies
caught my attention. The tense drift within the political discourse precipitated me to
conduct this study, especially observing the division within the women’s circles
whom had collided under the objective of the elimination of gender discrimination
in the early years of the millennium. Having majored in law and as a gender studies
student, the persistence on concepts that emphasize biological differences,
especially referring to theological texts, and the abandonment of equality has
concerned me deeply. I have acknowledged the significance of the virtue and the
principle equality for humankind, first hand in my daily experience as a woman and
a lawyer who believes in the worthiness of human rights. Although I have
internalized the virtue of equality in terms human rights, during my studies in this
department, I have found the opportunity to observe the patriarchy within almost
every field and area of our lives as women. Struggling to illuminate the simplest
patriarchal hegemony within our daily lives to the people I engage with, especially
men, I have comprehended that consciousness of socially constructed gender roles
and presence of gender equality is crucial. Studying in the department of Gender
and Women’s Studies has challenged me to overcome the prejudices that we have
grown into. There were times when we questioned our own beliefs and merits, even
the undergraduate degrees we attained in terms of the socially constructed measures.
At the end, I am grateful for having acquired a multidimensional perspective, and
having found my own worth and embraced myself as a woman, as well as
12
appreciating the value of every woman surviving under this gender-biased system.
For this reason, I felt personally responsible to demonstrate the deficiency and
inaccuracy of the arguments set against equality and gender equality, as a female
lawyer, to my professors and every woman I have and have not met.

1.5. Structure of the Study

The study begins with the general knowledge on the issue and the background
information to the signify and emphasize the subject and the research problem. The
methodology is held under the introduction to provide an explanation for the method
of study. Following the introduction, Chapter 2 formulates the background on which
the study lies under the title of Theoretical Framework. This chapter covers gender
equality, with its background, history of formation and the approaches of different
feminist strands to the concept. The history and evolution of gender and gender
equality is examined after proving equality to be a concept beyond sameness or
identicalness, to better perceive its significance in terms of women’s rights. The
primary documents on women’s rights and gender equality are highlighted to
present the evolution of feminism. The interpretation of the feminist approaches to
equality and the transformation in the approach of the feminist movement from
women’s equality to gender equality are covered in order to underline the
significance of gender equality for women’s rights. Beginning from the first wave
to the third wave, the role of equality on the women’s movement is demonstrated
from various dimensions. Later the debate of sameness vs difference, within second
wave feminism is discussed in order to signify the position of gender equality and
to illustrate the evolution of gender equality strategies today. The diverse approaches
of different feminist strands to women’s equality, for having constituted the
foundation of gender equality, provides a foreground for the discussion of gender
equality vs gender justice.

Chapter 3, focuses on the accomplishments and stagnations in women’s rights

related to gender equality. In the first section, the significant acquisitions in
women’s rights are illustrated continously to underline embracement of gender and
accordingly gender equality as fundamental policies on women’s rights. The effects

13
of the movement on the legal and political agenda are highlighted, taking the
international discourse into consideration including CEDAW and the European
Union (EU) acession process. Policies and agenda’s of United Nations (UN), the
Council of Europe and the EU, as the institutions having the uttermost effects on
gender policies and legislation of Turkey are analyzed on women’s issues and
gender, in terms of the ratified conventions and regulations. This section includes
the implementations adopted and ratified by Turkey specifically, with the
enforcement of the intergovernmental strategies on gender equality. The second
section concentrates on the countermovements that have been shaped against
feminism, gender and gender equality that has been influential on the antigender
movements of Turkey. The backlash movement after the second wave feminism, the
uptrend of New Right policies, the equity approach of the Vatican as gender justice
and the antigender movements of the contemporary era are presented respectively.
The significance of the movements studied under this chapter is to either have a
similarity in terms of the subjects of the objections, or to share the same strategies
against gender equality. At this point, the equity approach of the Vatican is
investigated and demonstrated in depth, as the foundational strategy of the gender
justice approach which is the subject of this thesis. The strategies and attitudes of
the Vatican on the equality principle and relationship of men and women are
underlined, and the emphasis of complementarity and biological determinism are
displayed by analyzing the main arguments of the approach. This part is crucial for
the clarification and accurate interpretation of the concept of gender justice
formulated in Turkey today.

In the first section of Chapter 4, the evolution and developments of women’s rights
and equality are illustrated, especially after the formation of the feminist movement.
The second section however, focuses on the period of the rule of the neoconservative
government JDP, consisting of both the developments and regressions performed in
the process. Primarily the formulation of the ideology and perspective of the party
are layed out, including the subconcexts adopted from diverse ideologies.
Followingly, the shift in the attitude of the governments on women’s issues and
international rhetoric is analyzed under this chapter. The authoritarian disposition of
the government on women’s issues and gender equality, contradicting with their
14
own ratification of progressive conventions and codes is demonstrated to justify the
discourse of neoconservatives on women and gender.

Finally, Chapter 5 includes the composition of the discourse of neoconservatives,

which has been the root to the concept gender justice and have distorted gender
equality. The analysis of the transformation towards gender justice is designed with
feminist approach to critical discourse analysis of the texts, declarations and
statements of the neoconservatives on women and gender equality. The approach of
gender justice is demonstrated through the discourse via quotations of the
representatives of the neoconservative discourse, which are analyzed conjunctively
to the content of the theoretical framework and the approaches embraced by the
countermovements against gender equality. References especially to the Vatican,
the New Right and the antigender movements are made, regarding the resemblance
and similarity they share with the Turkish context of gender justice. The arguments
of the discourse to be an alternative to gender equality are evaluated and the
consistency of the justifications and embedded reasons, layed out by critical
discourse analysis, are compared. The accuracy of the arguments and discourse is
discussed from the feminist perspective, including deep analysis of the texts,
speeches and articles of the representatives of the discourse.

The conclusion chapter, is designed as the summary of the main argument and
research problem of the study. This chapter reevaluates the arguments of the thesis
and underlines the significant points within the chapters that fulfill the objectives of
the study. The significance of the study for further research and gender discourse is
mentioned throughout this chapter.

15
 CHAPTER 2

THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: FEMINIST

APPROACHES TO GENDER EQUALITY

This chapter focuses on gender equality, in terms of the history and formulation of
the concept within women’s movement and rights. The chapter includes feminist
discussions on the sameness and difference debate, portraying the foundation of
diverse approaches to equality in the feminist rhetoric. Gender equality and the
approaches towards it are demonstrated in detail, in accordance with waves and
strands of feminism. Formal equality and substantive equality are studied closely,
considering that there is a significant confusion between the terms in the gender
justice approach. The demonstration of the forms of equality in this sense facilitates
a better analysis of gender equality and gender justice. The fundamental
characteristics of gender equality postulated today are initiated through the
developed concepts throughout contemporary history. Finally, the concept of gender
equality, which is the foundation of this study, is indicated as utilized
internationally, with its fundamental aspects.

Equality has for sure been one of the far most used and referred concepts throughout
political history, considering its various functions. Many scholars and politicians
have underlined the merit of equality countless times (Fredman, 2016). The
description but, changes constantly depending on the paradigm of the descriptor.
Notice that the term equality is often used together and also confused with the term’s
freedom and justice. Although this is quite inevitable, given that they all are the key
stones of democracy and contemporary regimes, they show divergence on many
grounds (Post, 2005). The principle of equality is betimes presented as sameness or
identicalness. However, various scholars have shed light on the connotation of the
16
concept, clarifying the mispresentation of its essence. “If equality is a moral
principle, then we seek equality because we think it is a just aim – not because men
actually are alike, but because we feel that they should be treated as if they were”
(Sartori, 1987, p.339). Likewise, Williams states that; “It is not, he may say, in their
skill, intelligence, strength or virtue that men are equal, but merely in their being
men: it is their common humanity that constitutes their equality” (as cited in Goodin
& Pettit, 2006). In Rosenfeld’s terms, the postulate of equality is essentially the idea
that all persons have equal moral worth (Stancil, 2017).

Equality is a notion which has been the topic of multiple philosophical debates,
which basically show presence as a comparison to an object or an individual in terms
of diverse characteristics such as socioeconomic features, wealth and many more.
At the end of the day, it is evaluated to have a ‘multifaceted’ meaning rather than a
consolidated one, although still being often reduced to sameness or identicalness
(Takeuchi, Dearing, Bartholomew, & McRoy, 2018). Although equality connotates
diverse meanings, there is a common misunderstanding especially between
egalitarians that concept only denotes formal equality (Pojman & Westmoreland,
1997). Although there are certain forms and features of equality that must be
examined differently and implemented all together. It is possible to outlay equality
under divisions such as equality of opportunity, absolute equality, proportional
equality. However, when discussing the topic of gender equality, it is certainly a
necessity to analyze deeply the two forms; formal equality and substantive equality.
These forms have significance especially in terms of first wave and second waves
of feminism. Hence a closer study of the waves of feminism is necessary.

2.1. Gender Equality

Gender equality is a fundamental concept in women’s and gender discourse, in the

contemporary arena, with the consensus of the states via legal implementations of
conventions and agreements. Having been embraced on an institutional level, the
history of gender equality goes back to women’s movement and the roots of second
wave feminism. Although women’s history and rights go far earlier and beyond the
age of revolutions, certain movements within them have been specifically referred

17
to as the ‘feminist’ movements, or in other words ‘waves’. The evolution of gender
equality has been formed in terms of the approaches driven from these movements.
Thus, it is essential to study the movements and their objective in order to clearly
acknowledge the concept embraced today. This section includes the history of
equality in terms of women’s rights and feminism prior to gender equality to
demonstrate the background of discussions of the neoconservative discourse on
differences. Later on, the birth of gender and gender equality are illustrated and
debates of different approaches are portrayed to provide a base for the analysis
within the discourse analysis section.

2.1.1. Women’s Equality and Adoption of ‘Gender’

[Link]. Revolutions and First Wave Feminism

Although equality has a long history, the recognition of women’s equality has been
neglected in the primary documents of equal rights and citizenship. The struggle for
equality of the women’s movement began with the adoption of liberal thought by
pioneer women who demanded the recognition of equal citizenship and rights with
men. The era of revolutions and movements of freedom influenced and empowered
women in targeting equal citizenship basically with the evolution of ‘citizenship’
into its modern sense. French Revolution had a significant place in this new form of
citizenship and conceptions of equality and state. Although equality has been
mentioned and discussed from ancient civilizations, the concept which we
confabulate today has first been mentioned during the French Revolution (Gören,
2012). Subsequently to the Revolution, the ‘Declaration of the Rights of the Man
and of the Citizen’ was adopted by the National Assembly on 1789. Taking place in
the preamble of the Constitution of 1973, the declaration consists of sixteen articles.
The first article of, dictates that all men are born equal regardless of their class and
socioeconomic status1 (Shelley, 2002). On article 6, equality before the law, in other
words formal equality has been regulated. Article 6, regulated citizens’ right to
participate in the process of legislation, subsequent to stating their equality before

1
Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be based only on
considerations of the common good. French Declaration of the Rights of Men and of the Citizen.
18
the law and every norm will be codified upon the general will2. This provision is
very precious for it displays the importance of rule of law (Dinçkol, 2005).
Declaration of the Rights of the Man is considered as the birth of human rights in
general. It is the first document to accept every individual to be equal by birth even
prior to the International Declaration of Human Rights. However, although seeming
to be a non-discriminative document, equality and the rights of the individual
differentiated depending on their status. For instance, the status of women’s and
children’s rights were inferior to the bourgeoise and male peasants and workers
(Donnelly, 2005).

French Revolution, contrary its influential impact on equality and citizenship, failed
to supply its egalitarian archetype for women at the end. It should be highlighted
that, the support of women to French revolution, especially working-class women
were immense. Women were part and sometimes the subjects of various protests
during the struggle against inequality. walked as thousands in the streets to the
Versailles Palace, to protest economic depression in favor of the revolution
(Winslow, 2004). In addition to the ‘Petition of Women of the Third Estate to the
King3’ which was published anonymously in which women address the king to be
heard as women. Considering the solidarity and effort women put in the French
Revolution, it has a vital place in history of women in terms of pushing them to the
streets as a mass into politics. On the contrary, the result of the Revolution did not
satisfy the equal struggle with men and women were identified as secondary
individuals. In other words, women were not recognized as citizens by the
authorities following the revolution in which they had combatted. Following the
struggling atmosphere of the French Revolution, with the establishment of the new
order, the Jacobins4, forced women into the household, to a domestic, obedient role

2
The Law is the expression of the general will. All citizens have the right to take part, personally or
through their representatives, in its making. It must be the same for all, whether it protects or
punishes. French Declaration of the Rights of Men and of the Citizen.

3
Petition des Femmes du Tiers-Etat au Roi: French translation

4
Jacobins are a social group or club, formed during the French Revolution in 1789. The name
‘jacobin’ relies on the Church in which the meetings of the club were held. Although they had front
row in the revolution, they leaned towards a totalitarian approach during their rule. A part from being
19
whose first duty was to rear children. The acquisition of their support and struggle
for the revolution was to lack equal citizenship. It was during this time, the Society
of Revolutionary Republican Women, also known as women in “striped pantaloons
and red liberty caps” (Winslow, 2004, p.191), protested against the authorities in
favor of women’s recognition as citizens and equal rights under the leadership of
Pauline Leone.

In this manner, a declaration in protest to the indifference towards women’s

recognition as citizens was prepared by a woman. Olympe De Gouges’ ‘The
Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the Female Citizen’5 written in 1791, is
considered to be the first feminist declaration for rights. De Gouges wrote the
Declaration due to the lack of recognition of women on ‘Declaration of the Rights
of Man and Citizen6’ and aimed to submit it to the National Assembly. The
Declaration consisted of the replacement of the term ‘man’7 to ‘woman’8 in
‘Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen’, as a protest to the indifference
towards women at the end of the revolution (Kurtoğlu & Bayrakçeken, 2015). De
Gouges requested women’s equality to men in areas such as education, property
rights, marriage, employment and politics, and claimed that a tyranny of the man
existed in the relationships of the two sexes. Olympe De Gouges was later executed
with the guillotine on November 3rd, 1793.

Meanwhile, in England, with the effect of the Enlightenment and the inspiration of
the French Revolution, Mary Wollstonecraft wrote a document which would later
have significant causes in the feminist discourse. ‘A Vindication of the Rights of

quite effective and influential during the Revolution, after their one year rule the era of terror had
increased significantly and the image of guillotine is owed to the jacobins.

5
Déclaration des droits de la Femme et de la Citoyenne: French translation

6
Declaration was the first document in which ‘human rights’ was used as a concept, although not in
the contemporary sense.

7
‘homme’: French translation

8
‘femme’: French translation
20
Woman’ was published in 1792 by Mary Wollstonecraft. It stated that women were,
compared to men, not even considered as individuals to have the rights given by the
constitution. Although focusing on a more formal and legislative structure for rights
and citizenship of women, the writer had deeper opinion such as sexual rights and
social change, beyond her time (Dicker, 2008; Evans, 2003; Winslow, 2004). Mary
Wollstonecraft lived in accordance with her revolutionary views on women’s liberty
and sexual freedom, and was allegedly criticized for her out of marriage pregnancy
and radical marriage for the time. Wollstonecraft being a radical and libertarian
woman, during her time, focused on more revolutionary aspects of women’s rights
and status in the society, of which were advocated by the radical and socialist
feminists later on (Evans, 2003).

Consequently, to these women of the 18th century, women’s rights were continuing
to be questioned by another revolutionary group in the first half of the nineteenth
century Europe. The European socialists of the 19th century, were the advocates of
women’ rights who often focused on social equality. The focus on feminism of the
advocates was in terms of socialism and social change in accordance with the
European conjuncture(Winslow, 2004). In fact, the term feminism was found by a
French socialist named Charles Fourier. Women were in search of equality all
around Europe in the nineteenth century. Flora Tristan, wrote the ‘Workers Union’
in England in 1843, in which she defended the social equality and liberty of
working-class women. While Jeanne Deroine, wrote ‘Voix des Femmes’ in France
in 1848 and later addressed her American ‘sisters’ to unite for ‘the vindication of
women’s rights’ after being imprisoned. Later on, ‘International Women’s
Secretariat’ was formed under ‘The Second International of Socialist Parties’ in
Germany. Following this, ‘the Socialist Women’s International’ was organized by
Clara Zetkin in 1907, again in Germany, where the socialist women’s movement
was most powerful. Their objective of the organization was to advocate equality in
wages, women’s suffrage and other social equalities for women (Winslow, 2004).
In short, women’s movements have risen in different geographies at diverse times,
with the effect of the current social tendencies and developments.

21
As demonstrated by France, England and Germany, the era of acquisition of equal
rights in Europe influenced women’s struggle for equality and right to vote
(Kurtoğlu & Bayrakçeken, 2015). In accordance with the women’s movement in
Europe, American women began to request equal rights especially on suffrage.
Influenced by the abolitionists in the USA, the struggle for equality of women
focused on suffrage, in other words right to vote and property as equal citizens to
men in the mid-1800s. Women still lacked equal citizenship rights with men
including the right to vote in an era when slavery ended. The Declaration of
Independence has brought equality and freedom however women were not granted
equal citizenship rights. Although, equality was accepted as the fundamental
principle of ‘The Declaration of Independence of the American Revolution’, the
formulations of the texts were made with the term ‘men’ on formal documents.
Hence, women were excluded from equal rights to men, regardless of the
Declaration.

At a time when European women were in struggling for equal citizenship and the
abolition movement succeeded, American women’s voices began to rise, seeking
for equal rights to men. What triggered this struggle the most was the lack of to
property rights for married women. On 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York, the first
mass meeting of women took place in United States of America (Dicker, 2008;
Jeydel, 2004; Mountjoy, 2008). This was a convention, planned for two days, which
took so much attention that even some men attended besides many women. The
Convention of Seneca Falls was on the designation of the status of women in terms
of citizenship rights and therefore holds a significant place in women’s history for
having witnessed the adoption of the first declaration of women in United States of
America, ‘The Declaration of Sentiments’. The Convention was arranged by
Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Coffin Mott, who were significant figures of
the women’s movement. Stanton announcing the declaration foreshadowed a
struggle for a revolution, stating that male and female citizens ‘are created equal’.
‘The Declaration of Independence’, had inspired, in fact was paraphrased to some
extent, the text on certain points (Dicker, 2008; Jeydel, 2004; Mountjoy, 2008), of
which equality is the primary one (Winslow, 2004). Points drawn attention in the
declaration were; keeping one’s own income, obedience to husband, wage inequity,
22
certain professions were denied, not having the right to obtain college education,
having no public function in church in addition to right to vote and right to property.

However, unlike it is known today, the demand for suffrage was not a unanimously
proposed request, in fact the only subject on which unanimity could not be achieved
by women during the time, even within the convention (Winslow, 2004). Some
women had doubts on the subject, which were decisively resisted by Stanton. After
the disputes were solved, the ‘Declaration of Sentiments’ was signed by 100 people
in total of which 32 were men (Mountjoy, 2008). The ‘Declaration of Sentiments’
portrayed American women’s thirst for suffrage, the struggle for acquiring right to
vote took years until it reached success.

Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton are the two most influential figures
of the first wave women’s movement, who took far measures in supplying equality
for women in many fields. Even though their effort and struggle are undeniable, they
were not able to live in a time where women enjoyed the rights they fought for.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton passed away in 1902, whereas Susan B. Anthony was able
to live until 1880 (Dicker, 2008; Jeydel, 2004; Mountjoy, 2008). The struggles of
the suffragettes evolved into rigid protests and interventions from organizing
conventions and writing declarations. These were times when women set boxes on
fire among which many faced the police, went into prison where their hunger strike
was broken by guardians who fed them by force (Walby, 2000).

The fight for suffrage continued into the 20th century. The National American
Women Suffrage Association, established in 1890, had the goal of promoting
suffrage on an international basis, for which the International Woman Suffrage
Alliance (IWSA) was established in 1902. Although women were allowed to vote
in certain states, they fought for a constitutional protection to women’s suffrage all
around the country including all 50 states. Finally, with the enactment of the
Nineteenth Amendment, women were granted suffrage. The Nineteenth

23
Amendment9 declared that every citizen has the right to vote regardless of her/his
sex. It was a similar form of the Fifteenth Amendment, which was enacted for race
discrimination. In fact, the women’s suffrage movement was affected by the
enactment of the fifteenth amendment and many harsh discussions took place on the
issue (Dicker, 2008; Jeydel, 2004; Mountjoy, 2008).

The suffragette movement succeeded in acquiring suffrage for women and it is

generally known that, the only purpose of the suffrage movement is right to vote but
the ‘Declaration of Sentiments’, contained conspicuous facts and aimed to eliminate
inequalities in various fields of citizenship. Some of these were written as; women’s
lack of property rights, laws favoring men on divorce, enabling college education
for women, abolishing unequal wage, not accepting to be subordinates in church
(Dicker, 2008; Mountjoy, 2008).In other words, suffragettes who were classified as;
white, Anglo-Saxon, orthodox, middle-class (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005); fought
against the state to attain equal citizenship rights to men. They fought for women’s
equal rights, to vote and property.

The suffragettes, as they were later named, are accepted as the first feminists of
history, whom have started the first wave of feminism. The suffrage movement
reached a victory in 1920, with the 19th Amendment which guaranteed the right to
vote for women. With the achievements of first wave feminists, women were
accepted as equal citizens to men in Anglo-Saxon history. Women of New Zealand
were the first to have gained suffrage in 1893, Australian in 1902, Canadian in 1918,
American in 1920 and British in 1928. The first wave is accepted as to have ended
with the enactment of the Nineteenth Amendment. In fact, the ‘backlash’
phenomenon is underestimated, feminists are blamed to have fallen into disputes,
dissolved or left after gaining suffrage (Walby, 2000). However, Walby (2000), lays
out opinions which argue that feminists have proceeded their force underground but
not have dissolved. One of them states that the feminist labor movements have
influenced the growth of the welfare state in social policies. Another point

9
Section one of the Nineteenth Amendment of The Declaration of Independence of the United States
of America states that “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or
abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex”.
24
highlighted is that women’s movement continued from the first wave to the second
wave, but these women did not identify themselves as ‘feminist’. But women’s
struggle for rights in terms of equal pay proceeded especially in labor unions. One
of the aspects that support these opinions is, ‘The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA)’
which was shown to be affected by the struggles of these women and designed since
the late 20s. It was 1923 when ERA was first proposed in Congress (Sowerwine &
Grimshaw, 2004).

First wave feminism was identified with libertarian thought considering that the
primary influencers like Wollstonecraft were affected from the equal citizenship
ideal of social contract philosophers of the Enlightenment and the French
Revolution. Furthermore, the struggle of the movement was limited with recognition
as equal citizens to men, that is why later liberals were criticized to have adopted
the form of citizenship designed on male traits. First wave feminism and the liberal
though of feminists were criticized to evolve into liberal feminism in the second
wave. The perception of equality in the first wave feminism was basically limited
with formal equality between men and women. The type of equality to be observed
in laws, codes, implementations and any legal document is referred to as formal
equality (Stancil, 2017).

[Link]. Formal Equality

As Robert Post (2005) has defined; formal equality is a form of equality that is based
on set of rules and law, of which the greatest is the constitution. Stancil (2017),
mentions formal equality as a notion that is firmly been legally regulated. It is based
on the paradigm that every individual is of the same value not disregarding the
diversity in their age, race, gender or any other feature (Stancil, 2017). Serim
underlines that formal equality connotates the application of the law to every citizen
regardless of their socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity or any other feature in the
exact same sense, even if it brings benefit or obligations and punishments (Baltacı,
1996). The most significant rights that compose formal equality are fundamental
human rights and freedom, which are followed by the rights concerning citizenship
such as to vote and to participate in public affairs (Post, 2005). One of the most

25
significant of these fundamental rights are human rights which are regulated in legal
documents such as constitutions, international agreements and most importantly the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Fredman, 2016). Human Rights are based
on the principle of human dignity, of the right which every human has just and only
for being a human and can in no circumstances be taken away from any individual
at any place or any point by any authority. As cited in Dinçkol (2005), according to
Jack Donnelly, human rights make up the most virtuous of all morals.

Fredman (2005), takes a different direction towards analyzing formal equality and
argues that it is a concept based on human rights of the individual whom is to be
protected by the interventions of the state. She underlines that, the legal system is
the guarantee of the protection of the rights of the citizen from the state (Fredman,
2005). Robert Post (2005), on the other hand, defines formal equality; as treating
every citizen equally, in terms of constitutional provisions that make up the self-
governing state, in other words democracy. Arguing that the term has a strong bond
with the state system and individuals at the same time. He highlights that equal
treatment of persons is a fundamental prerequisite of democratic systems. It is a
necessity for every individual to be formally equal in this system, which is crucial
especially in terms of freedom of participation and public decisions (Post, 2005).
Stating all men to be equal is an egalitarian postulate (Temkin, 1986). The
constitutional protection of equalities between men signifies equality before the law.
Formal equality mainly signifies the legal regulations which seek to equalize
individuals before the law.

According to Fredman (2005), formal equality, neglects the necessary measures in

making sure that the beneficiaries and the disadvantageous of the society enjoy
rights and reach equality to the same extent. Welfare states should take certain
implementations towards the disadvantaged groups which of these synchronizing
measures are often evaluated to be constitutional rights rather than just being
political adjustments by the courts in such systems. Likewise, Stancil (2017), argues
that, formal equality raises the problem that the similar status often lead to veil the
differences which lead to the disadvantage of a certain group that lead to unequal
results. In other words, even though the rules or the law is the same for individuals,
26
procedure, the effects of the result might be different for every other individual.
Stancil underlines that “…identical rights and treatment to all ‘persons’, yet it may
still be functionally discriminatory…” (Stancil, 2017, p.1637) At the point where
formal equality is inadequate in supplying equality in a just way, a tool or notion for
equalization is required (Stancil, 2017). The notion of substantive equality emerges
for the abolishment of the injustice and unequal measures taken against the factual
unequal individuals (Stancil, 2017). Substantive equality is a form of equality that
has been adopted by feminists of the second wave on gender equality. The struggle
given by suffragettes focused on the legal recognition of equal citizenship rights to
men more than substantive policies. The movement could be summarized to ground
on recognition more than transformation of social norms. The struggle and
recognition of formal equality evolved into more comprehensive interpretation of
equality in the second wave.

[Link]. ‘Gender’ born with Second Wave Feminism

The struggles of suffragettes of the first wave were followed by the second wave
feminists after almost a century. The second wave of feminism took place from the
1960s to the 1980s seeking for social and economic justice. The 1960s and 1970s
are described as the rebirth of feminism in history (Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004).
In accordance with the general emancipating atmosphere of the era, the second wave
focused on the liberation of women in every field of the society including home and
politics. The antiwar movements of the Vietnam War, and the civil rights
movements triggered women’s rights movements in USA, just like the leftist student
revolts of 68 affected them in Europe (Bryson, 1999; Sowerwine & Grimshaw,
2004; Winslow, 2004; Staggenborg, 1998).

After the systematic push of women into domestic life, following the end of first
wave feminism, there was an increase in large families living ‘the American Dream’
in the suburbs. Being one of these women, Betty Friedan wrote the ‘Feminine
Mystique’ in 1963. The book reflected the American woman, as a housewife and
mother. Friedan, opposed to the belief that the fulfillment of woman could be
satisfied with domesticity and drew the portrait of women like herself in her book

27
(Bryson, 1999; Dicker, 2008; Evans, 2003). Following her success in drawing
attention to women’s situation in society and family, Friedan took her place within
the women’s movement of the time. A women's organization, National Organization
for Women (NOW) was established, of whom first president was Betty Friedan
herself. NOW showed existence as the first organization after suffrage, that focused
on women's rights, which was seen as a significant base for liberal
feminism(Bryson, 1999). As the organization of liberals, it advocated legal equality
and worked for the enactment of documents such as the Equal Pay Act. The USA
government began to take measures in equalizing women’s status in employment
with the effect of the women’s movement. In 1961, a commission was formed in
order to abolish discrimination against women in the workforce. The Equal Pay Act
was accepted by the Congress in 1963, with a slight change from equal wage to same
work to equal wages to comparable work, which perpetuated the inequality between
women and men in employment. The Equal Pay Act was considered an extension
of the ERA, proposed in 1923 to the congress by first wave feminists (Dicker, 2008;
Staggenborg, 1998).

The women’s movement reached its peak at the end of the 1960s, with mass protests
in USA and Europe. In USA, a group of women organized a massive protest against
the Miss America Beauty Pageant in 1968 (Sowerwine & Grimshaw 2004; Bock,
2002). The protest was so striking that the legendary ‘bra burning’ is still told today,
although according to Dicker (2008), it was not burning but throwing bras, curlers
etc. into the ‘Freedom Trash Can’. Organizations such as NOW had significant place
in women’s movement at the time (Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004). The influential
and symbolic 8th of March was distered as International Women’s Day with the
influence of these women (Winslow, 2004). Women protested for equal rights and
opportunities by chaining themselves to organizing marches with kitchenware
around the country from Berkeley to Boston. The Women’s Strike for Equality that
took place in New York City on August 26, 1970 was the largest demonstration of
women since the suffragettes. The mass consisted of housewives, educated women,
students and even the living suffragettes of the first wave (Dicker, 2008). The Equal
Pay Acts were enacted in 1963, 1964, 1972 in United States and 1970 and 1975 in

28
Britain against sex discrimination in different fields such as education, equal wage
and equal treatment (Bryson, 1999).

In accordance with American women, protests emerged in Europe in the 1960s.

British women held a protest against Miss Universe, with support to blue-collar
women night (Bock, 2002). The 1970s, Rome, Turin and Milan faced mass marches
of women, protesting not being comfortable in the streets at night, where the motto
was ‘Take back the night’ (Bock, 2002). The struggle of the second wave feminists
grew all around the West and resulted in many developments in women’s rights and
liberation. Even though second wave feminism evolved parallel to one another in
Western countries with the effect of the new left, the focus points differed in Europe
and United States. European feminism leaned towards socialist feminism especially
in England, France and Germany, whereas radical feminism which focused on sex
and gender was more popular in the United States (Bryson, 1999). Feminist
movements grew with student protests in France which evolved into a titled
movement as the ‘Women’s Liberation Movement’ (MLF) (Bock, 2002; Sowerwine
& Grimshaw, 2004). Recognition of women’s rights was taken to an international
level with the influence of the mass movements. United Nations announced the year
1975 as International Women’s Year10 as well as organizing four World
Conferences on Women in which they accepted the progressive 10 years as the
Decade for Women, all with the power and steam of the women’s movement of
second wave feminism.

According to Winslow (2004), feminists transformed in almost every aspect of the

society. The first two waves of feminism caused drastic changes in women’s
equality and rights as suffrage, employment, property, education, politics, and later
on marriage and bodily rights such as divorce, abortion etc. (Winslow, 2004). Some
of the main successes of the second wave is the gain in divorce rights, legalization
of abortion and conversion of the society more likely to accept a change in gender
roles and women’s role in society and the workplace. However, second wave
feminism was highly criticized, today as well, to be indifferent to women other than

10
The Declaration and Four World Conferences will later be discussed under Chapter 3.
29
the white, middle-class, educated, heterosexual women. The second wave still has a
huge importance, considering the fact that the concepts ‘gender’ and ‘gender
equality’ were born during this period. It was with the emergence of gender that
struggles for women’s equality and policies on women shifted towards gender
equality internationally. Hence the second wave feminists have influenced the axis
of women’s rights policies with the foundation of gender.

Second wave feminism has a specific importance as it is the period in which the
concept gender was born. 'Gender was first used by Robert Stoller, a psycharitrist,
in 1968 in his work "Sex and Gender: On the Development of Masculinity and
Femininity". Stoller used the term as the complexity of field between emotions,
ideas and biological behaviors, explaining that gender is a psychological and cultural
identity whereas sex is biological (Glover & Kaplan, 2000). Kate Millett, Ann
Oakley, Juliette Mitchell and Gayle Rubin were, on the other hand the first scholars
to use the concept in the feminist sense, as known today (Evans, 2003). These
feminists associated the concept with oppression of women, patriarchy and in terms
of inequalities. These connections formed 'gender' in the feminist sense (Evans,
2003), that is globally used.

Bradley (2013) underlines that gender has been quite important by definition since
the 1970s. It is not a surprise that the concept was born during a time which he
defines as ‘the rebirth of feminism’ (Bradley, 2013a). As gender is defined
differently by many scholars, Scott defines it as: “a hierarchical division between
women and men embedded in both social institutions and social practices” (Scott,
1988, p.1). Ann Oakley defines gender as the “socially constructed masculinity or
femininity” and a “social characteristic” whereas evaluated sex as the biologically
and anatomically given category by nature (Scott, 1988, p.9). Rubin on the other
hand, defines gender as “a socially imposed division of the sexes”, and in relation “a
product of the social relations of sexuality” (Scott, 1988, p.9). Scott (1988)
underlines that all these definitions show that gender is both related to but at the
same time disparate from biological sex. Thus, gender is considered to be dependent
on social and cultural relations and characteristics, that show change. However, what
feminists examined is the unequal hierarchical relation between genders, by means
30
of the societal values. Feminists explained this relationship with patriarchy and
dominance of men in the society.

According to Scott (2002), feminists utilized gender to explain the male female
relations or in other words ‘the social construction of masculinity and femininity’
(Scott, 2002, p.1) and a “social category imposed on a sexed body” (Bradley, 2013,
p.19). Scott (1988), highlights that gender cannot be separated by other
characteristics such as race, sexuality and class which also affect the feminine and
the masculine. Simone de Beauvoir underlines the social and psychological
formation of ‘womanhood’ from femininity by nature. Harriet Bradley (2013a),
focuses on three aspects of gender; being socially constructed, to be popular with
political movements and should be evaluated as a set of experiences. Gender
according to Bradley “is a social phenomenon, not merely an attribute of
individuals” (Bradley, 2013, p.5). Gender was discussed for numerous times by
various scholars as in stated. After the second wave feminists adopted gender to
women’s issues, it became the major concept in women’s equality and elimination
of discrimination policies. Struggle for women’s equality and equal treatment was
now maintained under gender equality. However, the interpretation of how gender
equality was to be realized led a substantial debate amongst different strands of
feminists. The essence of equal citizenship and equality have been questioned by
difference feminists that have emerged in the second wave, challenging the
egalitarian rhetoric that has been following the footsteps of the first wave. The
sameness and difference debate has been center of the formulation of gender
equality that is the main actor of women’s policies today.

2.1.2. Different Approaches to Gender Equality

Bryson (1999) states that, feminism is a rather prorated field, not a single theory, in
which various beliefs and paradigms exist and are disputed. The point of
decomposition of second wave feminists were on the discussions of the concept
equality, sexual difference and change of society and the economy (Bryson,
1999).‘Sameness vs Difference Debate’ is one of the most significant discussions
within history of feminism, which is based on the diversity in the axis focus of the

31
two different feminist groups, liberal feminists and radical feminists of the second
wave. The feminist movement was made up of two basic influential branches during
the second wave. First branch is grouped as the liberal feminists, whom consisted of
white, middle-class women seeking for equality in the household, as well as
antidiscrimination in the workplace. Second branch is identified to be radical
feminists, who sought to deconstruct gender roles and patriarchal society with a
feminist revolution (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005).

Liberal feminists base their struggle on the ‘equality’ between men and women,
whereas radical feminists highlight the value of the ‘difference’ between them.
Liberal approach is also named as ‘equality feminism’ since proponents of this
approach advocate equality. Equality feminists focus on ration and reason and argue
that women are equal in these characteristics. These feminists seek equality with
men in every field, in terms of an androgynous mind and society (Tong, 2014).
Radical feminists, on the other hand, criticize the equality feminists and underline
that it is important to recognize the differences between men and women, and to
highlight the value of femininity. This feminism is referred to as the ‘difference
feminism’ as it focuses on the differences between men and women. The concepts
of equality and difference are at the heart of the debates of these two groups of
feminists. The concept gender equality has been designed with the adoption of these
different approaches on equality in women’s policies. Hence it is vital to analyze the
different feminist approaches on equality to interpret gender equality as a
multidimensional principle.

[Link]. Sameness Approach and Equality Feminism

The liberal feminist movement was the following branch of the women’s activists
concerning campaigns for social justice and welfare in the first wave (Baxandall &
Gordon, 2005). Liberal feminists primarily advocated equality in education, right to
vote and property. For this reason, the liberal feminist movement was also named
the ‘equal-rights movement’ (Winslow, 2004). Early feminist writers such as Mary
Wollstonecraft (Britain), Simone de Beauvoir (France) and Betty Friedan (USA) are
considered as the significant representatives of equality feminists. The ‘equal rights

32
movement’ focused on equality between men and women on a more formal ground
and fought for adoption of equal laws in the society. For this reason, most of the
struggles and acquisitions concerning equal citizenship rights were established by
the equality feminists and the effort of its organization NOW (Dicker, 2008).

Equality feminists primarily focus on equal citizenship and equal rights in the public
sphere grounding on its political roots. Liberal feminism is theoretically linked to
the ‘equal rights’ approach of the political science philosophers. The arguments of
certain liberal theorists starting from the seventeenth century advocated that women
were unable to enjoy equal rights with men since they lacked characteristics such as
reason, intelligence and ration. In other words that they are inferior to men, therefore
ought to stay out of the public sphere in which the ration is the ruler. Liberal
feminists opposed these claims and rejected to remain unrecognized as citizens and
inferior to men. As contracts and documents concerning rights of men began to
evolve after the French Revolution, but lacked women’s recognition of rights, the
recognition of ‘equal worth of women’ became the point of concern of many
philosophers such as Mary Wollstonecraft, John Stuart Mill and Betty Friedan.
Writers such as Naomi Wolf, underlined that “…women’s rights are a form of
human rights…” (Bryson, 1999, p.15). Hence, the liberal approach to women’s
rights have been born basically during the 19th century, and the issues concern equal
rights of women on education, work, and equality in citizenship rights (Bryson,
1999).

With the efforts and struggle of equality feminists, the notion of equality and equal
citizenship are enjoyed today by women in most of the western countries. However,
equality feminists have been criticized by other feminist approaches for neglecting
equality in the real sense, in other words substantive equality and grounding on the
main principles for equality. For instance, the fundamental values utilized by liberal
feminism such as the ‘common sense’, are criticized to be formed from the male
perspective, in which rationality, autonomy and independence are considered to be
the most virtuous characteristics of humanity. Whereas the characteristics linked to
women are considered demeaning and worthless. Hence, women are pushed into the
private sphere where emotions and nurture have a more significant place. This in
33
fact is why housework and domestic work is portrayed as the chore of women
(Bryson, 1999). Radical feminists, argue that by focusing on the equality of women
on values of ration and reason equality feminists seek for an androgynous form of
society or equality (Tong, 2014). Accordingly, Jean Bethke Elshtain criticizes
liberal feminists for their belief of three points; women could, want and should be
like men. Elshtain underlines the inaccuracy in liberal feminists’ consideration of
men’s virtue and values as of humans. She denounces the liberal feminists for
neglecting the biological characteristics brought by nature and to evaluate every
aspect of men and women to be constructed socially and culturally.

According to Elshtain, this is related to the concern that the acceptance of certain
characteristics of women to be different from men naturally might result in
oppression and repression. Elshtain highlights that it is not possible to be like men
if there is no special modification (Tong, 2014). On the contrary, radicals believed
that unless the political and social layout which is unequal changed, nothing would
ensure equality on a true level, and explained that inequality of genders grounded
on sexual oppression and patriarchy not on the neglection of ration or reason. For
this reason, they focused on a fundamental revolution was necessary in the societal
system (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005). Similarly, Uygur (2016) states that the
sameness approach’s perception of equality, misses out the fact that the existing
norms and institutions already contend an inequality towards women. Hence in order
to achieve equality a whole transformation is required. Transformation is underlined
at this point since which requires a transformation to begin with.

In accordance to the prior agreements on equality feminism, Nussbaum (2009)

declares that there are basic inequalities in the Western justice theories between men
and women which cannot only be eliminated by bringing women to the same status
as men. The only way equality can be reached is the reconstruction of the equality
theory with changes in certain aspects (As cited in Uygur, 2015). Even though
Nussbaum (2009) emphasizes the functionality of the liberal though in achieving
gender equality after compensating its deficiencies, Uygur (2015) underlines that it
is still problematic in ensuring absolute equality, considering that the understanding
of the ‘individual’ of the liberal theory is not realistic. In other words, an imaginary
34
‘individual’ which is not compatible with anyone in the society including ‘men’, is
illustrated by the liberal thought which is not practical (Uygur, 2015).

In fact, being a liberal feminist, Betty Friedan went through a change herself. At the
beginning Friedan believed that it was necessary “to be the same as men to be equal
to men” (Tong, 1998, p.30) and women’s liberation started from being like men.
However, she “embraced” femininity and advocated that women should not neglect
their differences from men to be equal to them. Friedan, disagreed with NOW at this
point, since the organization claimed that being equal meant the same treatment for
everyone. Betty Friedan referred to them as expecting women to be treated as ‘male
clones’ and embraced motherhood as a feminine trait (Tong, 2014).

All in all, equality feminists are criticized for being too dependent and connected to
“Western Liberal principle of equality” (Changfoot, 2009, p.21), by difference
feminists who claim the current idea of equality holds a ‘masculine subjectivity’,
neglecting women’s essence and forces the female ‘subordination’.

Carole Pateman (2015), in her work ‘Sexual Contract’, opposes the principle of
equality in the sense of liberal thought, which is a reference to the social contract
theories of equality. She contends that the concept of equality is designed on men
by social contract theories in other words gendered (Evans, 2003). The notion of
citizenship rights and equality designed by these theories neglect to recognize
female characteristics and perspective, therefore it is not possible to achieve
women’s equality with a simple adoption.

[Link]. Difference Approach and Difference Feminism

The second group of feminists that were effective during the second wave were
named as the ‘women’s liberation movement’, which was influenced by the civil
rights and antiwar movements of the 1960s and the student revolts of the New Left.
The ‘women’s liberation movement’s objective was to make a basic change of the
society culturally, pschologically, economically and politically rather than just
seeking for social justice in the existing order (Dicker, 2008; Staggenborg, 1998).

35
Some of the famous women who were named as radical feminists are Casey Hayden
and Mary King. Resuming the acquisitions of the first wave, the radical feminists of
the 1960s and 1970s were courageous enough to put new topics such as reproductive
rights, sexual liberty, equal pay, domestic violence, sexual harassment and gender
roles on the agenda. In fact, many of the mottos which have formed the basis of
today’s feminism are the ones that second wave feminists, came up with during the
second wave of which the most well-known is ‘personal is political’ (Evans, 2003)
which highlights the ‘public-private dichotomy’ in the household, and the ‘equal
pay for equal work’ promoting the equal pay act in the workplace.

One of the methods developed by women’s liberation, later used also by other
strands of feminism, to gain force and become a group was ‘consciousness-raising’.
This was how works of feminists were discussed and experiences were shared and
women’s movement became a mass movement (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005;
Bryson, 1999). These little groups were the places where women’s attention were
caught on oppression (Tong, 2014). It was with the questioning atmosphere of the
movement that disputes amongst second wave feminists began to form on certain
issues (Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004). Consciousness raising groups not only
helped the movements to grow but also, held ground for many theoretical
frameworks of feminism. Feminists found out by the shares of women that what is
personal, was actually not caused by the individual but related to the public.
Therefore, the slogan ‘personal is political’ was born during the ‘women’s
liberation’ movement, found by Carol Hanisch (Dicker, 2008). In fact, the famous
book, reanalyzing female sexuality ‘Our Bodies, Ourselves’ was written with the
effect of the discussions lead within consciousness raising groups (Baxandall &
Gordon, 2005).

Difference feminism explained ‘women’s subordination’ with ‘sexual difference’ as

the primary issue. For this reason it is essential for women to recognize the value
and virtue of their own traits as femininity away from the present male values,
standards and ‘institutions’ (Changfoot, 2009). Radical feminists criticized the
liberals for neglecting the differences between men and women and underestimating
the ‘feminine’ traits of women, which according to them make women superior.
36
Radical feminists unlike the liberals, rejected the whole existing order, such as
marriage and family and found them oppressive to women therefore advocated a
revolution (Dicker, 2008).

Carole Pateman is one of the feminists who have criticized equality feminism for
adopting equality endured on male traits. According to Pateman (1987), citizenship
is defined on an ideal of male citizen, having masculine traits such as reason, ration
etc. by the social contract theorists. Women are not granted this citizenship in the
social contracts; the subjects being referred to as man and the contracts regulated
under rights of man. The theoretical essence of the concept of citizenship, being the
updated extension of the social contract theories, neglects women and female
characteristics or the roles women are assigned to such as domestic labor (Friedman,
2005). Hence, Pateman (1987) declares that in order to be citizens of the existing
patriarchal contracts, women either have to agree with masculinization and male
attributions or submit to a deficient citizenship. Domestic sphere and the public-
private dichotomy, neglected by the liberal feminists constitute the foundation of
this hegemony between the male and female. Carole Pateman (1987) depicts a
unique form of citizenship grazed from the patriarchal norms and perceptions with
the power of women’s movement. Equality ‘before the law’ was not sufficient, for
these women, they aimed social, political and economic changes to free women from
the patriarchal assumptions and enforcements of the society (Dicker, 2008). Another
form of equality, substantive equality was adopted on women’s equality policies
within the second wave feminism with the arguments on the inadequacy of formal
equality by feminists. As cited in (2005), according to Longo the form which focuses
on attainment of substantive rights of a certain group is substantive equality.

[Link].1. Substantive Equality

Substantive equality, or equality of outcomes, is “a model of equality which is

focused on the achievement of a given set of circumstances for a particular group or
category”, which aims to change current gendered social order (Longo 2001, p.279).
The notion of substantive equality makes sure that the state fulfills its obligation to
take certain measures to ensure equality and social justice by taking the necessary

37
measures such as positive actions and allocation of resources in essential
circumstances (Fredman, 2005). Thus, recognition of differences and inequalities
are vital, however there must be a legitimate standard for different treatment.
Otherwise the regulations will be discriminatory and ought to be sustained by legal
measures (Chemerinsky, 1983). Although Westen (1982) agrees that the notion
takes a crucial part in national constitutions as well as international human rights
regarding actions towards fundamental rights and against discrimination.
Chemerinsky (1983) argues that equality prevents the enforcement of different
regulations by the majority to minorities of any kind to an unjust manner, within
democracies. The burden of proof demanded by equality, is the assurance of
individuals against governments in terms of being treated on a just and equal level.
It is thanks to equality that there is a need for justifiable measures in order to apply
different treatment, which prevents governments from any spurious or erratic
treatment towards a certain individual or group.

Although equality feminists claimed that once women’s equality is ensured the idea
of equality will change in social and political definition and move away from
‘masculine subjectivity’, difference feminists doubted the possibility taking into
account that existing values and systems are immune to be adopted, therefore
recognition of difference from the beginning is necessary. Changfoot (2009)
underlines that difference feminists are distant towards the idea of sociopolitical
equality, since they evaluate it as a ‘patriarchal’ form. Patriarchy was the obstacle
before the ultimate equality of women with men. For this reason, any form of
transformation or adoption into the patriarchally hegemonic system would
reproduce inequality.

In other words, difference feminists believe that it is not possible for women to be
equal in a world where all institutions, norms and values have been formed based
on men’s characteristics, traits and subjectivity. Simply adopting women into such
a world where their own virtues, capacities and characteristics are not taken into
consideration is not fair or accurate. For this reason, the only way women can be
absolutely equal is to abolish the manly world and create an order where different
traits and experience of men and women are valued and used. On the other hand,
38
equality feminists had the fear that the emphasis on several difference might result
in the reinforcement of women’s domestic and secondary roles giving nature as
excuse or reason for the divisional differences. The three main points on which
liberal and radical feminists collaborated in promoting were abortion, childcare and
equality in education and employment (Dicker, 2008). The famous sameness vs
difference debate in modern feminism has been formed with the conflicts between
equality and difference feminists.

[Link].2. Necessity and Adequacy of Equality

In terms of difference feminism, France focused on difference from a

psychoanalytical point, whereas Italy took it more politically, unlike USA which
evaluated it as more of in terms of justice. Questions such as ‘equal to whom?’,
‘what is equal?’ were asked during the debates. Many women criticized equality
feminists to seek for a gender-neutral society in which women did not hold
motherhood, since motherhood was seen as a setback to absolute equality. Whereas
others found these debates conflicting and gone far. All these assumptions were
being made depending on the belief that ‘equality’ means ‘sameness’. Just like
‘difference’ connotes ‘hierarchy’ in the feminist discourse (Bock, 2002).

Hence, scholars draw attention to the acquisitions of formal equality and equal
citizenship, while embracing the differences of womanhood. For the value of
equality is highlighted while the recognition of differences is approved. Nancy
Fraser criticized difference feminists for focusing too much on the cultural
differences in terms of reaching gender equality. Fraser focuses on the public/private
dichotomy as the primal source for subordination and gender inequality and the
existing gender roles (as cited in Uygur, 2016). The public-private dichotomy of the
liberal theory neglects the secondary position and subordination of women in the
home, evaluates it to be unrelated to the public equalities. It is advocated however,
in the second wave by radicals that ‘personal is political’ that the oppression and
discrimination women face in the domestic sphere is linked directly to the public
understanding of women in the patriarchal system (Bryson, 1999; Changfoot, 2009).
Relatedly, Pateman (1987) sheds light on the double burden performed by women,

39
under the rule of the welfare state, bringing wives into employment. The patriarchal
characteristics of the state force women to engage in both public and private work,
leading to double shifts, for which full time jobs have been evolving.

Although both approaches valued women and the struggle for women’s rights, the
forms of equality embraced by the groups differed. Liberal Feminists stood closer
towards formal equality, adopting into the citizenship system whereas radicals
rejected to consent into the measures and concepts that were created on male
perspective and traits. With the ongoing debates of the second wave which approach
to which should be applied into gender equality was discussed. Nominately, which
approach should be embraced in achieving gender equality? Should equality be
abandoned to recognize the differences? Or should differences be neglected to
achieve equality?

According to Chemerinsky (1983), there are three ways in which equality is

necessary; morally, analytically and rhetorically. The idea of equality is not that
there should be same treatment of every individual in every circumstance, but the
different treatment requires an acceptable and appropriate reason (Pojman &
Westmoreland, 1997). Likewise, Chemerinsky (1983) argues that, there must be a
moral measure for the abolishment of distinctions which are necessary. Nonetheless,
the notion of ‘equal dignity’ is crucial in assuring respectful treatment as a human
(Chemerinsky, 1983). There is certain logic behind the universality of the regulation
of laws. It is not possible to regulate different law for every different characteristic
of individuals. However, there are certain reciprocal categories for common
diversities for which specific rules should be applied. In other words, it is rational
to demand especial measures for diversities of major groups but irrational to expect
different rules for every difference, which is the main logic of universal law (Lucas,
1965).

Chemerinsky (1983) criticizes Westen (1982), for insisting on the idea that equality
is replaceable with substantive rights, but he misses out that equality is a necessity
even when supplying right to justice politically and legally. Egalitarians argue that
every individual should be treated equal. In fact, their views are often mistaken to

40
strictly expect everyone to be treated equal in every circumstance. Per contra, that
is not the case, as Nielson gives an example where, no egalitarian would expect a
senior to be treated equal to a child for instance. Equality should be however
understood as people being treated as of equal worth, which Nielson implies to be
in terms of morality (As cited in L. P. Pojman & Westmoreland, 1997).Dworkin’s
idea that humans deserve equal rights, because everyone is of equal worth, was
embraced and formulated similarly by Lucas (1965), who calls this ‘equality of
respect’ and Maritain (1944) who refers it to as ‘dignity of the human person’. These
humane rights are regulated by formal equality.

Lucas (1965) underlines that formal equality guarantees equal treatment in the
means that every citizen has the right to protection of the law, which means that no
one is exempted or privileged from the rule of law. This includes enjoyment of rights
of citizenship, public administration, obligation to execution before the courts of law
and assurance of no arbitrary judgement (Lucas, 1965). Likewise, Nielson criticizes
the disdain against formal equality, by explaining that it is the root of the notion and
the primary step to the battle towards equality. For he sets forth that formal equality
is necessary but not sufficient in attaining the accurate result (Pojman &
Westmoreland, 1997). Therefore as Chemerinsky (1983) underlines, there is a moral
necessity of equality, considering the fact that the notion which enables us to notice
different treatment at the beginning is equality itself. It is by equality which
inequalities have been noticed and pointed out. In other words, in order to speak of
presumption of inequality, there should be a mention of the concept equality.

Westen (1982) argues that the establishment of formal equality does not result in
equality in reality in terms, which leads to the detriment of minorities, women and
many other groups. Chemerinsky (1983), on the other hand, finds different
treatment more corruptible and risky due to the fact that there have been more
situations in which people were treated differently where there should have been
equal treatment, than vice versa. Therefore, he argues that unjustified discrimination
is more likely to exist within today’s societies which have lived through sexism,
racism and other forms of segregation for decades. It is correct that there is a need

41
for a side support for equality however it must be underlined that the notion itself is
necessary in order to supply the social policy.

All in all, the notion of equality has been found to be necessary but insufficient to
ensure justice by many theoreticians. In terms of fundamental rights and ‘human
dignity’ equality has an important role in terms of ‘equal worth’ of individuals.
According to Chemerinsky (1983), the society is overwhelmed with equality,
respecting special measures such as affirmative action. It is the duty of theoreticians,
social justice philosophers to underline the importance of equality and point to the
damages of inequalities. Contemporary philosophers have been drifting apart from
the notion of equality and tried replacing it with many other notions (Chemerinsky,
1983) such as justice, fairness and equity. However, these concepts seem to lack
foundation unless they are in accordance with equality. As Dworkin advocates
“people matter equally” (Pojman & Westmoreland, 1997). Therefore the major
argument on equality should be on how to reach it not to abandon the concept,
considering the fact that it is a moral principle in reaching the socially just society
(Chemerinsky, 1983). For the fact that equality is the crucial notion in terms of
human rights especially underlined by Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(Pojman & Westmoreland, 1997). The same discussions on equality have been
adopted to feminism and gender equality under the debate of sameness and
difference.

[Link]. Sameness vs Difference Debate

Numerous scholars emphasize the virtue of equality in gender relations, as well as

appreciation of differences. Ruth Milkman for instance underlines the importance
of equality and states that equality is the safety net of women’s rights but the
recognition of differences are essential (Scott, 1988). Karen Vingtes confers by
stating that equality should be accepted as a ‘precondition’ of difference, to which
results in a ‘dialectical relationship’ (As cited in Changfoot, 2009). I believe that it
is important to point out right here that equality does not mean sameness. As Sartori
underlines, sameness is a concept in which nothing can exactly satisfy to (1987).
O’Connor on the other hand, argues that the idea where equality is treating everyone

42
the same is not accurate (2008). The concept of equality is formed in human rights
so that every individual is treated as ‘equal’(Fredman, 2016). Nevertheless,
recognizing their differences is a crucial part of the process, considering that the
capacity of the individuals in different areas might be disadvantaged (O’Connor,
1993). Regarding that radical feminists argue that traits of femininity such as
empathy and commitment are of high value and criticize masculine traits to be
shown as virtuous (Werbner, 1999), Uygur (2016) highlights that the overly
emphasis in the natural differences contains the risk of overpraising of motherhood
and gender roles which might result in the ‘reproduction’ of the domestic role of
women within the society, if not portrayed carefully and accurately. In addition,
Martha Minow (as cited in Scott, 1988), draws attention to the point that leaving out
difference is a threat to especially groups that have been downgraded but praising it
too much would result in deviation of the cause. Minow (as cited in Scott, 1988),
calls this contingency of difference as ‘the dilemma of difference’. It is difficult to
both neglect or praise it. She suggests that a new form of evaluation should be made
for difference of which it should primarily be not seen as a binary opposite of
equality (Scott, 1988).

According to Derrida (as cited in Scott, 1998), philosophy depends on binary

oppositions in the western tradition. This necessity was filled with the equality vs
difference dichotomy in feminism. However, these two concepts are not binary
opposites in fact they are interdependent. Women who value difference advocate the
necessity of specific measures and compositions for women’s traits and necessities.
Whereas women defending equality seek for same measures, treatment and
opportunity with men and find difference unrelated (Scott, 1988). Nancy Fraser (as
cited in Uygur 2016), explains that sameness approach asks for same treatment with
men whereas, difference approach asks for specific treatment as women. Hence,
equality feminists are criticized for accepting ‘male subjectivity’ whereas difference
feminists are accused of ‘reproducing’ female gender roles and being biologically
deterministic. Fraser underlines that both of these approaches are insufficient in
ensuring gender equality by themselves (Uygur, 2016).

43
Similarly, Scott (1988) states that emphasizing difference (biological difference)
forcefully might result in an essentialist view, whereas neglecting it might result in
a normative end. For this reason, equality and difference should not be perceived as
dichotomous concepts and feminism should rather seek for a policy of equality that
recognizes and includes difference. According to Scott (1988), a new theory is
necessary which does not neglect diversities and values resting on the differences
deriving from femininity. She underlines that generalizes women as humans cause
the misplace of experience which a crucial place in feminist studies as well as the
value of femininity and its traits which has been neglected in written history. If
equality connotates identicalness or sameness, men and women will never be equal
since considering they cannot be identical. Hence, the importance of difference
comes into the picture in supplying equality itself (Scott, 1988).

As an alternative to the debate, Michael Walzer, states in his theory of complex

equality, that the solution to the dichotomy between sameness and difference is the
acceptance and recognition of equality as a social phenomenon rather than a
principle, which will guard and secure difference. Liberal approach is criticized by
Walzer in three points, firstly that it neglects all sorts of inequalities. Secondly, the
egalitarian thought of citizenship is discredited by Walker, for it is found to be
gendered. Thirdly, equality has different connotations in diverse situations therefore
abstract interpretations must be refrained since it has an inclusive characteristic (As
cited in Armstrong, 2002).

The debate of equality vs difference has been recognized in the ‘Wollstonecraft’s

Dilemma’. ‘Wollstonecraft’s Dilemma’ explains the will to ensure equality between
men and women without neglecting and giving recognition to their differences.
Radical and liberal approaches of feminism have discussed a proper strategy for
achieving equality. Radicals criticized liberals for being limited with advocating
formal equality which might lead to inequalities and injustice in reality, therefore
being insufficient. According to Armstrong (2002), there has been two approaches
to the equality vs difference debate, one is the rejection of the concept of equality as
a whole and second is to refrain from the dichotomy and adapt difference to the
liberal feminist thought of equality. The sameness approach is linked to formal
44
equality whereas the difference approach is to substantive equality. Tools such as
affirmative action are used for substantive equality. In this case the affirmative
action is effective in abolishing the setbacks and inequalities towards women and
enhancement of their status in the society.

Michael Walzer as cited in Scott (1988), highlights that equality means the
elimination of certain differences in order to make people ‘equivalent’ for a
function. It is underlined here that the purpose is not to make them ‘identical’ or the
same. In fact, the opposite of equality is not difference but inequality. Therefore,
equality itself, as a notion, grounds on the recognition of the presence of difference.
Taking all the views into consideration, the approaches are taken as complementary
in today’s conjuncture. Ruth Milkman sheds light on the debate by stating that;

Feminists cannot give up ‘difference’; it has been our most creative analytic tool. We
cannot give up equality, at least as long as we want to speak to the principles and values
of our political system (As cited in Scott, 1988, p.43).

Taking into consideration that neither of these approaches are sufficient ensuring
‘transformation’ gender equality accurately by itself, Uygur (2016) introduces a
third approach which should be used with the two of them meaning three approach
should be used in harmony.

[Link]. Transformative Approach

As Bryson (1999), points out, it would be much more accurate to employ the
different approaches as ‘complementary’ instead of seeing them as ‘competitive’, to
provide a better environment of progression of thought. The transformative
approach, recognizing both the approaches, contains the objective to transform the
unequal conception of the policies and tools for gender equality (Kurtoğlu &
Bayrakçeken, 2015). Transformative approach requires the adoption of institutions,
policies and standards for gender equality (Uygur, 2016). Gender equality is
composed of all the three forms of approaches towards gender and equality.
Sameness approach comes from equal treatment as humans, for which legal equality
is under this category. Difference approach on the other hand, advocates that
substantive equality is essential. Hence, since the status of women is advantageous,
45
positive treatment measures should be taken towards them in order to equalize the
circumstances.

CEDAW has regulated transformative approach along with the two other forms, in
eliminating gender discrimination (Uygur, 2016). According to Nash(2002),
CEDAW holds the characteristic of combining the two approaches of the second
wave, difference and sameness (as cited in Kurtoğlu & Bayrakçeken, 2015),
strengthening them with the transformative approach. NGOs, governmental and
intergovernmental institutions are part of the transformative approach on gender
equality. UN has regulated three forms of gender equality with CEDAW, under
articles as well as giving them obligations via General Recommendations. For
transformative approach, CEDAW has obliged the states to eliminate the unequal
and discriminative norms as well as forcing to transform the patriarchal distribution
of resources and positions. Hence, CEDAW is a cohesive document on having
aggregated different approaches of diverse strands of feminism. As one can see,
gender equality promoted by UN in today’s conjuncture includes both the sameness
and difference approach along with a new form determining to transform the
patriarchal inequalities via both the civil society and the states on an international
level (Kurtoğlu & Bayrakçeken, 2015). Certain tools and policies have been
embraced for the transformation objective of the United Nations. UN has adopted
‘gender mainstreaming’ as the primary tool of transformation for achieving gender
equality and eliminating gender discrimination (Uygur, 2016) in the Beijing
Conference. For which later in the Beijing Platform for Action, the content was
advanced and enforcement was developed.

The ECOSOC definition of gender mainstreaming is;

…the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action,
including legislation, policies or programmes, in all areas and at all levels. It is a
strategy for making women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral
dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and
programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men
benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal is to achieve gender
equality.(Issues & Women, 2002, p. v)

46
Transformative approach is established globally via instruments such as gender
mainstreaming which aim to provide and stabilize gender discourse and equality.
Gender mainstreaming is also criticized by many grassroots movements and
feminists, as Koray (2011) states, the borders of gender policies are dependent on
the economic system, even though they seek societal change. These policies
instrumentalize feminist request, not support them. Therefore, gender issues have
been universalized and formed into a solid perspective by ‘gender mainstreaming’,
drifting apart from the emancipating atmosphere of 60s and 70s. On the other hand,
women’s movement unequivocally spread worldwide in terms of policy and theory
with the policies of the international organizations and their enforcements on the
member states. The data of UN reflects that policies on gender equality and
elimination of segregation and discrimination have increased and unique strategies
have been established (Issues & Women, 2002).

The policies and conventions of United Nations have been ground to the
international gatherings in which women from these movements and organizations
find a voice (Bystydzienski & Sekhon, 1999). The Decade of Women formed by
UN has had an important influence on the formation of Global Feminism. Human
Rights were defined in terms of women’s rights within these conferences. Global
feminism broke the idea of feminism to be a western ideal and different experiences
were shared by women from all around the globe. Thanks to global feminism that
international organizations worked to change the understanding of gendered law and
international law was regulated towards an objective point. Crimes during war, crisis
or against women were internationally accepted as ‘human rights
violations’(Baxandall & Gordon, 2005). Global feminism has evolved within third
wave feminism, as well as the recognition of concepts like multidimensional
discrimination and intersectionality promoted by gender mainstreaming have been
realized with the transformative approach. A closer look to the third wave would be
necessary at this point.

47
2.1.3. Third Wave Feminism

Third Wave feminism did not spring right after the second wave, regarding the
retrogressive movements of the right11. Although there was a significant decrease in
the membership of prior feminist organizations up to this wave, feminism survived
with the efforts and existence of ‘women of color’ who sought to depict women’s
experience from the third world and other than ‘white’ women belonging to
‘middleclass’. It is accepted that the third wave began in the 1990s (Dicker, 2008;
Liddle & Rai, 1993) During these years a new group of feminists were formed whom
were identified as ‘Third Wave Direct Action Corporation’, whose first popular
mass movement of third wave feminists was the ‘Freedom Ride’ in 1992 New York
The (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005; Dicker, 2008 ). These people consisted of not only
women but transgenders, men and queer movement as well, hence stood against any
sort of inequality and discrimination including gender, sexual orientation, age etc.
(Dicker, 2008).

With the third wave that has been formed in mid90’s, the general idea of feminism
was questioned and in fact divided into groups. According to Dicker (2008), third
wave feminists are not homogenous. They are composed of women from diverse
nationalities, economic status, sexualities, women of younger generation and of
older generation. Just like its members, the focus of third wave is concerned with
‘multiplicity’ as well. It studies multiple areas from economy to welfare, from the
environment to culture (Dicker, 2008). The most criticized aspects of second wave
such as heteronormativity and indifference towards race, ethnicity and culture were
underlined in third wave feminism. Many different groups were formed by variety
of women whose expectations, goals and perceptions differed. Having been started
by the postmodernist academics, language and gender identities were studied closely
by the third wave. Main perceptions and discourses on gender were deconstructed
by postmodernist theories such as the ‘queer’ theory.

As the reflection of the blindness towards race and culture, especially black women
underlined that feminists focused on sex and gender through the eyes of white,

11
The retrogressive movements is discussed in detail, in the next chapter.
48
middle-class women (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005; Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004).
Bell Hooks for instance claimed that feminism ‘belonged’ to women who are white
and is indifferent towards the ‘experience’ of black women. In fact even the requests
of these two groups differed and counteracted (Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004).
Black feminism was formed as the result of these oppositions and approaches. Not
only black feminism but all sorts of feminisms concerning different groups relating
on diverse issues, ethnicities and classes were formed during the third wave(Bryson,
1999). Asian feminism, Latina feminism, Black liberal feminism, Black cultural
feminism were only some of these various groups (Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004).
Third wave feminists concern includes third world women and women from other
“race, ethnicity, economic status, and sexual orientation” (Dicker, 2008, p.127).
One significant characteristic of the third wave is the creation of the compulsive
concept ‘intersectionality, which connotes the inter-relational forms of inequalities
and discrimination depending on many characters such as gender, sexual
orientation, class and race.

Intersectionality was theorized by Kimberle Crenshaw in 1989 (Bradley, 2013b).

The term refers to various forms of oppression which are conjoined. Crenshaw used
the term to demonstrate the situation of black women who suffer multidimensional
discrimination, one for being woman and other for their race. According to Kanyoro
(as cited in Bradley, 2013b) “It relates to the way in which ‘multiple forms of
subordination interlink and compound to result in a multiple burden’ ” (Bradley,
2013, p.207). The third wave of feminism has embraced intersectionality, widening
the view away from the mandate of Western feminism. The third wave brought,
acknowledgement of the importance of diverse experience of women, multiple
oppression they go through and revulsion from the heteronormative norms into the
feminist discourse (Bryson, 1999). It highlighted the multiple (multidimensional)
discrimination and targeted empowerment of women independent and detached
from men to their own identities. Dicker (2008) underlines that, it is quite difficult
to summarize the interests of third wave feminism, regarding that the movement is
very versatile. Third wave feminists showed existence in the academia, in gender
studies as well organizations and activism, like the second wave feminists (Dicker,
2008)
49
Nineteen-eighties were a time in which women’s rights were discussed and
regulated in international organizations and institutions. It was with this policy
making that women’s rights and concerns became publicly noticeable and apparent.
In 1990 the number of women elected to U.S. House of Representatives was seven
whereas only the new women elected was raised to 24 by the year of 1992 (Dicker,
2008). On the other hand, as international institutions and globalization of nations
as well as the economies grew, gender equality has been recognized by international
agenda in cooperation with the civil society. The policies and measures drawn in
the Four World Conferences of UN, CEDAW and gender mainstreaming have
increased the impact of civil society and international institutions on state’s
implementation of gender conscious norms and policies. The role of
intergovernmental and international organizations has been quite significant in the
process of eliminating gender discrimination on this account the implementations
and policies are studied closer in the next chapter.

50
 CHAPTER 3

INTERNATIONAL EFFORTS AND OPPOSITIONS TO GENDER

EQUALITY

3.1. Progressive Movements of Institutions and Acquisitions of Gender

Equality

It would not be inaccurate to remark that 20th century was a turning point upon
which women’s human rights have started to be taken into account. International
conferences have been organized by International organizations which have focused
on certain topics as gender equality, gender discrimination etc. Today the struggle
against gender discrimination is considered as one of the key steps in
democratization (Dinçkol, 2005). Women’s rights have begun to develop with the
influence and pressure of educated women and women showing existence out of the
private sphere like Harriett Mill or Wollstonecraft. As women entered the public
sphere, they became more and more visible. Needless to say, what triggered this
admittance was mostly the nonending grassroot movements and struggle of
women’s organizations. After years of struggle and lobbying, the development of
women’s rights and empowerment were growing (Dinçkol, 2005). This time, the
grassroots movements and struggle of women was beginning to be codified into
international documents. The main documents on fundamental human rights have
regulated the equality of men and women, starting from the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights12. International institutions such as the United Nations (UN)
accepted and promoted equal treatment and rights of the two sexes up until the

12
Universal Declaration of Human Rights preamble 5

51
1990s13. The further examination of UN is a necessity in internalizing the
development of women’s rights and gender equality in terms of the political and
legal acquisitions.

3.1.1. United Nations

After the end of the Second World War, United Nations was established as an
intergovernmental organization to ensure global peace and security on 24 October
1945. United Nations without a doubt has been one of the most influential and
effective institutions upon women’s rights and gender equality throughout the
history. The founding treaty of UN regulated fundamental rights of the citizens and
the obligations of the member states in terms of the newly born concept ‘human
rights’. During the process followed by the treaty, Universal Declaration of Human
Rights was adopted in 1948 by the member states and became recognized as the
primary document for human rights and human rights law. The states were obliged
to protect the fundamental rights and freedoms of their citizens, without any
discrimination and to take measures as well as eliminate obstacles accordingly. Both
of the documents include prohibition of discrimination (Kurtoğlu & Bayrakçeken,
2015), however apart from being the contemporary common legal document on
equality and equal treatment, Universal Declaration of Human Rights lacked
emphasis on substantive equality and special treatment for women. The reason for
this is that women’s rights and issues were not accepted as a primary or general
subject but rather a private and specific field. The Declaration perceived the
protection of ‘human dignity’ as a moral principle and eliminated any form of
discrimination or prohibition of fundamental rights.

The Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) was established in 1946,

regardless of the objections of Eleanor Roosevelt, as the intergovernmental body
concerning the promotion of women’s rights and empowerment. The Commission
aimed raising awareness via instrumental bodies and documents on a universal basis
(Hannan, 2007). However, Roosevelt’s concerns were realized and women’s issues
were constricted within the Commission and the objective of spreading them into

13
UN Charter preamble 2
52
bodies of the organization did not succeed. Since the world was busy with dressing
the wounds of the devastating outcomes of the war, the states’ and international
entities’ focus concentrated towards the economy and industrial recuperation and
neglected policies women and equality.

Later with the influence of second wave feminism and the emancipating atmosphere
of the 70s, UN began to notice women’s movement and attached importance to
women’s rights and issues. It was with the effect of women’s movements and
organizations, that women’s issues caught the eye of UN (Bystydzienski & Sekhon,
1999). The social movements on women bulged the institution and influenced them
to regulate and examine women’s status and role within society as well as women’s
rights. The process began with the recognition of women on a general basis, socially
and legally and resulted into a state where transformation of gender equality is
taking place on multiple grounds such as language, law, education etc. In
accordance, the first functional action taken concerning women was when the UN
declared 1975 as the International Women’s Year. The declaration was followed by
the adoption of UN Decade of Women between the years 1975-1985 with the
commissioning of the General Assembly. Within the scope of the declaration, four
important conferences on policies concerning women were organized in different
locations, during different years.

The first conference was held in 1975 in Mexico City, which is well known as the
place where the declaration of the next 10 years as Decade for Women took place.
Another importance of the conference of 1975 was being the first international
conference held particularly on women’ issues (Hannan, 2007). The conference
organized an agenda of women’s emancipation with the Women In Development
program, which according to Kandiyoti (2010) “foregrounding women as
disadvantaged agents of development” (Kandiyoti, 2010, p.169). The second
conference on Women took place in Copenhagen in 1985, with the agenda of
abolishment of discrimination against women by establishing far more strict
national measures. Copenhagen was the first conference held after the acceptance
of CEDAW, which is still accepted as the fundamental document for international
women’s rights and will be examined more deeply later. The third conference on
53
women took place in Nairobi in 1985, was distinct from others having the
characteristic that gender equality and its importance had been internationally
recognized and its effects were proceeding to grow (Bock, 2002; Naples & Desai,
2002 ). The conference introduced feminisms of diverse geographies, breaking the
wall of Western feminism, embracing different cultures. Having many NGOs
participate in the conference, it is described as “the birth of global feminism” (UN).
Gender equality was discussed to be spread and applied by the United Nations via
gender mainstreaming first on 1985 in Nairobi, which reached a legal ground on
1995 in Beijing. Gender mainstreaming is promotion of gender equality in all sectors
using the same policies and strategies internationally. UN has chosen the concept as
the major tool in ensuring gender equality and eliminating gender discrimination.

The Beijing conference of 1995 was the final world conference on women, which is
famous for establishment of The Beijing Platform for Action (Kandiyoti, 2010). The
Platform spoke out and accepted legally that ‘women’s rights are human rights’.
Necessary action and measures to be taken both internationally but especially on
national levels were implemented in this conference. Thus, the fundamental
objective of United Nations was to promote and establish a gender equal ground on
an intergovernmental level (the ratifying states) in all sectors via gender
mainstreaming. ‘Twelve critical areas of concern’ on gender were determined and
member states were in agreement to take necessary measures with the platform. For
this reason, the regulations and measures were moved to an intergovernmental level
as well as in national or regional circumstances.

The four conferences were followed by the 2000 Beijing + 5, in which The Beijing
Platform for Action was reviewed for its five-year period by the General Assembly.
The theories developed by third wave feminist activists have influenced the 1990s
so much that they were taken as topics even in UN Conferences such as in Beijing
on 1995 (Kandiyoti, 2010; Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004). The main discussion
topics included positive discrimination in terms of stabilizing gender equality and
abolishing gender discrimination of any kind. The reviews proceeded by the member
states within 10, 15 and 20 years in 2005, 2010 and 2015. Apart from these
conventions and reviews, with the recognition of effects of war and conflict on
54
women, a crucial resolution was adopted by UN Security Council in 2000. The
resolution 1325 on women, peace and security, consisting of seven resolutions, held
the intention of ameliorating women’s status in times of conflict and war.

As its sensitivity and placing importance to women’s issues, UN Women, was

established as a single body in UN, on July 2nd 2010 by the unanimous decision of
the General Assembly. The UN Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment
of Women, as gender experts, advises and works in accordance with other UN
bodies on recommendations and reports on matters concerning gender equality.
Finally, UN took the agenda to a wider level and established seventeen sustainable
development goals, in 2015. The goals set by member states look forward to abolish
inequalities, poverty and environmental issues by the year of 2030.

[Link]. CEDAW

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women

(CEDAW) is still the primary international document that regulates gender equality
and gender discrimination. Regulated by the General Assembly on 1976, the
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW) is an agreement of the United Nations, which was adopted in 1979 by
member states and came into force in 1981 (Kandiyoti, 2010). Although many
member states ratified the convention on short notice, many put reservations on
certain regulations. CEDAW has the importance of not only regulating women’s
rights, but to have the power to force the member states on the implementation of
measures against discrimination against women, and have legal sanctions against
them, being legally binding (Börü, 2017). The inspection of these obligations is held
by the CEDAW Committee, which collects shadow reports from civil society,
NGOs and also responds to the applications made by individuals. CEDAW is still
the primary document for women’s rights and gender discrimination (Kurtoğlu &
Bayrakçeken, 2015), being signed by 189 states in the international arena.

According to Shapiro (2006), due to the fact that no matter how many agreements
and conventions on equality and human rights were in existence, a necessity to

55
regulate a specific one for women’s rights existed since women could not enjoy their
given rights accurately via the already existing regulations. Shapiro (2006), reflects
the UN Charter of 1945 as an example, underlining that even though the charter was
ratified by certain states, women were not allowed to vote as men by these same
states. Hence, she points that in 1972, UN finally realized with the international
arena that there is the necessity of a specific convention. Which later CEDAW was
regulated as a roadmap in supplying substantial equality in terms of law and policy
in both public and private environments for the ratifying states (Shapiro, 2006).

The vital aspect of the convention is having the world acknowledge that ‘women’s
rights are human rights.’ Hence, CEDAW has a pivotal influence on international
law as well as the states themselves. CEDAW regulated ‘sex’ discrimination on its
first documentation. With General Recommendation 28, however, ‘gender’ and
gender equality were adopted as primal concept of discrimination against women.
The convention clearly accepted that gender-based discrimination depended on
power relations (Uygur, 2015). It is crucial to point out that what the convention
regulates is gender-based discrimination, in other words, discrimination of a person
just for being woman, of a certain gender. Gender discrimination is defined as
preventing women from enjoying all sorts of rights and freedom, including political,
social and most importantly human rights, for the cause of gender (Sargın, 2012).

CEDAW systematizes a three-dimensional model to supply substantive equality,

which the convention defines as the sole protection of gender equality and supports
any measure taken to achieve gender equality and eliminate gender discrimination.
Hence tools such as affirmative action are encouraged by the convention, which is
also related to the abolishment of the public- private distinction of CEDAW (Koray,
2011). The convention recognizes that the most damaging forms of discrimination
against women are formed within the private sphere, which states cannot or do not
interfere. General Recommendation 19, regulates the abolishment of the distinction
of public and private, which resulted international law and arena to accept that
gender discrimination is a general problem to be combatted as a whole. For this
reason, CEDAW aims to abolish the distinction and take measures in both spheres
to eliminate any form of gender discrimination with the assistance of the right to
56
supervise and investigate the ratifying states. To be clearer, in case of a violation of
the rights of an individual regulated by CEDAW, the individual can apply to the
committee against the state, under the protection of the convention. This
surveillance is what strengthens the legally binding characteristic of CEDAW.
CEDAW is referenced as the milestone and a turning point in women’s equality for
hanging realized the recognition of women’s rights as a specific field under human
rights (Dinçkol, 2005).

3.1.2. Council of Europe

Council of Europe, similar to the UN was established after the Second World War
in protection of fundamental rights and freedoms of the citizens within the member
states in 1949. Although being often confused with the European Council, the entity
of the Union, Council of Europe has no attachment to the European Union of any
kind. Having 47 members within Europe, Council of Europe is one of the largest
intergovernmental organizations of Europe. The European Convention on Human
Rights holds a significant role in the protection of human rights and elimination of
discrimination within the member states with the authority of its judiciary body and
the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Being the authority in fundamental
rights and freedoms of the citizens, ECHR is in charge of the cases of human rights
as a n authority to be applied with the exhaustion of internal authorities.

[Link]. European Convention on Human Rights and European Court of

Human Rights

The European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights is a treaty of human
rights that is signed by 47 member states of the Council of Europe, that protects
fundamental rights and freedoms together with prohibiting unjust practice. The
adoption of the term ‘human rights’ into political discourse was brought by the
convention which then spread to various fields. The protection of fundamental rights
such as the right to life and liberty, freedom from torture and slavery were regulated
under the Convention similar to the declaration of French Revolution, however
differed in promoting equality and liberty for ‘humans’ as ‘human rights’ instead of

57
for ‘man’ as ‘rights of man’. Hence, the development notion of equality, dignity and
liberty beginning with the Enlightenment has evolved into a concept for all people,
including women. For this reason, the Convention prohibits any form of
discrimination in respect to the rights it ensures under article 1414.

Although human rights and prohibition of discrimination were protected by the

Convention, the decision of ECHR on women and gender discrimination were not
applied accordingly as most of the regulations of international law neglected
‘women’s rights as human rights’ on issues such as women’s health, violence
against women. For instance, crimes, violence and discrimination against women
were considered under individual rights and felonies until the adoption of CEDAW.
One of the institutions who used to neglect the recognition of women’s rights as
human rights was the European Court of Human Rights. The Court did not evaluate
violence against women as a prohibition of gender equality, and was indifferent
towards gender discrimination until the 1990s. The cases brought before the court
were rejected from application, and violence against women was not considered as
gender discrimination (Kuyucu, 2015). With CEDAW, women’s rights are
approved as human rights by international law including courts and governmental,
international and supranational organizations (Y. Arat, 2001). For which ECHR
prohibits gender discrimination and implements violence against women as a form
of it in today’s conjuncture.

Currently, gender equality is embraced as part of the fundamental form of equalities

and freedoms by the Council of Europe and the ECHR. Council of Europe has
focused more complexly into gender equality in terms of violence against women
with a relatively new convention that was open to signature in 2011 in Istanbul. ‘The
Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against

14
“ Prohibition of discrimination: The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in this
Convention shall be secured without discrimination on any ground such as sex, race, colour,
language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national
minority, property, birth or other status.”,
[Link] Date accessed; January 5, 2019.
58
women and domestic violence’ was ratified by 40 states so far, is also referred to as
the Istanbul Convention, as the place of signature.

[Link]. Istanbul Convention

The Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and

Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention) is an intergovernmental convention of the
Council of Europe adopted in Istanbul in 2011, came into force in 2014, focusing
on violence against women. Having been signed first in 2012 by Republic of Turkey,
finally by 40, the significance of the Convention relies on the interpretation of
violence against women, including domestic violence. Istanbul Convention strictly
regulates violence against women as a;

violation of human rights and a form of discrimination against women and shall mean
all acts of gender-based violence that result in, or are likely to result in, physical,
sexual, psychological or economic harm or suffering to women, including threats of
such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or
in private life15.

Istanbul Convention’s clarification of violence against women from this gender

conscious perspective is meaningful, considering that it was only with CEDAW that
women’s rights have been recognized as human rights specifically. The perception
of the Convention of violence against women and domestic violence is shaped from
the perspective which acknowledges various forms of violence including physical,
psychological and economic, which are considerably new to the issue. The addition
of stalking into the context is an indicator of how updated and sensitive the
Convention is on forms of violence against women and domestic violence.

The Istanbul Convention consists of three dimensions in terms of combating

violence against women; prevention, protection and prosecution. Prevention
signifies to taking necessary measures to preclude any form of violence against
women. Protection is formed in cooperation with prevention of violence, in
circumstances which violence has been performed, on account of this the victim is

15
Council of Europe, Istanbul Convention. [Link]
/conventions/rms/090000168008482e. Date accessed; March 12, 2019.
59
protected by the state. Prosecution implies the obligation of the states to ensure
enforcements and sanctions right away, at the same time providing protection over
the victim. The elimination and prevention of secondary victimization is a
significant aspect regulated by the Istanbul Convention; hence protection and
prosecution procedures are ascribed to the states with severe measures. For instance,
the states who have ratified the Convention have the obligations to eliminate any
form of discrimination towards the victims, and to guarantee this qualification, the
state has to educate or apply any supervision to the officials and institutions of these
mechanisms. The correspondence of the member states’ implementation of the
measures, regulated by the Convention are inspected by the monitoring body,
GREVIO. As the first member of the Council of Europe that have signed the
Convention, GREVIO Committee was directed by Prof. Feride Acar, as the
representative of Republic of Turkey in the previous years.

The magnitude of Istanbul Convention can be summarized with its recognition of

different forms of violence such as psychological and economic, in accordance with
assigning women the status of individual protection in terms of women’s human
rights. Istanbul Convention encumbers the states to provide women the same and
equal rights and protection to men, as their citizens equally. For this reason, gender
equality is used as a primary tool in the Convention. The fact that the Convention
provides protection for all women citizens, regardless of their marital status or
sexual orientation especially in terms of domestic violence demonstrates that gender
equality norms are internalized and instrumentalized by the Istanbul Convention. As
Turkey was the first member state of Council of Europe to sign the Convention, a
specific code was regulated by the TBMM, to enable the application of the
measures. Code 6284 is implemented in accordance with the Istanbul Convention
and includes detailed measures on violence against women and domestic violence,
which are studied under the section focusing on Turkey.

3.1.3. European Union

The discussion of gender and gender equality have come into the picture in Turkey
with the effect of international organizations, agreements and institutions. United

60
Nations being the most influential and effective one of course, impinged legislative
regulations on a significant level. European Union (EU) is the second institution to
have the most influence on Republic of Turkey on gender issues. Maybe far more
than UN itself, concerning the fact that Turkey has had the intention of becoming a
member for years, hence is obliged to fulfill the necessary standards. Although
international agreements have the priority over national codes, being considered at
the same level as the constitution in Turkish Constitutional Law. It can be observed
that especially in the legal system EU’s preconditions carried women’s status to a
higher step with reforms made in various fields.

The European Union is one of the most influential institutions on gender issues and
rights for Turkey. Looking back at its history, the EU has been developing parallel
to the international organizations and had numerous effects, as much as, maybe even
more than them on Turkey. The Treaty of Rome signed in 1957, is the first
agreement that concerns women’s rights policies. However, it is basically limited
with the rights of working women within the labor force (Dedeoglu, 2012). Later
with, the European Commission is acceptance of gender mainstreaming as a general
policy in 1996, gender equality became a policy in EU. Finally with the Treaty of
Lisbon signed in 2009 (Dedeoglu, 2012), it was double proved that ‘women’s rights
are human rights’.

European Union has had a ‘Framework Strategy for Gender Equality’ involving
economy, political suffrage, enjoyment of social rights, civil right and gender roles
in 2000, with the purpose of ensuring gender equality. The framework was regulated
for a five-year plan, of which showed parallel encounters to the four conferences of
UN as employment strategies and structural fonds for gender equality. In 2005, the
European Union made a pact for Gender Equality, which was followed by the five
year ‘Roadmap for Equality Between Women and Men’ formed between 2006-
2010. The European Institute for Gender Equality was established in 2007, which
came into force in 2009. An agreement for tools such as ‘parental leave’ was made
in 2009 and promotions were given for them to be used (Koray, 2011). The
European Union and the United Nations cooperated in 2017 to abrogate violence
against women for the Spotlight Initiative.
61
Although the EU implementations and directives are legally binding and draw a
general frame for the member states’ obligations on gender equality with certain
agreements and treaties, the gender policies diverge depending on the country. For
this reason, the dates in which they are applied, the level of adoption and the result
of the policy shows difference (Dedeoglu, 2012). The Scandinavian countries for
instance, stand out in terms of gender equality in implementations such as parental
leave and employment, unlike other European countries who fail to enjoy these
rights as successfully. This divergence tends to depend on culture as well as the
historical adaptation period. Since the Scandinavian countries have implemented
gender equality much before the EU brought regulations, it was much easier for the
people to adapt to changes. In the Mediterranean countries on the other hand, gender
equality policies are fairly new, adopted with the enforcement of the EU, therefore
it is much difficult for them to internalize gender equality (Koray, 2011). For
instance, states have implemented the policies on a high level which resulted in a
deep change in gender policies such as Ireland, whereas others such as Germany
have continued to apply their own terms and the status of gender equality remained
as it was. It is also observed that the member states seek for implementations which
are ‘compatible’ with their traditional values (Dedeoğlu, 2012). After all, the diverse
social values and circumstances affect the form and time of adaption without a
question. On the other hand Koray (2011) lays out an eye catching point; the success
of the policies change according to the objective of the implementations.
Mediterranean countries for instance adopt gender equality policies as a tool of
modernization, whereas Scandinavians who’s only purpose is supplying gender
equality (Koray, 2011).

As adoption towards gender equality differ, according to objections of the states, the
interpretation of the union on the form of equality affects the implementation of the
concept according to Walby (2004). The gender policies of EU are criticized for
neglecting the differences of women, and only focusing on formal equality, as in
form of equal treatment. The main points EU acknowledges on women are limited
to employment and job market, which results in the secondary position of women in
social and political matters. In EU’s prior years on gender equality, Walby (2004)
criticized EU for this principle as well as underlining that EU codes gender equality
62
in its soft implementations and treaties, which means that they do not attach
importance to the subject as much as other issues. This underestimation results in
the failure in ensuring gender equality and abolishment of gender discrimination.

While speaking of gender equality, it is crucial to highlight the concept of equality

as the equalitarian policies are formed with the effect of each other and then the
society internalizes it, like in the Northern European countries. This can be observed
from the positive action tools concerning women such as maternal leave. Koray
(2011) finds a correlation between the welfare state and the gender equality policies
within the European Union member states. She observes that in the welfare states
the capitalist economy is subsidized by the established political awareness which
advantages gender equality within the country. In Scandinavian countries, the
participation of women to the parliament is up to 41% whereas it is only at 19% in
average around EU. Koray attributes this high rate of political participation as well
as other gender equality status, to the government policies held by the countries. For
instance, Sweden has formed a policy in the 70s towards gender equality under the
name ‘Towards Equality’, which has increased sensitivity and raised women’s status
within the society. Although these policies have been established under the ideology
of the welfare state and not feminism, the results are quite successful in terms of
gender equality (Koray, 2011).

In summary, the gender policies of the EU have been mainly on issues such as
employment and workforce regarding its liberal, capitalist feature. Although the
union has stated certain measures and framework, it is mainly in the hands of the
states to apply and accept gender equality policies. The level or success of
internalization of gender equality on the other hand has the handicap of being lost
in the patriarchal cultures of certain countries. The purpose in adopting the policies
also affect the ratio of success, if the reason is modernization gender equality is not
appropriated as much. Koray (2011) criticizes EU for being too economy and
employment focused, and states that EU should adopt more measures which target
social and political status of women to supply gender equality in a more substantive
sense.

63
3.2. Oppositions and Counter-movements on Gender Equality

Ever since the 1980s, a continuous challenge against gender equality has been
formed by various movements and discourses. Gender justice, that is the subject of
this study has evolved from those movements and approaches, adopting different
parts, perspectives and aspects of the movements. The challenges to gender equality
resemble each other in different geographies, although they ground on unrelated
concepts. However, it can be observed that right-wing policies and religious
conservatism has been promoting the challenge against gender equality. New Right
governments especially on issues like equal rights and abortion have affected the
regression in women’s equality, together with the perspectives of religious
conservatives from different religions. The stance of the Vatican against gender
equality and the following antigender movements of Europe in the 2000s are the
significant movements of religious oppositions. Anyhow the right-wing movements
and the religiously conservative tendencies have collided to promote the attack on
and to promote campaigns against gender and gender equality continuously. Thus,
this section of the study will investigate the political and religious movements
together to form a stronger argument for the concept of gender justice, which has
been influenced by all of these movements.

3.2.1. Neoconservatism and the New-Right

During the second wave of feminism in the 80s, there has been a rise in the ‘anti-
gender’ movements. This era is referred to as the ‘backlash’ era by Susan Faludi.
According to Faludi backlash is not something that just came up, it happens every
time feminism becomes powerful and achieves developments (as cited in
Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004; Walby, 1993). Women have been pushed back into
the household with every anti-feminist backlash, which Faludi describes as
feminism going back and forth. (Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004; Walby, 1993).

The global triumph of the New Right had a vital role in the backlash of feminism.
Neoliberalism has pushed women back into the household with the decrease in
welfare policies (Bryson, 1999). In the second half of 1970s, with the neoliberal

64
economy’s global enlargement and empowerment, welfare state has been
abondaned by most of the states around the world. Women have been one of the
most effected groups from the reduction in the welfare state policies. Liberal
economic models were adopted instead of welfare state. However, the freedom and
liberal approach in the economy did not concur with the prehencile policies and
norms within the social field. This ideology matched neither classical liberalism,
considering the interventions in social life and promotion of traditions, nor
conservatism in the classical sense, adopting easily to the global norms and values
as the prerequisite of the globalizing world. Hence, the uptrend of a new ideology
was on the agenda. Some, interpret this more as an approach than an ideology. The
New Right was able to make agile moves since it did not stem from a certain
ideology and therefore instrumentalized the beneficial aspects of different
ideologies at different times in a pragmatic attitude (Heywood, 2013; Kirk, 2016).

The New Right is formulated as a pragmatic approach, is the combination of

liberalism and conservatism in terms of economic and cultural circumstances. The
fundamental principles of liberalism are maintained but adopted into the necessities
of the current status (Friedrich Von Hayek, 1960). Conservatism within the cultural
and traditional norms is implied whereas free market economy is embraced in terms
of economic policies. The approach adopts to the circumstances of the globalized
world, embracing the global market economy the primary field of support of the
state. Perhaps, neoliberalism is a paradox in itself, which Giddens (As cited in King,
1987) criticizes on promoting the global market in terms of economical policies on
the contrary to praising traditionalism in terms of culture, nation, religion and
family. In this direction, neoliberalism diversifies from liberalism and conservatism
as a unique approach to economics and social policies. Kaya summarizes the
paradox of neoliberalism as;

On the one hand, it essentialises the role of the individual in contemporary consumerist
societies, and, on the other, it revitalises the power of family and community in the
absence of a parental welfare state (Kaya, 2015).

Neoconservatism is a reflection of the authoritarian approach of conservatism to

social issues and liberal perception of neoliberalism to the market economy

65
(Yanardağ, 2004). Neoconservatives believed in the power of the market and
embraced economic growth as a policy. Free-market and private property are
perceived as the necessity or result of the unequal character of human nature. Hence
neoconservatism contains neoliberalism within its economical approach. The
flexible tendencies of conservatism are adopted within the new-right in terms of
social policies and the liberal approach is instrumentalized in consolidating the
freemarket economy. Kristol (1995) argues that neoconservatism seeks for an
alternative to the welfare state and a system in which reduction in taxes are embraced
to iniatiate economic growth. In short a system in which the intervention of the state
to the economy is decreased.

The value given to tradition, culture and religion are the fundamental characteristics
of conservatism which is adopted by the new right in terms of controlling the
crowds. As conservatism lies within the desire to conserve the present, it rejects
novelty or discovery (traditions), attaching sacredness to the past using religion.
Neoconservatism on the other hand is in collaboration with adoption to novelties
that are in favor of its benefit.

Global market is promoted by the approach to ensure economic stability.

Highlighting the aspects of conservatism is crucial on the debates of gender equality
since its an ideology that challenges equality policies, rejecting social equality or
the essence of a naturally equal relations between humans. The existence of a natural
state of inequality is embraced by the conservatives. According to this approach, the
different traits and abilities of human beings cause the inequalities naturally on
account of this assignment of diverse roles and duties are inevitable. Natural state
of inequalities embraced by the conservatives are also effective on the gender
policies and [Link] social roles are assigned to women and men according
to their different functions and obligations. For this reason, hierarchy coming from
difference is in extricable and inherent, therefore women must embrace the domestic
secondary roles assigned biologically (Heywood, 2013). In accordance with
conservatives, liberals reject a natural equal state between humans, which is why the
two ideologies collaborate on challenging social and gender equality policies.

66
Due to the faultiness of human mind and mentality, experience and tradition are
valued over ration and reason by conservatism, on account of this these notions are
attached holiness. It is because of this culpability that the society needs leaders and
administrators to ensure stability. Individuals are assigned an identity within a
certain group, it being either the family or the nation (Larner, 2000), against which
the ideology creates an enemy to fortify the belonging. The incompleteness of
humans are to be completed within this institution or attachment, especially in a
marital and familial bond formed between man and woman. In terms of the
deficiency of humans, women’s lack of self-protection and self-government as
portrayed by Hegel is criticized by Pateman (1987) to be patriarchally structured.
According to Pateman (1987), women are bound under the protection of men and
presented unable to govern or protect themselves as individuals, as the result of the
neglection of the welfare state to provide substantial protection for its citizens. Here,
the state is indifferent towards the protection of women as citizens and the obligation
is patriarchally transferred to men and the family. Men are illustrated as the
governors and protectors of the family and wives, whereas women don’t have the
ability to even provide these notions for themselves. The hierarchy created by the
need of protection is clinched with the role of breadwinner over the subordinate
woman responsible for the domestic sphere (Pateman, 1987). As men and women
are incomplete without marriage and each other, they become complete with the
holiness of marriage under the traditional family. Family, being the primary unit of
conservation of tradition and the present system, is foreshadowed in being
challenged with modernization. The existence and maintenance of the traditional
family is the guarantee of the desirable society of the approach, regarding its ability
to raise new generations who will sustain the cultural norms. Thereupon, institutions
of family, tradition and religion are intertwined and instrumentalized by the New
Right in preserving the desired society and the nation.

Likewise, in conservatism women are identified with familial roles such as mother,
daughter and wife who perpetuate the social solidarity and maintenance (Özgün,
2014). According to Winker (2005) the duty of family is to raise children as part of
the society and transform the social and cultural norms and traditions. The control
of the fertility policies and exaltation of family surrounds on this transfer as well as
67
the condemnation of divorce and any other threat against family union (Winker,
2005). Pateman (1987) highlights that theories such as of Hegel, associate women
with the family and recognize them only as the members of the institution in contrary
to men as citizens. Family is praised as the fundamental unit of the society in which
women are pushed into the private sphere, where they will find love and caring in
conformity with their nature. Pateman (1987) criticizes the usage of the allegations
of innate capacities of men deriving from their nature, to limit women within the
private sphere instrumentalizing the welfare state. In other words, she declares that
the welfare state allows women into the public sphere only to the extent that they
will acknowledge their place in the private sphere as well.

Family and familialism were sublimated as a solution to the regression of the welfare
state policies after the 80s in many countries. The New Right presents family as well
as religion to be the alternative to the regressed welfare state, providing a protection
of traditional beliefs and from alienation (Grzebalska & Pető, 2017). With the rule
of Margaret Thatcher in Britain and Ronald Reagan in USA, the promotive policies
towards women into employment were abandoned and the biological motherhood
and family were promoted as a part of conservatism. The two governments are
famous for having given a start to the combination of neoliberal and neoconservative
policies as the pioneers of the New Right approach that has been proliferating even
today. Thatcher and Reagan adopted the traditional and cultural conservative
policies in society and politics in coordination with the liberal economy.

Considering the pragmatic characteristic of neoconservatism and the New Right and
the switch from the welfare state policies, the subordinated groups of the society
were proportionately affected by the new economic and social system. With the
reduction in social aid, women were faced with poverty and the burdens of the public
and private work. The obligations of the state of care were embarked on women,
abandoning the official duty of the state towards the citizens. Women were
instrumentalized as both the caregiver and the source of the production of the next
generation, whom were the guarantee of the continuity of the traditions. Pateman
(1987) underlines the importance of welfare state policies by stating that the citizens
mostly benefiting from the welfare policies are women, due to the majority of
68
poverty within the group. The decrease in the policies and privatizations therefore
aggravate women’s position economically and politically. Labor consisting of care,
is usually embarked on women, in the absence or insufficiency of the welfare state.
Although women are the caregivers and providers of welfare they are not included
in the political stages especially into the higher levels of the state as administrators
or policy makers (Pateman, 1987). Pateman (1987) refers to the double-burden
women go through during employment to which the system remains indifferent to
and states that the distinction should be made between paid work with unpaid work
in order to solve the hierarchy. She also highlights that the dichotomies of part-time
vs fulltime and paid vs unpaid work reiterate the patriarchal hierarchy between
women and men in terms of the state’s recognition of women as deficient citizens.
Pateman (1987) refers to the distinction of wage-laborer and worker in Britain to
better present the dichotomy of the sexes. She underlines that women who work
outside the home were defined as wage laborers, whereas men as workers, being the
breadwinners of the family.

Similarly, Nira Yuval-Davis (2017) states in her speech that women representatives
take a significant part in the neoliberal policies of the New Rights governments and
institutions who praise the natural roles assigned to women. Care policies pushing
the burden on women, whether it is their own children or to give care in terms of
employment, it is a neoliberal policy grounded on natural traits of women. Whereas
care should be practiced in terms of equal citizenship between all individuals
including every gender (Yuval-Davis, 2017). An eye-catching aspect of the
neoconservative and neoliberal approaches is their emphasis on the concepts of
gender and equality as well as gender equality as a whole during the last years. The
reactions on gender rest on the belief that it is a threat to the traditional society and
conjuncture, being an issue under which the radical and conservatives of diverse
religions and subjects coalitated. However, this rejection of gender and gender
equality policies have inclined the world to a regression on the consensus of
fundamental human rights concepts and policies. The trivalization of equality under
the category of the natural rights depoliticizes the importance of the struggle and
history of the rights (Grzebalska & Pető, 2017).

69
[Link]. New Right on Gender Equality

The New Right policies have differed depending on the government and the social
circumstances and values of the geography and the time. Certain subjects were a
matter of struggle for women against the New Right governments, in other words
right wing governments who were effective on Western political history. The
common struggle of the New Right movements was conserving the traditional
family. Thus, feminist accomplishments or developments of women’s rights and
gender equality were interpreted as threats against family such as ERA or right to
abortion. Ronald Reagan in USA and Margaret Thatcher in Britain are considered
as the initial representatives of New Right governments. The economy faced with
the elimination of unions and privatizations were promoted together with reduction
in taxes while a conservative approach on social policies were embraced. The
neoliberal economic and neoconservative social policies of Reagan have promoted
attacks and countermovements on women’s policies and gender equality. These
oppositions have mainly focused on the ratification of ERA and the platforms
against abortion. Margaret Thatcher in Britain, Raegan in USA have affected gender
policies backwards especially in terms of measures such as affirmative action. In
fact, Thatcher has criticized women for asking for favors, and stated that she came
to where she is only with her hard work16. With the New Right, government policies
reduced social welfare on issues like childcare, maternity leave which was an
influential reason for women to go back to the private sphere. During the 1990s
women were once again the caregiver of the family, since the state did not provide
care for the children or the elderly (Bryson, 1999).

[Link].1. Equal Rights Amendment

Movements are the tools for change and development in societies. However, the
level of reaction they get, depend on the characteristics and the cultural aspects of
the movement. Feminist movements for instance have faced with powerful counter-

16
Thatcher: A strong woman who got to the top but rejected the idea of feminism’.
[Link]
of-feminism. Date Accessed; June 2, 2019.
70
movements beginning from the first wave, since they triggered a fundamentally
social and cultural change within family relations, economical market and the
political system (Staggenborg, 1998). The movements which have challenged the
existing norms and dominant culture have faced with strong oppositions and
reactions that led to collective comeback specified as counter-movements.

The countermovements against the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) in the USA is
one of the most significant ones during this period. ERA is on the regulation of equal
rights for American citizens regardless of their sex. The segregation between men
and women were aimed to be eliminated in various field such as marriage,
employment and wages. Although ERA was endorsed by a majority within the
society, there were certain groups who opposed to the amendment. ERA was drafted
by suffragettes in the early 1920s, but not ratified by the congress and not even
brought up until the second wave of feminism in the 1960s. Campaigns in support
of the ratification of ERA were organized during the second wave of feminist
movement. In 1972, ERA was recognized and sent by the congress the states.
Although the Equal Rights Amendment was approved in 1972 by the American
Congress, 3 states refrained from ratifying the amendment. The campaigns against
ERA, organized by the conservative groups were the reason for the drawbacks of
the states (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005; Dicker, 2008).

ERA was basically a legal implementation that ensured equality between men and
women before the eyes of the state and law. However, it was challenged with
powerful counter-movements mainly from the conservatives and traditionalists of
the right wing. “Stop-ERA” was the most well-known campaign, consisted of right-
wing companies from sectors who would lose money if they equated women’s pay
with men. Main arguments opposing to ERA was that it abolished the American
traditional family (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005; Dicker, 2008; Staggenborg, 1998).
The Reagan government adopted policies such as the promotion of ‘family’ values
‘family values’ that concerned of the ‘patriarchal American family’.

The ERA was protested for basically three reasons by the religious fundamentalists
and right-wing groups. Firstly, it was accused for causing divorce and eliminating

71
the title of breadwinner from men. In fact, feminist women were accused of
dissolving the family by providing financial freedom for women and derogating the
role of breadwinner. Secondly, it was claimed that parental control and power over
children were loosened with the effect of individual rights movements of the 1960s
promoted by ERA. Thirdly, a group of women opposed to the ERA for devaluing
and twisting women’s familial role and forcing them into the public sphere. They
believed that with the ratification of ERA, even women who did not wish to leave
being a housewife would be forced into the job market. All in all, the criticisms were
mainly related with the conservation of traditional American family (Staggenborg,
1998).

Contrary to the oppositions, the ERA was supported by many housewives and men
along with feminist women. The second wave feminists were organized under NOW
for the campaigns on the ratification of ERA, still radical feminists hesitated to join
the struggle, finding it inadequate for the abolishment of the patriarchal system
(Staggenborg, 1998). Feminists evaluated ERA as a liberating implementation,
promoting equality whereas some group of women interpreted it as a threat to the
traditional American family and women’s household. ERA was ratified firstly by
22, then by 13 states. However, the states that ratified ERA withdrew their approvals
and ERA failed in the early 1980s. (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005; Dicker, 2008;
Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004; Staggenborg, 1998). With the effect of the
Republican president Ronald Reagan, the government embraced New Right policies
and strategies which abandoned the promotion of gender equality and women’s
rights such as affirmative action (Dicker, 2008).

[Link].2. Women’s Equality during Reagan Period

Being supported by the Republican president Reagan, the American government

went through a reduction in welfare state with the adoption of neoliberal and
neoconservative policies. The glorification of the traditional American family and
institutions of marriage and motherhood were strategically implemented to fulfill
the deficiency of the welfare state which influenced regressive movements and
campaigns on women’s rights especially on fertility and reproduction. There was a

72
huge influence of the conservatives from ‘right-wing’ including owners of
companies and religious fundamentalists on the regressive campaigns on
reproductive rights and stance against abortion. Magazines, lobbies and all sorts of
media was instrumentalized by the campaigns to transform women’s role and image
in the society (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005; Dicker, 2008).

The most controversial issue on women’s rights and gender equality during the late
1980s and early 1990s was abortion in the USA. As Yuval-Davis (2003) has
underlined, reproductive rights and abortion have a symbolic importance and
therefore fundamentalist and religious groups were severely against the procedure
and its legalization in the USA. It was with the ruling of the Supreme Court (Roe
vs. Wade) that abortion was legalized in 1973 (Baxandall & Gordon, 2005; Dicker,
2008; Staggenborg, 1998). After the legalization of abortion, a controversy came up
between groups that supported and opposed the procedure. Groups that supported
abortion were organized by feminists and defined as the ‘pro-choice movement’,
whereas the groups against abortion consisted of religious fundamentalists defined
as the ‘pro-life movement’.

Abortion debate was not new in the United States. In fact, it was during the 1970s
that Liberal Christians were the head of the groups involved whereas after second
wave feminism fundamentalist Protestants lead the antiabortion debate in terms of
religion. All of these traditionalist groups supported ‘right to life’ against the
liberties of the individual and women’s right to control her own body (Staggenborg,
1998). The abortion debate is a main issue to be discussed amongst religious women
as well (Bystydzienski & Sekhon, 1999). Antiabortion groups all accepted sex to be
a ‘sacred’ action, to be a part of the virtuous family and gender roles formed by the
creator (Staggenborg, 1998). The most significant group on antiabortion was ‘The
New Christian Right’, which consisted of Christian fundamentalists that were highly
conservative. ‘The New Christian Right’ was concerned not only about the virtue of
life but feared to lose the power over family values and traditions as well as parental
control in transfer their norms and beliefs to their children, by legalizing abortion
and reproductive rights, especially outside of marriage. Hence morality was the
main concern of the Christian right on the issue of abortion. Debates on abortion
73
increased with the end of 1980s and even though the pro-life and pro-choice groups
did share common views up to a certain measure, the struggles came to extremes in
the 1990s (Staggenborg, 1998). Radical antiabortion groups aggressively attacked
clinics, centers where the procedure was done and even the medical staff via
bombings, vandalism etc. (Dicker, 2008; Sowerwine & Grimshaw, 2004;
Staggenborg, 1998). These extremist groups were against abortion and many
oppressed groups in terms of race, ethnicity and gender. This push towards
conservatism resulted in policies promoting the family and traditionalism for the
next twenty years with the influence of the ascent of global New Right policies
(Dicker, 2008).

The Reagan period was famous for the uptrend of religion and traditionalism as parts
of neoliberal reforms. The conservatism was on social issues more than on economic
values. Issues such as abortion and homosexuality were the main axis of the
oppositions. Freedom was interpreted in terms of economic rights regarding
Reagan’s economic bill of rights. In 1981, taxes were reduced and the Tax Reform
Act was adopted in 1986 by the government. Neoliberal policies were utilized in
creating new markets to the economy. Privatization of public services and foreign
capital was increased within the economic system. A major aspect of the New Right
is that it neglects the differences creating disadvantageous positions in society such
as gender, class and race, therefore abolishes affirmative action. Hence, affirmative
action policies on gender have been eliminated by Reagan and Thatcher
governments.

The 1980s brought the rise of religion and conservatism in social issues and the
glorification of the family and tradition. Up to the beginning of 1990s, the New
Right governments transformed welfare state policies into a government controlled
liberal economic market, grown with globalization. The globalized free market was
promoted in terms of economy whereas family and religion were emphasized to
fulfill the deficiencies in social services with the reduction of the welfare state.
Religion and traditional family had vital influence on women concerning the
designation of their domestic role during the period. In accordance with the
promotion of women’s domestic role, new approaches towards the relationship
74
between men and women were designed in opposition to the struggle of international
organizations that embrace gender equality and women’s rights.

3.2.2. Equity Approach of the Vatican

An argument on the natural difference between men and women, rejecting the
principle of equality was introduced as an opposition to gender equality by religious
fundamentalists. The approach towards the just distribution of roles between men
and women was first voiced by the Vatican in the fourth UN conference in Beijing,
in opposition to concepts of gender and gender equality (Şimga, 2019). Distribution
of roles connotate the attribution and assignment of gender roles of men and women.
It is based on a religious premise, referring to the distribution of the roles of men
and women by the creator. This perspective was utilized by religious and
conservative circles on the emphasis of creational differences of men and women.
The Vatican firstly rejected the concept of gender, and approached to the subject
issues as men and women. Condemning other forms of sexuality or sexual
orientation other than heterosexuality, it advocated that there can be no other
affiliation on humans other than of the creation as men and women (Case, 2011).
Gender was therefore rejected all at once by the Holy See17, before other discussions
on women.

Intervention of the religious circle on women’s rights began in terms of reproductive

rights in the Conference of Cairo, which was organized to design a Program for
Action in terms of an unanimity in population development policies by the United
Nations Population Fund. The Program for Action was to be planned for a period of
20 years with the participation of the member states (Finkle, 2014). However, the
conference is remembered for a different aspect than the objective. An alliance of
the Vatican and the Islamist states were formed in opposition to the enlargement in
women’s reproductive rights. Kandiyoti (2010) highlights that in 1994, Muslim
conservatives and the Holy See cooperated during the International Conference on
Population and Development (ICPD) program against women’s reproductive rights

17
The official office of the Vatican. The Holy See participates as an observer in United Nations’
organizations.
75
in Cairo (Kandiyoti, 2010). As Vatican has been well known for opposing on
reproductive rights of women as its observer status in UN (Buss, 1998),
reproductive rights were condemned by this alliance, both praising the virtuous,
religious and traditional family. Some Islamist states boycott the Conference and
remained indifferent to the policies whereas the Vatican maintained its position on
the rejection of Conference’s policies on fertility control and abortion (Cohen &
Richards, 2019). A conflict articulated between USA and the Vatican over the issue,
by which later the Holy See adopted smoother policies in the Beijing Conference.
The unresolved issue proceeded in the Beijing Conference, although the Vatican
held more complex strategies in cooperation with the Muslim states. Beijing
Conference holds importance for having faced the oppositions on equality and
gender by the religious sphere (Buss, 1998).

Compared to the Conference of Cairo, the Vatican was more amenable in the Beijing
Conference on women’s issues and rights, a part from the gender and equality
debates. Regarding that the Vatican had a conflict with USA, it assigned an
American professor as the representative, as well as making moves to compensate
the rigid approach towards women’s rights with Pope’s Letter to Women (Buss,
1998). Pope Jean Paul II wrote a “Letter to Women” (Fastiggi, Adolphe, & Vacca,
2013, p.613) in 1995, in which he underlines the ‘complementarity’ and
‘distinctiveness’ of the two sexes, being male and female. Although supporting the
progress in women’s rights in terms of employment, equal treatment and social
justice calling it “women’s liberation” (Fastiggi et al., 2013, p. 613). He emphasized
that the diversities of men and women in terms of social roles do not imply a
discrimination or disadvantage of women but rather a richness of the society and
creation. The Vatican emphasized the importance of motherhood and fatherhood,
relating it to human biology, and showed it as the reason to why gender roles and
diversities between the sexes are multifarious and different. The beauty of ‘creation’
is underlined to support the claim of the virtuousness of complementarity between
men and women (Fastiggi et al., 2013).

In accordance with complementarity, marriage is reflected as the holy institution

and function of women through the biological differences created by the creator.
76
Needless to say, gender is seen as to be made up of the two sexes men and women
by the Vatican. As it can be observed from above, the Vatican has applauded a policy
of the differences between the sexes. The significance of ‘creation’ is emphasized
with the complementarity of women and men by anatomy. Praising the biological
traits of women, Pope Jean Paul II underlined women’s nurturing and reproductive
roles as mother and wife. Although he states that it is valuable that women’s status
and rights developed in terms of empowerment in the society (Fastiggi et al., 2013).
The Vatican reprimanded the fundamental definitions and concepts of the human
rights discourse as well as women’s rights in the Beijing Conference, to appear more
cooperative with the international stance on women’s equality (Buss, 1998).

Similarly, a collaboration was formed between the conservative Christians and

Islamist states during the Beijing Conference in 1995 (İlkkaracan, 2015). There was
a conflict during the Beijing between certain conservative groups and feminists.
Religious and traditionalists became organized and formed groups, amongst which
were both Muslims and Christians. These two different religious groups made a
coalition to interfere with discussions and acquisitions on gender equality (Yuval-
Davis, 2003). The castigations were on gender and equality, all together as the
gender equality policies were embraced by the UN internationally. Objection on the
concept gender was raised by the religious circles in cooperation with the Vatican,
enduring on men and women having been created as two sexes and heterosexuals.
The recognition of homosexuality and other sexual orientations with the concept
gender and the regulation of their rights in a legal basis concerned the Vatican and
caused it to oppose to gender altogether as a term and policy. Sexual orientations or
lifestyles other than heterosexuality were neglected and denied by the Vatican,
leading to a reciprocating position against gender (Case, 2011).

In accordance with gender, equality was another concept criticized by the Vatican
on women’s rights and policies. The discussion on equality was multi-stranded
although resting on the idea of natural differences and complementarity. Thus the
equity approach of the Vatican is illustrated to be in relation with the difference
approach. Although feminists have not formed the term on this, the difference
approach is used by conservatives to imply that women are inferior to men by nature
77
(Bryson, 1999). Although consisting of different dimensions, the arguments of
Vatican rest on the natural characteristics of men and women from the creation,
having a theological base. The argument could be formulized into three parts;
complementarity, perception of equality and human rights, and natural obligations
and duties.

Firstly, the natural differences between men and women are underlined as the
valuable characteristics that complement each other as human beings for which
equality cannot be idealized between men and women. Without regard to the ‘equal
dignity’ men and women share as humans, having no different or superior status in
terms of humanity. Men and women have different functions and obligations
deriving from nature, which is why they complement each other and are portrayed
as equivalents rather than being equal. This complementarity is the only route to the
full awareness of oneself via the embracement of femininity and masculinity
according to the Vatican and equal rights subvert the significance of the difference
between the two sexes. The drawback on the term equality relies on the
misinterpretation or mispresentation of the concept as ‘sameness’ for which the
Vatican orients the agenda towards ‘equity’ in terms of providing resembling rights
instead of equal rights. According to Buss (1998), the strategy of discussing equality
as a concept and replacing it with another term is a successful move, regarding the
unsettled debate of feminists on the concepts themselves. However, the ‘equity18’
which is used in accordance with equality by the feminist rhetoric, is portrayed as
an opposite term to equality by the Vatican (Buss, 1998). Buss (1998) also
underlines that although the Vatican focused on a controversial subject in the
feminist discourse, difference, the usage of the concept is far from the challenge to
patriarchy and oppression, on the contrary refers to the biological differences
between men and women, once again reproducing the hierarchy within them.

18
Equity refers to an auxiliary concept to equality in the gender policies. Often used in strategies for
education or employment, to ensure substantive equality in these fields. There are resources and
contexts in which equity is referred to as a synonym for equality, even in the gender discourse.
However, gender equity illustrated by the Vatican in Beijing, refers to a concept which provides
‘similar however not equal’ rights for men and women according to the biological and natural
differences.
78
Secondly, women are depicted as mothers, wives and other positions assigned
within the family. The Letter of the Pope, referred to women as religious sisters,
mothers and daughters, praising their contribution in the sacred duty. Women’s
status as mothers and wives occupy a significant place within the discourse of the
Vatican, towards which the duties and functions are directed. The entrance to
employment of women is allowed, which is reflected as the justification on account
of this the biological differences of men and women are not constant but can evolve
according to circumstances. On the other hand, women’s involvement in professions
are permitted on a condition to fulfill the biological roles assigned to themselves. In
other words, motherhood is positioned as the primary duty, for as long as it is
fulfilled, women’s entrance to employment is sympathized.

Thirdly, the Vatican recognizes and supports human rights and freedoms however
refrains from defining women’s rights as human rights. The argument put forward
is that human rights are already regulated under various implementations on account
of this there is no need for a further assignment to women’s rights specifically as
human rights. Similarly, the struggle against violence against women and sexual
violence are praised by the Vatican, who on the other hand refrain from giving
women the authority in making decisions on their own sexuality such as the
reproductive rights. Regarding its policies on reproductive rights, the Vatican
glorifies family and motherhood over any virtue within the society.

The common point of the neglecting women’s human rights and their roles other
than mothers or wives endure on the consecration of the family and familial roles.
Controlling the reproductive rights rely on the same reason, as the family is
appointed as the fundamental unit of the traditional and religious system. As a matter
of fact, the Vatican criticized the Platform for underestimating the importance of
family and having negative tendencies towards its essence and maintenance. The
negative perception of the Vatican of the women’s rights activists and feminists is
another point that can be related to this reaction towards the policies. The Vatican
held the belief of being the representative of women better than the feminists,
imputing them as too radical or distant from the public. The basic unit of the desired
society is subject to marriage, family and motherhood on account of this these
79
institutions are praised and negative connotations faced with the reaction of the
Vatican (Buss, 1998).

Buss (1998) claims that the Vatican has aimed to create an alternative for women’s
rights opposing to feminism in the Conference of Beijing, by misreflecting the
movement with the old-fashioned approaches and portraying it as Western oriented
therefore insufficient for all women. Policies on reproduction and the family were
depicted as the attack of imperialism on other countries and cultures, as well as the
religious Christian society, with modernity. Feminism was condemned for
secularizing the family and the society (Otto, 1996), deminusing the values and
traditions, sublimating Western power with its theory and practice.

3.2.3. Gender Equality vs Gender Justice

On equality and equal rights in these various contexts after the 1980s, feminist
scholars have advocated the necessity of the concept multiple times. In fact, many
scholars and feminists have previously foreshadowed that the misusage and overly
glorification of difference might result in the abandonment of gender equality.
Heaps of times, this situation happened in diverse periods of history in diverse
geographies. As the deconstruction of the fundamental concepts are closely linked
to the political encounters and agenda of historical period (Scott, 1988), it is not
surprising that gender justice was exerted by the conservatives on gender issues, in
Turkey today. Gender justice is often utilized by the conservative circles to
designate a way back to religion in reference to the creation. As the socioeconomic
policies of the states and parties have begun to take a significant turn towards the
right, or in fact nationalist circles, the effort to separate gender equality from welfare
state policies emerged. The distortion of gender justice as a policy has reached a
peek point in accordance with the expansion of patriarchal, conservative
governments throughout the globe. The backlash to liberal societal change seems to
be the main target of these retrogressive policies, one of which has the primary aim
to abolish gender-neutral social policies (Kandiyoti 2010; Koray 2011; Scott 1988).

80
It is noted by some feminist scholars that giving up on equality as a whole might
result in regression in women’s empowerment in women’s rights. As cited in Koray
(2011), Milkman underlines that feminists must not leave equality or difference in
any way. (Koray,2011; Milkman; Kandiyoti 2010; Scott 1988). According to
Mossesdottir (2002), the social policies on equality differ depending on the party
which is in power. The policies in favor of gender equality increase during the rule
of social democrats whereas they tend to decrease during the rule of conservative
governments, in the case of Italy, France and Denmark after the 2000s.

The effect of conservative governments on gender equality is highlighted with a

famous court case (sears case) by Scott (1988), in which concepts of discrimination
were deconstructed as natural difference to social inequalities. Scott (1988)
underlines, this was the effect of the political agenda since, there was a
deconstruction in strategies of affirmative action during the Reagan period. More
relevantly, Kandiyoti (2016) underlines that giving the initiative on women’s issues
and empowerment to governments, might lead to an ambivalent situation in terms
of women’s rights in case of Islamist oppositions, whom have not much space for
gender consciousness on agenda. On the other hand, Gita Sen, as cited in Kandiyoti
(2016), highlights the drift in gender equality and social justice within the globe with
the increase in neoliberalism. The rise of neoliberal policies tend to increase
conservative policy making in terms of reproductive rights and women’s bodies
(Kandiyoti, 2010).

Gender equality being the key concept is raised with respect to intergovernmental
and international conventions and strategies on women, diverse spheres the
feminists. Although it has been formulated differently by feminists approaches,
gender equality is embraced today by intergovernmental organizations like UN.
Gender equality rests on the combination of feminist approaches, in order to
internalize every aspect and virtue. For this reason, the grounds of gender equality,
in the sense of international strategy includes the equality, difference and
transformative approaches of the feminist strands. Today, gender equality,
preserving equality in its formal sense, has been designed to contain the
embracement of differences between men and women, as well as the recognition of
81
diversities between women themselves, promoting intersectionality. Hence, gender
equality has the objective of eliminating gender discrimination of any kind and
achieving equality in terms of legal and substantive sense, through affirmative action
measures and transformation of the patriarchal institutions via implementations
adopted in intergovernmental conventions. Equal treatment and equal opportunities
are ensured together with the virtue of equal worth as humans by gender equality
with the recognition of women’s rights are human rights. The significance of
women’s rights being appreciated as human rights, as previously in the chapter, is
realized with the struggle of gender equality and women’s movement. This
recognition is crucial for interpretation of women as equal with men in terms of
citizenship and as individuals, a part from being members of a certain community,
that being either the family or the nation. Thus, gender equality has a vital role in
the promotion of women’s equal citizenship with the internalization of embracing
femininity and diversities (race, ethnicity etc.).

Gender justice, although having no exact root within a theory or academic base,
signifies the equity approach on the relationship between men and women. Unlike
in gender equality, it is controversial whether to use the concept gender or not,
regarding the oppositions on its content. The most significant characteristic of
gender justice is the inconsideration of women as unique individuals and citizens,
without having any attachment to a social community. In other words, this approach
neglects women’s individuality both in terms of the social and the political content,
and identifies them within either the family or a community, sometimes with both.
The Letter of Pope specifies this identification with addressing women as either
mothers, sisters or daughters, attaching a religious base to their positions. The
attribution of certain identities to women other than simply individuals or citizens
perpetuate the patriarchal roots of protection and natural deficiencies of women
within the religion, as well as impose the sacred duty of preserving the traditional
family and society with the domestic roles.

Gender equality and gender justice diversify in especially positioning women as

individuals and as part of a community. Gender equality interprets women as sole
individuals and citizens who suffer from the prejudice and disadvantageous
82
circumstances of the patriarchal society, whereas gender justice frames them as
delicate and deficient humans that are in need for protection and recognition under
a certain community. Accordingly, motherhood and marriage are illustrated as
institutions which are essential to complete or fulfill the deficient within a woman
by the equity approach, in this case gender justice. The expectation of forming a
family and procreating as a woman rests on the objective of the approach on
preserving and perpetuating the traditionally religious Christian family by
evangelizing the values and beliefs to next generations (Case, 2011). For this reason,
women’s primary duty is assigned as motherhood and caregiving for the family or
else being deficient by nature.

Natural traits and characteristics are highlighted in promotion of gender justice,

unlike in gender equality. Although gender equality promoted the recognition of
differences between men and women and different women, its objective is to
achieve equality by abolishing the obstacles created by these differences. Gender
justice on the other hand, is in favor of the perpetuation of the natural differences,
to maintain the traditional and religious society, in which the gender roles are
distributed according to patriarchal considerations. To put it differently, even though
both of the approaches recognize differences between men and women, gender
equality is in favor of eliminating the disadvantageous position of women created
by them, whereas gender justice underlines them to reinforce the patriarchal roles
attributed to women, in order to preserve the traditional character of community.
The objective of gender justice relies on its existence being endured on the
traditional family and the patriarchal system, including religion.

In short, gender equality is a concept which has deep roots in both equality and
gender theories, being the result of the combination of various theories, as the
primary actor of women’s issues internationally for nearly 30 years. Gender justice,
on the other hand lacks a theoretical basis, including theories on equality and justice
for which can only be related to religious texts and affiliations. Although both of the
concepts recognize differences between men and women, gender justice aims to
perpetuate the disadvantageous position of women within the family and the society
by underlining them, and affiliating women with the family and marriage. Gender
83
equality, unlike gender justice, holds the objective of eliminating gender
discrimination that has been created with the effect of these differences and support
women into an equal position legally and socially.

The gender justice that is subject of this study is a concept that has been formed by
the neoconservative discourse of Turkey, with the influence of the equity approach
to women and men’s relations, presented by the Vatican in the UN Conference of
Beijing in 1995. Although gender equality and gender justice are complementary
concepts to supply gender consciousness as well as to abolish gender discrimination
in the international gender discourse, gender justice is demonstrated as an alternative
that is not related to gender equality by the neoconservative discourse in Turkey.
The internationally renown concept of gender justice, implies the fair distribution of
justice to every citizen regardless of gender and gender discrimination. The
neoconservative discourse on the other hand, creates a new approach towards gender
relations severely influenced by the Vatican as a binary opposite of gender equality
and suggest that gender discourse should abandon equality. Gender justice is
translated directly into English from Turkish, on account of this the content of the
concept and the name is in confusion. Although the gender justice implied by
neoconservatives of Turkey signify the equity approach of the Vatican, the
translation has focused on justice rather than equity, on account of this this paper
refers to the concept as gender justice. Hence, gender justice in the sense of Turkey
will be discussed in this chapter, independent from the international connotation of
gender justice.

In accordance with the Vatican, the neoconservative discourse of Turkey repugnates

other sexual orientations than heterosexual men and women on account of this they
neglect issues on LGBTQ, in discussions of gender and gender policies. In contrast
to the Vatican on the other hand, they do not refrain from the usage of the term
gender, but use the strategy to transform the meaning of the concept to another
connotation, that solely being heterosexual men and women. Due to the neglection
of the gender justice approach to other sexual orientations other than
heterosexuality, this study will focus on the gender relations between men and
women in terms of the neoconservative discourse and gender equality.
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3.2.4. Gender and Islamist Fundamentalism

Islamist fundamentalism that contains a similarity in terms of content (not concept

or definition) in terms of gender and the gender justice approach in Turkey is present
in Iran. Being under the rule of Islam, since the end of 70s, Iran consists of various
groups that approach gender and religion from different perspectives. The related
perspective to the subject of the thesis could be summarized as the ‘gender balance’
approach of the Islamist fundamentalists. The interpretation of women and gender
of this group is similar to the perception of the Christian fundamentalists at many
points especially on the preservation of the traditional family and women’s
identification with motherhood and duties as wives. Although Islamist
fundamentalists share the perspective of Christian fundamentalists on women’s
functions and duties deriving from creation, women’s rights and gender equality are
often portrayed as Western notions inaccurate for men and women’s relations. It is
argued that the West has primarily discriminated and oppressed women and later
aimed to equalize them with men with identical rights which is inaccurate
considering men and women are different. Morteza Motahhari, the leading
individual in terms of women’s rights among Islamist fundamentalism, emphasizes
that men and women are different in essence and biology on account of this they
should be embraced in terms of their natural capacities. Islamist fundamentalism
breaks Christian fundamentalism at this point and advocates that men and women
should attain different rights and obligations including professions in accordance
with their traits (Masoud, 2002; Mir-Hosseini, 1999, 2004).

The approach of Islamist fundamentalists to gender is represented from a ‘balance’

perspective, which refer to various fields of science in justifying their arguments
such as psychology and sociology. According the approach of balance, women and
men are complementary in creation which is why marriage should be designed on
these different functions and duties of men and women. The differences should not
be interpreted as unequal or unjust but rather the prerequisites of the natural order
and justice provided by Islam. Equality is once again presented as sameness and
regarding women and men’s differences in nature deriving from creation they
cannot attain ‘identical’ rights. Gender equality is demonstrated as a Western
85
invention subsequently it should not be applied on the society of Iran. References to
Western history of women are made to justify the insufficiency of equality on
empowering women. As the essential differences of women are neglected in terms
of the legal implementations, women’s need for protectionism is underlined.
Motahhari (as cited in Masoud, 2002) states that women are fond of being protected
from nature and men look for protecting women, women wish to be controlled
whereas men wish to control (Mir-Hosseini, 1999) and bases this argument on the
physical superiority of men which was the objective of God in the first place.
Grounding on this protectionism and the creational physical differences, the Islamist
fundamentalists advocate that women and men should enjoy different professions
and rules in accordance with their diverse functions and duties deriving from
creation (Masoud, 2002). The natural differences are explained with the creation but
verified by the utilization of sciences by the balance approach. As a result of the
difference essence, ‘proper rights’ are approved instead of equal rights for men and
women (Mir-Hosseini, 1999). Promoting the domestic roles attributed to women by
the society, the balance approach emphasizes motherhood and domestic labor as the
primary duty for women, in harmony with their natural functions. The principle of
balance rejects the equality between men and women in institutions like marriage
and family, in fact support the lack of women’s rights on divorce, embracing that
men are the head of the household. The name balance therefore signifies the balance
in duties and rights. In other words men are assigned more rights compared to
women because they have the obligation to fulfill more duties as the head and the
protector of the family and women (Masoud, 2002; Mir-Hosseini, 1999, 2004).

The balance approach has similarities with the gender justice approach of the
neoconservative discourse in Turkey, in terms of the protectionism and underlining
of the natural differences between men and women. However, the contents and
strategies of the balance approach advocates that women’s rights and citizenship
should be regulated differently. As Turkey is a secular republic, in which women
enjoy equal rights to men in terms of citizenship and marriage, although the
references to Islam in terms of creation are made, it would not be quite accurate to
state that the balance approach resembles the gender justice approach. Furthermore,
the policies and strategies of the gender justice approach are more similar both in
86
practice and strategy to the anti-gender movements and equity approach of the
Vatican in terms of addressing women’s status within the nation and the family
especially on the areas of employment and education.

3.2.5. Anti-Gender Movements and Stagnation of Gender Equality in the

2000s

Over the past decade, the gender movements have been facing with counter
movements globally. The authoritative governments have been uptrending around
Europe and the Western countries, with support from the capital market in the shades
of right populist parties. France, Britain, Hungary, Ukraine, Poland, the Philipines
and finally Turkey, the uprise of populism of the neoconservative governments have
evolved especially after 9/11 under the curtains of nationalism. The conservative
governments of the East have certain aspects in common. For instance economic
crisis have paved the way for their rule and they have positioned the West as a rival
with the instrumentalization of nationalism. Thus, an enemy which is never
significant or specific but rather adaptable at any geography or form is created
(Demir, 2017). There are two views for the development of this strategy. One is that
the uptrend of nationalism and authoritarian approach of governments with the
effect of 9/11 and reaction against terrorism. The other finds the fault in the New
Right which is composed of both neoliberalism and neoconservatism in ideology.
Whichever the reason is, it is a fact that many countries have been suffering from
the authoritarian approaches of the governments in gender policies as well as in
almost all fields of social, political and economic spheres. Although the states were
denoted to have internalized gender policies in regard to international conventions
and implementations, the request of regression have been on the agenda of certain
countries including of Europe. While the movements all have unique characteristics,
they have many similarities, especially the Eastern European countries. The
regressive movements and the pressure against gender equality resemble each other
in countries such as Poland, Ukraine and Turkey. Issues like abortion and
reproductive rights have continuous characteristic in terms of historical foundation
(e.g. Ireland, USA) whereas the elimination of gender equality and gender are fairly
new. The main concern of the regressive movements appears to be on the
87
conservation of the nation and the traditional society. The regressive movements of
certain countries have compulsive similarities with the Turkish context on account
of this they will be discussed in this part of the study.

The regressive movements in Poland have began in 1989 and continued in the 1990s,
and finally resulted in the restriction of legal abortion. During the 1990s the political
atmosphere and the majority of the parliament shifted with the impact of the
religious officials and antiabortion lobbies began to emerge and finally in 1993,
legal abortion on demand was prohibited. Currently only under certain
circumstances which entail the threat of life of the mother or in terms of a crime that
abortion is permitted in Poland. A proposal of a new regulation that prohibits
abortion under any circumstance was submitted to the parliament in 2016, which led
to the stunning Black Protests. The protests composed of women and men that
searched for the freedom of control over women’s own body. Warshow meeting that
took place on October 3, 2016 was one of the most participated demonstrations in
Poland, with the attendance of 50 thousand people. The draft of the bill that prohibits
abortion totally has been submitted once again to the parliament in 2018, which were
faced with stronger protests. Regressive policies on abortion have been emerging
ever since the liberation from the Soviet Union, with the pressure of the
conservatives. Women’s protests and movements have been the strongest reactions
against these reversal in gender policies (Graff & Korolczuk, 2017; Staroszczyk,
2017).

Similar to Poland, Ireland is another country in which abortion has been a

controversial issue. Feminists of Ireland have been struggling with the prohibition
of abortion for years against conservative traditions and perspectives. The abortion
ban was taken before the ECHR for which the court decided on the necessity of the
government to adopt new regulations on abortion. Nonetheless what changed the
idea of the government was not the court decision per se, but the protests held after
the tragic death of a woman from septicemia due to the prohibition of abortion.
Finally four years after the court’s decision, abortion was permitted for only women
who have the tendency to commit suicide, in addition a committee of priests were
to make the decision. With the adoption of the oppressive regulation, protests were
88
raised across the country in which various spheres of individuals from men to
women, students to workers attended in struggle for the assignment of a referendum
on abortion (Auliffe & Kennedy, 2017; Waszak, 2017).

Ukraine, ever since the collapse of Soviet Union, has been socializing with western
world as well as universal ideologies like feminism and gender policies. Gender
policies have been improving in Ukraine ever since the establishment of the country
after the collapse with the support of intergovernmental organizations, primarily UN
(Lamakh, 2017). Similar to Turkey, women’s movement was legalized under
women’s and gender research centers in universities with support of UNDP, as well
as establishment governmental institutions. The legal reforms included codes on
domestic violence and equal opportunities between men and women in the 2000s.
With these codes Ukraine was obliged to adopt to the international gender measures
and policies. Majority of the policies focused on education given on domestic
violence and other women’s issues to certain professions. Withal the country faced
with a powerful response in terms of counter movement from the conservatives and
religious officials later supported by state officials (Lamakh, 2017). The strategies
instrumentalized by the conservatives were the establishment of their own NGOs
focusing on the protection of the family, antoganizing gender and feminism as a
threat. The conservative groups pressure feminists on aiming to destroy the
traditional Ukranian family. Feminism is reflected with a distortion by these groups
as immorality to raise familialism and conservatism under nationalism and
traditionalism. The regressive struggle of these groups have been mobilized into the
parliament even attacking the ratification of the Istanbul Convention. The antigender
movements have a wide impact in Ukraine basically by pressuring the government
and influincing the society with false implications and definitions of feminism and
gender, portraying them as indecent and corrupt (Lamakh, 2017). Regression of
women’s rights and gender policies in Ukraine, although having accured before,
show concrete similarity with Turkey, which is discussed in Chapter 5.

The regressive movements on women and gender have been present beginning from
second wave feminism. Sometimes they focused on same issues in different
geographies such as abortion, sometimes they have diversified depending on local
89
sensitivities as in the case of Ukraine. Abortion having been the main concern for
all the countries is the accurate reflection of the patriarchal and dominant policies of
the New Right, aiming to control the fertility of women. The shifts in women and
gender policies have began with the change in economic, social and political
systems, in some cases transformation from welfare state to neoliberalism and other
from communism to capitalism. In every case, the neoliberal approach of the
governments have solidified states’ policies on women, and reproductive rights,
promoting traditional family to replace the vacancy of the welfare state (Kuhar &
Paternotte, 2017).

An extensive form of an antigender movement has spread around Europe within the
last years. This rising ideology consists of traditionalist and conservative influences
of the Catholic Church together with the nationalist and traditionalist ideologies of
the New Right. In accordance with the increasing Islamaphobia and immigration in
the Western world, there has been a growth in the plea of conserving nationial and
traditional values in European countries. Sometimes it has been shaped with the
objective of preserving and protecting the national identity and norms such as in
France (Stambolis-Ruhstorfer & Tricou, 2017), whereas it can be in form of
maintenance of the familial system and traditional values as in Poland. Although the
movements show diversity in terms of propaganda or reflected reason, they show
similarity on the grounding purpose and strategy.

The groups leading the movement are composed of communities of various

affiliations amongst which are; conservatives, religious fundamentalists,
antiabortion groups, family unions and politicians and parties of the far right with
mainly religious backgrounds. The rising antigender movements today are the
enhanced and altered versions of the approach of the Vatican in the conferences of
Cairo and Beijing in the 1990s. Having focused on different subjects and utilizing
diverse strategies, all of the movements stem from the conservative approach of the
Catholic Church. As in fact it has been layed out that most of the movements are
either affialiated or funded by Churches or the clergy. In terms of religious
attachment, it is noteworthy that the antigender movements have been transformed
into various forms according to the embracement of religion within the country. In
90
France for instance, these movements have been aggregated under a secular form,
regarding the secularist structure of the nation (Stambolis-Ruhstorfer & Tricou,
2017), whereas stayed more religious and piuous in countries like Italy or Spain.
Hence, although the fundamental objectives and targets are the same, the strategies
and arguments are put forward in accordance with the national, cultural and religious
conjuncture of every specific country.

Strategies that have been utilized in every country within Europe in terms of the
antigender movement was significantly the protection of the family and the
maintenance of the national values and identities. The ideology of gender is
positioned as an enemy in terms of having the danger of transforming the traditional
family, into a homosexual form, denying the religion and creation. The enemy is
formulated again regarding the religious status and approach to a significant
geography of the country. For instance, antigender movements focus on the
conservation of traditional values and family against the demoralized West in Polan,
whereas it is positioned as an American notion by French groups in accordance with
the opposite connotation of USA to the French national identity (Stambolis-
Ruhstorfer & Tricou, 2017). Similiarly, it is portrayed as a totalitarian notion,
resembling the communist regimes and practices in the Eastern European countries
that have a prior experience with communism. In Germany and Austria on the other
hand, the antigender movement through gender mainstreaming is demonstrated as
totalitarian, interfering with national order and system (Mayer & Sauer, 2017; Villa,
2017). All in all, in most states gender ideology is evaluated as an intervention of
the international institutions and foremost the EU on the national identity and values.
Thus, it can be observed that all of these groups include a form of traditionalism and
conservatism within their structure.

The main concerns of the antigender groups around Europe are mainly the protection
of the traditional family and national identity on account of this they have a stance
against same-sex marriage. Some groups also oppose to sex education in schools
such as in Poland, as well as comdenmning the international implementations such
as the Istanbul Convention. Gender studies courses and centers are challenged by
the antigender groups in accordance with the conservation principle, however
91
sometimes found to be redundant by certain groups like in Germany and Austria
(Mayer & Sauer, 2017; Villa, 2017). These groups advocate that gender equality has
already been achieved, for the establishment and activation of these centers would
be discrimination to men and sabotage the family. The Catholic countries on the
other hand have focused on abortion and have been shaped in terms of mainly
antiabortion groups as in Italy and Spain, when in fact the antigender movement is
composed of family and parent unions rejecting same-sex marriage mainly.

Although these countries are a part of the Western world, gender and gender equality
has been positioned as an opponent to traditional family and national identity with
the argument that it is a Western notion. In fact the place where the antigender
movements have stemed from, the Vatican, outrightly Pope Francis refers to gender
as “ideological colonization” (Kuhar & Paternotte, 2017, p.8). The Vatican has
utilized the strategy to present itself as the true representative of women and men,
condemning feminism and instrumentalized traditionalism in deconstructing and
reconstructing the notions and concepts of gender and feminist discourse. In terms
of the justification of the opposite positioning of gender and the gender ideology,
the antigender groups from a victimization discourse, situating an opponent either
the West, communism or secularism, depending on the beliefs and values of the
nation. The uptrend of the antigender strategies and movements have been in
accordance with the increase in secularism of Europe, on account of this the Vatican
has accused gender of secularizing the traditional Christian family. In short, the
Catholic Church, the right and conservative parties and groups have cherished each
other in promoting the antigender stance. The reference of the Vatican to “equal
dignity over equal right”(Kuhar & Paternotte, 2017, p.9) has been perpetuated in the
name of preserving the traditional, heterosexual family and the national identity.
Hence, the religious movement on abortion crosscuts the populist literature of the
right. Women have become prominent in the movements, as public figures in many
countries.

The effects of the anti-gender approaches have been effective on Turkey as well,
being part of the international community with both geographical imminence and
being obligated with intergovernmental conventions. Stagnations and struggles
92
towards gender equality and women’s rights have shifted from time to time in the
country. Harmony with the international context had sometimes been possible,
whereas the circumstances differed depending on local factors. However, it would
be accurate to conclude that the gender justice approach of neoconservatives in
Turkey resemble the antigender approach ideology rising in Europe consisting of
the effect of the Catholic Church and the right-wing policies concerning the family
and traditionalism. This approach is similar more to the Western antigender
movement than to the Muslim significations and policies. The discourse against
gender equaltity in Turkey has used the strategies of victimization and preservation
of national dentity, similar to these European countries. Gender equality and the
stagnations of gender are investigated in terms of Turkey and the Turkish rhetoric
in the next chapter.

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 CHAPTER 4

GENDER POLICIES IN TURKEY AND THE RISE OF

NEOCONSERVATISM UNDER THE JDP GOVERNMENT

4.1. Acquisitions of Women’s Movements Before JDP

The Republic of Turkey has cooperated with international institutions and entities
from its establishment. Women’s movements and struggle for equality can be
divided into two eras as before and after the government of JDP in relation to this
study. Turkish women’s struggle for equality has been told to stem from the
women’s movement of the prerepublican era, started by activists such as Halide
Edip Adıvar (S. Çakır, 1994). However, with the establishment of the Republic of
Turkey in 1923, women’s rights and freedom have been imposed on the society with
state policies as a terminus of Turkish modernization. White (2003), refers to this
period as ‘state feminism’, regarding the state policies of the state on equal rights
and citizenship of women to men. The early republican period is appreciated by the
first generation women whereas criticized to form ‘state patriarchy’ on women’s
liberation by the following generations (Cansun, 2013). After the establishment of
the republic, the Turkish state promoted women’s policies in the name of
modernization step by step (A. Saktanber & Corbacioglu, 2008).

Firstly, the Civil Code was adopted in 1926 that regulated marital rights and societal
rights of Turkish citizens. These rights granted Turkish women the right to divorce,
contrary to the previous case in the Ottoman era. Monogamy was regulated under
the Civil Code to protect women and embrace equal citizenship in marriage.
Following, in 1934, Turkish women’s right to vote was regulated on a national level
for the first time. Women’s struggle for suffrage had been given under the roof of
94
Turkish Women’s Union19 in 1924 (Aydemir & Aydemir, 2011), however had not
succeeded until 1934. As the protests grew and women marched to the National
Assembly for suffrage, women’s right to vote was firstly regulated for the
municipality elections in 1930 and the right to be elected in 1933. Finally in 1934
women gained full suffrage and were considered as equal citizens (N. Arat, 1996).
In 1935, 18 women were elected in the National Assembly.

Women acquired comprehensive form of rights on sociocultural matters. For

instance, the obligation of wearing the veil set during the Ottoman role was
abolished and institutions such as marriage and divorce were legalized with the
adoption of the Civil Code. As Turkish women were the center of the republican
reforms of modernization, contemporary feminists criticize the era for objectifying
them as the symbols of the new system and instrumentalizing them for state
policies20. Kandiyoti (2007), highlights that the women attending and dancing in the
balls, wearing skirts and shorts are the image of how the republic shaped women’s
appearance. However, this liberation of women failed to reach the less educated
women, therefore even though the Turkish woman was ‘emancipated’, she was not
‘liberated’ (Kandiyoti & Bora, 2007). The ability and duty of women to rear the
future citizens as mothers were underlined, for why education and intelligence is
valued by the reformists, according to feminists. Thus, the policies of reforms are
criticized for using women as the tools of Westernization, instead of granting them
freedom and equality as citizens like men. Kardam, on the other hand rejects that
the objective was neither Westernization nor to control the society, the aim of the
state was to provide equality for real between men and women, as the president
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has idealized (As cited in Arat, 1996). As the result of the
revolutions of the new state, women were legally able to hold occupations such as
doctors, teachers, judges just like men (N. Arat, 1996).

19
Türk Kadınlar Birliği, was established in 1924 by Turkish women. Most of them were activists
during the Ottoman rule. The union targeted to enter the elections in 1925 with Nezihe Muhittin and
Halide Edip Adıvar as candidates for MP, however the General Assembly vetoed women’s entrance
into politics(Abadan-Unat, 1996).

20
See for e.g. Serpil Çakır, Deniz Kandiyoti, Serpil Sancar, Coşar and Yeğenoğlu.
95
4.1.1. Feminist Movement

Republic of Turkey went through an economic and political transformation in the

early 1980s with the government of ANAP (Mainland Party). ANAP was a political
party that idealized neoliberalism as its ideology. With the rules of ANAP (who was
the majority government between 1983-1991), economic policies shifted towards a
neoliberal end including privatization of state enterprises and reduction in welfare
policies. ANAP was the reflection of the New Right in Turkish politics, embracing
neoliberalism and free market together with traditionalist approach on social norms
and values. The party has the significance of transforming state-based economy of
Turkey and to introduce it with neoliberalism. 1980s were the era of change in
Turkey with the effect of the coup d’etat performed by the military on September
12.

The radical political ideologies of left and right were abandoned and a center-right
liberal approach rised in politics. The women’s movement filled the void created by
the regression in social activism and social movements. Hence, it was during the
1980s that the new women’s movement began to sprout with the prior impact of the
liberation movements in the 1960s and 1970s, second wave feminism, of the West.
This movement basically focused on domestic violence, reproductive rights and
women’s equality (Aksoy, 2018). During the 1980s, women’s movement started
with small group meetings similar to the consciousness raising groups in the West.
Women’s activism was made up of heterogenous groups of women consisting of
housewives, professors, and educated women. The meetings started in large cities
mainly Ankara and Istanbul held by small groups, then increased to wider meeting
in conference halls (Timisi & Gevrek, 2002).

An organization, ‘Women’s Circle’, very active at the time, formed a petition for
the ratification of CEDAW. The demonstrations and protests of women’s NGOs has
had a significant effect on the implementation especially during the end of 1980s.
1980s were more of a mass movement full of street protests and petitions, feminist
publications were made and prepared. The protests “march against battering” on
1987 that took place in Istanbul is reflected to be the most important mass protest /

96
street movement in Turkey concerning women (N. Arat, 1996; Işık, 2002; Timisi &
Gevrek, 2002). The Turkish women’s movement focused on various subjects
beginning with formal equality to the oppression of women in the private sphere, in
accordance with second wave feminism (Y. Arat, 2016). Most of the Turkish
feminists were women who have separated from the leftist movements of the 1960s
and 1970s. Women questioned the patriarchal norms of the leftist movements which
they were once part of, however not liberated or recognized enough in terms of their
female identity. (Bora, 2002). Feminist movement in Turkey focused on the matters
on the private sphere such as marriage and motherhood, nonetheless later discussed
sexuality and reproduction (Sancar, 2012). This movement struggled for the
recognition of women as individual citizens rather than identities that are part of
certain communities (Y. Arat, 2016).

In accordance with the global proliferation of institutionalization as part of the

ratification process of CEDAW, the foundation of women’s movement shifted from
the streets to actors of civil society as NGOs and associations in cooperation with
intergovernmental organizations. The NGOs of the 1980s began to focus and major
in specific issues in the 80s (Işık, 2002). In 1989, the first, ‘Women’s Research and
Education Center’ of Turkey was established in İstanbul University (N. Arat, 1996).
The local and national women’s NGO’s began to form relations and negotiations
with municipalities governments and political parties. Women’s shelters, libraries,
magazines and centers for gender studies were organized.

During the 1990s, the movement started to collaborate with international institutions
and activists attended conferences, which caused a transformation in the society’s
perception of women’s rights (Aksoy, 2018; Gedik, 2016). Violence against women
and domestic violence was the major axis of Turkish feminist politics throughout
the 1990s. The campaigns and policies drew attention to all sorts of violence against
women including domestic violence. Individual rights and freedoms were the
fundamental concepts of struggle with debates on patriarchy and hegemony. The
political discussions on gender and gender equality emerged with the impact of
international organizations, agreements and institutions in Turkey. United Nations
being the most influential and effective one of course, impinged legislative
97
regulations concerning women on a significant level. The Republic of Turkey signed
CEDAW in 1985 and ratified it in 1986. Later in 1995, the Beijing Declaration was
signed and measures were guaranteed to be taken. Regarding gender equality there
are two forms of changes in Turkey; institutional regulations and legal regulations.
On institutional base the ‘Directorate General on the Status of Women’ was
established in 1990, “to abolish any form of discrimination against women, to
protect and improve women’s rights and to provide equal opportunity and treatment
in every of society” (Cansun, 2013; Işık, 2002). The directorate has been rearranged
with a legal change in 2011.

With the pressure of women’s protests and the NGOs, reforms concerning women
began to be discussed in various legal fields starting from 1998. European Union is
the second institution to have influenced Republic of Turkey significantly on
women’s and gender equality. Even far more than UN itself concerning the fact that
Turkey has had the intention of becoming a member for years, hence is obliged to
fulfill the necessary standards. It can be observed especially in the legal system that
the EU accession process carried women’s status to a higher level with the
obligatory reforms in various fields of the society and rights. Turkey has signed an
additional protocol for full adjustment to CEDAW in 2000 and entered the EU
Gender Equality Program in 2003 as an obligation of the accession process.
Meanwhile, under the JDP government ‘The Commission for Equal Opportunity of
Women and Men’(KEPEK) was established in 2009, to abolish gender
discrimination and provide equal opportunity to women and men by the parliament.
Turkey presented reports to the CEDAW Committee in the years of 1997, 2005 and
2008 on Turkey’s status on gender equality (Koray, 2011).With the latest form of
legal reform Turkey ratified is ‘The Council of Europe Convention on preventing
and combating violence against women and domestic violence’ in 2011, known as
the ‘Istanbul Convention’. The convention has four objectives and functions; to
protect, prevent, prosecute and eliminate violence against women. More precisely
to provide policies against violence against women, to protect women against gender
discrimination via education in order avoid it, to protect and provide assistance to
women who suffer from violence and to supply correct sanctions against violence.

98
Although Koray (2011) finds it important that gender equality policies have been
brought into agenda in Turkey and that the issue of gender discrimination has
become visible, the policies have not been functional in reality. She underlines that
the gender equality policies in Turkey have been established with the sake of
‘modernization’ and adoption to the international arena, The reason gender equality
has not been internalized in Turkey depends on the conservative culture, socio
economic norms and the late timing of the adoption of the policies (Koray, 2011).
Sancar (2012) argues that, women realized in the 1980s that the reforms of during
the establishment of the republic were not sufficient in emancipating women from
the patriarchal structure of the society in Turkey, therefore the necessity of a
transformation in the social understanding a part from the legal implementations.
Similarly, women’s issues have been frequently discussed and addressed. Howbeit,
the subject of attention is usually the family and institutions like motherhood on
women’s rights and issues rather than the individual emancipation (Acar & Altunok,
2013). Hence, it can be observed that the implementations and discussions on
women do not contain a feminist perspective and feminism is alienated from the
legal procedure of women’s rights by the right-wing parties. As Koray (2011) has
emphasized violence against women or domestic violence, for instance, are coped
with from a unique perspective, neglecting its patriarchal roots and perception.
Similar to Tekeli (1998)’s emphasis on the feminist movements limitation with
educated, middleclass women in Turkey, currently a politics of exclusion of the
feminist theory is applied on women’s issues. This unconsciousness or confusion is
observed from politics to the academia in current conjuncture mostly within the
neoconservative discourse. As its reflection in the academia, Ecevit (2010) has
italicized that even though the number of studies on women and women’s issues
increase every day, the interpretation and content of the feminist discourse and
utilization of feminist perspective has been perilous.

The feminist movement in Turkey was criticized for being capsuled to a certain
group of women, middle-class, educated living in big cities and neglecting the
problems of diverse identities and spheres (Bora, 2011). During late 90s the feminist
movement began to undergo a change within itself and differed into various groups
in Turkey. Women’s groups began to identify themselves according to other
99
characteristics such as Kurdish feminists and Islamist feminists (Bora, 2011; Bora
& Günal, 2002). Islamist women showed significance in the 90s, first with the
headscarf ban. Headscarf was banned in the state institutions including universities.
College students who could not enter the universities made protests against the ban
with the support of certain feminist groups, which resulted in a formation of a
movement (Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017; Saktanber, 2006). Islamist feminists
were of various debates to whether women can be both feminist and Islamist.

According to Eraslan (2002), the movement of Islamist feminists started in the late
90s and had a two dimensional form. With the headscarf issue they stood against the
secular state and with the reformist understanding they were against the conservative
Islamists. In both of the dimension they aimed to prove that Islam does not mean
the demeaning of women and that women have the right to dress and live as they
wish (Eraslan, 2002). From that time on feminism and women’s empowerment
spread to Islamist women. As the reforms of the codes took place, these women
supported feminists in standing against the patriarchal norms along with the
feminists during the legal reforms (Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017). Women from
all these groups having diverse characteristics joined together for gender equality,
under ‘negative partnership’ which was gender discrimination.

Although, currently any of the women’s groups identify themselves with third wave
feminism and intersectionality, some groups of women neglect feminism or
women’s movement of the previous years and attribute a whole different meaning
to ‘gender equality’. Neoconservative women are one of the significant groups, who
refrain from the terms feminism or women’s empowerment and reconstruct a new
form of societal justice. What separates them from the Islamist women or
conservatives in other words is their adaptation to liberalism and free market. The
conservative tendencies have been increasing since 2002, when JDP (Justice and
Development Party) came into power. With the election of the neoconservative
government, the gender equality policies tend to go backwards (Koray, 2011).

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4.2. Gender Equality Policies After JDP

JDP (Justice and Development Party) came into power in 2002, following the
economic crisis of 2001 in Turkey. The party consisted of conservatives from the
previous Islamist Party RP (Welfare Party), liberals from right-wing parties, other
right-wing politicians and even some previously leftist politicians. JDP was
established with the goal of supplying economic, social and political stability and
development (Çınar, 2013), regarding a neoliberal economic model and politics, in
collaboration with the Western countries. During its initial years JDP sought for a
more comprehensive, accommodating and inclusive politics. However, holding the
majority of the seats in the TBMM continuously for four years of government its
politics became more and more authoritarian, unidirectional and exclusive over the
years. (2002, 2007, 2011 and 2016), JDP continued to increase its power (Aksoy,
2018; Coşar & Yeğenoğlu, 2011; Dedeoglu, 2012; Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün,
2017; Kaya, 2015).

The ideology of JDP was initially defined as ‘conservative democracy’ as

underlined in the party charter (Coşar & Yeğenoğlu, 2011; Kaya, 2015). JDP refers
to values such as social justice, pluralism, free market economy and democracy
within the charter, stating the virtues they wish to employ during years of power.
Freedom of religion and permittance of religious practices within state institutions,
which have been banned because of laicism were its sensitivity towards freedom
and democracy (Kaya, 2015). JDP government has embraced privatization as the
fundamental aspect of their interpretation of social stability (Atalay, 2017). Many
institutions and enterprises were privatized which previously belonged to the public
or the state. The neoliberal policies were managed with socio-cultural conservatism,
“mélange of neoliberalism and neoconservatism” (Atalay, 2017, p.4).

4.2.1. Pillars of JDP’s Neoconservatism

The discourse of the neoconservatives on gender and women endures on the new
term gender justice in Turkey. With this new discourse the role women play in the
society have been planned by the government under the influence of religion,

101
patriarchy and nationalism. As approaches praising creation have been promoted by
religious conservatives in both Christianity and Islam. The reflection of the gender
justice has become the neoconservatives of ‘New Turkey21’. The form of state is
formulated within JDP’s party charter as; conservative, neoliberal, traditionalist and
nationalist. However, regarding its comprehensive approach, the concepts have been
redefined and instrumentalized by JDP, different from the previous governments of
Turkey. JDP has been established by former state officials and MPs of right-wing
parties like RP (Welfare Party) and ANAP. The party was accused plenty of times
as the continuation of the conservative, Islamist fundamentalist party RP, since its
leaders were the important figures (Çavdar, 2006). JDP however, refuses to be
affiliated with National Outlook and Islamist fundamentalism, instead prefers to be
identified with the former New Right governments such as ANAP. This reference is
perceived as partly correct by various scholars considering JDP’s conspicuous
differences from National Outlook22. Although the ideology is defined as
‘conservative democrat’ (Akdoğan, 2004), the formulation of conservatism is rather
liberal.

Conservatism has been previously utilized by political parties such as DP, RP, SP
in Turkey, nevertheless the form of conservatism embraced by these parties rather
different. The conservatism of JDP is generally affiliated with the Islamist
fundamentalism of the National Outlook Movement and the party is accused to have
a hidden agenda of transforming the secular state (Cansun, 2013). According to
Türköne (2003) the conservatism that holds a significant place within the political
discourse rests on the preservation of the traditions and cultural values, which are
acknowledged to hold the society together and create the identity of attachment.
Conservatism is identified as a ‘position’ rather than an ideology by the

21
New Turkey is an eye-catching concept created by the JDP government in their speeches and state
programs. Although it connotates diverse aspects in various fields of governing, the main result and
aim is evaluated as to erase the traces of the laicist, Kemalist Republic of Turkey and to establish a
state in the ideology of the party.

22
Milli Görüş, is a movement initiated by Necmettin Erbakan in 1969, grounding on Islamist
conservatism. The movement has been criticized to be a threat to the principle of secularism of the
Republic and the parties of MDP, MSP, RP and FP were closed by the constitutional court in threat
to secularism. The movement divided into two parties; SP and JDP in 2001 (Cansun, 2013).
102
representatives who tend to rely on experience instead of rationality. This
characteristic also osculates on the prejudice on the creation of humans as
incomplete, which must be controlled by a hierarchical state. Türköne (2003)
underlines that social status and divisions hold an unchangeable place in this
discourse for that reason each individual has obligations and liabilities to fulfill
depending on their roles within the society. The division of social roles are praised
as the resource of harmony, instead of conflict. This intelligence of harmony, in
terms of women’s issues, is often observed in the discourse of neoconservatives.

As Göle (2002) highlights, the Islamist movement shaped a new political identity
around their ideological values with the use of religious symbols that are
transformed into political symbols such as the headscarf, turban or circle beards.
The position of National Outlook against capitalism and modernism was
transformed by JDP, under a form which stands in accordance with the values and
methods of Islam however adopts into the modern rhetoric. The political position is
JDP, is quite controversial unlike the National Outlook which has strictly denied
Western cooperation such as EU membership and adoption of modern norms and
values (Hale & Özbudun, 2010). JDP underlined a system in which cooperation with
the West is inevitable and benignant, as much as the necessity of the protection of
cultural and religious traditions and values (Kalaycıoğlu, 2007). The contradiction
between the two approaches were often criticized primarily by the proceeding
National Outlook, whom denounce their previous colleges as having surrendered to
Westernism and modernization. The inclusive approach has turned upside down
within the last years of government. During the initial years of government, JDP
was supported mostly by the Western allies. According to White (2013), JDP
utilized the experiences from the National Outlook years and adopted the strategies
into party politics.

The structure and position of JDP, is associated by many critics to the conservative
Christian democrats of Europe, especially considering that the emphasis on
democracy remains its status the distance towards the root of the movement, religion
has been significant within the initial years. Unlike National Outlook, JDP
determined to keep the distance with religion, identifies itself far from Islamist
103
parties and moving itself towards the Western understanding of democracy.
Although JDP positioned itself distant from National Outlook, the opposition
impeach the party for being the endurance of the movement and sustain the same
terminus and objectives. In fact, in the initial JDP stood against any comments
disregarding modernization and Western concepts, whereas within the last years the
emphasis on ‘local and national23’ resembles the approach of National Outlook,
aggrandize national ideologies and traditions. Another point that resembles National
Outlook can be specified as the pragmatism of ‘love’ and ‘service’ using religious
symbols and cultural traditions, which push the parties in power during times of
economic crisis. National Outlook is criticized to not have had the ability to grow
into masses as JDP, eluding from the rigid discourse and ideologies (R. Çakır, 1991).

The uptrend of conservative and Islamist sphere in politics began with the success
of RP in the election of 1994, from which the political figure Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
was born as the mayor of Istanbul. After the ascent of the sphere on first local,
followingly on the national basis, the fear of Sharia spread around the country
resulting in the military intervention that contributed to the prohibitions of Islamists
from politics. The ideology and identity of JDP is defined as conservative democrat
within the social agenda, which has been created in 2001 during the establishment
of the party (Saktanber, 2006). Regardless, the party has shifted towards other ends
of the political sphere, instrumentalization of the advantage of embracing no specific
ideology or approach at the end. For this reason, unlike National Outlook, the
smooth transformation to nationalist politics whereas positioning the party against
nationalism other times have been an easy mark. According to Hale and Özbudun
(Hale & Özbudun, 2010), considering that there is an emphasis on religion and
traditionalism JDP can be defined as the Turkish equivalent of European Christian
Democrats. In fact, JDP uses the term ‘conservative democracy’ in their party
charter. JDP grounds on a perspective in favor of change and transformation in
respect to social dynamics (Akdoğan, 2004)

23
‘yerli ve milli’.
104
Neoliberalism is developed and instrumentalized by the promotion in free market
economy in the global sense, in relation to the preservation of local values. The
economy is supported on a global basis relying on the wider market meanwhile tend
to construct a conservative politics within the local counters such as nation and
[Link] features of neoliberal and conservative parties meet at positioning with
the old and the traditions against modernism and new accounts. The prejudice
against the West is the common ground for the neoliberal and conservative parties
within Turkish politics. Neoliberalism was brought into Turkish politics with the
political party ANAP, which is evaluated as the representative of the New Right in
Turkey. The party was the majority government throughout the 1980s, hence
imposed its neoliberal strategies on the state. Similar to JDP it was identified with a
strong political figure. With the January 24 decisions brought by Turgut Özal,
communitarian economic policies were transformed into a neoliberal agenda based
on strategies such as privatization. Turkey was intergrated into global capitalism
with ANAP government (Taşkın, 2014). The economic policies of JDP endure on
privatization of public enterprises, as a reflection of the neoliberal character. The
privatized enterprises include various areas from communication to the defense
industry. Privatizations did not supervise the principle of national and local politics
of RP as well. Although JDP adopt a policy on cooperation with the West, it made
a severe turn after a certain period. JDP reverted to a discourse on ‘local and
national’, alienating the previous allies as a form of jeopardy. The economic growth
and stability which the party has been praised of itself, has been passing through
pitfalls in accordance with the obstructed foreign policy. The country has been living
a series of crisis within the last 2-3 years, with Turkish lira melting against foreign
exchange.

As nationalism and conservatism is the common strategy for the Turkish right-wing
(Çetinsaya, 2004), JDP pursues the right-wing tradition by instrumentalizing them
both (Kahraman, 2009). The characteristics that distinct the National Outlook from
other right-wing parties is the frequent reference to Islam (White, 2003). This
detection can be declared for JDP as well. Religious references are combined with
nationalism in the party rhetoric. The nationalism of JDP, anyhow is established
differently from the previous governments, especially of the social democrat
105
governments of CHP. The party often uses a term ‘millet’ that can be translated as
nation. However, the concept is not based on race or ethnicity. The nationalism of
CHP is based on the people that live under the flag of Turkey. The nation idea of
JDP, differs from both the French revolution and Kemalist nationalism. It more
connotates the people living in Turkey, more likely the Muslims living in Turkey.
This is why JDP has not been too tense on the Kurdish case unlike the previous
governments but refrain from integrating with the Alevis of any ethnicity or race of
the Turkish Republic, let alone people from other religions. The nationalism of JDP,
lies within Turkish rights religious paradigm of ‘ummah24’ rather than the principle
of nationalism in the establishment of the republic, influenced by the French
Revolution. The ideology of the party is still questioned, considering that it has
entered politics as a reactional party to the devaluing economy under the hands of
coalition governments. Hence, economy and development has been its primary
objective and the nationalist emphasis against imperialism of National Outlook was
abandoned by JDP in its initial years.

JDP took a closer stance towards the West, especially in the prior years and gained
people’s sympathy with their support to the EU. The sympathy towards the west was
an aspect that separates JDP from the former tradition of National Outlook which
adopted a policy of a local and national. Westernization has been positioned against
the discourse of religious parties within the Turkish political rhetoric beginning with
National Outlook. Westernization and western type modernization are the opposite
of prioritizing traditional values and cultural norms by this sphere.

The three concepts of establishment strongly affect JDP’s policies on gender

equality. Gender justice is mashed with the three concepts and converted into an
anti-gender concept under the JDP rule by the neoconservatives. The next chapter
contains the analysis of the materials collected from speeches, articles and
declarations of the neoconservative discourse. Analysis of the discourse is
conducted from a feminist perspective, regarding the axis as gender equality while
recognizing gender justice as the central concept of research.

24
Ümmet.
106
Women’s place within the party was very active, not only in general but specific as
in terms of municipalities and local politics. The gender policies of JDP became
more conservative and retrogressive after the year 2010. Restrictions began to grow
on the opposition, media and NGOs. After the 1980s with the effect of globalization
and neoliberal policies there has been a transformation in welfare state and social
justice. JDP has utilized these policies to support and internalize its paradigm of
‘woman’ and ‘gender’ to be limited to the primary roles ‘mother’ and ‘wife’ within
the family (Gedik, 2016). Gender equality began to be discussed on legal grounds
with CEDAW and emerged with the Beijing Platform for Action and finally the
hope of realization increased with the legal reforms held starting from 2001 with EU
accession process. Despite that, during the latest years, especially after 2010 there
has been a serious retrogression in gender equality and women’s rights in Turkey
within the JDP rule.

The most significant role JDP casts for women is the one in the family and the
nurturers o the next generations (Cansun, 2013). As a mother, wife, daughter,
caregiver and a housewife. Taking JDP’s political standing into consideration,
neoliberal and neoconservative, the concerns of feminist scholars such as Kandiyoti,
Tekeli, Scott and Masedottir might be relevant. The domestic policies of JDP, do
not tend to change even in situations where woman works outside the household.
Women still have to fulfill their primary responsibility, that is taking care of their
family and home. Koray analyzes the case and states that;

it is impossible to speak of even equality between men and women, let alone an
empowerment or liberation of women, in such a conjuncture where approaches that
advocate women’s place at home consolidate (Koray, 2011, 47).

Family was used as the functional basic unit of this system. It was in fact a safety
net in a system which lacked social welfare. Women are praised as the providers of
social and familial care, therefore the traditional family is reproduced by the
governmental ideology (Atalay, 2017). JDP has used egalitarian policies and
theories and converted them with conservatism as instruments of its power. Women
are represented under ‘social policy’, even in the party program and they are
emphasized as the nurturers of next generations (Cansun, 2013). Koray (2011)

107
shows the policies reflecting women as an object of the family as an example and
underlines that women are denied individual power and equality with men (Koray,
2011). Although JDP adopts the traditional family and gender roles, its neoliberal
approach forces a different form of women’s role for them to enter the labor force.
For this reason, a semi-system concerning women is established in which primary
role being mother and wife, women are motivated to join the workforce (Coşar &
Yeğenoğlu, 2011). Nevertheless, the conservative tendencies of the party continued
to increase with the enlarged authority. Within all those years of being in charge,
apart from the lift of the headscarf ban, JDP has shown no interest or effort in
improving women’s rights and status, in fact have been precluding against the
developments women’s movement tends to bring (Coşar & Yeğenoğlu, 2011).
Cansun (2013) argues that JDP instrumentalized women’s issues as a strategy to
prove their distinction from National Outlook and Islamist roots.

The ideology of JDP is defined as neoconservatism, neoliberal patriarchy or

neoliberal populism by different scholars. Regarding its adoption to neoliberalism
and populism it’s possible to refer to the party as such. Hitherto, I believe that it
would be deficient to refer to the party as neoliberal, taking its religious references
into account. Hence, I will refer to JDP as a neoconservative party, in terms of its
relation with the National Outlook as the evolution of its conservatism and its
embracement of neoliberalism in the economy. Neoconservatism of JDP
differentiates from both the conservatism of National Outlook and at the same time
connotates the adoption of neoliberal economic policies. The religious conservatism
would be missing if I had referred to it as neoliberal populism or neoliberal
patriarchy whereas the neoliberal perspective would be deficient if referred to as
conservative. Neoconservatism would be the most accurate identification of JDP in
the context of gender equality. Thus, the study refers to JDP and the discourse in
support of and in collaboration with its strategies, ideology and policies as the
neoconservatives and the neoconservative discourse. Neoconservative women are
grouped as the women figures of either scholars, representatives of the party or
women in support of the ideology in this study, different from Islamist women. The
study uses neoconservatives instead of JDP since the discourse holds a wider place
in Turkey (composed of academia, society ad politics) than politics. In other words,
108
neoconservatives have developed a discourse that is multidimensional that cannot
be solely identified with the party.

4.2.2. The Reformist Phase of JDP- The Era Improving Gender Equality
(2002-2013)

As the economic crisis of 2001 paved the way for its rule, JDP’s goal were basically
economic, except the headscarf ban and the Imam Hatip Schools, when it first came
into power (Kaya, 2015). For the first five to six years, the government cooperated
with women’s NGOs and the civil society, to develop reforms to achieve EU’s
standards. The codes such as the Criminal Code, Civil Code were enacted and the
Istanbul Convention was ratified in 2013 (Aksoy, 2018). During this time JDP
transformed the traditional, conservative perception and perspective on women and
women’s identification with the private sphere, although the traditions and the
culture were a barrier to the adoption of gender equality and the change of ‘gender
roles’ especially amongst the uneducated, working class.

Contrary to what seculars argue, JDP’s policies on the family, women are not
completely ignored or isolated within the private sphere like in the National Outlook
movement (Çağatay, 2018). Ever since its establishment, JDP has been promoting
women to enter politics. However, its promotion is designed within party politics in
collaboration with familialism and traditionalism. In fact, as a party policy,
especially in the initial years women went door to door and promoted the party and
their leader. Women have a vital part in party politics especially in terms of
municipal and local policies. According to Çağatay (2018), in 2017 JDP had 4.5
million members of their ‘women’s auxiliaries’. According to Cansun (2013), this
matches the rights’ identification of women with the family and pushing them into
women’s branches as traditional caregivers. Although women have a significant part
in the promotion of the party in the electoral process, their presence in decision
making procedures are limited. In other words women are motivated to be in the
women’s branches per contra refrained from the administrative positions (Tekeli,
1982). Coşar and Yeğenoğlu (2011) evaluate JDP as establishing a new form of
patriarchy in Turkey, which is in dialog with women, at the same time structuring a

109
patriarchal, liberal and conservative base. Cansun (2013) argues that the reforms of
JDP concerning women ground on certain objectives; to prove their separation from
Islamic roots by promoting women’s rights and to underline EU candidacy being
affiliated with women’s issues. It is also the political outcome of the period that
there was an uptrend in the women’s movement during the initial years of the party.
The reforms improving women’s rights and gender equality could be studied as the
first part of this paradox.

[Link]. Legal Reforms

[Link].1. Civil Code and Penal Code

Republic of Turkey became a candidate of the European Union in 1987 and the
process of accession began in 2005. The incompatibility of Turkish codes included
sexual rights, violence against women, low rate of political participation,
reproductive rights and many more aspects including the patriarchy within the
political and social literature. During the initial years of JDP rule, numerous reforms
were made in legal and economic policies, also in terms of gender. After JDP was
elected as the government, a set of reforms were made in legal codes with the effect
of the EU accession process. These reforms included the Constitution, the Penal
Code, the Civil Code and the Labor Code in the advantage towards women. The
process of reforms began in 1998, with the effect of women’s movements, solidarity
and feminist campaigns as well as international agreements and EU’s preconditions
(Acar & Altunok, 2013). These reforms include the new Civil Code enacted on
2001, which collapsed the hegemonic patriarchal regulations and lead to a more
gender equal state and rights between genders especially within family as spouses
which were underlined before as husband and wife. Some terms include the
demolishment of the man being the head of the family, to equal partnership and the
rights of the woman to keep her last name after marriage (Güneş-Ayata &
Doğangün, 2017).

The Penal Code, enacted on 2004, is another document that is crucial since it
protects women’s rights in many ways, most importantly in terms of human rights,

110
apart from providing a gender equal environment within the society and the state.
The discriminatory and patriarchal issues such as marital rape, sexual crimes and
others were regulated. The changes in the regulations were basically on ‘bodily
integrity of women’ leaving the understanding of objectifying woman in the family
and patriarchy and prioritizing rights of women as individuals. The process of the
reenactment of the Penal Code was probably the most affected by the preconditions
of the EU, and not just in terms of gender and women’s rights. The reforms on
regulations of the Civil and the Penal Code were made with the intention and the
ambition of constructing, in reality transforming into a gender equal society (Güneş-
Ayata & Doğangün, 2017).

The legislation process of the legal codes was affected by a massive feminist
movement. Especially the patriarchal Penal Code was challenged with the platforms
of women and their street protests. The major problem of the 90s’ Turkey was
domestic violence and violence against women, which is why the demonstrations
and protests were formed around this matter. Many women, including feminists
gathered to raise their voices against ‘beating’ of women, as well as protesting honor
crimes and sexual harassment. Different groups were formed with the purpose of
pressuring the government on adopting changes in the Turkish Penal Code, and to
recognize women as individuals outside the familial bonds. A group was formed
with the cooperation of activists, lawyers and NGOs to request a more gender
conscious Criminal code, and named themselves ‘Turkish Criminal Code Women’s
Study Group’. Nine NGOs from women’s civil society came together to write a
report on the status of crimes against women. The report ‘The Turkish Criminal
Code from Women’s Point of View- The Report of Petition of the Alteration of the
Turkish Criminal Code’ opposed to the regulation of sexual assault under family
order or honor instead of bodily integrity of woman and the individual, as well as
rejecting the exclusion of third genders from the code (Erbaş, 2003) The platform
underlined many crucial points such as, marital rape must be regulated as a form of
sexual crime, honor killings should be eliminated and the government should put an
end to virginity tests that are forced by the family. Most of the demands of the
platform was fulfilled by the new Penal Code, even though as some have still not
been legalized (Özdemir, 2004).
111
In 2004, there was an adoption of a new regulation concerning gender equality in
the constitution with the pressure of women’s movement and NGOs. The regulations
of the Constitution sought the objective of supplying a guarantee of the gender
equality both in society and before the law by stating general guidelines of absolute
legal equality, consolidated by tools such as positive discrimination. The principle
of gender equality was added to the second paragraph of article 1025, stating that
men and women are equal. Then on 2010 affirmative action26 has taken place within
the constitution, again being added to article 10. With the accession of affirmative
action, the feature of equality has evolved from being ‘formal equality’ to ensure
‘substantive equality’. In other words, it is now guaranteed with the constitution that
the state is obliged to ensure substantive equality for women and men, with the help
of tools such as affirmative action. The fact that it is the state’s obligation27 takes
place in the last paragraph of the same article, article 10 of the constitution.

Women’s NGOs and officials had high level of participation in these processes of
regulations, therefore there was a cooperation of the state with women’s civil society
during the time (Aksoy, 2018). The ‘Law on Protection of Family and Prevention of
Violence against Women’ was adopted in 2012 by the General Assembly in
accordance with the İstanbul Convention. This law provided protection for women
and gave officials the authority to take measures against violence against women
(Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017).

25
ARTICLE 10- (Paragraph added on May 7, 2004; Act No. 5170) Men and women have equal
rights. The State has the obligation to ensure that this equality exists in practice.

26
(Sentence added on September 12, 2010; Act No. 5982) Measures taken for this purpose shall not
be interpreted as contrary to the principle of equality.
[Link] Date Accessed; February 5, 2019.

27
State organs and administrative authorities are obliged to act in compliance with the principle of
equality before the law in all their proceedings.2.
112
[Link].2. Law on the Protection of the Family and Prevention of Violence
Against Women (code number 6284)

Law on the Protection of the Family and Prevention of Violence against Women
(code number 6284) was implemented in 2012 with the impact of the struggle of
women’s movement as well as the obligation of the Istanbul Convention. The code
regulates the production of women and children facing with domestic violence as
well as violence against women with significant measures. Forms of violence are
clearly defined under the regulations, as a novelty of the recognition of
psychological and economic violence. Psychological or economic pressures within
marital bond included, are accepted as domestic violence, on the contrary to the
previous code. Stalking is accrued in the code number 6284 as a form of violence
against women as well. The perpetrators are enforced rigid sanctions, for which the
necessity of the crime to have been committed is not essential. In other words, as
the characteristic of prevention of violence against women, the risk or possibility of
the violence is adequate for women to ask for protection. Some of the forms of
protection include; being transferred to a shelter, requesting for police escorts,
suspension of the perpetrator from home or and the dissemblance of the victim’s
address. The guardianship of the perpetrator can be restricted and limited alimony
can be requested by the victim, according to the properties of the case.

Although the code has implemented detailed and complex measures on protection
from and prevention of violence against women, the executives and officers of the
system have still not yet internalized the gender conscious aspect of the regulations.
The number of women’s shelters are not adequate compared to the desired level of
the Istanbul Convention. This is an accurate example of the factors that complicate
the prevention of violence against women. Acar& Altunok (2013) criticize the code
for not recognizing violence against women as a form of human rights violation and
neglecting the internalization of gender equality in accordance with the ruling
party’s perspective on women. In fact, the code has been shifted to a protection of
the family rather than of women who are under the threat of violence, so much that
the protection of women is provided within the family instead of the state.

113
Accordingly, strategies such as empowerment are neglected while violence is still
perceived only in terms of the physical form (Acar & Altunok, 2013).

4.2.3. The Era Eliminating Gender Equality (2013-2019)

After the EU accession period went through a pause, the eagerness of the JDP
government to improve gender equality and women’s rights began to decrease. As
he power of JDP increased in 2007 with the retirement of the laicist president Ahmet
Necdet Sezer, who rejected most of the proposals of the JDP government (Kaya,
2015), the general atmosphere of equality transformed into a religious and
conservative authoritarian attitude (Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017). Although the
JDP has been complemented for improving women’s rights, the reports of the
Directorate General of Women’s Status show that the investigation of the institution
have focused on nothing else but violence against women after 2002, unlike the
previous booklets and reports which were more multifarious, taking gender
discrimination, employment etc. in consideration. In fact the institution failed to use
the concept ‘gender’ itself within the following years (Koray, 2011).

In this period, the support and inclusion of women’s civil society and NGO’s of the
JDP government let itself to the establishment of GONGOs (Government-Operated
Non-Governmental Organization) upon issues and policies concerning gender and
women (Aksoy, 2018). In the second term of the government the NGOs were being
accredited in order to attend the policy-making process with the state. Certain NGOs
were not allowed to cooperate with the government for being too radical or opposing
to government policies and later banned (Aksoy, 2018). JDP refrained to be seen in
relation to feminism and underlined even during women’s rights committees that
feminist ideology is not embraced in any way within the party (Coşar & Yeğenoğlu,
2011).

In the initial years of the government, women’s NGOs cooperated with the party in
the reforms made for the EU accession period. JDP was considered to be reformist,
inclusive and developmental by many institutions for supporting women’s status
within the public sphere, especially in terms of the headscarf issue, social security

114
and the rise of women members within the parliament. Withal, after the rise of
authority, the party turned its back on certain women’s institutions which they
consider to be ‘feminist’ and be westernized, falling away from the culture of
Muslim Turkey. Çağatay (2018), bases this exclusion on the oppositions of these
NGOs to the government in general.

From the beginning of the process in which JDP came into power, Republic of
Turkey has been going through certain transitions in many different areas. The circle
of women whom did not take part in politics or any sort of organization in the means
of the state opened up a space for Islamic belief and lifestyle with JDP's rule. JDP
has benefited from the religious organizations and NGOs during the first term that
it was elected and therefore continued to support them. The Islamist organizations
managed to reproduce the traditional family and social solidarity of the Turkish
culture on a religious basis. Thus the welfare was supported via these NGOs by the
government instead of the welfare state (Atalay, 2017). As in every field of the
society, the neoconservatives institutionalized under their own NGOs. Most of these
proislamist NGOs stood on the side of the government on women's issues like
KADEM or ideological struggles on the debates between womens NGOs and the
government. Major policies of the government including abortion, child marriages
or women’s rights were firmly supported by these neo conservative and proislamist
women's NGOs. Gender Justice that is the subject of this study is designed by one
of these NGOs KADEM.

[Link]. KADEM

Women and Democracy Association (KADEM) is a non-governmental

organization, established in March 8, 2013 (Geçer & Kıymaz, 2019) by 16 founding
members in Istanbul. The organization has agencies in 46 cities, as of today.
KADEM is defined as a GONGO by various women’s rights activists, taking into
consideration it is granted state funds and supported by representatives of state in
events and conferences. In fact, the founders and representatives are composed of
women who are affiliated or has bonds with the representatives of JDP. Ever since
its establishment KADEM has organized international and national conferences and

115
summits, most of them on subjects such as family, justice, employment28. The
conferences and summits have focused mainly on the relationship of family and
women, stemming from the perspective of gender justice. Promotion of family and
familial bonds are a significant part of KADEM’s policies, which they define to be
in harmony with the cultural and traditional character of Turkish society. Women
and Justice Summit and Gender Justice Summit are the most significant
organizations on emphasizing gender justice. President and representatives of the
government often attend these summits, making declarations at the opening
ceremony. The strategies and policies of KADEM are observed to be in accordance
with the government’s policies and political stance.

The objective of the organization is stated as raising consciousness towards women

in accordance with traditional values and norms29. The fair distribution of gender
roles taking the changing social conditions are underlined amongst its missions30.
Justice is emphasized as the primary principle of KADEM, in relation with the
religious connotation of the notion. Gender relations are represented from the
perspective of justice and religion by KADEM representatives. KADEM has been a
significant actor on women’s issues with the development of the concept gender
justice, which is embraced by the neoconservative government. The founding
president Sare Aydın Yılmaz, who is also a scholar, introduces the concept herself
in A New Momentum: Gender Justice in the Women’s Movement’. Gender justice
is analyzed in detail in the next chapter.

28
KADEM Conferences. [Link] Date accessed June6, 2019.

29
KADEM’s establishment. [Link]
Date accessed June 6, 2019.

30
KADEM’s missions. [Link] Date accessed June 8, 2019.
116
 CHAPTER 5

CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS: THE NEOCONSERVATIVE

SPHERE IN TERMS OF GENDER EQUALITY AND GENDER JUSTICE

The neoconservative government JDP came into power as a majority government

party itself in the parliament in 2002 as the result of the search of citizens for a new
movement, being overwhelmed by the failing coalition governments of the existing
parties that lead to the crisis of 2001. Remaining its power for sixteen years, the
party’s attitude on democracy and freedoms shifted significantly after the
constitutional referendum in 2010, to a more authoritarian and exclusionary form
from a reformist and inclusive perspective. JDP is a party identified with a leader,
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, rather than an ideology, which abandoned its goal of
National Outlook to cooperate with Western policies and adapt into modernization.
Defining their party as conservative democrats, the members of JDP have had the
chance to form alliances with many different parties and ideologies in the last
sixteen years, utilizing the advantage of refraining from having presented a concrete
ideology or policy in the party charter. In its early years, JDP also approached the
Kurdish voters by avoiding the discourses of nationalism, however has allied with
the MHP wrapping itself up with nationalism in the latest elections. The strategy of
victimization instrumentalized in its years of establishment has been utilized by the
party within the sixteen years against various movements and ideologies and
evolved into general attitude that’s creating an alienation between citizens against
any opposition.

Over time, JDP has spread its populist language with the media and other
communication tools that it has designed along with the mass composed of its own
elites, academics and media power. JDP, which substantiated the transformation and
117
reproduction of patriarchy within social and cultural values through these tools,
became increasingly distant from its point of birth, the RP and its democrat line, and
evolved into a more totalitarian authority. As well as transforming the state
institutions and organizations, the party privatized public enterprises and
implemented and propagated its own social perceptions and values on every issue
and subject. The objective of Turkish Republic to adopt the values and principles of
Western and modern states in terms of human and women’s rights, in accordance
with the international discourse, has been targeted by the transformation policy of
the ruling party on women’s issues, on account of this the policies on women have
drifted apart from the internationally embraced discourse. Basing on the allegation
that Western-based concepts and policies separate men and women, as well as being
incompatible with the Turkish society, JDP has opposed to equality-based
approaches. The neoconservative discourse in which JDP is at the center has
designed an alternative concept to gender equality, that is gender justice.

5.1. Gender Justice and Gender Equality

Gender policies instrumentalized by neoconservatism in Turkey are dependent on

the concept of gender justice. The concept gender justice was brought into Turkish
politics by a GONGO31, KADEM as an alternative to gender equality. The gender
discourse is sought to be transformed into gender justice approach rather than the
universally embraced gender equality. Gender justice is introduced by the former
president of KADEM, Sare Aydın Yılmaz, in her article ‘A New Momentum:
Gender Justice in the Women’s Movement’, which has a significance since it sheds
light on the concept used by the neoconservatives today. Gender justice is
formulated with the sake of fulfilling the perceived deficiencies of gender equality
in terms of women’s rights and social position. The deficiencies of equality are
demonstrated as its inadequacy in providing social justice regarding its indifference
towards natural differences between men and women.

31
GONGO is short for government-organized non-governmental organization. GONGO’s are funded
by governments, usually to adapt their policies into the civil society. They are the actors of
governments within the civil society.
118
Firstly, neoconservatives argue that equality is insufficient in improving women’s
status and eliminating gender discrimination. According to neoconservatives,
equality has been the key notion in women’s rights for centuries nonetheless
inequalities and gender discrimination still not been overcome. As Sare Aydın
Yılmaz put it;

The reason for raising the debate of women’s social status to be on equality is that it
has been insufficient in abolishing the injustice and unjust treatment of women32.

On the objections on gender equality, in her article pro-government Star Daily. Her
arguments are the reflection of the neconservatives on gender and gender equality.
The legal reforms embracing gender equality have not been successfully internalized
in politics and the society. Yılmaz argues that gender discrimination can only be
eliminated by the recognition and demonstration of the differences between genders.
This recognition will empower female identity which had been diminished
especially in the public sphere, usually by masculinization of female figures, an
effect of modernization (Yılmaz, 2015).

It is argued by KADEM that, it is not possible to achieve absolute equality with

solely ensuring legal equality, taking social and cultural factors into consideration.
Since the concept of equality is designed according to male traits, the formulation
does not provide a fair and efficient ground for women. This notion of equality
verifies the natural weaknesses of women and reproduces the subordination of
women to men. According to Yılmaz, this is why gender justice attracts women who
have not been fulfilled by the ideal of equality that has been pumped by modernism.

As a modern concept, equality provides standard monotypes [for women] grounded in

Western culture by attempting to equalize women and men, whereas ‘justice’ points to
a superior concept in which equality is inherent and refers to equity, balance, a higher
understanding of fair treatment, and liabilities between men and women (Yılmaz,
2015).

32
“Kadının toplumdaki konumunu eşitlik üzerinden tartışmaya açmak, eşitliğin kadının
mağduriyetini ve haksızlığa uğramışlığını ortadan kaldırmada yetersiz kalmasındandır.”, Sare Aydın
Yılmaz, Star Gazette, [Link] Date Accessed; May 10,
2019.
119
This understanding situates justice above equality as an inclusive term, however
positioning the idea of justice to only stand on the differences, especially biological
differences between men and women. As equality neglects to properly recognize
differences and causes the consolidation of women’s secondary status within the
society, gender justice is shown as the accurate strategy in achieving social justice.
Yılmaz argues that gender justice;

It highlights the different features and characteristics of men and women by nature,
and acknowledges different liabilities between men and women attributed by society
and culture, but also notes that there is no hierarchical superiority or inferiority
between sexes (Yılmaz, 2015).

Gender justice is portrayed to value the differences and to establish social justice,
which can fallaciously be associated with difference feminism at first glance.
Despite that contrary to difference feminism, the fundamental objective is not
eliminating inequalities with recognition of differences (Tong, 2014). Gender justice
approach aims at perpetuating natural differences with reproduction of patriarchal
gender roles instrumentalizing religion. Neither of the three approaches focusing on
gender (equality, difference and transformative) correspond to the perspective of
neoconservatives on women’s policies and equality. The recognition of differences
of difference feminists’ intent to achieve equality and gender equality, in other
words advocates a form of equality that recognizes differences. However, the
‘gender justice’ approach in Turkey, in accordance with the equity approach of the
Vatican, refrains from embracing equality between genders altogether and promotes
a complementary perspective in gender roles. Hence, this approach signifies a
distorted adoption of recognition of differences and does not concern any
fundamental theory or approach besides theological paradigms and religious
references. In presenting gender justice, religious references from Islam are often
given by the neoconservatives to explain the value given to women, as well as the
reason to why women and men should be accepted as different in relation and
obligations. One term catches the eye in investigating gender justice and equality
within the neoconservative discourse, ‘fıtrat’. This term forms the base of
neoconservatives’ approach to differences of genders and the essence of the
arguments.

120
5.1.1. Fıtrat

The argument of the insuffiency and inefficiency of equality rests on the reason that
the concept has been created on the ideal of the male, therefore does not take the
gender differences into consideration. Although this opposition seems relevant to
difference feminism of the 1960s and 1970s, the idea that women and men are
different, and their diverse traits must be recognized endure on a rather different
perspective. The perspective of neoconservatives’ promotion of differences between
genders is based on the term ‘fıtrat’. Sare Aydın Yılmaz defines fıtrat as “a concept
that explains all the physical and spiritual features that begin with the moment
woman and man have fallen into the womb” (Yılmaz, 2018). It is significant that
the term refers not only to biological traits but to the mental and spiritual
characteristics of the two sexes (Şimga, 2019). ‘Fıtrat’ is utilized very often by the
representatives of the ruling party JDP, as well as neoconservative women activists
and authors. In fact the term was used by the prime minister of the time Recep
Tayyip Erdoğan33, during his speech in the I. Women and Justice Summit in 2014
with these words:

Being equal is not what women need, it is being equivalent, that is justice. You can’t
equilize man and woman. Because their fıtrat’s are different, their nature is different,
their constitution is different.34

Later on, in 2019, he stated that;

You can’t be just by equating men and women, putting aside their physical
characteristics, emotional differences and abilities coming from nature. Attention,
there is a separation coming from ‘fıtri’ difference, not from women’s deficiency35.

33
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was the prime minister since 2002, however he was elected as the president
in 2014. For this reason, his title is referred as prime minister/president in the study from this point
on.

34
“Kadınların ihtiyacı olan eşitlik değil, EŞDEĞER olabilmektir, yani ADALETTİR. Kadın ile erkeği eşit
konuma getiremezsiniz. Çünkü fıtratları farklıdır, tabiatları farklıdır, bünyeleri farklıdır.” Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan, Prime Minister, I. Kadın ve Adalet Zirvesi, 24 Kasım 2014. [Link]
batsin-bu-dunya-siyaset-1974189/. Date Accessed; April 8, 2019.

35
Yaradılıştan gelen fiziki özelliklerini, duygusal farklılıklarını, becerilerini gözetmeden erkeği ve
kadını aynı kefeye koyarak adil davranmış olmazsınız. Dikkat ediniz burada kadının eksikliğinden
121
Within this context fıtrat is instrumentalized to portray the unequal nature of men
and women, and that it is not accurate for them to be equal, instead equivalent. The
prime minister uses fıtrat often on political issues as well. The term is referred to by
the neoconservatives as a significant part of the discourse, concerning that religious
references make up an extensive place in the political discourse of JDP. The
argument of the president was opposed by women’s rights activists, scholars and
lawyers, claiming that the statement was against international agreements such as
CEDAW that promote gender equality (Kandiyoti, 2010). However, this was not the
only speech in which he emphasizes the differences between women and men. The
statements he makes are quite straight forward and clear on the fact that women and
men cannot be equal but rather equivalent.

Moreover, fıtrat, is portrayed as the fundamental justification of the preference

justice over equality on women’s issues and rights by the neoconservative discourse.
The natural differences that deriving from creation are of high value, therefore must
be maintained through justice. The neoconservatives argue that it is not possible to
eliminate gender discrimination with the concept of ‘gender equality’(Şimga, 2019),
which is to why gender justice must be obtained as a policy. According to Ayşenur
İslam, The Minister of Family and Social Policy in 2014,

It can be seen that the approach that neglects or intends to destroy the creational
differences between men and women, has not been able to solve women’s problems,
and the progress in participation to education, employment and decision procedures
could not overcome discrimination against women, and that violence against women
is shaped independent of the education, level of income or social status the woman.36

değil, fıtri farklılığından kaynaklanan bir ayrışma söz konusudur. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President,
2018. [Link]
gucune-guc-katmis-basarilariyla-yuzumuzu-agartmistir- . Date Accessed; March 6, 2019.

36
“Kadın ve erkeğin yaradılışlarından kaynaklanan farklılıklarını, yok saymak veya yok etmek gibi
bir yöntemin günümüzde hala devam eden kadın sorunlarını çözemediği, Kadın erkek eşitliğinin
ölçüldüğü göstergelerden eğitime katılma, istihdama katılma, karar mekanizmalarına katılma gibi
durumlardaki gelişmelerin kadının ezilmesini engelleyemediği, Kadının şiddetin muhatabı olmasının
onun eğitimi, gelir seviyesi ve sosyal statüsünden bağımsız olarak, gelişebildiği açıklıkla
görülebilecektir.” Aile ve Sosyal Politikalar Bakanı, I. Uluslararası Kadın ve Adalet Zirvesi, 2014.
[Link] Date
Accessed; March 5, 2019.
122
In the Gender Justice Congress, that took place in İstanbul Ticaret University, it is
highlighted that, the principle of equality within the legal implementations and
regulations have not been adopted as successful into the society and the for the
discrimination women go through have not been revoked. For this reason, it is
underlined in the congress that, there is a necessity of a new approach that stands
further than equality. At this point the neoconservative discourse puts forward
justice. As former president of KADEM, Sare Aydın Yılmaz states;

To the question, what is justice? Mevlana says, Justice is to water the trees, but not to
water the root that sucks the water, to accept it as a blessing, who compares cruelty to
a thorn. There really is a thin line between justice and cruelty. Only the equality whose
roadmap is justice would do good.37

In the III. Women and Justice Summit. Justice is didactically defined by scholars,
as well as politicians of JDP. Theological references and metaphors are made on
creation, to justify the reproduction of patriarchal power relations. Justice being
positioned as a higher measure, is reflected as the decision of God which supplies
fairness amongst the humans and the state is the authority that holds the ability to
distribute justice.

We state that, we need a system that does not neglect justice, sees and forms a policy
on the difference between man and woman, while establishing equality. The norms in
relation to rights and obligations of Islam, reflects this form of justice. See that in Nisa
Surah Ayah 4, it is stated that…38”

37
Adalet nedir? sorusuna, Adalet ağaçları sulamaktır, lakin adalet su emen her kökü sulamak değil,
bir nimeti yerine koymaktır diyen Mevlana, zulmü ise, dikene su vermeye [Link]çekten de
adaletle zulüm arasında böylesine ince bir çizgi, böylesine ince bir sınır vardır. Pusulası ancak adalet
olan bir eşitlik, kadınlara fayda sağlar. Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM Başkanı, III. Uluslararası Kadın
ve Adalet Zirvesi, 23 Kasım 2018. [Link]
baskani-sayin-sare-aydinin-acilis-konusmasi/. Date Accessed; February 10, 2019.

38
“Kadın ve erkek arasındaki farklılıkları gören ve bunun üzerinden politika geliştiren, eşitliği
sağlarken adaleti göz ardı etmeyen bir sisteme ihtiyaç duyduğumuzu dile getiriyoruz. İslam
medeniyetinin haklar ve yükümlülükler bağlamında öngördüğü normlar da, bu adalet anlayışını
yansıtmaktadır. Bakınız Nisa Suresi’nin 4 ayetinde”,
Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM Başkanı, II. Toplumsal Cinsiyet Kongresi. [Link]
baskani-sare-aydinin-kadin-ve-yoksulluk-kongresi-konusma-metni/. February 8, 2019.
123
As can be observed from this quotation, reference to Koran is given by
representatives of the neoconservative discourse on the objection to equality of
women and men. This statement of Sare Aydın Yılmaz, continue as;

Therefore while reminding us the responsibilities towards each other, the perception
of justice in Islam endures on a basis of human rights that come from living together
and human relations, It is for the benefit of man and woman that the factors of gender
and physical suitability are guarded in the regulation of the rights and obligations of
man and woman. The acceptance of the physical, mental and spiritual differences is
essential rather than being neglected by absolute equality, these differences should be
mutually turned into advantages.39

The concepts of equality and justice are evaluated in terms of a biologically

deterministic perspective, regarding the countless number of references to creation
and biological characteristics. Altogether, the neoconservatives argue that with
gender justice, the concept of equality is not rejected but, rather taken into a formal
concept within legal frames. According to this group, that is supported both
financially and ideologically, equality is a notion that can be achieved between
people who are equal, in other words the same. Thus, gender justice perpetuates the
disadvantageous position of women in the society. Women and men to be equal
because they are different in every aspect, especially by nature. Gender justice is
designed with the requirement of a properly functioning norm. Gender justice rests
on the idea that ‘the holy kalam sees women and men as two parts which
complement and balance each other’. Main purpose is to supply the fair distribution
of the gender roles without contrasting with the different traits that come from
creation. The concept of gender justice as used by the neoconservative discourse
rests on the biological differences that deriving from nature, or creation.

This essentialist politics towards natural differences in the JDP’s gender justice
approach, resemble the approach of the Vatican to equality and gender equality in

39
“Dolayısıyla İslâm’da adalet anlayışı birbirimize karşı sorumluluklarımızı hatırlatırken, bir arada
yaşamaktan ve insanlar arası ilişkilerden ortaya çıkan bir insan hakları temeline dayanmaktadır.
Kadın ve erkek arasında hak ve sorumlulukların düzenlenmesinde cinsiyet ve fiziksel uygunluk
faktörünün gözetilmesi ise bu bakımdan kadın ve erkeğin çıkarına olacaktır. Kadın ve erkek
arasındaki doğuştan getirdikleri bedensel, akli ve ruhi farklılıkların salt mutlak bir eşitlik iddiasıyla
görmezden gelinmesi yerine kabul edilmesi, bu farklılıkların karşılıklı olarak fırsata dönüştürülmesi
gerekmektedir. Sare Aydın Yılmaz, II. Toplumsal Cinsiyet Kongresi. [Link]
baskani-sare-aydinin-kadin-ve-yoksulluk-kongresi-konusma-metni/. Date Accessed; February, 8,
2019.
124
Beijing Conference (Şimga, 2019). As the Vatican has underlined in the Conference
multiple times, although having equal worth as humans, women and men are
different in nature, therefore they cannot be equal but complement each other. The
reaction towards gender equality endured on the belief that men and women cannot
be considered same in essence, concerning their unique traits coming from creation
(Beattie, 2014).Vatican underlines that one can only reach true awareness with
embracing the feminine within them, for which the spiritual fulfillment will be
achieved with the feminine complementing the masculine (Buss, 1998). Turkish
neoconservatives’ approach towards complementarity and human essence fit right
in with the Vatican’s arguments on the traits of femininity and masculinity. Both of
the approaches lean on the differences between men and women to fulfill the
spiritual and theological deficiency of humans. As a part of conservatism, the
neoconservatives rely on the deficient nature of humans which are in search for the
full essence, for which both of the religions of Islam and Christianity are unified
under the approach. Underlining the differences of women and men from creation,
both of the approaches proceed their distance towards equality and aim to perpetuate
the natural differences justified by the objective of becoming complete. The natural
differences and traits of women and men have caused them to attain diverse
functions and duties according to both of these approaches. One function and
obligation men are assigned is protecting the naturally secondary women. The
differences of women and men are underlined for their characteristics of having the
necessity of protection and being the caregiver of the family.

5.1.2. Protectionism

According to religious circles of both Christianity and Islam, women and men have
different functions and obligations that are based on creation. The Vatican has
emphasized this importance in the difference in the Conference of Beijing and used
it as a justification of its opposition on equality between men and women (Beattie,
2014). Similarly, the neoconservative discourse has been instrumentalizing natural
and biological differences in their objection to equality between genders, referring
to the essential traits and duties on the sexes, assigned by Islam.

125
 Attention, there is no clause there that men are superior than women. On the contrary,
there is equality in creation. Superiority can only be in protection, therefore taqwa. In
relation to this clear command, we deny and understanding that insults women for only
and only their gender.40

declared president/primeminister the president in the I. Women and Justice Summit

in 2014. Although he underlines that it does not mean that women are inferior and
this difference comes from the nature of creation, he reflects that there is the
possibility of a superiority in terms of the need of protection of women. This
hegemonic perception which constitutes women as the secondary position in the
patriarchal power relations is used quite often in the neoconservative discourse.
Women are accepted to be in need for the protection of men, taking into
consideration that they are less powerful and ‘delicate’ by creation. Hence,
protectionism is another justification of the opposition to equality and highlight on
equivalency within this discourse. Women are to be protected regarding their
physical conditions states the president in another speech;

You can’t make women work at every job as men, like in the communist regimes. Give
her a shovel and a digger, let her work. There can’t be such thing. First of all it is
against her delicate nature. For this reason rather than equality, we need to take the
concept of equivalency, meaning justice as the most important criteria on this issue.41

This delicacy can also be evaluated as the reason for the segregation in the public
sphere. According to Sare Aydın Yılmaz, not only in the public sphere, but the need
of protection of woman result in the lack of rights in religion. Women lack certain
responsibilities, unlike men, who are bound to achieving much more by the creator.
Yılmaz explains that men and women are two complementary forms having the
same essence by creation, however they are assigned with different amount of

40
“Bakınız burada, erkek kadından veya kadın erkekten üstündür diye bir hüküm yok. Tam tersine,
yaratılışta eşitlik var.Üstünlük ise sadece Allah’tan sakınmada, yani takvada söz konusu
[Link] açık emir mucibince,kadınları, sadece ve sadece cinsiyetlerinden dolayı tahkir eden her
türlü anlayışı reddediyoruz.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Prime Minister, I. Women and Justice Summit,
24 Kasım 2014. [Link]
var. Date Accessed; March 10, Mart 2019.

41
“Kadınları erkeklerin yaptığı her işte çalıştıramazsınız, komünist rejimlerde olduğu gibi. Eline ver
kazmayı küreği, çalışsın. Olmaz böyle bir şey. Onun narin yapısına bir defa bu ters düşer. İşte onun
için eşitlikten ziyade eşdeğer kavramını, yani adalet kavramını bu meselede en önemli kriter olarak
görmek, en önemli referans olarak almak zorundayız.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President.
[Link] Date Accessed;
March 10, 2019.
126
‘functions’ and ‘duties’ by the creator. The same argument was utilized by the
Vatican in Beijing. The Vatican also underlined the diverse functions and duties of
women and men, and implied that these differences are what will carry them to the
fullfilment with the complementarity of the feminine and masculine (Buss, 1998).
Similarly Yılmaz quotes a statement from the Koran to prove the different functions
and obligations. According to Yılmaz,

The statement in an-Nisa 4/34, often referred to in discussions of Islam, states that
‘men are in charge of women’, and lays the burden of looking after the family on men
within the scope of division of labor. This verse considers the relatipnship between
women and men in terms of functionality and signifies that the priority addressed here
is not of nature, but of duty. Men have not been bestowed gratuious privileges and
concessions without any [Link] there is any ‘priority,’ there is an absolute duty or
burden laid upon men... (Yılmaz, 2015, p.113-114).

In terms of justifying the natural difference in functions and duties, Yılmaz

formulates a difference in the position of men and women. She underlines that men
are positioned as “primus inter pares (first among equals) and advocates that the
assignment of different obligations and duties is the result of this opposition. On the
other hand, Yılmaz opposes to the obligations of ‘women’s obedience to men’,
stating that it is only a patriarchal interpretation of the religion and correcting that
Islam asks for obedience to the order, not men (Yılmaz, 2015). The explanation of
Yılmaz is the most open and clear reflection of the argument of neoconservatives on
why women and men are not, and can not be equal but rather equivalent. She sheds
light on the controversial arguments and speeches of the discourse which seem to
be deficient at some point. However, with this article, highlights neoconservatives’
interpretation and the relations between men and women. It is also noteworthy to
underline that the explanation is made by a female, since mostly the analysis of
Islam are controlled by male scholars or clergy. This way, it is reflected that even
women agree with the fairness of gender justice and embrace the approach.
Instrumentalization of female figures is in fact a frequent strategy of
neoconservative discourse under the JDP governments.

The protectionist approach of neoconservatives have two different dimensional

reasons which both comprise a significant place in JDP’s rule. Primarily women are
considered to lack what Pateman (1987) refers to as self-governing and self-

127
protection, unlike men in the patriarchal state. The deficiency of women in self-
protection creates the necessity of a more powerful entity to protect them as in the
case of the patriarchal society, men. The assumptions create a hierarchy between the
two sexes positioning women as secondary citizens. In the case of JDP and
neoconservatives of Turkey, women are both positioned to be under the protection
of men and under the governance of the state as a higher patriarchal protector. The
ideal of a male protector, reverberates as a male state official in the case of Turkey.
As the validation of Yılmaz’s illustration of a male protector, Erdoğan defines
women as ‘emanet42’ and ‘can43’ that are the treasures of God. For which he refers
to justice as the necessary concept when regulating relationship between men and
women. As the president/prime minister put in his speech in the Women and Justice
Summit; “Looking at human with justice, helps us to see humans only and only as
a CAN.44”

on gender equality and justice. The protection of women is highly linked with the
idea of theological justice in Islam. Women are defined as ‘emanet’s, with reference
to religious texts, creating a hierarchy between men and women as humans. The
allegation of perception of women and men as of equal worth was underlined by the
neoconservatives, similar to the Vatican in highlighting difference from creation.
However, both cases indicate that women are secondary, in need of protection under
a more complex and qualified human. Hence, references of neoconservatives are in
accordance with the Vatican and both serve in reproducing and supporting the
patriarchal hierarchy between female and male citizens. Equality is refrained from
being presented in relation with the continuity of this order instead of the state to

42
A valuable good that is left to the protection and supervision of a trusted one.

43
The word can be translated as’ soul’ to english, although it has a spiritual and theological
connotation.

44
“İnsana, adalet nazarıyla bakmak, insanı sadece ve sadece bir can olarak görmemizi sağlar.”, Recep
Tayyip Erdoğan, President, I. Women and Justice Summit, 24 Kasım 2014.
[Link]
niz__fitratina_aykiri_.html. Date Accessed; April 10, 2019.
128
provide protection to women only as a citizen without the patriarchal pressure in
which I agree with Pateman.

The attempt to protect women citizens is a strategy that is part of the populism of
the JDP. The populist approach is often used by the right-wing parties of Europe
under a form of “paternalistic leadership” (Aslan-Akman, 2017, p.4), to which
consorts successfully with the case of JDP. The supportive and protective attitude
of president/primeminister is frequently faced with in Turkish politics especially in
terms of the voters of JDP, which will be held under the section of politics. The
president/prime minister intrumentalizes justice in suppyling the protective
language towards women, considering the term is aggrandized for its status in Islam.
Erdoğan described how women’s protection should be held under as;

I would like to state here that I highly value that the problems of women are taken into
consideration with the concept of JUSTICE both on national and international level.
For in the modern world we sorrily see that every aspect of humans and concerning
humans are handled however a holistic and just approach is not produced. All these
double standards, these hesitant approaches, show us that actually what is missing in
the problems we face is the sentiment of JUSTICE45.

He later clarified the difference between justice, law and equality, underlining that
all legal regulations must be guided by conscience in order to be just. The search for
justice is a connotation of the obligations and expectations from humans in Islam.
The references to Koran and other religious texts can be endured on this detail. As
the conservative implications of justice are perceived through religion. Justice is to
give a person what they deserve or have built up themselves (Kekes, 2008), whereas
equality would be giving the people a right in a certain status. Hence the patriarchal
protector would protect the naturally secondary woman, as a form of ensuring the

45
“Kadın sorunlarının, hem ulusal, hem uluslararası düzeyde, ADALET kavramıyla birlikte ele
alınmasını, şahsen çok önemsediğimi burada ifade etmek [Link], modern dünyada, insana ve
insanlığa ilişkin her meselenin bir şekilde ele alındığını; ama sorunlara karşı bütüncül ve adil bir
yaklaşım ortaya konamadığını üzülerek müşahede ediyoruz.Bütün bu çifte standartlar, bu ikircikli
yaklaşımlar, aslında, karşı karşıya kaldığımız sorunların çözümünde en büyük eksiğin, ADALET
duygusu olduğunu bizlere gösteriyor.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President, 2014.
[Link]
niz__fitratina_aykiri_.html. Date Accessed; April 10, 2019.
129
holy justice. Just like Erdoğan has reflected this obligation followingly;“We have
taken the measures so that no woman is underprotected or disembodied46.”

The paternalism of JDP, can be observed from this statement. The protectionist
approach of the neoconservative sphere here resembles the belief on women’s desire
for protection of the balance approach of the Islamist fundamentalists. On the other
hand, here women are not portrayed to desire protection, but rather presented to be
in need for protection by men. Given their functions and obligations from the Koran,
as the authority and the protector of the country, it is the duty of the state officials
to protect the women in the country, according to the representatives of the party in
this discourse. This illusion of the male protector as a leader reflects another aspect
of both Turkish politics and the patriarchy in the societal system. Pateman (1987)
has attributed men’s protection over the insufficiency of the states’ protection of
women as citizens, however in the Turkish case, the protection is supplied by a
multidimensional hierarchy. First with the male figure of the house in private than
the male figures of the community either in kinship or neighborhood and finally the
patriarchal authorities of the state. The patriarchal protection over women rest in the
essentialist approach of neoconservatives as a secondary stage. In this respect,
patriarchy and religion nourish each other and incarcerate women in a indigent
position. From this paradigm, it is not possible for men and women to be equal, due
to the natural need of protection and obstacles. As the president/prime minister states
in the Women and Justice Summit;

If we are speaking of justice, we must first start the discussion with the injustice here.
To leave the pity of the dominant to the oppressed, is no different than leaving sheep
to a wolf.47

46
“Hiçbir kadınımızın sahipsiz ve korunaksız kalmamasını sağlayacak tedbirleri aldık.” Recep
Tayyip Erdoğan, President, 2018. [Link]
koklerimizde-cinsiyet-ayrimciligi-yok,pG3atocyJUCjKlTt_h4Nug. Date Accessed; April 15, 2019.

47
“Eğer adaletten söz edeceksek, tartışmaya öncelikle, işte buradaki adaletsizlikten başlamak
zorundayız.
Mazlumun derdini anlatmayı zalimin insafına bırakmak, kuzuyu kurda teslim etmekten farksızdır.”
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President, II. Women and Justice Summit, 25 Kasım 2016.
[Link]
[Link]. Date Accessed; April 5, 2019.
130
This metaphor can be related to the oppressed as woman, nonetheless it is not clear
who is identified as the dominant since men are not specified as superior or dominant
to women in the neoconservative discourse as they have stated. Not only men are
the protectors or responsible for women. President/Prime minister himself is a hero,
or a protector for neoconservative women. His stand on women’s issues especially
on the headscarf issue has prevailed him amongst these women. Various times he
mentions these women in his speech and refers to them as ‘bacı48’ Erdoğan declares
his gratitude towards women who have supported and worked for his campaign for
the election of 199449 (Aslan-Akman, 2017). He reiterates his support for women
as;

My request to you is, please do not wait for others to do something for you. Take
action, you will already see me with you. We will İnşallah, construct New Turkey with
our country’s women.50

Knowing the contribution of women to local politics in terms of tools to reach

especially women voters from his RP years, as the mayor of Istanbul, Erdoğan gave
importance to mobilization of women in JDP as well. However, unlike the
indifference National Outlook turned on women following the election, the bond
between women and JDP was rooted in a stronger base to pursue the participation
of women voters. This is how the neoconservative discourse differs from the
previous conservative discourse. Women are not ignored but controlled and asked
for contribution with a motivational tone continuously by the representatives.
Mostly with religious and cultural references, sometimes with praising historically
treasured institutions such as family and motherhood.

48
Sister in Turkish, however concerns a traditional tone, purged of a sexual connotation.

49
The year Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was elected as the Mayor of Istanbul. Also the year known as his
entrance to the political arena.

50
“Sizlerden ricam, lütfen başkalarının sizin için bir şeyler yapmasını beklemeyin.
Siz harekete geçin, beni zaten yanınızda göreceksiniz. Yeni Türkiye’yi inşallah ülkemizin
kadınlarıyla birlikte inşa edeceğiz.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President, 2016.
[Link]
konusma. Date Accessed; April 5, 2019.
131
In support of the president/prime minister’s protective leadership speech,
neoconservatives have evaluated gender equality as a form that connotate absolute
equality and equality as to mean sameness (Şimga, 2019). This idea of sameness is
criticized to be irrelevant to the sociopolitical factors and culture in the Gender
Justice Congress held in 2015;

Models that do not recognize any other approach by emphasizing the concept of
absolute ‘equality, and believing to be the only authority in deciding what is wrong
and what is right, forms a structure that does not fit the equations of society.

The misinterpretation of equality as sameness is an approach imported from the

Vatican. In the Conference of Beijing, equality was opposed with the belief that it
meant sameness, and therefore men and women cannot be the same for which they
cannot be equal (Buss, 1998). Throughout the theoretical framework the paper has
emphasized that equality does not connotate sameness or identicalness in anyway.
As Sartori (1987) and Williams (1962) have emphasized, individuals are not
considered equal neither because they are the same or alike nor becase they embody
same characteristics or traits, but only because they are all humans. For equality is
a major principle and a necessity of being human and of equal worth. The
insufficiency of formal equality have been discussed, which for substantive equality
have been established in all human rşghts documents. However, the abandonment
of equality as a whole in achieving social justice has been stimulated by
Chemerinsky (1983) and Lucas (1965), who underlined that equality, by itself is
morally necessary in enjoying other rights that concern social justice. For this
reason, it is obvious that equality is a multidimensional virtue, which consists
primarily of the equal worth of humanity regardless of any other traits, and proceeds
with other necessitites to achieve substantive equality.

In addition to equality in the sense of not meaning sameness, gender equality is not
designed on a single approach towards equality. Gender equality, a part from
including the primary necessity of formal equality, is designed to recognize
differences and eliminate gender discrimination accordingly, by the contemporary
gender discourse. Intergovernmental organizations ans institutons such as the UN,
has codified gender equality to include all three approaches to women’s equality

132
including the difference and transformative approach, therefore gender equality
does not only consist of formal equality. UN has instrumentalized regulations from
conventions like CEDAW and continous projects with civil society and states to
eliminate the patriarchal existence of gender discrimination and achieve equality
between genders on a substantive basis (Kurtoğlu & Bayrakçeken, 2015). Briefly
stated, it can be interpreted that neither equality connotates sameness nor gender
equality only aims formal equality neglecting differences. For this reason, Şimga
(2019) evaluates the neoconservatives’ implication and presentation of gender
equality as a ‘distortion’ of the concept. Gender equality is formed with the
acceptance of equal rights and freedoms of individuals, in terms of the recognition
of their differences to ensure substantive equality with necessary measures by the
states, who are obligated to eliminate gender discrimination. Hence, the argument
of both the neoconservatives and the source of import, the Vatican is inaccurate in
terms of the conceptualization and insufficiency of equality. The suggestion of
abandoning equality and adopting other concepts are only the reflection of the
objective to perpetuate gender discrimination and inequalities rising from the
biological differences and reproduce the patriarchally assigned gender roles.

In this perspective, it is the duty of men to protect women, which will also bring the
necessity of control. Control of women have especially been assigned through
sexuality by the discourse, considering the importance given to biological
differences. Women’s sexuality is mainly controlled by violence for which the
goverment has taken plenty of measures. It is important right here to first mention
the legal implementations that have been adopted during the EU candidacy, as
previously stated in the study. Before the changes in the legal codes of the Turkish
Republic, the regulations were codified from an absolutely patriarchal perspective,
rejecting the individual rights of women in terms of the body and bodily integrity.

The new Turkish Civil Code was adopted in 2001 and the new Turkish Criminal
Code and Turkish Criminal Procedure Code were enacted in 2004 during the
legislative reforms for the EU accession process. The implementation of the
Criminal Code had a fundamental effect for the elimination of patriarchy and
dominance applied on women and women’s bodies. Elimination of gender
133
discrimination and principle of equality is regulated under article 3 of Turkish
Criminal Code, as a primary element of gender equality, distinguishing it from the
previous code. Enactments on bodily integrity of women, abrogate the identification
of women with the family or a male figure. Crimes that endured on patriarchal
dominance such as honor killings were regulated to involve increase of the penalty
under the new Turkish Criminal Code. Marital rape, not having been recognized by
the previous code, was legislated an infringement of women’s bodily integrity,
similar to sexual assaults, only being prosecuted under complaint. The abatement of
action in cases where the perpetrator and the victim were unified under marriage
was prohibited, regarding the discriminative nature of the provision including its
infringement of human rights. A significant problem, the enforcement of genital
examinations by the family or patriarchal figures have been prohibited under this
code.

Certain provisions were eliminated all together under the separation of women’s
sexual features as virginity or marital status. The previous code regulated differential
implementations for married and single women as well as virgin and nonvirgins in
crimes of sexual assaults or rape. Turkish Criminal Code settled the penalties
distanced from women’s marital or sexual status setting the same punishment for
the perpetrator. The state’s patriarchal control over women’s body was eliminated
to a certain degree with the provisions of the new Criminal Code, regarding its partly
gender conscious character. Domestic violence is now also recognized, the new code
abolished the necessity for official complaint of women. Measures taken against
domestic violence were increased including the education of the officers and law
enforcement units. The new code has eliminated the male and familial supervision
on women’s bodies and sexuality.

Sexual crimes were regulated from a patriarchal perspective, being enacted under
the title ‘Crimes against family order and general manners/customs’ in the former
Criminal Code, demonstrating its patriarchal structure. The new Criminal Code
stated sexual crimes under the title of ‘Crimes against sexual immunity’, recognizing
the sexual freedom and sexuality of the individuals. Sexuality and sexual freedom
are respected, rather than evaluating the right as part of customs or ethics of the
134
society or the family. Physical integrity of individuals is protected under the
provisions of the Criminal Code, eliminating the hegemony of the state or patriarchy
over individuals (Acar & Altunok, 2013).

The amendments of Turkish Civil Code are noteworthy, considering the influence
on the abolishment of patriarchal order within Turkish society and familial sphere.
Although the application of the implementations has not been appropriately
successful, the impact they constitute on liberation of women from legal dominance
of patriarchy has decreased. The provisions that were far away from being
equalitarian, that granted further authority to men within matrimony were eliminated
with the enactment of the new Civil Code in 2001. From selection of official
residence to women’s allowance in employment was authorized by the husband until
the amendment of the code. The unequal provisions were abolished, considering the
recognition of gender equality in the new code. Men were comprehended as the head
of the family, which was abolished with the new implementations. Women and men
were authorized equal rights and obligations, including the recognition of domestic
work. Division of property and alimony are arranged in deference to the labor both
spouses have put into the marriage and family, with which housewives’ efforts have
been protected.

With the enactment of the modernized Criminal and Civil Codes, women’s rights
and recognition has evolved on Turkish legal grounds. The legislation is
implemented on an equalitarian base, including tools such as positive discrimination
in supplying substantive equality. However, performance of the norms and
regulations have not been that accurate in terms of gender equality, regarding the
patriarchal codes internalized by the judiciary personnel and the society. The
development in women’s rights and liberties brought by these codes are mainly the
product of the struggle given by women’s movement and NGOs during the drafting
period. Women’s rights activists have unified with the objective of providing a legal
guarantee for women’s rights under the principle of equality.

Violence Against Women has increased to a striking level, with 2337 women being
killed within the last 10 years. Only in 2018, 440 women were killed, mostly within

135
intimate relationships. Many cases were brought before the social media, as a
reaction to the judgements of the courts. Cases of rape, murder and domestic
violence are criticized for being settled on from a patriarchal perspective neglecting
women’s human rights. Amongst the last 10 years there have been some cases that
prevailed over other countless homicides such as; case of Münevver51, case of
Özgecan52 and the most recent case of Şule Çet53. Even amongst these cases was a
difference in society’s perception of the crime as well as the media’s and
representatives of the neoconservative discourse. The case of Özgecan was
embraced by almost everyone considering that she was raped and murdered on her
way home back from school by a bus driver. Münevver and Şule Çet were not that
protected since they had been raped and murdered by men they had previously
known, as well as place of the crime being their houses. Questions such as ‘What
was she doing there’, ‘Why did she go alone?’ were raised even by the most senior
state officials of the state. There is a sharp decomposition of the neoconservative
discourse’s attention and reaction to the cases of Münevver and Özgecan. It was
with Özgecan’s murder that a bill was regulated by the TBMM on violence against
women. Whereas the case of Münevver faced with statements such as; “They should
have supervised their daughter.” by the former National Head of Police Department.
These assumptions were made in relation with control of sexuality of women.
Violence is condemned according to the measures and perception of the patriarchal,
neoconservative understanding, reproducing the dichotomous relations by the

51
Münevver Karabulut,19, was murdered by her boyfriend in 2009. She was killed in the house of
her boyfriend and ruptured by an electrical saw. The case became public due to the controversy in
the criminal procedure of the case. The murderer was found 197 after he committed the crime. For
further information on the case; [Link]
oldu-cem-garipoglu-munevver-karabulut-kimdir/haber-797789. Date accessed; June 5, 2019.

52
Özgecan Aslan, 19, was murdered in 2015 by the bus driver on her way home from school. She
was killed, resisting to the sexual attack of the murderer. The case attracted the attention of the media
and the public and became a symbol for violence against women. For further information on the case;
[Link] Date
accessed; June 5, 2019.

53
Şule Çet was found dead, to have fallen from a 20 story building, from the apartment which belongs
to her former boss. The media brought the attention to the case in which the former boss and another
male are accused for attempting sexual assault and murder of Şule. The case is still proceeding,
therefore the decision and guilt has not been charged yet. [Link]
cinsiyet/203299-sule-cet-cinayeti-kronolojisi. Date accessed; June 5, 2019.
136
reproduction of gender discrimination resting on bodily control of women’s
sexuality.

As every sociopolitical issue is often related to religion, once again violence is

evaluated by Erdoğan from the same perspective;

A religious person, I am speaking of someone who really knows the value of this,
murder of a woman, violence against women, would he do such a thing? Is it possible?
No, he can’t.54

In this context, violence is attributed to a nonreligious characters and individuals.

Religion, conscience and justice are interlinked to be contrary to maltreatment and
discrimination of women. Patriarchy, dominance and especially power relations are
neglected on the issue, which as the general approach of the neoconservative sphere
towards violence. Although it can be observed that violence is the base of
neoconservatives’ policies on women, the effect and strength of power relations and
patriarchy are highly ignored on the conflicts. As the recent president of KADEM
Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu stated in an interview; “We say that violence is an
assault against human integrity and personality while being a sickness that threats
family unity and order.55”

Gümrükçüoğlu, evaluates violence against women as an illness regardless of the

patriarchal roots it concerns. Patriarchy and domination are so far away from the
neoconservative discourse that the campaigns against violence against women
contain direct sexist, patriarchal language. The campaigns like ‘First Be A Man56’

54
“Kadın cinayetleri oluyor değil mi? Gerçek olarak düşüneceğiz. İnançlı bir insan, gerçekten bu işin
değerini bilenden bahsediyorum, bir kadın cinayeti, kadına şiddet, böyle bir şeye girebilir mi?
Mümkün mü?” [Link] Tayyip Erdoğan, President, 2014.
[Link] Date Accessed;
April 10 2019.

55
“Şiddetin, insan onuruna ve kişiliğine karşı bir saldırı olduğu gibi aynı zamanda ailenin birliğini
ve yapısını tehdit eden sosyolojik bir hastalık olduğunu söylüyoruz.” Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu,
KADEM Başkanı, 2018. [Link]
yonelik-siddeti-insanlik-sucu-olarak-degerlendiriyoruz/1341016. Date Accessed; April 12, 2019.

56
‘Önce Adam Ol’, was a campaign against violence against women, started by KADEM in 2014.
The campaign consisted of references to manhood, claiming that real men would not perform
violence against women.
137
and ‘If you are a Man, overcome your anger57” pursue the patriarchal codes by
highlighting the importance and dignity of manhood. Violence against women is
dealt with from a patriarchal perspective neglecting the deep roots of the crimes
within the society, although it is accepted by the institution that it is the most vital
subject concerning women. Although domestic violence is an important issue for
the neoconservative discourse on which have been many speeches in diverse
occasions, the reason for the lean on the issue is quite eye-catching. Domestic
violence is evaluated as a threat to the unity of the family and the society, as
observed from Gümrükçüoğlu’s statement. The causes of violence against women
are underlined by Sare Aydın Yılmaz in an interview with these words;

Word Health Organization has shown the causes of violence against women as; low
level of education, child abuse, witnessing domestic violence, anti-social personality
disorder, use of alcohol, suspecting adultery, gender inequality and approaches that
approve violence, beliefs in family honor…58

Although Yılmaz highlights that gender inequalities cause violence against women,
the discourse advocates gender justice over gender equality. At the same time, not
stepping away from the dichotomous diversion through biological and theological
difference discourses. The form of violence that is taken into consideration is
basically a threat to family, however beliefs in family honor cause violence against
women. Justice is reflected as a concept that is deigned to a sub form. For which
power relations are reproduced by the state officials from a patriarchal perspective.
In this context by the authority or the dominant to the dominee. The codes of the
power relations within the context can be perceived from the definitions and
metaphors on justice. Family and familialism are glorified over individuality of
women even on subjects like violence. Every threat to women, including violence

57
‘Erkeksen, Öfkeni Yen’, was a campaign against violence against women, started by KADEM in
2013. The campaign refers to manhood in an ironical base, as declared by the representatives of the
association.

58
“Dünya Sağlık Örgütü kadına yönelik şiddetin nedenleri olarak; eğitim seviyesinin düşüklüğü,
çocuk istismarı, aile içi şiddete tanık olma, anti-sosyal kişilik bozukluğu, alkol kullanımı,
aldatılmaktan şüphelenme, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliğini ve şiddeti onaylayan tutumlar, aile
şerefine olan inançlar, erkeğin cinsel haklarıyla ilgili kabul edilmiş düşünceler ve yasal yaptırımların
yetersizliği gibi nedenleri sıralamaktadır.” Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM Başkanı, 2015.
[Link]
yontemlerini-anlatti/. Date Accessed; April 12, 2019.
138
is considered as a threat to the family or the nation. Family and familialism, having
a crucial role in the neoconservative discourse of Turkey, as a part of right-wing
strategies, is therefore analyzed in detail in the next section.

5.1.3. Family and Familialism

Policies of the governments of New Right integrate citizens into groups and
identities, some within the family, to complete the deficiencies coming from human
nature and to fulfill the gap formed with the abandonment of the welfare state
(Larner, 2000). The glorification of family and tradition is a large part of the New
Right as both in terms of neoconservatism and neoliberals. Family and familialism
have been promoted to replace the obligations of the state to their citizens with the
abandonment of the welfare state (Grzebalska & Pető, 2017). We see today in
Turkey with the neoconservative discourse the deification of family and familialism
in collaboration with patriarchy as fundamentals of the system. Similar to other
conservative approaches, this approach identifies women with family and natural
obligations, to define them as citizens of the state. The neoconservative discourse
has a perception of women that recognize them as mother or wife, the provider and
caregiver of the family rather than as an individual (Özgün, 2014). It is for this
reason that issues on women always tend to be referenced with family, children and
society. The system is built so that the society will enlarge and proceed with the
existing values, traditions and beliefs by next generations who are under the
supervision of women, as mothers. The future of the state, the society depends on
the mothers, considering they are the ones that rear the children. The restoration of
women’s status and rights rest on the necessity for more conscious and qualified
bearers of future generations and to form and sustain a civilized, self-conscious
marriage. The development in education, employment and socialization of women
all contain the intention of a more qualified provider for the family. With the belief
that we will reach powerful Turkey, with powerful families...59

59
“Güçlü ailelerle güçlü Türkiye’ye ulaşacağımız inancıyla...” Zehra Zümrüt Selçuk, Aile, Çalışma
ve Sosyal Hizmetler Bakanı, III. Uluslararası Kadın ve Adalet Zirvesi, 23 Kasım 2018.
[Link]
ediyoruz/1415217. Date Accessed; March 10, 2019.
139
These were the exact wrds of Zehra Zümrüt Selçuk in the International Women and
Justice Summit on 2018. As the Minister of Family, Employment and Welfare
Service, Selçuk’s speech summarised the social and economic policies of the
neoconservative government. The status and policies concerning women, comprise
a wide space in the neoconservative discourse. The amount of policies is not the
reason for this space, but the relations they seek for the general neoliberal and
neoconservative system of the state. Similarly, Erdoğan underlines; “Woman, is
both the inseparable piece and the locomotive of the family60” in the Women and
Justice Summit underlining the significance of the role women play within the
family. Women are arranged as the providers and caregivers of the basic unit of the
system, the family. Thus, the progress of women towards the arranged direction hold
a vital place in the politics of neoconservatism. “The future of a society in which the
institution of family is not powerful, is dark to the same extent for men and
women61.”

Proceeds the president/prime minister as his words are the reflection of the ideology
of the state. Family is programmed as the basic unit of the system formed by the
neoconservative system in Turkey. The political, social and economic alterations
stand on the concept of family and the solidarity between them. Conservative values
and cultural norms are transferred through familial sphere, which contend a major
space in the neoconservative discourse. “We gain an identity under the roof of
family and adopt our cultural values62” states Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu, the

60
“Kadın, ailenin hem ayrılmaz bir parçası, hem de lokomotifidir”. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,
Başbakan, I. Uluslararası Kadın ve Adalet Zirvesi, 24 Kasım 2014.
[Link] Date Accessed;
March 10, 2019.

61
“Aile kurumunun güçlü olmadığı bir toplumun geleceği, kadın için de, erkek için de aynı derecede
karanlıktır.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Başbakan, [Link]ı Kadın ve Adalet Zirvesi, 2018.
[Link] Date Accessed;
March 10, 2019.

62
“Aile çatısı altında bir kimlik kazanır ve kültürel değerlerimizi benimseriz.” Saliha Okur
Gümrükçüoğlu, KADEM Başkanı, 2019. [Link]
aile/kadem-baskani-gumrukcuoglu-kulturel-degerlerin-korunup-nesillere-aktarilmasi-ailelerle-
saglaniyor-/1464419. Date Accessed; March 10, 2019.

140
president of KADEM, to highlight the importance of family to their understanding.
The identification of women with the institution of family is the most significant
notion concerning women and the neoconservative discourse. Women are affiliated
value an integrity only within the family, as mothers or wives instead of as citizens
or individuals, since the New Right recognizes women as mother and daughters
(Özgün, 2014).

Gender relations and discourse of the neoconservative sphere dwells upon the
virtues of family and protection. The identity of ‘woman’ is shaped in two aspects
by the neoconservatives in Turkey, and both of these identities are projected within
the family. Women are primarily mothers and wives; whose function and obligation
are to take care of their families. The internalization of familialism is reflected under
the role set for women by this view, as the caregiver. Main power family has, over
women is control, especially in terms of the body and fertility. The threat to family
is perceived as a threat to the society (Cansun, 2013). The politicians and scholars
of the neoconservative discourse have highlighted the importance of family for the
society and the state multiple times. To that end, the understanding of
‘complementary’ individuals holds a significant place within this familialism.

The empowerment of individuals must cause the empowerment of the family. The
balance set on individual-family-society based policies must be formed around the
principle of complementarianism, not on the principle of opposition. Woman and man
must be seen as each other’s complementary, not the alternative in terms of the
population dynamics and the nurture of the generation which guarantee future of the
society.63

With this statement of Ayşenur İslam The Minister of Family and Social Policy, the
precedence of family and women are accentuated here clearly as to guarantee the
growing population, and the maintenance of the familial system in the name of
society’s future. It is within general policy of JDP, to promote marriage and large
families as a part of the neoliberal and conservative perspective. These policies

63
“Toplumu oluşturan bireylerin güçlendirilmesi, ailenin de güçlenmesine sebep olmalıdır. Birey-
aile-toplum merkezli politikaların oluşturulmasında dengenin kurulması karşıtlık değil
tamamlayıcılık ilkesi etrafında şekillendirilmelidir. Nüfus dinamikleri ve toplumun geleceğini temin
eden nesillerin yetişmesi açısından da kadın-erkek ve aile birbirinin alternatifi değil, birbirinin
tamamlayıcısı olan unsurlar olarak görülmelidir.” Ayşenur İslam, Aile ve Sosyal Politikalar Bakanı,
I. Uluslararası Kadın ve Adalet Zirvesi, 2015. [Link]
sayin-aysenur-islamin-acilis-konusmasi/. Date Accessed; March 12, 2019.
141
correspond with the Vatican’s emphasis on marriage and nurturing the next
generations and as well as the New Right’s policies on women as mother and wives.
According to Winker (2005), New Right’s approach attaches importance to family
for the sake of the transformation of religious values and traditional norms. Family
holds the obligation of raising new generations and maintaining the union (Winker,
2005). Accordingly, a part from the incentives on marriage and child birth that are
planned within the program of the government, in forms such as gold, money and
promotions, young people are encouraged by direct statements of the representatives
of the party. The former prime minister, now president Erdoğan has mentioned
plenty of times at the weddings he attended to have ‘at least three children’ to the
newlyweds (Acar & Altunok, 2013). The number of children he encourages have
increased to ‘at least five’ within the recent years. JDP’s policy on children hinge
on the ideals of a powerful state and country as underlined in the words of
president/prime minister;

This is why I recommend at least three, if possible, more children to our youth in all
ceremonies. For that reason, one is lonely, two is opponent, three is balance, four is
fruitfulness, the rest is Allah Kerim6465.

It can be observed that the speech sheds light on the conservative part of the birth
policy as well as the neoliberal side. The encouragement of large families and having
many children are encouraged with a perspective that assumes that the family will
be provided by a creator. Here, the duty of the welfare state is transferred to a
theological authority, considering the faith of the people, and the population that is
necessary for the transmission of the conservative and traditional values are
satisfied. The duties and protection of the state is transferred to the family, with the
reduction in welfare policies and acceptance of neoliberal approach towards the
economy (Pateman, 1987). The significance of family performs the base to the

64
A religious expression that connotates that whatever God gives is fine and that God will provide
whatever is necessary. In this context it is used as how much children are born is decided by God and
that God will provide the needs.

65
“İşte bunun için tüm nikah töreninde gençlerimize en az 3 çocuk, mümkünse daha fazlasını tavsiye
ediyorum. Onun için bir olur garip olur, iki olur rakip olur, üç olur denge olur, dört olur bereket olur;
gerisi Allah Kerim diyorum…”, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President, 2019.
[Link]
[Link]. Date Accessed; March 12, 2019.
142
population policies of JDP, and child birth. Erdoğan in a speech summarizes one of
the state policies on population and birth as; “We have to, in order to keep this
young, dynamic population solid. Particularly for countries like us, population is
power.66”

The control of population as power of the nation is a state policy that is a novelty
for Turkey. Previous governments have been giving the struggle to reduce the
population by stimulations as well as state policies such as birth control, regarding
the economical situations of the country. The policy of JDP in population, as yet has
not shown an alteration even during times of economic crisis. Having a policy of
enhancement in terms of population, the control over women and reproductive rights
have been an issue within this discourse. Reproductive rights are controlled in terms
of two institutions, one being motherhood and the other as the patriarchal control
over the state. For this reason, reproductive rights are held under the title of
motherhood in this study.

A part from the general praising of the family as a notion by itself, women are
directly associated with family in the neoconservative discourse. So much that when
speaking of women’s rights and empowerment, even in specific fields of education
or employment, the development and value of family is underlined. Just as expressed
in the speech of the Minister of Family, Employment and Welfare Services Zehra
Zümrüt Selçuk: “We must generalize the practice of education and awareness in the
empowerment of the family, to provide equal and fair enjoyment of rights and
opportunities for women.67”

66
“Mecburuz, çünkü bu yapıyı dinamik genç nüfus yapısını sağlam tutalım. Bilhassa bizim gibi
ülkeler için nüfus güçtür.”, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President, 2019. [Link]
detay/[Link]. Date
Accessed; March 12, 2019.

67
“Ailenin güçlendirilmesinde eğitim ve farkındalık çalışmalarını yaygınlaştırarak, kadınların
hayatın her alanında hak ve fırsatlardan eşit ve adil bir şekilde yararlanmalarını sağlamalıyız.”
,Ayşenur İslam, Aile ve Sosyal Politikalar Bakanı, I. International Women and Justice Summit, 2018.
[Link] Date Accessed; March 10, 2019.

143
Just like the Vatican highlights the obligations and functions of women and men,
the glorification of motherhood and fatherhood come into the picture in the
neoconservative discourse as well. The individuals are defined as the caregivers of
next generations that will perpetuate the order, on account of this the family is the
primary unit of the system. Womanhood and family are identified together for which
women’s problems are classified as to be of the family or in the family by this
discourse. The solution for women’s issues are perceived via familialism. An
example of this is seen from the interview of Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu;

Because first of all we believe that the balance that will sustain the society is gender
justice that positions men and women with a balanced share of roles…We believe that
every disadvantageous position woman go through concerns men who are part of the
same society and designate them to be primarily solved within the family. Our summit,
different from the previous practice and studies regarding women, has started with the
approach that confer holistic proposals by interpreting women and men within the
context of family.68

The share of roles is rather balanced, as yet not equal is constituted by the discourse
of gender justice. Here not only the individuality of the citizens is neglected but also
the duties of the welfare state are downsized. As part of the neoliberal policies of
JDP, certain services such as childcare, elderly care are attributed to women that are
actually the obligation of the welfare state. This attribution corresponds both to the
neoliberal state, whose duties are downsized and the neoconservative tradition with
whom the cultural codes will be controlled and transformed through woman and
family. Interpreting women within the family is reflected as a holistic approach, as
men are shown to be part of this complementary perception. From the legal
implementations and social circumstances however, it is only applied accurately to
women. Women go through an identity loss away from the family, within this
discourse. Coşar and Yeğenoğlu (2011), have underlined that the neoconservative
discourse evaluates family as the “natural locus of women”(Coşar & Yeğenoğlu,

68
“Toplumsal anlamda denge ve huzura kavuşmanın sadece kadına özgü meselelere odaklanmanın
ötesinde bir yaklaşım geliştirmek gerektirdiğine inanıyoruz. Kadınların yaşadıkları her dezavantajlı
durumun aynı toplumun bir parçası olan erkekleri de ilgilendirdiğini ve bunların öncelikle ailede
çözüme kavuşturulması gerektiğine işaret [Link], daha önce yapılmış kadın
çalışmalarından farklı olarak kadını ve erkeği aile bağlamı içinde değerlendiren bir yaklaşımla
sorunların çözümüne dair bütüncül öneriler sunma hedefiyle yola çıkmış…”, Saliha Okur
Gümrükçüoğlu, KADEM Başkanı, 2019. [Link]
aile/kadem-baskani-gumrukcuoglu-kulturel-degerlerin-korunup-nesillere-aktarilmasi-ailelerle-
saglaniyor-/1464419. Date Accessed; March 10, 2019.
144
2011, p.567). Within this context Saliha Gümrükçüoğlu highlights the importance
of attaching women and family together in these words; “We named the summit as
strengthening of the family, because we believe that dealing with men and women
independent from family would cause deficiencies.69”

It is for this reason that marriage is encouraged especially to young women by state
policies. Many regulations have been transformed so that young people would enjoy
the incentives of marriage such as the regulation on marriage portion. With the
regulation of the Ministry for Family and Social Policy in 2016, the state began the
distribution of incentives for young couples who are insufficient in terms of
economic status under the name of ‘marriage portion account’, of which in 2018 the
involvement of the state has increased even more. The state policies regulate not
only before but after marriage, as a unit all together. Centers for family counseling
were established as previous stage before divorce before the family ombudsman.
The establishment of family centers on family as an alternative to women’s centers
is a common policy used by the New Right. For instance, in Ukraine, the opposition
to gender and gender equality have used these centers as a counter strategy to gender
equality (Lamakh, 2017). Gender and gender policies have been shown as the threat
to family and to have caused divorce, similar to cases in Turkey. Family has a
significance because, the patriarchal control of the state over women begins from
youth, proceeds into marriage and finalizes with the enlargement of the family with
children. With the gender justice approach, marriage is prioritized for women under
the title of ‘fıtrat’ and creation. “The feeling of having a family comes from creation.
Also, family, to which societies owe their strength and welfare to, subsist with
individuals’ support for each other. Family is evaluated as a steady pact in our
faith.70”

69
“Bu seneki zirvemizin ana temasını Ailenin Güçlendirilmesi olarak belirledik. Çünkü biz ailenin
gücüne inanıyor ve güçlü toplumların ancak güçlü aile yapılarıyla sağlanacağını biliyoruz.”, Saliha
Okur Gümrükçüoğlu, KADEM Başkanı, 2018. [Link]
okur-gumrukcuoglunun-iii-uluslararasi-kadin-ve-adalet-zirvesi-acilis-konusmasi/. Date Accessed;
March 5, 2019.

70
“…aileye sahip olmak yaratılıştan gelen bir duygudur. Ayrıca, toplumların gücünü ve refahını
borçlu olduğu bu kurum, fertlerin birbirlerine olan desteği ile varlığını sürdürür. İnancımıza göre
145
The discourse generalizes that men and women complement each other within the
family in which they sustain different roles that deriving from their nature.
Thereupon, gender justice is favored over gender equality, to perpetuate the notion
that marriage is a natural course for women. In fact, according to the discourse
women are assigned responsible for the family by ‘fıtrat’, as Sare Aydın Yılmaz
summarizes;

Women are held primarily responsible for the proceeding of the family, the birth and
upbringing of next generations and consequently shaping the social structure, because
of their major virtues such as reason-sensitivity-love-compassion-patience- eq and
having motherhood, that is one of the most precious jobs of the world. The liabilities
that should be justly distributed between men and women whom are created to be
complementary by ‘fıtrat’ have been attributed to women by cultural codes, traditions
and morals.71

The statement of Yılmaz sums up the biologically deterministic perception of

women, in terms of the neoconservative discourse, generalizing certain traits for
women such as sensitivity, love etc. Whereas at the end she criticizes cultural norms
for attaching the liabilities of family to women. Hitherto, the argument made here is
not that men and women should share the family and house chores evenly but rather
should make a distribution in terms of justice, is to say gender justice. Considering
the fact that gender justice advocates different obligations and rights for women and
men, on the basis of justice that comes from ‘fıtrat’, it will be natural for women to
be assigned the chores including child rearing, housework etc. Women are glorified
as mothers by the neoconservative discourse, bringing up next generations to the

aile, sağlam bir misak olarak nitelendirilir.”, Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu, KADEM Başkanı, Kadın
ve Adalet Zirvesi, 2018. . [Link]
gumrukcuoglunun-iii-uluslararasi-kadin-ve-adalet-zirvesi-acilis-konusmasi/. Date Accessed; March
5, 2019.

71
“Dünyanın en kıymetli işlerinden biri olan annelik vasıfları ve akıl-duygusallık-sevgi-şefkat-
merhamet-sabır-sosyal zekâ gibi önemli meziyetlerin kadında yaşam bulması nedeni ile kadın ailenin
devam etmesinde, gelecek nesillerin dünyaya getirilip yetiştirilmesinde ve dolayısıyla toplumsal
yapının şekillenmesinde birincil derecede sorumlu tutulmuştur. Fıtraten birbirini tamamlayıcı olarak
yaratılmış olan kadın ve erkek tarafından adil bir şekilde paylaşılması gereken bu yükümlülükler,
toplumsal anlamda egemen olan kültürel kodlar, adet ve örfler tarafından kadına atfedilmiştir.”, Sare
Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM Kurucu Başkanı, 2017. [Link]
cinsiyet-adaleti-kongresi-sare-aydin-acilis-konusmasi/. Date Accessed; March 5, 2019.
146
system. Motherhood, being accepted as the primary function and obligation of
women need further analysis, that will be held in the next section.

[Link]. Motherhood

The ideology of the state destinates women as the formers and the proceeders of the
family, contrary to a citizen and an individual, hence women’s human rights, built
on the significance within the family (Kandiyoti, 2010). The value driven to the
institution of family and motherhood precludes over the worth of women
individuals. The plea of womanhood is cherished for the competency of transferring
the cultural codes and beliefs to next generations. Consequently, childrearing and
motherhood is the most displayed aspects within womanhood. It has been pointed
out by various scholars that womanhood is identified with motherhood by the
neoconservative discourse in Turkey (Acar & Altunok, 2013). The social appraisal
of women hinges on the glorification of motherhood, in accordance with the
caregiver role assigned to them deriving from creation. “For this reason, that, it is
because of the mother role that women are the irrevocable leader for the healthy
development of the family and the architect of the process of construction of
society.72”

This statement underlines the value women comprise within the society and family
in terms of the neoconservative discourse. Womanhood is equated directly with
motherhood and categorized accordingly. As a representative of the discourse the
president/prime minister praised motherhood in these words; “Our religion has
given women a position. What position, the position of motherhood. Mother is
something different. It is the unreachable of all the positions, the highest one73”.

72
“Bu sebepledir ki kadın anne rolü nedeniyle toplumsal inşa sürecinin mimarı, ailenin sağlıklı
gelişimi için asla vazgeçilemez öncü bireyi konumundadır.”, Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM Kurucu
Başkanı, 2017. [Link]
acilis-konusmasi/. Date Accessed; March 10, 2019.

73
“Bizim dinimiz kadına bir makam vermiş. Ne makamı, annelik makamı. Anne başka bir şey.
Makamların ulaşılamazıdır en yükseğidir.”, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Prime Minister 2014.
[Link] Date Accessed;
March 5, 2019.
147
Not only motherhood is praised in terms of social context, it is also accentuated in
the religious sense by this declaration. Motherhood is put on a pedestal, a status that
all women would look forward to attain. The respect women gain is predominantly
attributed to motherhood in the neoconservative discourse. For instance, Erdoğan,
speaking of his mother in a council of elderly, announced his love for his mother
followingly;

I assume everyone knows the Hadis of ‘heaven is under the feet of mothers. I used to
kiss my mother’s feet; she would pull away. I would say ‘Mom do you consider the
smell of heaven too much for me; she would cry. I advise you, kiss the feet of your
mothers. There is no one like them. We are here because of them.74

As it can be perceived by this speech, the plea of motherhood is often didactically

adopted by the representatives of the discourse, mainly in reference to religious
texts. Kandiyoti’s (2010) indication that women are apprehended as mothers instead
of acquiring a sociopolitical persona, is quite accurate in this context. Similarly, in
another declaration, the president/prime minister in his message for Mother’s Day
refers to the power of mothers on the state and reflects the values of motherhood
once again through theological explanations.

Our mothers whom have taught us love, respect, solidarity, sharing and tolerance are
the major force in establishing happiness and peace in our country. We are the
representatives of a culture and a tradition who believe that heaven is under mothers’
feet, hold them in high honor, say ‘there is no one like mom’, give importance to
respect to mothers and take motherhood as the most exceptional degree of the world.75

Motherhood is instrumentalized by the neoconservative discourse with glorification

in reproducing the patriarchally assigned gender roles. This attachment is often

74
“Cennet anaların ayağı altındadır hadisi şerifini herhalde bilmeyen yoktur. Ben anacığımın
ayağının altını öperdim, anam ayağını çekerdi. Anacığım bana cennet kokusunu çok mu görüyorsun
derdim; ağlardı. Tavsiye ediyorum analarınızın ayaklarının altını öpün. Onlar gibisi yok. Onlar
olduğu için biz varız.” Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President, Yaşlılık Şurası 2019,
[Link]
opun/. Date Accessed; April 10, 2019.
75
“Annelerimiz sabır, müsamaha ve sevgi dolu yürekleriyle, toplumsal yaşamda huzur ve barışın
tesisinde önemli rol oynamaktadır. Sevgiyi, saygıyı, dayanışmayı, paylaşmayı ve hoşgörüyü bizlere
öğreten annelerimiz, ülkemizde mutluluğu ve huzuru tesis etmede en büyük gücümüzdür. Bizler,
cennetin annelerin ayakları altında olduğuna inanan, anneleri baş tacı kabul eden, 'ana gibi yar olmaz'
diyen, anneye hürmeti esas alan, anneliği dünyanın en müstesna mertebesi olarak gören bir kültür ve
geleneğin temsilcileriyiz.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President, Anneler Günü Mesajı, 2019.
[Link]
992143. Date Accessed; March 5, 2019.
148
observed in conservative approaches. Likewise, this approach towards women,
resemble the identification of motherhood with womanhood has been made by the
Vatican in Beijing. The glorification of motherhood is a common strategy used in
the conference by the alliance of the Vatican and the Islamist states as the
justification of the objections on abortion and reproductive rights (Cohen &
Richards, 2019). With motherhood being a glorious notion, the control of
womanhood is often portrayed by the control over reproduction. Reproductive rights
are one of the most compelling areas in which the neoconservatives seek to apply
the patriarchal intervention to women’s bodies and beings. The aim of
neoconservatives to control women can be examined under two subtitles according
to the discourse they have created during JDP rule; abortion and birth control and
population growth.

[Link]. Reproductive Rights

[Link].1. Abortion

As previously stated, and investigated within the previous chapter, abortion has
always been an issue of controversy around the world. Countless movements have
been formed against abortion, of which concern not only religious traditionalists but
also women from various movement. The ethical stance against abortion is for sure
a significant issue, still the religious stand is more relevant to the discourse in
Turkey. Ever since its establishment, Turkey has faced with requests and struggles
to legalize abortion by various groups. However, the procedure has been interpreted
as a crime by the neoconservatives and to cause a negative outcome for the
populational growth in the long run by the government. Accordingly, even though
the procedure was confabulated a certain time, it was not legalized for years until
the military intervention of 1980. After the military intervention, with the enactment
of different implementations, abortion was on the table, but this time it was obvious
that the procedure was perceived as a method of birth control. Finally, the
legalization of abortion was realized on May 27th 1983 with the “The Code on
Population Planning76” in Turkey. This Code regarded certain measures for legal

76
“Nüfus Planlaması Hakkında Kanun”
149
abortion, including the fetus to be less than 10 weeks growth however more in
medically necessary cases.

The group who stood against abortion to be a legal right were basically the
traditionalist conservatives in Turkey. As part of the neoconservative discourse,
abortion has often been criticized by the authorities of the neoconservative
government of JDP. Erdoğan, prime minister at the time declared in clearly his
speech: “ I see abortion as murder.”77

The statement of the prime minister/president was a reflection of the

neoconservative perception which had a struggle against abortion beginning from
the historically prior conservartive parties such as RP. The patriarchal ideology that
seeks to dominate the woman body was reinforced by the neoconservatives similar
to the conservatives. Although JDP refrains from defining abortion as a sin and
classifies it as a crime instead (Acar & Altunok, 2013), the embedded reason for
objections shows parallelism with RP. Karaömerlioğlu (2012), on the other hand
claims that the antiabortion stand of the government does not rest on religion but
nationalism and policy of economic growth. He underlines that Islam has a rather
liberal stance on the issue of abortion, but the apprehension in the decrease of
population pushes the conservative government to be against the procedure. Hence,
although it is reflected that neoconservative government opposes to abortion
because it is a crime, the actual reason is its deterioration to the neoliberal economic
policies and the ideal of strong ‘nation’.

Unlike the thoughts of the traditionalists of Christianity during the ERA period,
some neoconservatives have gone radical and rejected abortion even in cases of
sexual assault. An MP of JDP who was also the head of the Comission for Human
Rights in the National Assembly, has a significant declaration. Ayhan Sefer Üstün

77
“Kürtajı bir cinayet olarak görüyorum."Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Prime Minister, 2012.
[Link] Date
Accessed; March 15, 2019.
150
declared that;“The perpatrator is more innocent then the victim of rape who has an
abortion.”78

This shows that the maintenance of the patriarchal, traditionalist society is superior
to the woman’s bodily rights and integrity. Üstün took his statement to a more
intense level and compared the cases of rape and abortion to the war crimes of rape
in Bosnia-Herzegovina. With the sentence: “The woman who has been raped should
not have an abortion as well. The women in Bosnia were raped but they gave
birth”.79 Üstün proves the ideology’s devaluation of woman as an identity or
individual but recognizes her as an object of reproduction neglecting not only the
physical rights but the pscychological status of the victim. In accordance with Üstün,
Recep Akdağ, a minister exposed another suggestion as to abolish abortion but to
control women’s bodies as; “ The woman who is raped should give birth, if it is
necessary the state will rear the child.”80.

As it can be seen from these two statements, even in cases of sexual violence,
women’s right to control her own body is not preferred by the discourse. In this case,
abortion is still not permitted, the woman’s body is controlled by the patriarchal
government however the responsibility of the woman is left to her conscience as a
mother. The state is assigned a gender here as masculine and excludes women’s
citizenship and human rights, instead chooses to defend the patriarchal system, even
if it is necessary to take over the duty of the mother, to rear the child, itself, regarding
the babies as its citizen and human capital within the ‘nation’. The declarations of
the officials contain a patriarchal tone and a superior hierarchical undertone within

78
“Tecavüzcü, kürtaj yaptıran tecavüz kurbanından daha masum." TBMM İnsan Hakları Komisyonu
Başkanı; Aydın Sefer Üstün, 2012. [Link]
yaptirmamali--118800h/haber-118800. Date Accessed; March 15, 2019.

79
“Tecavüze uğrayan da kürtaj yaptırmamalı. Bosna’da kadınlar tecavüze uğradı ama doğurdular."
TBMM İnsan Hakları Komisyonu Başkanı; Aydın Sefer Üstün, 2012.
[Link]
118800. Date Accessed; March 15, 2019.

80
“Tecavüze uğrayan doğursun, gerekirse devlet bakar."Recep Akdağ, Sağlık Bakanı, 2012.
[Link]
gerekirse-devlet-bakar-haberi. Date Accessed; March 15, 2019.
151
their construction. They tend to propogate a rigid image of the power of the
conservative state. The discourse did not only make patriarchal declarations but,
draft bill was prepared by the JDP government to limit abortion in 2003. This draft
regulated the prohibition of abortion after 10 weeks even in cases where the fetus
might have the risk of disability, with the reaction and protests of women’s
movements the draft was cancelled to be represented later on (Acar & Altunok,
2013). As patriarchal policies controlling women’s fertility continue to evolve,
however faced with objections. Religious references and texts conservatives
produce an antiabortion stand in terms of reproductive rights in diverse geographies.
For instance, JDP’s policies on reproductive rights show no difference with the
coalition of the Vatican and the Islamist states in Beijing (İlkkaracan, 2015). The
regulations of reproductive rights were immensely objected previously in Cairo,
which the Vatican justified as protection of family in Beijing. Hence conservative
tendencies collide under patriarchal control of women’s bodies in various religions.

The radical approach towards antiabortion of the neoconservative also resembles the
furious stands on abortion in countries like Ireland and Poland. In Ireland abortion
is prohibited under any circumstance, which the ECHR has decided for the
elimination and implementation of a new [Link] the other hand, the
antiabortion campaigns are quite strong and vigorous, indifferent to the death of a
young woman from septicemia due to the ban on abortion (Waszak, 2017). The
relentless oppositions and determints on abortion resemble the Turkish case,
considering the statements of Üstün. Primary human right of women, right to life
are undermined by the discourse over the appraisal of reproduction and fertility
policies. Similar to Ireland, debates on abortion have been raised in Poland by
conservative groups. Although abortion has been applied on a limited basis, only in
situations where threat of mother’s right to life or a crime. Anyhow, in 2016 a draft
has been proposed to ban abortion in every circumstance, even in cases of a danger
for the mothers life. The antiabortion campaigns have been underlining the position
of the fetus with harsh pictures and imagery. Even though, the draft was faced with
rigid protests, it was represented to the parliament in 2018 (Staroszczyk, 2017).
Therefore the antiabortion groups which neglect women’s humanly right to life and
the control over one’s own body continue in many countries. Lately, in USA, a draft
152
bill was accepted prohibiting abortion at any circumstance (except the risk of
mother’s life) including cases of rape, in Alabama. Facing with reactions from all
over the country, the regulation will come into force if signed by the mayor.
Abortion is not the only subject in which women’s fertility is controlled by the
patriarchy and the state. Birth control and promotion of population growth is one of
the major issues JDP and the neoconservative discourse has worked on ever since
its establishment.

[Link].2. Birth Control and Promotion in Population Growth

Turkey has met birth control, especially the pill much later than the Western
countries. Prior to the pill or condoms, methods such as withdrawal were used.
Abortion again was and still is evaluated as a method of birth control. Similar to the
government policies in population planning, Turkish governments have either
supported or rejected birth control depending on the rate of population growth. Birth
control has been promoted in times of low growth to pump up human capital,
whereas it has been contradicted in times when there was a baby boom in the
country. Hence the basic reason for the stand taken against birth control confides on
economic interests, most of the times it is announced under the name of nationalism
or conservatism in Turkey. JDP exercises both conservatism and nationalism in its
struggle against birth control. Globally the neoconservative state’s terminus in
controlling women’s fertility endures on a strategic and an ideological base (Acar &
Altunok, 2013). Firstly, family is assigned as the substitute for the policies and
services reduced with the abundance of the welfare state, for which it is the primary
unit of production (Giddens, 1994). Hence the enlargement of unit of production is
necessary for the stability of the society and the economic system with human
capital. And secondly, the maintenance and continuity of the family ensures the
transmission of traditional values and cultural codes as well the religious
sensitivities (Grzebalska & Pető, 2017). In fact, as child breeding and rearing
children is assigned as the major responsibility of family within conservatism, the
control over fertility and birth policies rest on the protection of the family. Not only
birth control but other factors such as divorce are considered dangers for the family,
therefore the system (Winker, 2005).
153
Similarly, birth and population growth are promoted by the neoconservative
government in Turkey. A part from promotions in social welfare policies, the
president/prime minister himself not only presents his hostility against the procedure
but encourages population growth in many of his speeches. Every time he attends a
wedding, he makes declarations and takes the word of the bride and the groom to
have ‘at least 3 children’. In one of his speeches of a holiday, he reacted to the
oppositions who criticize him for his intervention;

They say he intervenes with our lifestyle. Where did this three children issue come
from, they say. There is no such regulation. I just recommend three children, as a prime
minister. This is the most natural right of mine. No gun is held against anyone. There
is no legal obligation. I am saying, bring three children to this nation, grant them. This
nation needs to be strong. What does that go through, the honorable creature that is
called human? This human will be raised by mothers. She won’t, let her not.81

The statement of the president is a reflection of the patriarchal ideology of the

government which recognizes women as the objects of production to the neoliberal
state. The neoconservative ideology forms women’s role as mother and wife under
caregiver category, alienating her from the control of her own body and reproduction
(Acar & Altunok, 2013). Neoconservatives legitimize the control of women by the
state and men, instrumentalizing the gender justice approach, under need for
protection and essence of motherhood. The production of human capital is based on
creation and ‘fıtrat’ along with religious references. JDP’s approach towards birth
control is similar to the conservatives in the Conference of Beijing including the
Vatican. Control of women’s fertility is used as a tool in supplying the protection of
the traditional family according to conservatives. The Vatican has instrumentalized
this approach on family for opposing to fertility rights and birth control in the
Beijing Conference as well as the Islamist states. According to the Vatican,
motherhood and fatherhood are the essential objectives of men and women to
become complete together with the spouses and the children, on account of this

81
“ Hani diyorlar ya bizim yaşam tarzımıza karışıyor. Nereden çıktı bu üç çocuk meselesi diyorlar.
Böyle bir yasa yok. Ben sadece bir başbakan olarak en az üç çocuğu tavsiye ediyorum. Bu benim en
doğal hakkımdır. Kimseye kalkıp da silah dayatmıyoruz. Yasal bir mecburiyette yok. Ben hanım
kardeşlerimize gelin bu millete üç çocuk hibe edin, lütfedin diyorum. Bu milletin güçlü olması lazım.
O da nereden geçiyor, insan denilen şerefli mahluktan geçiyor. Bu insanı işte bu anneler yetiştirecek.
Ha yapmayacak, yapmasın.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Prime Minister, 2013.
[Link]
edin-lutfedin-diyorum-haberi-77. Date Accessed; March 15, 2019.
154
marriage and family are sacred institutions. Birth control is a threat to marriage and
the family, which constitute the society and the transmission of religious beliefs
(Cohen & Richards, 2019).

Oppositions on birth control and abortion is a significant characteristic of

neoconservatives, regarding the glorification of motherhood and family. JDP
utilizes every policy to perform population growth in terms of fertility, a part from
birth control and abortion. Hence the tools the neoconservative government
practices control over women’s reproduction is not only birth control or abortion but
diverse procedures such as, cesarean as well (Acar & Altunok, 2013). In 2012, after
the declaration of the prime minister against the procedure, the rate of caesarean
procedures decreased consistently, the reason relying in the approaches of the
hospitals and the doctors on cesarean. Later on, in July 2012, a regulation that limits
the procedure to medically obligatory situations were adopted. Linkage of the policy
rests on the creationist perception of the neoconservative discourse. As motherhood
is natural, for which birth is natural, the control of women’s bodies is ensured
through the refusal of cesarean procedure82. Natural birth and motherhood are
praised over tradition so much that, the Declaration of the IV. Gender Justice
Summit, suggests that midwifery should be considered, together with the adoption
of informative policies on natural birth. The reason for these suggestions is shown
as the prejudice against natural birth and doctors applying the procedure as
preference instead of medical necessities. Thus, the promotion of natural birth and
anticesearean policies are linked to the governments objectives on population
growth and consequently control of women’s reproductive rights. As women are
portrayed with the role of mothers in the systems, producing human capital, fertility
cannot be left to women’s choice, regardless of their individuality as citizens.
Womanhood is so identified with motherhood by this discourse that, women who
are not mothers are being alienated via declarations of administrators. The most

82
“Sezaryen ile doğum fıtratta yok.”, Mehmet Müezzinoğlu, Sağlık Bakanı, 2014.
[Link]
koydu-fitrati-normal-dogum-27809995. Date Accessed; April 25, 2019.

155
significant declaration addressed to childless women was made by the
president/prime minister;

Rejecting motherhood is giving up on the half of oneself for a human. More widely.
Giving up on humanity. Would there be humanity if there is no mother? If there is
mother there is humanity. That is why I recommend three children at every occasion.
It’s not me whose doing this. My Rabb83 orders it, our Prophet says it.84

Erdoğan’s speech was criticized by many women for identifying womanhood with
motherhood and postulating childless women as incomplete human beings Hence,
for the discourse being a mother is the prerequisite of womanhood, furthermore
there are certain comments on the status before being a mother. That is to say, there
are certain rules and traditions that must be obeyed in pregnancy according to some
conservatives. A neoconservative Ömer Tuğrul İnançer spoke in a national tv show
in Ramadan in 2013:

It is against our upbringing to announce pregnancy with drumrolls. You can’t go

around the streets with this belly. More important than anything it is not esthetic. After
7-8 months the pregnant woman goes to a ride in her husband’s car to get some air.
Then they go out in the afternoon… But now maşallah, the one with wings and the
one’s without are on tv. This is ayıp85, ayıp. This is not realism. This is disorderly.86

The control over woman’s body is taken to a different level even evaluating the
grown belly of the woman to be ‘ayıp’ and she must not be around on the streets.
Therefore, not only motherhood is controlled in terms of familialism but pregnancy,

83
A way to address God, ‘Allah’ in Islam.

84
“Anneliği reddetmek insanın yarısından vazgeçmektir. Daha geniş tutuyorum. İnsanlıktan
vazgeçmektir. Anne olmazsa insanlık olur mu? Anne varsa insanlık var. Bunun için her fırsatta en az
3 çocuk tavsiyesi yapıyorum. Bunu ben yapmıyorum. Rabb'im emrediyor, Peygamberimiz
söylüyor.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Prime Minister, 2016.
[Link]
Date Accessed; March 20, 2019.
85
An action found to be shameful by the society or religion.

86
"Hamileliği davul çalarak ilan etmek bizim terbiyemize aykırıdır. Böyle karınla sokakta gezilmez.
Her şeyden önce estetik değildir. 7-8 aydan sonra anne adayı biraz hava almak için beyinin
otomobiline biner, biraz dolaşır. Sonra akşam üstü çıkarlar... Şimdi ise maşallah, kanatlısı kanatsızı
televizyonlarda uçuşuyor. Ayıptır ayıp. Bunun adı realizm değildir. Bunun adı terbiyesizliktir" Ömer
Tuğrul İnançer, 2013. [Link]
gezmesi/gundem/detay/1741343/[Link]. Date Accessed; March 20, 2019.

156
how to give birth and how to be a mother is sketched into limits by the
neoconservative discourse under the name of ‘fıtrat’ and creation. The patriarchal
control of women in the primary stage supplied by the family and men is
continuously ensured via state policies and comments in this sample.

Neoconservative discourse often highlights the threat of modernism on the

institutions of family and social order. With modernization and adoption of western
values, the traditional roles and norms have fallen into disuse, constructing a concern
for the traditionalist side of neoconservatism. Gender equality is perceived as
inapplicable to local values and traditions, regarding the import of the concept from
the West. Religion constitutes a part in the irrevocable aspects of the society from
the perspective of the discourse. “Family, comes in front of the issues that have been
wounded the most by the modern world.87”

Thereupon, the chapter examines the overlook of the neoconservative discourse on

modernization and westernization which is alleged to have endangered gender
justice by transforming the society in diverse fields. The modern world, in other
words modernization has trivialized family with theories and practices, which also
involve the discourse on gender.

In this summit, we will also discuss the family structure which is weakened by global
threats. We should set an example with gender justice, that women and men not as
each other’s rivals but as companions.88

The perception of neoconservatives towards modernization and westernization

compose a significant part in the conjuncture. Policies promoting family and
traditionalism, reflect modern values as the opponent that dissociate men and

87
“Aile, modern dünyada en çok yara alan konuların başında gelmektedir.” Saliha Okur
Gümrükçüoğlu, KADEM Başkanı, 2018. [Link]
uluslararasi-kadin-ve-adalet-zirvesi-gala-yemeginde-yaptiklari-konusma-. Date Accessed; March
25, 2019.

88
“Bu zirvede küresel tehditlere karşı zayıflayan aile yapısını nasıl güçlendireceğimizi küresel
boyutta ele alacağız. Kadın ve erkeğin birbirinin rakibi değil refiki olduğu bir toplumsal cinsiyet
adaleti anlayışıyla birlikte dayanışma örneğini ortaya koymalıyız.” , Zehra Zümrüt Selçuk, Aile,
Çalışma ve Sosyal Hizmetler Bakanı, 2018.
[Link]
Date Accessed; March 20, 2019.
157
women. Thus, westernization and modernization will be studied further under the
next section.

[Link]. Discussion

Unlike the objective of gender equality to eliminate the discriminative and

patriarchal division of gender roles assigned on men and women (Kurtoğlu &
Bayrakçeken, 2015), gender justice approach aims to distribute the roles on an
essentialist basis, reproducing the existing dichotomy between genders. As Pateman
(1987) has underlined the lack of women’s full citizenship like men, the tendencies
incarcerate women to a secondary position with attaching them identities as mothers,
daughters and wives (Özgün, 2014), neglecting their individual personae as citizens
of the state (Kandiyoti, 2010). Contrary to gender equality, gender justice tends to
maintain the patriarchal society instrumentalizing religion, family and nationalism
over women. Parallel to the Vatican, the creational characteristics such as
motherhood and fatherhood are praised for the transmission of cultural codes and
religious values to new generations, who defines the essence of creation and
completeness as this nurturing role (Buss, 1998).

A plea of motherhood (Kandiyoti, 2010) is designed which limits the social and
political role of women. Neoconservative discourse bases the existence of women
on motherhood, on account of this childless women are positioned outside of the
ideal society. As women are recognized as mothers, daughters or wives, all roles
within the family by the conservative understanding (Özgün, 2014), JDP focuses on
the familial significance of women instead of individuality or citizenship. The duties
and obligations of the welfare state are transferred to the family (Grzebalska & Pető,
2017), and the care policies are loaded on women as the primary caregiver (Yuval-
Davis, 2017) of the family innately. Hence, gender justice approach instrumentalizes
both religion and neoliberal state policies, being both important characteristics of
the JDP governments, to constrict women into a secondary citizenship. In
accordance with conservatism’s denial of equality in humans’ nature, the societal
equality is neglected amongst genders and within family. Social and familial roles
are distributed fairly according to the natural functions and traits of men and women.

158
Difference breeds a hierarchy between genders, naturally which should be embraced
(Heywood, 2013). Men’s role as breadwinners and women’s role as mothers and
wives predate over any other function within the public sphere. For this reason
women’s primary role are considered to be caregivers of the family, for which
burdens of care are pushed on women by neoliberal state policies (Yuval-Davis,
2017).

Birth control and abortion, are primary concerns of conservatism, attaching

importance to transmission of values and traditions as the fundamental element of
the society. As the Vatican has cooperated with Islamist states in Cairo and Beijing
Conferences for the elimination of fertility policies (Cohen & Richards, 2019), JDP
governments focus on the control over women’s reproduction as a religious and a
national issue rather than a personal choice. Karaömerlioğlu (2012), on the other
hand argues that the policies on birth control of JDP, endure on population and
growth rather than a religious perspective. In every part of women’s policy of JDP,
neoliberalism and neoconservatism have intertwined in terms of prerogatives, on
account of this it is difficult to separate one from another. Fertility issues are often
portrayed together with religious and populational concerns by the party,
instrumentalizing nationalism as an instigating tool.

Motherhood and womanhood are attached deeply into family and familialism, while
they are connected with every aspect of women and women’s identity even as
citizens. Every subject concerning women such as reproduction, work, education,
politics have been attached to their roles in the family and as mothers by the
neoconservative discourse and gender justice approach on account of this the study
examines all the issues in connection to one another and under similar titles. Family
is the fundamental actor in the system adopted by the approach which is
conservative in social values, liberal in economy (Kaya, 2015), however pragmatist
at every circumstance. Being the primary producer of the family, woman is the
major warden in the familial roles as nurturer and caregiver. For this reason,
women’s issues, concerns and empowerment are perceived as the empowerment of
the family and the maintenance and continuity of the patriarchally formed
neoconservative system. The patriarchal dimension of the strategy can be explained
159
with pushing women into the private sphere/the family because of the lacks of self-
governance and the secondary position as citizens (Pateman, 1987), whereas the
instrumentalization of religion to perpetuate the secondary position can be shown as
the conservative part of the neoconservative discourse. It is genuinely difficult to
separate women’s portrayal of the discourse from the family and motherhood,
concerning their effort to design women as the instruments of empowerment of the
family and the neoconservative-neoliberal state.

Neoconservatism and the New Right evaluate impairment of the traditional family
as a major threat to the order on account of this gender and gender equality are
perceived as significant dangers. Gender equality has been positioned as a rival
instrumentalizing religion and nationalism, believing that women and the image of
woman and accordingly the traditionally patriarchal functions of the gender roles
will be subverted. Since any damage preformed on the family is perceived as a
danger on the continuing order, family is referenced and linked to every subject by
the neoconservative discourse and the gender justice approach. Issues concerning
women such as work, politics and education are investigated in the next section,
however under modernization and westernization as it is accepted as the primary
threat to the ideal society and family of JDP. Gender equality is criticized for being
part of the Western discourse and endangering the justly distributed gender roles
within the powerful family of the party. Next section will involve work, politics and
education issues of women.

5.1.4. Modernization and Westernization

Neoconservative discourse indicates modernization as an obstacle before the

maintenance of the ideal society. Modernization and westernization, according to
the discourse obstructs cultural codes and traditional values of the society, as for the
ideal society, women must be educated in order for the family to be prestigious and
qualified, in which the traditional codes that are protected from the threats of
modernism and westernization will be transferred to next generations. Members of
the JDP, neoconservative scholars and representatives have attracted attention to the
threat of westernization from time to time. Although it has stepped into politics

160
within support of Western states and especially EU, JDP has been highlighting the
importance of the adoption of local practices and theories as a strategy for the last
years. As a matter of fact, the president/prime minister has stated, on the issue of
women; “Turkey can build its own way of struggle, instead of adopting imported
concepts and practices89”.

Modernization is perceived identical to westernization throughout the discourse of

the neoconservatives, since the modern values and norms are identified with the
Western world, that are perceived as threat to the local values and religious beliefs.
The prominence of the adoption of western values seem to be the fear of
transformation in traditional values and institutions, of which family has the primary
significance to. Heaps of times the adoption of children to the Western ideals via
tools of modernization such as technology have been underlined by the
representatives. Westernization and modernization are demonstrated as instruments
of deconstruction of traditional values and institutions which the neoconservative
discourse grows on, therefore they are positioned as enemies of the system. The
western paradigms do not succeed in fitting with the local standards and needs
according to Sare Aydın Yılmaz, who motivates national researchers for local
resolutions in these words;

Societies that have their own system of belief and accumulation of civilization like us
should find solutions to the problems on protection of the family by constructing their
own concepts, instead of relying upon Western designed concepts.90

Hence, as it has been highlighted by the discourse that the western ideals and
concepts do not satisfy the local necessities of the ‘nation’ of Turkey. The
contextualization of gender equality is rather negative, as being a reflection of
modernism. For this reason, there is a struggle for the adoption of new and local

89
“ İthal kavram ve eylemlerin yerine, Türkiye, kendi özgün mücadele biçimini inşa edebilir.” Recep
Tayyip Erdoğan, President, 2014. [Link]
girmedigi-hicbir-mesele-hakkaniyetli-sekilde-cozume-kavusturulamaz. Date Accessed; March 21,
2019.

90
“Ailenin korunması noktasında kendi inanç sistemi ve medeniyet birikimine sahip bizim gibi
toplumların Batı temelli çözümlere bel bağlamak yerine kendi kavramlarıyla zihinlerini inşa ederek
çözüm üretmesi gerekir.” Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM Başkanı, 2017. [Link]
aile-degerlerini-ve-evlilik-muessesesini-koruma-toplantisinda/. Date Accessed; March 21, 2019.
161
concepts on problematic issues, such as gender discrimination and violence against
women.

According to Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu modernization of the family causes the

bonds between individuals to loosen, pushing them into a lonely state;

We observe that the model of women and men who live on their own and believe that
they do not need anyone else, search for happiness while prioritizing their own wishes,
isolate the individual. And this situation decreases the communion between family
members and damage the notion of family.91

Modernization not only threatens the family for the adoption of individualism on a
parent- children basis but also transforms the large form of solidarity that is utilized
as the richness of the Turkish ‘nation’. What bothers the discourse is that the large
familial bond between neighbors and kinship are destroyed under the efficacy of
modernization and westernization. The Declaration of III. Women and Justice
Summit attracts attention on the depotentiation of these bonds;

Family, has been through transformation in terms of relations and values. The
relationship and solidarity of kinship and neighborhood that is powerful within the
traditional society, weakens with the effect of factors such as immigration and
condensation in cities as well as individualization and change of roles. For this reason,
it is necessary to adopt policies that protect the family structure and powerful family
relations more than ever.92

The reverberation alienating kinship bonds and neighbors are the reflection of the
decline of control over women and women’s bodies. Kinship and neighborhood

91
“Tek başına yaşayarak kimseye ihtiyacı olmadığını düşünen, kendi isteklerini önceleyip yalnızca
bu sayede mutluluğu arayan kadın ve erkek modelinin, kişiyi gittikçe yalnızlaştırdığını görüyoruz.
Ve bu durumun, fertler arasındaki paylaşımı azalttığını, ayrıca aile mefhumunu da zedelediğini
düşünüyoruz.” Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu, KADEM Başkanı, 2018.
[Link]
sucu-olarak-degerlendiriyoruz/1341016. Date Accessed; March 15, 2019.

92
“Modernleşme süreciyle birlikte değişime en fazla maruz kalan kurumlardan biri de aile olmuştur.
Modern toplumda aile; yapısı, ilişkileri ve değerleri bakımından değişime uğradı. Bu sebeple aile
yapısının korunmasına ve güçlü aile ilişkilerinin geliştirilmesine yönelik politikalara her
zamankinden daha fazla ihtiyaç duyuluyor. Geleneksel toplumda güçlü olan akrabalık ve komşuluk
ilişkileri ve dayanışma kültürü, modern toplumda göçler ve kentlerde yoğunlaşma gibi etkenlerle
birlikte giderek zayıflıyor.” Declaration of III. Women and Justice Summit, 2018.
[Link] Date Accessed; March 23,
2019.

162
have been instruments to the control over women in terms of body and sexuality as
a form of traditionalism for years. As the supervision of the large family has lifted
over women, the traditionalist community react to the effects of modernization and
individualism. The significant threat in the context of gender equality, seems to be
the reference to the change of roles in this context. Gender roles are deconstructed
within the discourse of gender equality, that has taken a reaction from the
neoconservative sphere. The deconstruction of the traditional roles of women and
men, are perceived as a threat to the present order and beliefs, considering the
traditionalist characteristics of the community. Deconstruction of gender roles are
criticized by a journalist from the newspaper ‘Yeni Akit’, renown to be from the
neoconservative community in these words;

As the result of a couple of feminists who concern no value amongst the society, made
themselves perceived valuable, and attempt to redesign the society...By trivializing the
society...The perspective which reflects woman and man as opposite poles that fight
with each other...with theories that look scientific93.

Karahasanoğlu’s article is a reflection of the concern neoconservatives face with the

evolution of gender equality and gender consciousness within the society.
Modernization is targeted to have caused this deconstruction of the traditional
family and roles of women. The same newspaper Yeni Akit, has previously
mentioned the gender equality project of the Ministry of Education, claiming that
the local values will be wounded via propagation of gender. The news report of the
newspaper ‘Akit’ articulates the project of Gender Equality of the Ministry of
Education as having “objective to establish a genderless society” in an accusational
tone. The report proceeds with positioning a Gender Research Center as the “home
of betrayal”. Accordingly, the official text of establishment is accused to be the

93
“Toplum nezdinde hiçbir kıymetleri olmayan birkaç tane feministin, AK Parti iktidarında
kendilerini fasulye gibi nimetten saydırıp, toplumu yeniden dizayn etmeye kalkışması sonucu..
Aileyi değersizleştirip..
Kadın ile erkeği zıt kutuplar ve birbirleri ile kavga eden unsurlar gibi gösteren bakış açısı..
Nasıl yapıyorlar bunu?
Süslü cümlelerle..
Bilimsel gibi gözüken yaklaşımlarla..”, Ali Karahasanoğlu, 2019.
[Link]
[Link]. Date Accessed; March 20, 2019.

163
“confession” of the “dirty objective”, which is stated to as “struggle against gender
discrimination”. (Sermen Feb. 2019)

Similarly, Karahasanoğlu blamed feminists and gender experts for having the
purpose of creating a society in which families with genders other than men and
women exist. These articles and papers are the samples of the homophobic approach
of the neoconservative community, which is also a factor in the rising reaction
against gender equality. Apart from the social tools and factors, even the
intergovernmental implementations adopted by the government such as the Istanbul
Convention are criticized by the neoconservatives themselves. Karahasanoğlu refers
to the Istanbul Convention as;

The beginning is Istanbul Convention in 2011... We have signed such a mistake named
as the Istanbul Convention... We should have at least decreased the damage of the
essence of it in the following years, have been vigilant. No effort. On the contrary...
From a perception that accepts the Istanbul Convention as a tabu. Everywhere goes
under the occupation of this convention.. The crooked regulations of the Ministery of
Family... Setting aside the regulations which have been added to the Penal Code that
dynamite the family institution94.

As it can be perceived from the article, Istanbul Convention is positioned as a threat

to the social order and societal values by the neoconservatives. Likewise, signiture
of the Istanbul Convention has been opposed similarly by the conservative groups
in Ukraine. Conservative groups pressured the parliament not to sign the convention,
claiming that it endangers the traditional family and values (Lamakh, 2017), just
like Karahasanoğlu has contended. Still in the Turkish case, the convention has
already been ratified, in fact a national code has been regulated according to the

94
“İşin başlangıcı 2011 yılındaki İstanbul Sözleşmesi..
Onunla ilgili söyleyeceklerimiz çok uzun..
En azından..
İstanbul Sözleşmesi diye vahim bir hataya imza atmışız.. Bari sonraki yıllarda, bu hatanın özrü
sadedinde, hatanın zararlarını asgariye indirelim, azami uyanıklık gösterelim.
Hiçbir gayret yok..
Tam aksine..
İstanbul Sözleşmesi’ni tabu gibi gören bir bakış açısı ile
Her yer, bu sözleşmenin işgali altına girdiriliyor..
Aile Bakanılğı’ndaki çarpık düzenlemeleri..
Ceza kanunlarına eklenen aile kurumunu dinamitleyen düzenlemeleri bir kenara koyduk.” Ali
Karahasanoğlu, Akit Gazetesi, 2019. [Link]
karahasanoglu/[Link]. Date Accessed; March
20, 2019.
164
measures of the convention. For this reason, the accusations of the neoconservatives
are in conflict with national codes. Hence, regulated by the neoconservative
government itself. The incompatibility between the representatives of the discourse
on women’s issues, the officials of the government and the neoconservative writers
is noteworthy. Women’s participation in the public sphere and employment are
encouraged by the neoconservative discourse, ever since the election of JDP. In fact
this approach is one of the significant values that separate neoconservative discourse
from the previous conservative discourses of Turkey. Akit journalist Karahasanoğlu,
however, reflects women’s employment as a threat of traditional values brought by
the concept of gender equality. Karahasanoğlu states that;

It is cristal clear that the ones who imposed will control the courses... The participation
of woman at every expense will be taken into prominence... The motherhood of women
will be set back... Western philosophy...

In this text, women’s presence in employment is evaluated as a Western norm,

whereas this understanding has been left long ago by the neoconservative discourse.
Women’s participation in the public sphere is reflected as a western value contrary
to the declarations of the neoconservatives that support women’s rights and
empowerment. For instance Yılmaz has underlined in III. Gender Justice Summit
the prioritizing of women in Turkish society ground on to the ancestors. Furthermore
womanhood is identified with motherhood once again within the declaration.

It is possible to observe from the history of Turkish society, that women, which stands
in such an important status, has enjoyed social life to the same extent to men and have
the authority of decision. It is for this reason that, Kağan’s wife Hatun sits in the throne
as a tradition, rules the country with him and attends conventions. Hatun, who has a
place in devlet idaresi has an unquestionable position as a mother and a wife95

The unseparable characteristic of motherhood from womanhood, push and fasten

women to the institution of family, for which the neoconservative discourse

95
“Türk toplumunun tarihi seyri içerisinde erkekle eş statüde toplumsal hayata katıldığının, karar
verme yetkisini kendisinde taşıdığının örneklerini görmek mümkündür. Kağanın hanımı olan
Hatun’un da tıpkı Kağan gibi töre ile bu makama oturması, Kağan ile birlikte ülkeyi yönetmesi,
antlaşmalara Hatun’un da iştirak etmesi bunlar arasındadır. Devlet idaresinde söz sahibi olan
Hatunun eş ve anne olarak yeri ise her zaman tartışılmaz bir mevkide olmuştur.” Sare Aydın Yılmaz,
KADEM Kurucu Başkanı, 7 Mart 2017. [Link]
adaleti-kongresi-sare-aydin-acilis-konusmasi/. Date Accessed; May 10, 2019.

165
evaluates the adoption of western norms and modernisation as a threat to the system.
As the roles of women dissolve within the family, the traditional structure of family
retire from patriarchy that provokes the dissolution of the neoconservative system.
As the differences between genders and family members persist, the patriarchal
traditional form of family will pursue.

Modernism is reprimanded to neglect the differences between men and women,

which prevents it from forming an accurate approach towards gender discrimination.
The Minister of Family and Social Policy, Ayşenur İslam underlines the policy of
the government on women as;

It is an inevitable result that the illustration of human of modernism, does not only
bring men and women subject to each other but isolates individuals by making them
each other’s rivals. The approaches which neglect or demolish the creational
differences between women and men, do not solve the women’s problems that still
exist today.96.

Sare Aydın Yılmaz’s words complement the view as;

Comprehending from this, we see women’s issue as the individual and freedom
struggle of women who find the diverse identities and preserve their own national and
spiritual values and embrace gender justice, instead of the western one-model women
image that targets a certain mass.97

The diversity between women is highlighted by Yılmaz, who excoriates modernism

for being essentialist and assuming that all women contend the identical problems
and struggles globally. Sare Aydın Yılmaz in her speech at the opening of W20,
draws attention to the same issue by objecting to comprehend local and national

96
“Modernizmin insan tasavvurunun; sadece kadınla erkeği karşı karşıya getirmediği, insanı insanın
rakibi kılmak suretiyle herkesi yalnızlaştırdığı kaçınılmaz bir sonuç olarak karşımızdadır.” Ayşenur
İslam, Aile ve Sosyal Politiklar Bakanı, 2014.
[Link] Date
Accessed; March 16, 2019.

97
“Bu anlayıştan hareketle bizler, kadın meselesini, batının ürettiği tek-tip kadın imajı ve belli bir
kitleyi hedef alan kadın politikası yerine, farklı kadın kimliklerinin varlık bulduğu, kendi öz milli ve
manevi değerlerini koruduğu kimlik, kişilik ve özgürlük mücadelesi olarak görüyor, toplumsal
cinsiyet adaletini benimsiyoruz.”, Kadem Kurucu Başkanı, 2016. [Link]
kadin-ve-adalet-zirvesi-baskani-sayin-sare-aydinin-acilis-konusmasi/. Date Accessed; March 5,
2019.

166
problems of women from a modern and standard point of view. She recapitulates
that the only possibility for realization of gender discrimination on a global phase
will be through satisfying the specific and accurate necessities locally. Yılmaz finds
the Western discourse on women orientalist and refuses the adoption of the western
designed notions. Emine Erdoğan endorses Yılmaz’s views during her speech at the
International Women’s Studies Summit;

It is with these attempts that we can abolish certain clichés and break the mold. More
importantly, we can analyze orientalist approaches, and struggle against the unjust
attributions that are imputed on ‘Eastern Woman’, ‘Muslim Woman’. For the West has
stigmatized the east with its sharpest definitions, that it does not deserve, over
women.98

The declaration of these neoconservative women evoke the third wave feminist
movement on intersectionality. However, the sensitivity towards differences and
diversities between women, concentrate on gender justice unlike the feminist
movement. Sensitivity and significance of headscarf is a well-known feature of the
JDP government and the neoconservative sphere99. Çaha (2013) claims that
feminism and women’s movement have been ignorant towards Muslim women and
their problems, being its roots shaped within the modern and western ideals.
Similarly Altuntaş (2015) criticizes Western feminists for grounding theories solely
on the western culture and for their orientalist interpretation of the east and the third
world women, perceiving and illustrating them as women victims aiting to be
rescued and the ‘poor other’.

As positioning a concept or notion on the opposite and considering it as a rival to

increase its power is a fundamental strategy of the New Right governments,
neoconservative governments have been utilizing this strategy over the West, for
enhancing their power through nationalism (Demir, 2017). National politics in

98
“Bu tür girişimler sayesinde bir takım klişeleri ortadan kaldırabilir, ezberleri bozabiliriz. Daha da
önemlisi oryantalist yaklaşımları analiz edebilir, ‘Doğulu kadın’a, ‘Müslüman kadın’a atfedilen
haksız nitelemelerle, mücadele edebiliriz. Zira batı, doğu hakkındaki en keskin tanımlamalarını,
kadın üzerinden yapmış, doğu zihniyetini hak etmediği sıfatlarla yaftalamıştır.”, III. Uluslararası
Toplumsal Cinsiyet Adaleti Kongresi Sonuç Bildirisi, 2019. [Link]
toplumsal-cinsiyet-adaleti-kongresi-sonuc-bildirisi-aciklandi/. Date Accessed; May 10, 2019.

99
will be studied in detail under the title of education.
167
Turkey have been busy with the JDP governments’ positioning the West and
Western values as enemies within the last years. Gender equality is perceived and
presented as a Western notion, having been created and applied in terms of Western
perception by the neoconservative discourse. The opposition on the Westernization
and West of the neoconservative discourse has paved its way into women’s issues
and gender policies for several years. The formation of an alternative notion to
gender equality relies on the refusal of Western ideologies and understanding as
well. Şimga (2019) points out that the opposition on gender equality is intertwined
in a way, with the dispute between seculars and Islamists of Turkey.

Feminism and women’s rights are often attached with West and Western traditions
by the third world which is also a strategy utilized by the Vatican in Beijing
Conference, against concepts of gender and gender equality (Buss, 1998). The
Vatican claimed, similar to JDP that gender equality approach was an imperialist
invasion of the cultural codes and traditional values of other countries. Similarly,
the movements raised against gender equality, advocate that feminism and women’s
movement injure the traditional Ukrainian family (Lamakh, 2017). Hence, gender
equality is often related with West and Western culture by the conservatives in terms
of positioning an enemy. The interpretation of gender equality as a Western norm
and approach repulses the attraction of conservatives and neoconservative
governments from the notion. This repulsion is instrumentalized by neoconservative
groups to design the alternative women’s rights and empowerment groups or
institutions positioning themselves as the national and true women friendly ones.
Ukrainian conservatives have formed their own NGOs under the names of family
and protection of family, in which women’s rights are discussed and modelled,
however reflect feminism and gender equality with a distorted essence (Lamakh,
2017).

In accordance with Ukraine, KADEM and other minor NGOs are being funded by
the government to design the alternative women’s rights and movement against
gender equality and feminism in Turkey. Gender equality and feminism are
positioned against the Turkish traditional family and a rivalry is being formed with
attaining it a Western ideology (Saktanber, 2006). The disfigured implications of
168
gender equality and feminism are utilized by these NGOs, who accuse feminism for
not being the actual representatives of women. In Beijing, the Vatican had the same
allegation, that the feminists and women’s activists in the Conference did not
represent women and that themselves were a better spokesperson for women,
especially Christian women (Buss, 1998). As it can be seen by all the conservative
moves attained from the 90s to 2010s, by Christians or Muslims that conservatives
have opposed to women’s rights and struggles with the same allegations. Gender
equality is positioned as the rival to the traditional values and institutions as family
and religion and distorted to be distant from women.

As conservatism relies on tradition and experience over the rational or the modern,
JDP and the neoconservative discourse highlights the importance of family and the
traditional values in relation to religion. Although JDP is neoconservative therefore
differentiates from conservatisms rejection of the modern and new, the conservative
tendencies of the party tend to prevail on the protection of the traditional family. As
the Vatican once accused feminism for secularizing the traditional Christian family
and community (Otto,1996), the neoconservatives of Turkey claim that gender
equality approach threatens the traditional and religious Turkish family with its
Western sensation and form100.

Modernization and westernization has been criticized by the neoconservatives on

illustrating men and women as each others rivals and disregarding their biological
differences. Religious references are presented to accentuate the protection women
are put under with Islam. Theological discourse on justice is used as a justification
to abolish the struggle of women’s rights and gender equality.

The life, body and social dignity of women is protected against any prediction, abuse
and violence, the right to property are unconditionally recognized, her belief is
accepted as untouchable, the natural and civil law between her and her children is
conserved by Islam. However, any ‘rights’ discourse, that deviates from the purpose
causes a hierarchal superiority of men and women to one another. Therefore, men and

100
[Link]
feminist-ideolojiye-kole-olmayacak. Date Accessed; March 10, 2019.
169
 women should act in equilibrium and harmony instead of struggling to transform each
other.101

Said Sare Aydın Yılmaz in the II. Gender Justice Summit, highlighting that the
rights discourse creates a hierarchy between men and women. Nevertheless,
Yılmaz’s declaration neglects patriarchy or hegemony and reclaims women and men
having acquired the same position within the society, contradicting her own
comments on women’s disadvantage in the patriarchal traditions and cultural norms.
Yılmaz pretenses that the discourse of gender equality separated men and women
into opposite poles that aim to transform each other, which is a quite common
counterclaim amongst the neoconservatives. Similarly, in the IV. Gender Justice
Summit Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu, stated that; “We stand with the approach that
accepts men and women as two humans that complement each other, as friends and
partners, instead of the modern perception that position women...102’’

In another occasion, Zehra Zümrüt Selçuk, the Minister of Family and Social
Services underlined the notion of complementarity in accordance with the discourse;
Selçuk proceeded by referring to the Koran in terms of this complementarity;

It says in the Koran; ‘Believer men and believer women are each other’s companion.’
For this reason, we should set an example of solidarity by adoption an understanding
that perceives men and women as companions, not rivals, like gender justice.103

101
“İslam’ın özünde kadının canı, bedeni ve toplumsal saygınlığı her türlü isnat, istismar ve şiddetten
korunmuş, mülkiyet hakkı koşulsuz şekilde tanınmış, inanç dünyası dokunulmaz kabul edilmiş,
evlatlarıyla arasındaki doğal ve medeni hukuk muhafaza edilmiştir. Ancak, bu noktada amacından
saptırılan her türlü “hak” söylemi, kadın ve erkek için birinin diğerine hiyerarşik bir üstünlük
kurmasına yol açmaktadır. Dolayısıyla, kadın ve erkek karşılıklı olarak birbirlerini dönüştürme
savaşı vermek yerine, kadın ve erkeğin denge ve uyum içerisinde hareket etmesi gerekir.” Sare Aydın
Yılmaz, KADEM Başkanı, II. Toplumsal Cinsiyet Adaleti Kongresi, 3 Mart 2016.
[Link]
Date Accessed; March 5, 2019.

102
“Kadını erkeğin karşısında konumlandıran modern algı yerine; onları birbirinin tamamlayıcısı,
dostu ve yardımcısı olarak kabul eden İKİ İNSAN anlayışıyla hareket ediyoruz.”, Saliha Okur
Gümrükçüoğlu, KADEM Başkanı, [Link] Cinsiyet Adaleti Kongresi, 8 Mart 2018.
[Link]
toplumsal-cinsiyet-adaleti-kongresinin-acilisinda-konustu. Date Accessed; May 10, 2019.

103
“Kur’an-ı Kerim’de “Mü’min erkekler ve mü’min kadınlar birbirlerinin dostlarıdır.” (Tevbe, 71)
[Link]ısıyla, kadın ve erkeğin birbirinin rakibi değil refiki olduğu bir toplumsal cinsiyet
adaleti anlayışıyla birlikte dayanışma örneğini ortaya koymalıyız.”, Zehra Zümrüt Selçuk, Sosyal
170
The emphasis on the companionship of men and women rests on religion and
conservative orientation of the government. Companionship has been embraced by
women of the neoconservative circle with the fairness discourse, and finally gender
justice in terms of women’s issues. The solidarity between men and women,
especially within the family is given prominence over equality and the rights
discourse. Notions similar to solidarity such as tranquility, balance and justice are
punctuated by the representatives in speeches and problems concerning women, to
be directed under the subject of family rather than to be handled under individual
rights and liberties. Relatedly, Sare Aydın Yılmaz, former president of KADEM
gives the reference of Sura of Nisa from Koran on the discussion of once again
embracing the biological differences;

Look it says ‘O mankind, fear your Lord, who created you from one soul and created
from it its mate and dispersed from both of them many men and women. And fear
Allah, through whom you ask one another, and the wombs. Indeed Allah is ever, over
you, an Observer.’ In Ayat 4 of Surah of Nisa. As you can see, the perception of justice
of Islam reminds us of our liabilities towards each other while resting on a human
rights basis that relies on living together and individual relationships. Protection of the
factor of gender and physical suitability in the regulation of rights and liabilities
between men and women is for the advantage of both of them.104

The complementariy of men and women is highlighted perpetually, while the

differences are attributed to religion and creation. In another speech, Yılmaz defines
the relationship of men and women as the necessity of each other for survival.
Portraying approach of gender equality as sexist and charactering it as a notion that
merely focuses on women, she underlnes that KADEM embraces gender issues from

Hizmetler ve Çalışma Bakanı, 2018. [Link]

guvenli-bir-liman-olmustur/1319425. Date Accessed; May 5, 2019.
104
“Bakınız Nisa Suresi’nin 4 ayetinde bizlere “ Ey insanlar, sizi bir tek candan yaratan, ondan da
eşini yaratan ve her ikisinden pek çok kadın ve erkek meydana getiren Rabbinize karşı
sorumluluklarınızın bilincinde olun” buyruluyor. Dolayısıyla İslâm’da adalet anlayışı birbirimize
karşı sorumluluklarımızı hatırlatırken, bir arada yaşamaktan ve insanlar arası ilişkilerden ortaya çıkan
bir insan hakları temeline dayanmaktadır. Kadın ve erkek arasında hak ve sorumlulukların
düzenlenmesinde cinsiyet ve fiziksel uygunluk faktörünün gözetilmesi ise bu bakımdan kadın ve
erkeğin çıkarına olacaktır. Kadın ve erkek arasındaki doğuştan getirdikleri bedensel, akli ve ruhi
farklılıkların salt mutlak bir eşitlik iddiasıyla görmezden gelinmesi yerine kabul edilmesi, bu
farklılıkların karşılıklı olarak fırsata dönüştürülmesi gerekmektedir.”, Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM
Başkanı, 2016. [Link]
konusma-metni/, Date Accessed; March 5, 2019.

171
human rights and humans perspective as a whole105. This conception of feminism
and gender equality is quite usual to the neoconservative discourse. Notices and
policies specializing on women and women’s rights are portrayed as creating a
hierarchy between genders and promoting women to become superior to men. This
misperception is used as a justification for the disregardance of women’s demands,
necessities and rights. Although Yılmaz has chastised the equalities supporting
women, like gender equality, advocating them as being sexist, she has described the
society as patriarchal and women to be unprotected.

Not with a sexist approach, formal equality is inevitable in terms of being individuals
and the protection fundamental rights. However, legal and political equality was not
able to compensate the unjust treatment of women, as well as being insufficient in
protecting them from the patriarchal power relations perpetuated by traditionalist
culture.106

Yılmaz defines subsistent society and social values as patriarchal and admits that
factors such as equality and conditions endure on power relations. Her declarations
contradict with each other on whether she accepts or denies the disadvantegous
status women take within the society. Either way, equality is perceived and
represented as insufficient in her words. The critiques against modernity and
modernization have always been a point of interest for the neoconservative writers.
Çaha (2013) castigates modernism for having postulated women’s liberation and
empowerment on factors such as education, professional identity and attending
public space, for which religion is neglected and repudiated. Likewise, the
perception of women’s work and education of the conservative approach

105
“Kadınlar ve erkekler hayatı aynı biçimde yaşamazlar, değerlerden, politikalardan, mekanlardan,
kültürden, toplumsal kabullerden farklı düzeyde etkilenirler, ancak yaşamı devam ettirmek için
birbirlerine ihtiyaç duyarlar. Bu nedenle meseleye salt kadın ve cinsiyetçi bir yaklaşımla değil insan
olmak ve insan hakları kapsamında baktığımızı ifade etmek isterim.” Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM
Başkanı, 2016. [Link]
konusma-metni/. Date Accessed; March 5, 2019.

106
“Cinsiyetçi bir yaklaşımla değil, insan olmak ve temel hakların korunması açısından hukuki eşitlik
kaçınılmazdır. Ancak, hukuksal ve siyasal eşitlik, geleneksel kültür tarafından beslenen erkek
egemen güç ilişkileri içinde kadınları yeterince koruyamadığı gibi, mağduriyetlerini de
giderememiştir.”, Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM Başkanı, Bilim Evi Kadın Dergisi.
[Link] Date Accessed; March 12, 2019.
172
disintegrates from the feminist perspective, contemplating on the preservation and
development of the family and society instead of individual advancement.

The positioning of gender equality to push men and women into rivalry is the
opposite of the claim of feminists and human rights advocates. According to
Pateman (1987), the patriachal state creates a dichotomy with the separation of the
public and private sphere, to later which assigns women the double-burden after
their acceptance into the public sphere. With its perception that women lack self-
protection and self-governing, man attain full citizenship whereas women are still
deficient citizens (Pateman, 1987). JDP’s approach to the distribution of gender
roles and employment of women perpetuate the patriarchal dichotomy formed with
the separation of public and private as well as the double burden created by modern
familialism. For this reason, gender justice appears to create and reproduce the
dichotomous positioning of women and men, rather than gender equality. The
opposition of men and women through their acceptance into employment however
with the double-burden will be investigated under the section of work. In order to
internalize the outlook of the discourse on instrumentalization of women under the
patriarchal state and society, work and education together with politics are studied
in the following sections.

5.1.5. Women in the Public Sphere

[Link]. Work

Turkish woman is the ornament of her home107

The historical recognitions on women has diversified depending on the issue and
circumstances, for which they have acquired diverse positions in terms of economy,
society and politics. In a certain period, women were treated as cheap labor,
considering that they were the substitution of men within the workforce. Women’s
income was a contribution instead of a management of subsistence. Under the

107
"Türk hanımları evinin süsüdür.” Vecdi Gönül, Milli Savunma Bakanı, 2005.
[Link] Date
Accessed; April 10, 2019.
173
capitalist system the domestic work that women are put under is not recognized as
an employment which receives a payment (Yılmaz, 2016). Although Yılmaz
criticizes the capitalist system for the lack of recognition of domestic labor,
according to KADEM, the drift in gender roles rests on the distinction of spaces of
work and family. This endures on the idea that gender justice is embraced on the
subject of employment as well. Work and family are not inquired disjointly by the
neoconservatives when it comes to women. Major issues are gathered on the
struggle for the decrease in the attention to family and children.

As the complementary structure of each other men and women are not generalized
into diverse spheres by the discourse. For instance, first lady Emine Erdoğan
underlines in her speech that men should not be customized to the public sphere,
regarding that they are part of the family;

Considering that family is a team, we should reconsider the role of the gradually
decreasing role of the father. Unfortunately, family is an issue that is pretty much
delegated to woman. Whereas the foundation of a steady family, depends on the love,
respect and division of labor between man and woman. The collective approaches that
position woman at home, man outside, is against the natural flow of life. Men and
women are two elements that complement each other at every expense. A just division
of labor eases the burdens.108

However, the division of labor is rather relative within the context. According to
this discourse, women and men are attributed certain functions and obligations
originating in creation. Although there is a comprehensive distinction between the
conservative and neoconservative discourse on women’s employment, the
dissemblance apprehension on gender roles and women’s domestic chores do not
divaricate. Declaration of I. Women and Justice Summit enunciates that women who
work outside the domestic sphere are put in conflict for the duties deriving from the
gender roles within the public and private spheres. Women’s entrance to the
workforce and public sphere is under debate in terms of two aspects in the

108
“Aile bir takım olduğuna göre, babanın gittikçe azalan rolünü de yeniden gözden geçirmeliyiz.
Ne yazık ki aile büyük ölçüde kadına ihale edilmiş bir konudur. Oysa sağlam aile birliğinin temeli,
kadın ve erkek arasındaki sevgi, saygı ve karşılıklı işbölümüne bağlıdır. Kadın evde, erkek dışarıda
şeklindeki toptancı yaklaşımlar, hayatın doğal akışına aykırıdır. Kadın ve erkek, her şartta birbirini
bütünleyen iki unsurdur. Adaletli bir iş bölümü, hayatın yükünü hafifletir.” Emine Erdoğan, First
Lady. [Link]
gurbettir/14083. Date Accessed; April 10, 2019.
174
neoconservative discourse, under which familialism is configured in relation to
neoliberalism and neoconservatism. First aspect is the dual role women are put
under after entrance to the workforce. Second one is that, the mother roles are being
challenged with the burdens on the public sphere.

Securing women’s entrance to the public sphere via being part of the workforce is a
vital element that separates neoconservatism from conservatism. The discourse
does not push women into the domestic sphere and limit the public sphere to be male
context. However, the role women are expected to fulfill is observed to have
enlarged. The neoconservative emphasis on familial responsibilities resemble the
Christian democrats of Europe (Cansun, 2013). Gender justice approach, expects
women to fulfill the obligations and duties ejaculating from creation such as
motherhood and caring. With the familial approach of the neoconservative sphere,
women are allowed into the public sphere and the workforce as long as they
successfully fulfill the primal roles (Cansun, 2013), that are set on them by ‘fıtrat’.
In other words, women are obliged to fulfill the responsibility that is attributed with
motherhood and caregiving, without interfering with their outside labor.

Only a fair and just divison of gender roles that protects family bonds, can supply
women’s active participation in professional and social life in the globalizing world.109

Summarised Yılmaz to illustrate the expectations of the neoconservative community

from working women. Conference on the balance of work and family are organised
on the problems of working women, one in the III. International Women and Justice
Summit under the title ‘Towards a better equilibrium of work and family’.

Family is once again the fundamental reason for the support of adoption of women
into the workforce, as it is to its education and politics. Declaration III. International
Women and Justice Summit states that;

109
“Küreselleşen dünyada kadınların profesyonel ve sosyal hayata etkin katılımını, aile bağlarını da
koruyacak şekilde ancak kadın ve erkek arasında sağlanacak adil ve hakkaniyetli bir toplumsal
cinsiyet rol paylaşımı mümkün kılacaktır.” Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM Başkanı, 2014.
[Link] Date Accessed; March 10,
2019.
175
 Policies that expedites the balance between work and family for women, regarding the
consciousness that powerful woman means powerful family and that powerful family
constitutes powerful society.110

Motto of powerful family, powerful society maintains its continuity in women’s

employment. Women, especially mothers are expected to fulfill multiple roles with
the entrance into the public sphere and the workforce. As Pateman (1987) has drawn
attention, women are pushed into a multidimensional set of obligations, after
entering the workforce, defined as double-burden. Double-burden signifies;
women’s double load of the domestic labor chores assigned by patriarchy in addition
to the work women perform in the public sphere as individuals (Pateman, 1987).
The patriachal roles assigned to women are justified with religious references and
essentialist assumptions on care and familialism. However the reflection is as if the
choice is left to women, in handling the double-burden. According to Saliha Okur
Gümrükçüoğlu,

We witness, even though they undertake multiple roles their labor is not appreciated
enough, sometimes even ignored. Women generally have to make a choice. The ones
who choose home are anxious because they can not do their professsions, the ones who
choose work are anxious for not having enough time for home and their families. For
the ones who wish to be present in both in a balanced way absolutely need support for
başarmak this in the heavy standards of the modern world.111

Gümrükçüoğlu mentions the burdens of the dual role women attend as mother,
wives and employees. Although the double burden is only described as a natural
reult of the justly assigned gender roles. Women are obliged to perform both tasks,
if they prefered to enter the public sphere, as citizens like men. Similar to Vaticans
approach towards equality and women’s employment (Buss, 1998), the

110
“Her yönden güçlü kadının güçlü aile, güçlü ailenin de güçlü toplumu oluşturduğu bilincinden
hareketle, kadınlar için iş-aile dengesinin sağlanmasını kolaylaştırıcı politikalar geliştirilmelidir.” III.
Uluslararası Kadın ve Adalet Zirvesi Sonuç Bildirisi, 2018. [Link]
ve-adalet-zirvesi-sonuc-raporu/. Date Accessed; April 15, 2019.

111
“Bulundukları her alanda çoklu roller üstlenmelerine rağmen emeklerinin yeterince takdir
edilmediğine, hatta kimi zaman yok sayıldığına şahit oluyoruz. Kadınlar genellikle bir tercihte
bulunmak zorunda kalıyorlar. Evde olmayı tercih edenler mesleğini icra edemediği, çalışan kadınlar
ise evine ve ailesine yeterince zaman ayıramadığı için sürekli bir kaygı hali yaşıyor. Her iki alanda
da dengeli bir şekilde var olmak isteyenlerin, modern dünyanın ağır şartlarında bunu başarabilmeleri
için desteğe ihtiyaç duydukları kesin.” Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu, KADEM Başkanı, 2019.
[Link]
degerlerin-korunup-nesillere-aktarilmasi-ailelerle-saglaniyor-/1464419. Date Accessed; April 15,
2019.
176
neoconservatives of Turkey, accept women’s entrance into employment as long as
the domestic and nurturing roles are fulfilled without plentitude. The naturally and
socially assigned gender roles are the primary concern for this approach, where the
individual fulfillment of women as citizens is secondary in position. Neoliberal
policies and the reduction in welfare state endorse the patriarchal and essentialist
tendencies of the neoconservative of the New Right in Turkey just like in Europe.
Taking into account that, women are not considered as individuals, but once again
as part of a family or as mothers in terms of employment, the possibility of working
women who refrain from starting families or becoming mothers are not an option in
the neoconservative discourse. In fact the president/prime minister has responded to
women who have chosen to work and give up motherhood with these words;

Woman who refrains from motherhood by saying ‘I am working’, is actually rejecting

her womanhood. This is my samimi thought. A woman who rejects motherhood, that
gives up on looking after her home, no matter how successful in her job, is against the
threat of losing her özgünlük, she is incompete, half. Woman, who makes up the half
of humanity, is woman with her motherhood, etkinlik on her children and home,
zarafet, esthetics, instincts and differences she has. We reject any understanding that
set this reality a side and see women and men as rivals, opponents of each other.112

Erdoğan, once again refers to creation and the plea of motherhood while perusing
working women. As mentioned in the title of family and motherhood, women who
are not mothers are criticized for not fulfilling their roles deriving from their nature.
In accordance with conservatism, women are primarily situated within the family as
mother and wives (Özgün, 2014). Motherhood is accepted as the core reason for the
essence of creation and fulfillment along with marriage and complementarity of the
feminine and the masculine by the Vatican (Beattie, 2014), likewise to the
neoconservative discourse of Turkey. The expectation from working women to
fulfill the multiple roles they are assigned naturally, is justified by the gender justice

112
“‘Çalışıyorum’ diye annelikten imtina eden bir kadın, aslında kadınlığını inkar ediyor demektir.
Bu benim samimi düşüncemdir. Anneliği reddeden, evini çekip çevirmekten vazgeçen bir kadın, iş
dünyasında istediği kadar başarılı olsun, özgünlüğünü kaybetme tehlikesiyle karşı karşıyadır,
eksiktir, yarımdır. İnsanlığın yarısını oluşturan kadın, anneliğiyle, evinin ve çocuklarının üzerindeki
etkinliğiyle, zarafetiyle, estetiğiyle, içgüdüleriyle, sahip olduğu farklılıklarla kadındır. Bu gerçeği bir
kenara bırakıp erkekle kadını birbirlerine hasım olarak, rakip olarak gören anlayışı kesinlikle
reddediyoruz.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President, 2016. [Link]
calisiyorum-diye-annelikten-imtina-eden-kadin-kadinligini-inkar-ediyor-demektir-37291399. Date
Accessed; April 20, 2019.

177
approach as an allegation. Çaha (2013), evaluates domestic works’ attribution as a
natural result rather than a form of discrimination, representing the patriarchal
gender perception of neoconservatives. As the reflection of the dual role women are
oliged to attain, outbreaks raise by neconservative women. Sare Aydın Yılmaz
summarizes the requests of women who have entered the public sphere by
professions as;

57% of women state that equilibrium between domestic work and professional work
is not reached. For this reason, women’s education and entrance to modern life and
workforce does not constitute an advantage, on the contrary a second shift begins for
the women at home. If we don’t supervise fairness, balance and measure and
internalize this conscience, women will continue to live through this clash of roles.113

Although Yılmaz sheds light on women’s buderns, modernisation and capitalism is

criticized within this notification rather than the impedimenta of traditional gender
roles that are associated with women. Neoconservative women focus on the burdens
of the professional work instead of the domestic chores that are attributed to the role
of female within the family. Domestic work and caregiving are considered to be
women’s functions and obligation enduring on the creationist perspective. The
empowerment of women as professionals are perceived as the road to a stronger
family, which leads to a powerful society. Sare Aydın Yılmaz draws attention to the
fact that women’s employment increases the socioeconomical positions of their
families. She then concentrates on the multiple role women attain;

The process of capitalist industrialization and global world economy necessitates to

set a side domestic work and motherhood while giving them the opportunity to be
employed in diverse markets. This situation forced women to face with making a
decision between their professional roles and mother-wife roles or to üstlenme both
roles at once... It is important that this ikilem is abandoned for both women’s own
personality, their self-esteem to grow and for protection of the birliktelik and bütünlük
of the family which is the daimi area of production.

As observed from the declarations, unlike the conservative sphere, the

neoconservatives do not ignore, in fact closely investigate the employment and work

113
“Kadınların %57’si ev kadınlığı ve çalışma yaşamı arasındaki dengenin kurulamadığını söylüyor.
Dolayısıyla, kadının eğitim alarak modern yaşama, çalışma hayatına dahil olması bir avantaja
dönüşmüyor, aksine kadının ev içinde ikinci vardiyası başlıyor. Kadını kalkınmaya dahil edeceğiz
diye insafı, dengeyi ve ölçüyü gözetmezsek ve bu bilinci zihinlere aşılamazsak, kadın bu rol
çatışmasını yaşamaya devam edecektir.” Sare Aydın Yılmaz, KADEM Başkanı, 2016.
[Link]
Date Accessed; March 20, 2019.
178
of women. Regarding the neoliberal policies, it is accepted that women have entered
the public sphere, only as a ‘helper’ of the family budget. Justifying the old-timer
distinction of wage laborer and worker in Britain, women are not considered as full
citizens in the labor market compared to men (Pateman, 1987). Similarly, when
women enter the public sphere it is more of a choice then of a necessity. Only it was
assumed that women’s entrance to the economy and the public sphere would liberate
women from the secondary role, whereas women were put under two roles. The
main problem within the employment of women is reflected to be what the feminist
discourse has been defining as the ‘double-burden’. The neoconservative discourse
often refers to the double-burden, but only refrains from stating the terminology or
identifiying it with feminism or women’s movement. It is highly criticized that
women suffer from having to choose between their families and work. Although
neoconservative women draw attention to the intensive work women are put under,
the solutions designed to eliminate double burden differ from of the objectives of
the feminist discourse.

In the Conference of Gender Justice in İstanbul Ticaret University, the difference in

the expectations from women osculating on traditions are underlined. The necessity
for the adoption of regulations that pave the way for women’s entrance and stability
into employment are often discussed, by the discourse. Accordingly, certain set of
legislative regulations were enacted during the rule of JDP, concerning working
women. The president/prime minister in 2016 has highlighted the efforts of his party
in these words;

Production, being in every area of life is definitely not against motherhood. We have
established very important incenties especially for working mothers. From pregnancy,
birth and breastfeeding leaves, flexible working hours to compulsion of kindergartens
in workplaces we have connected many opportunities that will ease the motherhood of
our women. From my years as prime minister to Presidency we have supported women
and family more then any government.114

114
“Üretmek, hayatın her alanında var olmak kesinlikle anneliğe engel değildir. Özellikle çalışan
kadınların anneliğini teşvik için çok önemli düzenlemeler yaptık. Hamilelik, doğum ve süt
izinlerinden, esnek çalışmaya, işyerlerinde kreş zorunluluğuna kadar kadınlarımızın anneliğini
kolaylaştıracak pek çok imkanı devreye soktuk. Başbakanlığımdan, Cumhurbaşkanlığım dönemine
kadar hiçbir dönemde olmadığı kadar, kadına ve aileye desteği biz verdik” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,
President, 2016.
179
Incentives on working mothers were planned as the president/primeminister has
underlined in his speech, that are connected to the policy of government concerning
family and population. During the sixteen year rule of the party, ministeries
concerning women and family were established and transformed. In year 2011, the
Ministry of Women and Family was substituted with the Ministry of Family and
Social Policy and women were, not only as a policy, now officially limited under
the notion of [Link] probirth policy of JDP is connected with the promotions
and policies on working mothers. A plan named as the ‘Family Package115’ was
programmed and presented on January 26, 2015 by the government, to ease the
conditions of working mothers, to promote child birth and increase the birth rate as
a state policy. ‘Family Package’ consists of the regulations of breastfeeding and
maternal leaves during which women get paid without any cuts from the wages.
Extra leaves of approximately 8 weeks for the first, 16 for the second and 24 weeks
for the third child could be joined with the natural maternal leaves of 16 weeks after
birth. A part from that the convenience of part-time work, for mothers until the child
is at the age for elementary education, the amount of hours that mothers do not work
will be absorbed by the state. Financial support for the encouragement of birth is
calculated according to number of children. The incentives include dowry accounts
for children which could be customed after the age of 18, with the contribution of
the state. Finally, the incentive provides delivery of gold for women who give birth.
The Minister of Family, Social Services and Employment Zehra Zümrüt Selçuk, has
summarised the contents and objective of the incentives;

We have given mothers the opportunities such as; birth loan, allowance of
breastfeeding, allowance of motherhood, to support the role of motherhood. We
directly contributed to the empowerment of family and adoption to employment with
breastfeeding leave, support for kindergarten and part-time working.116

[Link]
yarimdir/. Date Accessed; April 10, 2019.

115
“Çalışan anneye 5 destek”, Hürriyet Gazetesi, [Link]
dogan/calisan-anneye-5-destek-41091371. Date Accessed; April 8, 2019.

116
“Kadınlarımıza doğum borçlanması, emzirme ödeneği, analık ödeneği gibi imkanları sağlayarak
annelik rolünü destekledik. Süt izni, kreş desteği ve yarı zamanlı çalışma imkânı ile iş yaşamına
uyumlarını iyileştirdik ve ailenin güçlendirilmesine doğrudan katkı sağladık.”, Zehra Zümrüt Selçuk,
180
The common ground of these policies contain, although birth is encouraged, the lack
of the intention of configuring a change in the gender roles of parenting. All the
incentve is given on maternal leaves other than the 5 day paternal leave. The absence
in fathers role in childrearing and familial sphere is the reflection of the uneven
distribution of gender roles within the family and childrearing. However it is often
mentioned in the speeches of the represenetatives of the discourse that family and
child rearing is not solely a woman’s obligation or duty and that marriage is a
twosided notion. Maternal leave is an obvious subject of proposal whereas there is
no suggestion on paternal leave of any kind. These differences from feminism are
the reflection of the claim of the ‘fair’ distribution of gender roles that deriving from
the nature of men and women. The policies tend to contradict with the declarations
that are given to empower women and eliminate gender discrimination, as the
proposal of neoconservatives are limited with proposal on eased work such as part-
time jobs or flexible working hours for women.

In terms of women’s employment, Sare Aydın Yılmaz mentions a sample for the
model of production in certain neighbourhoods of Istanbul where women are
encouraged with incentives such as part-time work or flexible work hours. Women
are employed near their houses for a factory and are competent to visit their houses
during the lunch breaks. Yılmaz highlights that women have been satisfied with the
fact that they are able to conserve and manage their houses and contribute to the
home economy. However she contradicts with the prior point of complaint, as the
multiple role of women. Although the neoconservative discourse does not label the
problem as so, double-burden is the load on working women. The way of
employment in this case is not a solution for the double-burden, since these women
are still obliged to perform domestic work during their tmes of break or after work.
As Pateman (1987) has defined part-time jobs as one of the major problems of
women’s acceptance as full citizens compared to men, resolution of double burden
is not flexible hours of work or part-time jobs but rather the elimination of the
patriarchal gender roles within the family. Neoconservative discourse however,

The Minister of Family, Social Hizmetler and Employment, 2018.

[Link]
2018/. Date Accessed; April 12, 2019.
181
tends to miss out the crucial trouble under double-burden, that it is created from a
partiarchally, hegemonic social construct and that it is reproduced via performance
of the traditional gender roles. Woman is seen as the caregiver of the family,
therefore she is portrayed to be in charge to rear children. Even though it is
highlighted that the man is part of the family and that the household should be shared
by the couples, there are no concrete examples where the man shares part in
domestic work, within the neoconservative [Link] hegemonic structure of
the patriarchal family is preserved within the family as the caregiver, while the
ideology of conservative state is internalized in the public sphere. The Minister
Selçuk, also mentions the elderly in her speech and states that;

We observe the advantages of focusing on family as the policies of social welfare and
social work. Today approximately 513 thousand handicapped and elderly citizens are
benefiting from Home Care Support and 120 thousand children from Social and
Economic Support Program.117

The repression of care is a common practice within the context of the

neoconservative and neoliberal states. Neoliberal governing systems often transfer
the obligation of caregiving, that is an important part of welfare state, to the
individuals and the individuals in relation to them. The neoliberal state embarks it
duty of care on women, perpetuating the patriarchally assigned gender roles
(Pateman, 1987). The care of children, elderly or disabled is conveyed via
familialism usually with certain incentives and state policies. JDP’s policy on
childrearing and elderly care resembles the common practice of the neoliberal state,
although it is clearly declared in the constitution that Turkish Republic is a welfare
state. The incentives are served to maintain the traditionalist and conservative
system and to lift the weight of the expenditure of the elderly care. The significance
of the policy, on the context is that the burden is laid on women. Neoliberal and
neoconservative state transfers the responsibilty to the family that is to women via
slight incentives that are not sufficient enough to cover the cost. Yuval-Davis
underlines that care is a service that must be provided to every citizen regardless of

117
“Bugün yaklaşık 513 bin engelli ve yaşlı vatandaşımızın Evde Bakım Desteğinden,
120 bin çocuğumuzun Sosyal ve Ekonomik Destek Programından faydalandığını görüyoruz.”, Zehra
Zümrüt Selçuk, Aile, Çalışma ve Sosyal Hizmetler Bakanı, 2018.
[Link]
2018/. Date Accessed; April 4, 2019.
182
the gender or socially assigned roles (Yuval-Davis, 2017). The incentives to
domestic burdens of care, preserve the patriarchal relation both within the family
and the hegemonic state, positioning the incentives as ‘financial support’.Although
neoconservative women have been struggling with entering the workforce and
balancing their responsibilities as wives and mothers, certain groups among
neoconservative men have not been able to make any progress in their perception.
Veysel Eroğlu, a Minister of JDP for instance has questioned women’s eagerness to
be employed as;“ Isn’t housework enough?118”

Although, the statement can be evaluated as an acknowledgement of the difficulty

of domestic work, the depreciatory tone obstructs the interpretation. Similarly Vecdi
Gönül referred to women as ‘ornaments’, implying that women are bound to stay in
the private sphere and that public sphere is a male domain. The comments of
representatives of JDP, have often referred motherhood as the profession of women,
deporting them from integration to a professional employment. The Minister of
Health Mehmet Müezzinoğlu told a couple who welcomed their third baby; “
Mothers shouldn’t take any carrier into the center except motherhood. They should
focus on raising well generations119”.

Hence, motherhood is interlineated as a job that women are capable of and

responsible to be doing. Domestic labor, on the other hand is perceived as vital for
women’s duties by the respresentatives of JDP, as much as motherhood. Women’s
attribution with domestic sphere and alienation from empowerment, is a reflection
of the neoconservative ideology. Although the neoconservative understanding has
accepted women into the public sphere and employment on condition, some of the
representatives seem to have not internalized these policies, perpetuating their
ideologies as citizens of conservatism. Similarly, another minister of JDP Mehmet

118
“Evdeki işler yetmiyor mu?”, Veysel Eroğlu, Çevre ve Orman Bakanı, 2009.
[Link]
Date Accessed; March 10, 2019.

119
“Anneler, annelik kariyerinin dışında bir başka kariyeri merkeze almamaları gerekir. Merkeze iyi
nesiller yetiştirmeye almalılar.”, Mehmet Müezzinoğlu, Sağlık Bakanı, 2015.
[Link]
kariyer-olmamali,282277. Date Accessed; April 5, 2019.
183
Şimşek, made a statement on the rate of unemployment relating it with women’s
entrance into the workforce; “Do you know why the rates of unemployment are
increasing? Because in the terms of crisis people are looking for jobs more.
Especially among women participation in employment are higher120”.

The minister blamed women for the rate of unemployment, assuming that women
are not individual that are allowed into employment have the right to seek for jobs
and be employed as much as men. New Rights positioning of women into the
domestic sphere as the inheretor of the welfare state in terms of care, has played a
significant role in cooperation with the existing patriarchy in Turkey under the rule
of the neoconservative and neoliberal government. Women are positioned both
within the domestic sphere as the providers and caregivers lifting the weight of the
neoliberal state in terms of care and the market as employees who are still considered
side employees, common to the wage laborer status, perceived from the statements
of the discourse. The opinions of neoconservative women contradict with the
comments and legislations of the neoconservative discourse, especially in terms of
the objectives of employment, empowerment of the family and capacitation of the
society. Women appear to be in favor of employment and incentives on motherhood,
whereas men refrain from approving women as colleagues within the
neoconservative discourse. However, neoconservative women are conspicously
present in the field of politics, counter to their presense in conservative politics. An
area in which women are conspicuously present in employment is politics. On
account of this, politics of neoconservative women must be studied closely in the
next section.

[Link]. Politics

Women’s presence in politics diversify from the conservative discourse of the

iniator parties of JDP, such as RP. Erdoğan has statements that he, encouraged
women himself to participate in politics and under the roof of JDP. The occupation

120
“İşsizlik oranı niye artıyor biliyor musunuz? Çünkü kriz dönemlerinde daha çok iş aranıyor.
Özellikle kadınlar arasında kriz döneminde işgücüne katılım oranı daha artıyor", Mehmet Şimşek,
Devlet Bakanı, 2009. [Link]
yuzunden-artiyor-11240874. Date Accessed; April 8, 2019.
184
and contribution of women to JDP is so significant that the women’s branches have
over 4.5 million members. Per contra a form of glass-ceiling is present within party
politics. Women take part in the lower or middle levels of the party whereas the
primary levels of the party consists of men. Although there are one or two ministers
in every government of JDP, these ministers are limited in areas of education and
family and social policy. It is significant considering the fact that these areas are
identified with women that concern children, domesticity and familialism121. The
utilization of women in terms of national and local politics have been adopted from
RP, beginning from the elections of 1994, in which Erdoğan was elected the mayor
of Istanbul (Aslan-Akman, 2017). As the neoconservative approach tends to endorse
the profitable sides of any discourse, the utilization of women for politics was
embraced right away unlike the preservation of national capital or connotations of
Islamic Law. RP neglected the women who worked for the promotion of the party
during the elections, which is one mistake JDP refrained from doing (Aslan-Akman,
2008), on account of this the women’s branches are still composed of the highest
level within all parties. However, politics and women are quite controversial in
terms of the neoconservative discourse and JDP, concerning some issues such as the
negative perspectives on the quota system.

The debates on quota for women as positive discrimination in politics have been
proceeding from the early years of the ruling party. Although quota had been a
discussion topic that was worked on before JDP, the debates became more rigid with
neoconservative comment. Prime Minister Erdoğan made the first statement on
2004 concerning quota in politics and women as; “I comprehend quota as an insult
for women. It’s not necessary. Eligible and qualified women should be
supported.122”

121
Nimet Çubukçu as Minister of Women and Family in 2005 and Minister of Education in 2009,
Selma Aliye Kavaf as Minister of State Responsible for Women in 2009, Fatma Şahin as Minister of
Family and Social Policy in 2011, Ayşenur İslam as Minister of Family and Social Policy in 2013,
Ayşen Gürcan as Minister of Family and Social Policy in 2015 and Fatma Betül Sayan Kaya as
Minister of Family and Social Policy in 2016.

122
"Kota konusunu, Kadınları aşağılamak olarak düşünüyorum. Buna gerek yok. Nitelikli, kaliteli,
eğitimli kadınlara yer verilmelidir" , Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Başbakan, 2014.
185
Despite his support on women’s presence in politics, Erdoğan rejects the implication
of quotas as positive discrimination for the woman’s branches. He underlines that
there are certain obstacles that women can not overcome, which will be solved by
the woman’s branches. Following Erdoğan’s statement, JDP administration that
consisted of ministers and palimentars, underlined that they do not perceive quota
as an accurate resolution for women’s participation in politics. The administration
expressed their interpretation of quota as a form of segregation. Dengir Mir Fırat, a
MP of JDP summarised their view of quota as;

Setting quota in favor of women, is an insult, dregarding and protection of them. There
is no need to put women under protection. This is an frivolous proposal. Our board of
management’s 20% consists of women123.

Head of MP Salih Kapusuz continued ;

This can’t be done with regulations. This is a matter of heart. Politics have its own
rules. Progress is made with requests. Legislating it symbolically is not sufficient. It is
all our desire that women have a place in politics too. But this can’t happen by force124.

Both of the MP reflect the system of quota as an enforcement that is to be imposed

on women who have no interest in politics. As well as implying quotas as handouts
given to women, instead of interpreting them as positive discrimination that is
regulated within the constitution. Positive discrimination interms of gender was
accrued to the Constitution in 2010 with a separate enactment. With the
implementation of a new paragraph into article 10, the state was obligated to take

[Link] Date
Accessed; April 10, 2019.

123
“Kadına kontenjan koymak ona hakaret demektir, küçük düşürmektir, koruma altına almaktır.
Kadınları koruma altına almaya gerek yoktur. Gayri ciddi bir teklif. Bizim MKYK'nın yüzde 20'si
kadın”, Dengir Mir Fırat, AKP Genel Başkan Yardımcısı, 2005. [Link]
kotayi-kadinlara-hakaret-olarak-goruyor-38674. Date Accessed; April 10, 2019.

124
'Yasayla olmaz. Bu gönül işi. Siyasetin kendi kuralları var. Talepler geldikçe kendiliğinden yürür.
Sembolik olarak oraya yerleştirmek yetmiyor. Siyasette kadınların da olması hepimizin isteğidir.
Ama bu zorlamayla olmaz.', Salih Kapusuz, AKP Grup Başkan Vekili, 2005.
[Link] Date Accessed;
April 10, 2019.
186
measures in favor of the disadvantaged under tools as positive discrimination.
Article 10 clearly states;

Everyone is equal before the law without distinction as to language, race, color, sex,
political opinion, philosophical belief, religion and sect, or any such grounds.
(Paragraph added on May 7, 2004; Act No. 5170)

Men and women have equal rights. The State has the obligation to ensure that this
equality exists in practice. (Sentence added on September 12, 2010; Act No. 5982)

Measures taken for this purpose shall not be interpreted as contrary to the principle of
equality. (TBMM, 2010)

For this reason the reflection of positive discrimination measures of MPs of JDP as
a matter of either pity or segregation is against Turkish legislation. Although the last
sentence was added in 2010, the previous statement can be interpretted as tools for
supplying equality, considering that the state is obligated to ensure substantive
equality. The refusal of the neoconservative discourse on raising women’s
participation to politics with the help of positive discrimination tools are the
reflection of the patriarchal state. As Pateman (1987) has underlined, women take
front in the daily practices of the state, work and family unlike men, on the other
hand they are denied to take part in legislative and administrative chores along with
policy-making substantively. Although the formal citizenship rights are allowed, the
substantive measures are insufficient to attain efficient level of female participation
in politics with the reproduction of the patriarchal tradition gender roles of the
gender justice approach. JDP’s direct refusal of the quota system is the reflection of
the patriarchal ideology that positions women as the citizen however secondary
citizen before the state. Nükhet Hotar, who is the vice president/primeminister of
the party, surmounts on another aspect of the issue and states; “There are other ways
for this. The parties who have quotas have less woman MPs than us. Instead of this
we need educated and qualified women to enter the stage of politics125.”

125
“Bunun yerine başka yollar var. Kota olan partinin kadın milletvekili bizden az. Bunun yerine
eğitimli ve nitelikli kadınların siyasete girmesi teşvik edilmelidir”, Nükhet Hotar, JDP Genel Başkan
Yardımcısı, 2005. [Link]
Date Accessed; April 10, 2019.
187
Similarly the Minister of Women and Family, Nimet Çubukçu reacted to the
persistence on quota application and stated that there is no obligation for parties to
assign the quota system into their regulations, and that the parties who wish to
embrace the system are free to do so. The negative tendencies of the JDP
government on quota have been systematically proceeding since the year of 2004.
Erdoğan’s statements in 2007 on quota are quite significant as well;

I’m sorry but, is she a possession that we give quota? This is nonsense. Some
organization say; assign quotas. Sorry, but are we going to hand our sisters in the aids
of men. We are of course going to search for license and qualification and set off with
them. It is not okay when you say, ‘There is quota anyway, we have to put her
[Link] the price will be paid in another way.126

The significant aspect is that female representatives of the party, take front in the
opposition to the application of quota system in politics. As Yuval-Davis (2017) has
shed light on the participation of women in New Right policies, that’s why the belief
that women connotate peace is not accurate. The positions women in the New Right
have taken such as Margaret Thatcher have formed a hegemonic relationship among
right-wing women over men in addition to the ones between men and women.
Hence, Yuval-Davis draws attention to the importance of power relations rather than
the gender of the producer of power. Similar to what Yuval-Davis has underlined,
the patriarchal gender roles are reproduced and perpetuated by women of the
neoconservative discourse during the rule of JDP. It is either via the representatives
of the party or the neoconservative scholars or civil rights spokespersons who
maintain the patriarchal order and justify the dichotomous arguments with religion
and creationism. The declarations of Erdoğan and the neoconservative women
always tend to harmonize with each other, including on controversial issues like the
quota system. Erdoğan evaluated quota as a form of discrimination and reacted to
the debates of women’s organizations as;

126
"Kusura bakmayın, mal mı ki bu, kota veriyorsun? Böyle saçmalık olmaz. Bazı dernek çıkmış
diyor ki; kota koyun. Affedersiniz, erkeklerin ianesine mi teslim edeceğiz biz hanım kardeşlerimizi?
Bu işte tabii ki ehliyet, liyakat arayacağız, onlarla beraber bu yola koyulacağız. ’Nasıl olsa kota var,
bunu buraya koymamız lazım’ dediğiniz zaman olmaz. Ondan sonra yarın bunun bedeli de ayrı bir
şekilde ödetilir.", Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, AKP Yerel Yönetimler Kadın Şûrası, 2007.
[Link] Date Accessed; April
12, 2019.
188
 You have the same rights as me. Why aren’t you being fair? Everyone is equal right
now. I don’t comprehend quota as equality. Equal participation already exists today.
Go, win, take. You don’t go, win and take yourself. Sister go, win, take. When there is
quota it means I am hiding under men’s donation. You can’t explain this to me. This
doesn’t exist in the whole world. Is there quota in USA? How much is the quota in
France, how much?127

The interpretation of equality of the neoconservative sphere can be observed from

the reactions to the quota debate. Equality is evaluated as an absolute form of
equality and same treatment via legal regulations (Şimga, 2019). For this reason,
substantive equality through norms and tools such as positive discrimination is not
embraced. Only within the issues that the discourse finds virtue that measures of
positive discrimination are adopted or planned. However, these implementations are
far from being regulated under the title of positive discrimination but rather as the
requisite of fıtrat. Notice that the positive discrimination measures that have been
mentioned in this paper have all been in the fields of either religion or notions of
familialism such as motherhood. Measures in terms of politics such as quota are not
utilized as tools for substantive equality but rather a form of discrimination. A
didactical language is again used to persuade women against the norm, as reflecting
it as a matter that demeans the power and status of women. The hierarchical
relationship between state and women citizens are perpetuated via dominant
language, redefining discrimination on women and politics. Although the quota
system is strictly opposed by the party, it can be observed that there is ‘soft quota’
(Cansun, 2013). Women’s participation in politics have been supported by Erdoğan
himself in terms of the women’s branches. Accordingly, he reacted to men’s
authority on women’s issues in these words;

Men always speak about women’s issues, their perception of the world in our
parliament. If there is to be the enactment of a legislation men talk. However, the ones
that live this life are women. We made a principal decision that male MPs will stand
back and female MPs will speak. On the change of constitution on the headscarf issue
predominantly female MPs of JDP spoke.

127
"Şu anda var, haksızlık yapıyorsun. Benimle aynı haklara sahipsiniz. Niye adil olmuyorsun? Şu
anda herkes eşit. Asla kotayı ben eşitlik olarak almıyorum. Eşit katılım zaten şu anda var. Git, kazan,
al. Sen kendin gidip kazanıp alamıyorsun. Kardeşim git, kazan, al. Kota olduğu zaman ben erkeklerin
ianesine sığınıyorum demektir. Bana bunu anlatamazsın. Bütün dünyada bu yok. Başka yerlerde var
diye anlatamazsın. ABD'de kota var mı? Fransa'da kota kaç, kota kaç" , Başbakan Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan, TBMM Yeniyıl Resepsiyonu, 2007. [Link]
erdogan-i-kizdiran-ulke-1862. Date Accessed; April 15, 2019.
189
Erdoğan’s declaration that men should step back on women’s issues, contradicts
with his references made often during his political years. The headscarf issue has an
exclusive character within the discourse and political agenda. The controversy of
headscarf began with the struggle of women that were not granted to participate in
college education, therefrom the headscarf conflict is studied under education.
Except, conservative women’s presence in Turkish politics inaugurated with the
conflicts on the headscarf issue. As a protest to the headscarf ban women entered
politics, from the roots, the neighbourhoods.

Erdoğan narrates that his ‘bacı’s have gone door to door to get him elected from the
elections of 1994. From that year on party politics and headscarf conflict have been
objectives for conservative women. It was with the identification of headscarf that
conservative women were politicized and entered the public sphere. Furthermore,
women who can be identified as part of the neoconservative discourse consist of
only a part of these women of the RP. Considering the fact that women and men
were positioned in different spheres during the conservative identity,
neoconservative discourse brought women closer and finally into the public sphere
with men (Cansun, 2013). Although the identification and specification of women
could be argued, the adoption of women and men to the political discourse is closer
then of the pervious conservative parties such as RP. The mobilization of women in
terms of politics have been brought from the RP discourse, however women were
included in party politics unlike RP to provide a proof to the distinction from RP
(Cansun, 2013). Neoconservatives have held a patriarchal tone in terms of female
politicians and citizens voting for their parties. The words used to refer to women
electorates as ‘bacı’ once again implies the necessity of protection of women,
instead of perceiving them as collegues.

Erdoğan states that he has always been supported firstly by women;

I have always expressed this, but I am repeating it once again. During my 40 years of
political life, in every struggle I gave, the ones who gave me the biggest support were
women and the youth. Starting from my family, if it wasn’t for the support and
incentive of women, I am not sure if I could have carried on this tedious struggle upto
this day. For this reason I have made an effort and worked for solving the problems of
women every position I had the authority. I have made a special effort to make sure

190
 women took their place in every stage of politics, from county and disctrict
organisations to mayors and parlamenteries.128

As he expresses his gratitude towards participation and support of women on his

political journey, it is possible to observe a specific bond between Erdoğan and
neoconservative women of JDP. Woman’s branches of JDP, eludes from of other
parties’ in terms of magnitude as well as participation. Transformation from the
conservative sphere in which women were invisible to a system in which women
were built as the sustaining power was significant.

What is the role of the Woman’s Branches in the politics of JDP? Woman’s
Branches of JDP have a major significance within party politics and utilization of
women voters. Although it is not possible to speak of a homogenous group of
women in the establishment of the woman’s branches of JDP and the backgrounds
of members diversified depending on politics and economy, the power of the
branches have been maintained ever since the establishment of the party. As an
insider of the woman’s branches, Sözen (2006) summarizes members as; ones who
have been together with Erdoğan since his political presence in RP, women who are
highly educated however have been out of the job-market as well as any political
background and thirdly women who are positioned as secular but affiliated with
politics of the right which include parliamentary of the party.

Regarding the success of women’s mobilization during the years of RP, Erdoğan
appreciated the significance of women in party politics. He attached importance to
the formation of woman’s branches in the new party JDP. Women’s eagerness
towards joining woman’s branches emerge from their loyalty to Erdoğan. The bond
between the president/prime minister and neoconservative women, especially

128
“Her zaman ifade ettim, burada bir kez daha tekrarlıyorum.
40 yıllık siyasi hayatımda, giriştiğim her mücadelede, en büyük gücü kadınlardan ve gençlerden
aldım. Şayet, kendi ailem başta olmak üzere, kadınların desteği ve teşviki olmasaydı, bu uzun ve
meşakkatli siyasi mücadeleyi bugüne kadar yürütebilir miydim, açıkçası bilmiyorum. Bunun için,
sorumluluk üstlendiğim, yetki sahibi olduğum her yerde, her konumda, kadınlarımızın meselelerinin
çözümü için çalıştım, gayret gösterdim.
Belde ve ilçe teşkilatlarından genel merkez yönetim organlarına, belediye başkanlıklarından
milletvekilliklerine kadar, siyasetin tüm kademelerinde kadınların yer alması için özel çaba
harcadım.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Başbakan, 2016.
[Link]
[Link]. Date Accessed; April 20, 2019.
191
women of the woman’s branches are worthy of putting under the spotlight. Most of
the women attending woman’s branches attach their bonds with Erdoğan, from his
years as the mayor of Istanbul. He mentions his sisters129 in his speeches concerning
women and politics, and gives their credit in aggrandizing the party. The policy of
women’s ‘door to door’ mobilization of RP, was used by JDP, during the initial
years and has grown to a wider form ever since. As of 2017, the number of members
to woman’s branches of JDP has been almost 4.5 million. Organization of woman’s
branches show existence at the same level of the central administration, making
them active in local and municipal issues. Politics and education are interrelated
fields in terms of neoconservative women, considering the significance of the
headscarf issue. Hence the alterations and implementations of the discourse on
women’s education is investigated more closely in the next section.

[Link]. Education

Ever since JDP came into power the education system has been changing within
almost every 4-5 years along with the changes in government. The major policies of
education have been regulated hand in hand with religion and conservative
tendencies within the last sixteen years. From 1997, eight years of education, until
high school, has been mandatory in Turkey. However, there are diverse forms of
schools in terms of high school, that affect the acceptance to college. Forms of
schools were mainly Science High Schools, whose main language was English and
had high level of acceptance to almost all colleges in Turkey. Anatolian High
Schools, whose education system was in English and rate of acceptance followed
the science high schools, therefore were considered very successful. There were
public high schools that were in Turkish and the rate of acceptance to colleges
diversified from school to school. Finally, the controversial form of schools, the
Imam Hatip Schools were the focal point of JDP and the neoconservatives.

Imam Hatip Schools gave secondary education for the religious administrators and
praticioners ‘imam’s and ‘hatip’s and were expected to study theology in college
(Cansun, 2013). For this reason, the calculation of the graduates’ scores of this high

129
Bacılar
192
school were made accordingly, hence they were disadvantegous in majoring in other
subjects in college. Neoconservatives objected to this regulation and advocated the
acception of Imam Hatip Schools’ students to be accepted with the same rate of
calculation in the exams for college with the students of other high schools.
However, the governments previous to JDP advocated that the purpose of the
schools were to raise professional imams and hatips, therefore students that idealise
other professions must attend regular schools. Howbeit, after JDP came into power,
the conflict of Imam Hatip Schools were the subject of important debates which
were finalized with the decision of JDP to abolish the disadvantegoous calculation
system, utilizing its majority within the parliament. Accordingly, ever since JDP
held majority in the parliament, the number of Imam Hatip Schools have been
raising accurately.

The significance of the increase in Imam Hatip Schools have in terms of the laicist
discourse and women’s rights is that the students and education system in public
schools have been facing discriminatory and sexist confrontations and comments
from the neoconservatives. Although girls and boys have been getting coeducation
together for years, the statements that were made especially on girl students caught
the eye of the media as well as MPs of the opposition. The Head of Education of
County in Diyarbakır, banned female students to enter the cafeteria. Likewise,
wearing skirts were prohibited in a school in Antalya and female students were
warned not to climb the stairs with male students. All of these implementations were
made under the authority of the ruling party and Minister of Education, after the
“package of democratization” (Cansun, 2013) was accepted in 2013, that brought a
freedom of uniform. It was claimed that the dress code included the obligation of
dressing approriately with customs and culture, and that jeans and beards will not
be allowed. On the other hand it is noticed that the package brought freedom of
headscarf in public spaces. Later in 2014, the headscarf ban was lifted for secondary
education. With the proliferation of the application, certain reactions were given on
girls without headscarves. A head of education in Bartın for instance said that seeing
girl students who don’t wear headscarves made him angry, which was brought
before the courts by the opposition. On May, 2014 a circular was enacted that

193
regulated the establishment of ‘only girl schools’, in order to increase girls’
participation in education.

During the rule of JDP and neoconservatives, women have been facing various
forms of gender discrimination in education. The discourse of the representatives of
the party, reflect the ideology and perception of women in terms of the
neoconservative community. Female students are segregated from their friends and
accused of being careless by spending time with the opposite sex. Erdoğan drew
attention to the threat that is created with female and male students staying in the
same houses in these words;

In some houses male and female students stay together. We have notices from the
neighbours. We can’t set these notices aside, our police department and governors will
evaluate them and take action... We don’t know what is happening in there.
Complicated things can happen. Mothers and fathers are shouting. These steps will be
taken. Sorry but, as a conservative democrat party we have to interfere. We can’t
spiritually be put under such a responsibility.I know for a fact that the mothers and
father will not allow such a thing. We have to take a persistent step on this issue.130

The statement attracted reaction from the society, and Erdoğan has been criticized
to use his power on lifestyle that can not be interfered via legislation. Whereas Bekir
Bozdağ, his asistant, showed the constitution as the guarantee for the premises. He
underlined that the constitution gives the state the right to protect young people.
Likewise, interference of the secular lifestyle by the neoconservative discourse is
seen quite often in the last years. Especially the control of women’s bodies have
been significant on college students that are perceived as threats on the traditional
conservative roles and lifestyle by the representatives of JDP.

Gender discrimination was made by the form of dresscodes to control women’s body
and sexuality as well as imposing the traditional gender roles on girl students.
Religion and traditions were used in all parts of education by the neoconservative
discourse. From religious practices to the consolidation of traditional gender roles
are imposed on children via the new education system. For instance, the book of

130
“Buralarda nelerin olduğu belli değil. Karmakarışık her şey olabiliyor. Sonra anneler babalar
feryat ediyor. (…) Bu ülkede annelerin, babaların kahir ekseriyetinin bu işlere asla müsaade
etmeyeceğini bilen insanım. Nerede nasıl seslerin yükseldiğini bilen insanım. Bu işte biz kararlı adım
atmaya mecburuz” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Başbakan, 2013. [Link]
erkek-evleri-denetimi-konusunda-bulent-arinci-yalanladi,243343. Date Accessed; March 20, 2019.
194
Social Science illustrated a henna ceremony under the title of ‘Our Culture is Our
Wealth’, and gave instructions for the impersonation of the scene by fifth grade
students. It is stated within the book that henna is made as a symbol of the loyalty
of the bride to her husband and family. The book was criticized by the political
opposition, with the claims that include the imposition on children that the woman
must sacrifice herself for her family and husband if necessary. Gender
discrimination and reinforcement of traditional and religious values on school
children have often been an issue, for which the ruling party is criticized. According
to Aratemur Çimen and Bayhan (2018), traditional gender roles and distribution of
domestic work are illustrated and consolidated within the books published by the
Ministry of Education for elementary school kids. These books include domestic
work and childrearing duties which are attributed to women. The book published by
the Ministry of Education, ‘The life of Prophet Mohammed’ was criticized by the
opposition with the allegations that it contended statements that pertain
discriminative context of the distribution of gender roles. Statements such as;

Islam has asked for women to obey his husband in return for the liabilities men attain
and regards it as prayer. If the man does his mission, behaves well towards his family
and the woman acts fond of him and shows enough attention and obedience then there
will be balance and order within the family.131

were advocated by the Minister with the defence that, it connotated the liabilities
women held on domestic work. The book also referred to the status of ‘headman’
which was abolished by the adoption of the civil code in 2001, with expression such
as “ Men have the primary liability of the family, since they are more powerful and
further on strength.” It is also advised that women are to be rigorous in fulfilling
their responsibilities towards their husbands and families. Accordingly, in 2018, the
Head of the Education in the County, who distributed the book that wrote “Women
should be grateful if they are beaten” to students was promoted as the Head of
Education in the city. These statements are the examples of the attribution and

131
“İslam, erkeğin üstlendiği mesuliyetlere karşılık kadının da kocasına itaat etmesini istemiş ve bu
itaati ibadet saymıştır. Ailede çocukların büyütülüp terbiye edilmesi daha çok anne tarafından yerine
getirilir. Ailede erkek vazifesini yapar, ailesine karşı güzel davranır; kadın da ona karşı gereken
muhabbet, hürmet ve itaati gösterirse aile içinde düzen ve uyum sağlanmış olur”, 2017.
[Link]
[Link]. Date Accessed; April 25, 2019.
195
reinforcement of the traditional and patriarchal gender roles on women by the
neoconservative discourse. Materials that consist of the traditional gender roles and
distribution of domestic work as well as religious references, are the reflection of
the neoconservative ideologies perception of women. As education is a tool of the
internalizing social measures and paradaigms, the materials of education have been
prepared with this objective. Either the assetion of gender justice, as the fair
distribution of roles can not be observed in the system or the distribution that is
requested fits into the shape of the materials.

In accordance with the opposition to gender equality by the gender justice approach,
the “Gender Equality” classes that was accepted by the Board of Higher Education
for universities, which was then followed by the Ministry of Education, were
cancelled in 2019 following the targeting of a neoconservative newspaper ‘Yeni
Akit’. The news report of the newspaper ‘Yeni Akit’ articulates the project of
Gender Equality of the Ministry of Education as “objective to establish a genderless
society” expressing it in a negative form. The report proceeds with positioning a
Gender Research Center as the “home of betrayal”. The official regulation is
accused to be the “confession” of the “dirty objective”, which is stated to as
“struggle against gender discrimination”. (Sermen Feb. 2019) The project was
blamed to be ‘deviant’. Hence, the strategies on gender are stated to shift from
gender equality to gender justice approach officially.

Prior to the discussion and imposition on gender roles, the struggle of the
neoconservative discourse began with the headscarf debate. What is the significance
of this debate on education? Turkey holds the characteristic of secularism as a form
of administration, under the rule of law. The aspects of secularism are brought into
public spheres as education, public offices, health and administrative entities with
the enforcement of the constitution. Citizens are free to embrace any religion,
religious practice or belief that is protected with freedom of religion that is protected
under the rule of law. However, in regard to the principal of secularism symbols
identified with any religion, belief or cult are forbidden to be utilized in public
entities, offices or educational institutions. Considering the fact that there is a wide
range of muslim population in Turkey, the debates on the prohibition of religious
196
symbols pivoted on ‘headscarf’. As part of the prohibtion principle, usage of
headscarf was banned in public and educational institutions and public entities such
as courts, hospitals etc. The ban was objected particularly by the conservative
community on the exes of politics and education.

During the 90s a mass movement amongst conservative women arose to protest the
headscarf ban in college education. Female students who were accepted to college
with the central exam, rejected to leave the headscarf in order to attend college and
therefore held protests against the legislative prohibition. It was argued by JDP that
the lift of the ban would increase women’s participation in education. Conservative
women or as they are also called, Islamist women were supported by certain group
of feminists during these protests, with whom they cooperated later in the enactment
of Penal and Civil Codes during the EU accession process of Turkey (Güneş-Ayata
& Doğangün, 2017). Çaha(2013) appropriates the movement to women who
traveled and lectured others on the virtue of using the headscarf in Islam, on account
of this Islamist women have become stronger and grown into a movement. With
JDP coming into power, the headscarf ban became the controversial topic that was
brought to the attention of the public eye. It was a well known fact that the issue was
important to the religious community. JDP has underlined the significance of
freedom of religion on the issue and the victimhood women have gone through
during the process, making it in fact part of party politics (Aslan-Akman, 2017). For
Erdoğan himself has stated that his daughters have not been able to study at
university in Turkey because of the headscarf ban132.

The headscarf ban was removed in 2008 for higher education and finalized to be
eliminated in public institutions and civil service by 2016, including female students
starting from the age of nine. A package under the name ‘Democracy Package’ was
accepted that consisted of reforms including the lift of the headscarf ban for teachers,
judges and other public officers (Pürüzsüz, 2017). Aslan-Akman (2017) argues that
JDP has instrumentalized women in headscarves via victimization, as a form of the
populism based in its party politics. The ban was so much internalized and

132
[Link] Date Accessed;
March 20, 2019.
197
prioritized that it was evaluated as the major development JDP brought into Turkish
society in terms of gender equality by a Minister of the party (Aslan-Akman, 2017).

Although the lift of the ban was appreciated by a group of conservative women,
there were reactions from certain groups within the discourse. Especially
conservative women whom had given the struggle during 90s were reactive against
government for not being confered. These women consisted of conservative
women’s rights activists that had started the mass protests of university students on
the ban. The conservative women’s rights activists criticized the ruling party in
terms of the antidemocratical politics especially in terms of gender equality and
gender discrimination. The women’s rights activists of the prior conservative
discourse were often named as Islamist feminists whereas the neoconservative
women who advocate gender justice are in no way to be identified with the term.
The identification of the conservative women rest on the solidarity that was held
between feminists and conservative women’s rights activists on body politics and
sexuality. Conservative women were supported by feminists during the 90s, just like
the conservative activists who stood against the accusations against secular and
women without headscarves on sexuality. Body politics were often utilized by the
representatives of the ruling party on both conservative and secular women.
Süleyman Demirci, a representative of JDP was forced resign after his facebook
status that wrote; “ A woman without headscarf is like a house without curtains. A
house without curtains, is either for sale or for rent133.”

Women without headscarves were criticized for their performance of sexuality

whereas conservative women are used as tools of the political atmosphere and
ideology. In terms of gender equality, Aslan-Akman (2017) evaluates the
demolishment of the headscarf ban as an instrumentalization. She argues that the
ruling party has used the ban as a form of victimization, in relation to its populist
character. Gümüşçü and Sert (2009) (as cited in Çağatay 2018), on the other hand,
reflected that the party saw the issue in terms of human rights. The headscarf ban

“Örtüsüz kadın perdesiz eve benzer. Perdesiz ev ya satılıktır ya da kiralıktır” , Süleyman Demirci,
133

AK Parti Ünye İlçe Tanıtım ve Medya Başkanı, 2011. [Link]

kadin-perdesiz-eve-benzer-17238959. Date Accessed; April 30, 2019.
198
was previously brought before European Court of Human Rights by Leyla Şahin,
but the court found Turkey to be rightful and underlined that headscarf is a religious
symbol (Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017). Şahin vs Turkey was accepted as a test
case within the national legal system. Although, with the lift of the ban, women
wearing headscarves took their place in politics as well as bureaucracy in opposition
to the court’s decision (Gümüşçü and Sert as cited in Çağatay). The division between
conservative women’s rights activists and neoconservative women who stand with
the ruling party on women’s issues is that, the activists take a stand against any form
of instrumentalization of women and bodily control. For this reason the policies of
the ruling party has been criticized and protested as patriarchal by the conservative
women’s rights activists (Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017). Accordingly, these
activist women should not be confused with the neoconservative women who are
part of the neoconservative discourse that is the subject of this study.

Ayata and Doğangün (2017) draw attention to the point that JDP’s policies on
women do not concern a contradiction on patriarchy, but rather on modernization,
regarding the fact that headscarf was the main focus point of the party. In fact, it was
only field of women’s rights which the government embraced in terms of human
rights and individual freedoms. A part from the headscarf debate, JDP and the
neoconservative discourse perpetuated the patriarchal codes of the Turkish society,
reproducing the dichotomy between men and women hiding it under familialism and
society (Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017). As Pateman (1987), underlines women
are neglected as citizens but rather instrumentalized in terms of bodily politics. The
gender justice approach has shown no significance in the political participation of
women, other than the neoconservative instrumentalization of the headscarf debate.
The approch rather focuses on the just distribution of roles and the relationship
between women’s work and family and neglects to discuss politics. Women’s
significance in the society is underlined as the caregiver of the future generations,
instead of individuals (Güneş-Ayata & Doğangün, 2017), in every subject of society.

199
5.2. Evaluation: ‘Equal in Rights, Complementary in Roles’

Neoconservative discourse makes the argument that gender justice approach creates
an understanding in which equality is not neglected however insufficient in terms of
social roles. According to this approach, the equality principle within legal
implementations and human rights are to be protected, whereas the distribution of
gender roles is planned in terms of justice, that requires a fair distribution. The scale
or measurement for fairness is concealed within the holiness of justice and the
harmony shrouded in creation. Distribution of liabilities ad obligations that
effectuate gender roles attributed to the two genders hang on fıtrat in the end.
Corroborating with this standpoint, the declaration of the first Women and Justice
Summit articulates; “In the relationship between men and women, an approach
considering equality for the rights, but justice for the distribution of the social
obligations and roles is required.134”

Social obligations and gender roles are distributed regarding justice, with the
necessity of a fair distribution between the two genders. Fair distribution of gender
roles pertain the insufficiency of equality, once again neglecting the differences of
men and women. The declaration based the disadvantaged position of women in
terms of politics, economy and society on the delinquency of differences,
underlining the victimhood of women on various issues. The neoconservative
approach to gender interprets that the functions and liabilities assigned to women
and men diversify according to culture. Gümrükçüoğlu elucidates gender justice in
relation with gender equality as;

We as KADEM, express the roles and liabilities every culture imposes on women and
men in the socialization process. For this reason, we redefine this concept with an
approach of justice that encircles equality that is defined as gender equality in the
literature135.

134
“Kadınla erkek arasındaki ilişkide, haklar bakımından eşitliği, ancak toplumsal yükümlülüklerin
ve rollerin dağıtımı bakımından adaleti dikkate alan bir yaklaşıma ihtiyaç vardır.” I. Kadın ve Adalet
Zirvesi Sonuç Bildirisi, 2014. [Link]
bildirisi/. Date Accessed; May 9, 2019.

135
“Biz KADEM olarak Toplumsal Cinsiyet Kavramıyla sosyalleşme sürecinde her kültürün kadın
ve erkeğe yüklediği rol ve sorumlulukları ifade ediyoruz. Bu sebeple literatürde Toplumsal Cinsiyet
200
Prominence given to culture and justice are the reflection of the conservative
perception of sheltering traditions and local values coupled with the theological
attachment to biological traits and creational differences. Gender justice approach
accedes to the socially assigned gender role, conversely to the substantial gender
literature, in despite of the utilization of their concepts. In other words, utilization
of concepts incumbent to feminism and the gender movements is a frequently
referenced method in instrumentalization of women’s rights by the discourse.
Representatives of the neoconservative discourse on women’s issues contemplate
reconstruction of historically developed concepts as gender and gender equality in
the direction of adopting current values as well as timeless traditions. Most virtuous
precedence is attached on culture and cultural values on which gender roles are
constructed along with the religious implications of the sexes. The requirement of
justice as a norm is grounded on Islam and it’s perception of the concept within
human relationship and rights. The declaration of [Link] Justice Summit recalls
the necessity of adoption of a fair paradigm that encapsules the resilience of the
reconstruction of gender roles, on the contrary to the rigid form of positivism.

The primary objective of the neoconservative discourse is the fair distribution of the
gender roles in preservation with cultural norms and traditions. Although the
solution is reflected as a redistribution of the roles, it is possible to speak of a support
or emphasis on the present roles assigned by the society. Differences in the
creational characteristics form the majority of the aspects which are prioritized in
this matter, to be fairly distibuted rather than to be abolished. Sare Aydın Yılmaz
has emphasized the significance of traditional gender roles on which the fair
distribution will be constructed as;

In order for women and men to have equal opportunities and rights the cultural norms
and the prevelant remarks have to change. Also, in additon to traditional image of

Eşitliği şeklinde yer alan bu kavramı farklı bir çerçeveye oturtuyor, onu eşitliği de kuşatan bir adalet
anlayışından hareketle TOPLUMSAL CİNSİYET ADALETİ şeklinde yeniden tanımlıyoruz.”,
Saliha Okur Gümrükçüoğlu, KADEM Başkanı, V. Toplumsal Cinsiyet Adaleti Zirvesi, 7 Mart 2019.
[Link]
toplumsal-cinsiyet-adaleti-kongresinin-acilisinda-konustu. Date Accessed; March 26, 2019.
201
 woman and man, the roles of woman and man must be redfined in a pattern that
consists of justice.136

In accordance with Yılmaz’s emphasis on traditional roles, the vice president of

Directorate of Religious Affairs Huriye Martı, articulated that men and women must
be treated justly in deference to their characteristics based on creation, in the society.
Although the neoconservative discourse accentuates the fair distribution of gender
roles while preserving the traditional and cultural elements, the survey’s which are
conducted by themselves concern the opposite implication. For instance Sare Aydın
Yılmaz, italicizes in another interview that traditions are a significant factor in the
increase of violence against women.“The patriarchal distribution of gender roles and
the gender prejudiced traditions are important factors that affect violence against
women137”.

She then proceeds with the campaigns that have been pursued by KADEM, against
violence against women. However, the previously mentioned campaigns of ‘Is
you’re a man, overcome your anger’ and ‘First be a man’ perpetuate the patriarchal
distribution of roles regarding the gender prejudiced language they contain. Similar
to the campaigns, the distribution of gender roles that neoconservative women
promote are rather patriarchal and hegemonic, including within the domestic sphere.
Up until now the emphasis on women’s primary role within the family and the
society as a caregiver has been underlined, enduring the role distribution on the
creation and the biological differences between men and women. For this reason,
the redistribution of gender roles in terms of fairness, indicates the implication of
the reproduction of the patriarchal and traditionalist gender roles. As the primary
feature of conservatism the hegemonic relationship between the ‘primus inter

136
“Kadınların erkeklerle eşit fırsatlara ve haklara sahip olması için, yaygın görüşlerin ve kültürel
normların değişmesi gerekmektedir. Ayrıca, geleneksel kadın ve erkek imajına ek olarak, kadın ve
erkek rollerinin de adalet perspektifli bir biçimde yeniden tanımlanması gerekmektedir.” Sare Aydın,
KADEM Başkanı, 2015. [Link]
boyutlari-ile-siddetle-mucadele-yontemlerini-anlatti/. Date Accessed; March 15, 2019.

137
“Toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin ataerkil dağılımı ve cinsiyet önyargılı gelenekler, kadına yönelik
şiddete etki eden önemli faktörlerdir.” Sare Aydın Yılmaz , KADEM Başkanı, (Yılmaz, 2016).
202
pares’(men) and women is to be preserved with the use of traditional relationships
and the religious values.

Equality in terms of rights and complementarity in terms of roles are observed from
the connotations of the discourse. However, the equality sought in rights have only
been constructed on the areas or issues that are prioritized by the neoconservatives
such as the headscarf issue, motherhood or control of sexuality which all indicate
the instrumentalization of women. The promotions and incentives on marriage and
motherhood conceive the hegemonic relationship of the patriarchal state for
population policies, whereas the lift of the headscarf ban in public services, indicate
the utilisation of women over their bodies in terms of political symbols. In both of
the issues, women’s bodies are instrumentalized for the achievement of state’s
objectives. There are procedures by which the state ensures the patriarchal control
directly through the lens of segregation of public spaces. For instance, Pink buses
were a project that was set as the example for the country, being promoted in certain
cities. The pink buses were only designed for women, segrating the public space
between men and women, under the allegation of protecting women against sexual
harassment. Despite that, the application received reaction from both women and
men in opposition to the Islamist and neoconservative circle. The separation of
public spaces had been practiced by the conservatives previously, in fields such as
swimming pools, restaurants etc. Although the neoconservative sphere refrains from
constructing a distinction between genders in social spaces, the proposal indicated
various implications for different circles. Some groups perceived the application as
the state’s effort to reduce risks against crimes, whereas other groups, including
feminists called attention to further discriminative policies either from the state or
reactions from the society on women who have not prefered to use the pink buses.

In this direction, the applications of the government on planning tools as positive

discrimination or incentives for women are shaped according to preference rather
than the general will. Even though the enactment of improvement of women’s rights
have been established under the rule of JDP, there are certain implementations
which aggravated women’s position in social life and practice. The implementations

203
on alteration of passports is one example for the regression in women’s rights, which
have been planned as positive discrimination by previous governments138.

The interpretation of the analysis demonsrates the significant role, the

neoconservative discourse holds in the reproduction and deterioration of gender
equality in Turkey. Firstly, a dichotomy is illustrated by the essentialist approach to
articulate the biological differences between women and men. Consequently, the
dichotomous relationship is corraborated by the theological references, which
heavily contain the underlying patriarchal power relations internalized by the
Turkish society. An exclusionist tone is embraced while creating the dichotomy by
the representatives of the government. The patriarchal stance is consolidated
through female figures including scholars, journalists and ministers. The
justification of the hegemonically patriarchal and essentialist position of gender
justice, is supplied under religious references and cultural norms. Patriarchal power
relations are reproduced by the embracement of the dichotomously theorized
concept gender justice. As Özdek states, gender justice;

does not go beyond being an attempt to legitimize the patriarchal relations under a new
concept by opposing the approach of equal rights and advocating divison of labor that
grounds on gender in accordance with ‘fıtrat’ (Özdek, 2016)

Traditional gender roles have been reproduced and consolidated through the
applications and discourse of the neoconservative understanding. Retirement from
universal concepts and modern values, although rest on the ideology of the ruling
party, being neoconservatism, has resulted in the increase in offenses against
women, first and foremost being violence against women. The relationship between
the perpetrators and the victims of the crimes reflect that the familial authority
provided by the state, forms a trecherous supervision over individuals, especially
women. As the neoliberal state began to overspread, its prerogative over citizens
and individuals have been transferred to the patriarchal bond of family and male
leadership, constraining women into a hegemonic structure. The ‘primus inter pares’
characteristic of men has been pampered by the patriarchal governments, promoting

138
The right to attain green passport from her mother or father during a lifetime was annulled by the
JDP government. Equalizing women and men to give up the privileged passport at the age of 25.
204
the separation of men and women as citizens. Although feminism and principle of
equality is criticized for creating a decomposing atmosphere and structure between
men and women, illustrating them as rivals, the gender justice approach underlines
the differences between the two genders causing a division in the spheres of their
existence. It is vital to emphasize the presence of women within the neoconservative
sphere unlike in the previous communities of conservatism, however the subsistence
is still not blended in, with regard to equal citizenship or individualism, but rather
hegemonic characteristic over the indigent, women. At last, the promotion of gender
justice demonstrates the patriarchal ideology of the dominant sphere in the state and
contains the objective of reproduction of the traditional gender roles, transforming
the modern rhetoric of gender. Furthermore, gender justice approach has the absence
of grounding on an accurate theory or practice, in terms of women’s rights and
gender roles.

The implication that difference approach of feminists, have influenced gender

justice approach would not be accurate considering that the major objective of
difference feminism is to eliminate gender discrimination and the patriarchal
distribution of gender roles. Difference feminism draws attention to the importance
of difference between genders, not to perpetuate them for the dichotomy but rather
to achieve a substantive equality with recognition of the feminine traits along with
equal opportunities and rights (Tong, 2014). The response to equality feminisms
reflection of citizenship depending on male traits is the concern of these feminists.
Whereas gender justice approach does not seek for any elimination of diverse gender
roles, or any intent in abolishing the patriarchal order. Gender justice approach,
underlines the differences between men and women (Şimga, 2019), only to
reproduce the patriarchal distribution of the gender roles, and maintain the
traditional familial and societal order. Hence, this approach can only be related with
the equity approach presented in the Conference of Beijing by the Vatican. Both
attaching importance to biological and spiritual traits and advocating the
complementarity of the feminine and the masculine as the sole roadmap towards
fulfillment. In accordance with the Vatican (Buss, 1998), neoconservative discourse
positions equality and gender equality as danger towards the traditional society and
gender roles, reflecting them as Western norms and ideologies that will transform
205
the powerful family and society. However, JDP instrumentalizes nationalism and
familial norm to perpetuate the neoliberal policies and system of the government, to
fill the role of the welfare state.

The gender justice approach of neoconservatives contains significant similarity with

traditionalist and religious groups both from Christianity and Islam. The promotion
of the traditional family and advocating difference in gender roles deriving from the
different functions and duties from creation are embraced by both the Christian
fundamentalists and Islamist fundamentalists on women’s rights. Men’s duty to take
care of the family and women’s national function as mothers and wives are
underlined frequently by these traditionalist communities. Women are demonstrated
as delicate and weak naturally, in need for the protection of men by both groups.
God’s intervention was to create two different creatures that complement each other
with the diversity in their functions and duties according to fundamentalists.
Although the gender justice approach has similarities both with the Islamist
fundamentalists and the anti-gender movements of Europe, it diversifies from both
in terms of strategies and content. The focus of Islamist fundamentalists has been
limited with the adoption of women into education and employment, headscarf and
attainment of divorce rights in Iran. The Turkish context per contra focuses on a
general perception of women in terms of the gender roles within the society and the
family. In other words, regarding the secular and equal legal system, women already
have the civil and citizenship rights as unique individuals, apart from men or male
figures of the family. Hence, gender justice approach internalizes equality in rights
in terms of formal rights, but promotes the duties and positions assigned to women
within the family. For instance, women’s employment is acknowledged and not an
issue of judgement as long as it does not interfere with the natural duties of
motherhood and domestic labor, however not assigned to be obligatory. The Islamist
fundamentalists on the other hand argue that the professions and rights should be
distributed according to the balance principle, therefore differ between men and
women.

Considering the secular notions and the social values of the Turkish context, the
gender justice approach resembles the anti-gender movements of Europe grounding
206
on the equity approach of the Vatican. Even though gender justice is promoted by
religious references of Islam, the strategies and contexts of the concept is the same
with the content of the equity approach. Women’s equality in terms of rights and
legal framework are acknowledged however the social attribution of roles are
reproduced with gender justice, just like the Vatican’s approach that spread around
Europe with the anti-gender movements. Family is portrayed as the primary
institution of the society and it is illustrated as to be under the threat of the other, the
West, with victimization strategies both in European anti-gender movements and in
Turkey. The patriarchal order and marriage are on the contrary closer to the Islamist
fundamentalist content, promoting the superiority of men over women in terms of
duties and functions. Although the anti-gender movements in Europe focus mainly
on same-sex marriage and the resistance against the concept of gender, gender
justice approach adopts the concept and reconstructs its content with heterosexuality
similar to the Islamist fundamentalists.

To sum up, the concept gender justice is designed with the influence of the gender
equity approach of the Vatican in Conference of Beijing and is portrayed as an
opposite for gender equality. Positioning gender equality as a Western ideal, the
discourse reflects the concept as a threat to the traditional and religious values in
order to promote its abandonment. In order to justify the resignation from equality
and gender equality, the discourse makes allegations that the concept creates
dichotomy between men and women, whereas a dichotomy is performed and
perpetuated by the gender justice approach considering its glorification of different
functions and liabilities deriving from fıtrat. The objections on equality endure on
the inaccurate interpretation and presentation of it as promoting identicalness or
sameness, neglecting natural differences between men and women. However, taking
into consideration that gender equality is a concept which contains all three
approaches (equality, difference and transformative) towards women’s rights, the
critique of insufficiency of gender equality can be perceived as a distortion. Gender
justice is a concept which reproduces the patriarchal gender roles and perpetuates
women’s secondary position in the traditional society, instrumentalizing religion,
traditional values and New Right’s policies of both neoliberalism and
neoconservatism. Although, ‘equality in rights, complementarity in roles’ is
207
illustrated as the summary of gender justice, the fair distribution of gender roles are
in accordance with the patriarchal understanding of the discourse on men and
women. In short, gender justice seems more to be formulated as a concept which
induces the reproduction of patriarchal distribution of gender roles, rather than
promoting women’s empowerment and elimination of gender discrimination, unlike
gender equality.

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 CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSION

Gender equality plays a key role on issues regarding women, particularly that of
discrimination, segregation and violence in the international arena. Although the
concept has a relatively short history, it has created universal impact with the
embracement of intergovernmental institutions under the influence and efforts of
women’s movement. Gender equality, which is accepted as the fundamental element
of women’s policies is experiencing a transformation within the last five-six years
in Turkey. Gender justice is promoted by neoconservative discourse with the support
of the JDP government as the substitute for gender equality, presented as the
fundamental state policy on women’s issues. The objective of this study is to analyze
this transformation and to clarify the reasons embedded in the discourse of the
neoconservatives for this shift. On that account, I have conducted the study from a
feminist perspective with the method of critical discourse analysis.

I have demonstrated the distortion of equality into absolute and formal equality and
presented the inclusive content of gender equality within the study. As gender
equality is a principle that is composed of multidimensional perspectives from
different approaches such as equality, difference and transformative, it cannot be
disparaged to an absolute or formal form of equality identified with sameness or
same treatment. In fact I have shown the formulation of gender equality, starting
from the initial women figures studying women and citizenship to provide a basis
for the significance of the concept on women’s policies. Women have been
neglected as citizens and individuals even during the times of revolutions and
pushed into the private sphere and identified with the family. Respectively with the

209
first and second waves of feminism, the struggle of equality has evolved and women
have been recognized as equal citizens.

The second wave of feminism has been an era when the struggle was moved beyond
equal citizenship and feminists searched for equality on substantive grounds in every
area including the private sphere. Women’s struggle for equality shifted to gender
equality and the recognition of gender discrimination with the impact of
international institutions and conventions. CEDAW, being the most comprehensive
convention on discrimination against women, adopted gender equality with its
general recommendation. Women’s rights were recognized as human rights with
UN conferences on women. For this reason, I have mentioned the second wave of
feminism within this study since it prompted a universal change in women’s rights
and gender equality was postulated as the fundamental policy concerning women
with its impact.

Gender consciousness flourished with the third wave of feminism and gender
equality policies began to be implemented by states with the enforcement of
international institutions such as the UN, Council of Europe and the EU and the
growing women’s activism. Hence I have placed the importance and relevance of
the conventions of these institutions within the study. It is noteworthy to underline
that women’s movement was empowered by the collaborations with
intergovernmental institutions and the axis of globalization. Although gender
equality has been opposed by certain traditionalist and conservative groups, the
concept was adopted by various intergovernmental institutions as the key strategy
for women’s rights. These conservative and fundamentalist movements provide a
vital place for this study, regarding that gender justice has instrumentalized various
aspects of their strategies.

The New Right policies stemming from the 1980s have been utilized by the
neoconservative governments and groups of the 2000s in the West. I have found that
these policies were used by the neoconservative government and the discourse in
the oppositions against gender equality. The triumph of the New Right on countries
like USA with Reagan and Britain with Thatcher impinged on the women’s

210
movement and gender equality in a negative way in the 1980s. These governments
which embraced neoliberalism in the market economy along with conservative
policies in social and cultural values, positioned women into a familial and national
identity as mothers and wives, separating them from equal citizenship and
individuality. The strategies of the New Right grew from the 1980s to the 2000s and
instrumentalized every aspect and ideology at different times in accordance with
their pragmatist character to sustain their powers across Europe. Although the
uptrend of New Right governments endured on different foundations depending on
geographies, it is a reality that they cultivated antigender movements. As the
antigender movements evolved, the protests against antigender evolved as in
Ukraine, Poland, Ireland and France. My argument underlines that gender justice
approach has instrumentalized strategies from every different group or movement
of these groups in Europe. However, the most relevant approach that resembles
gender justice accurately is the equity approach of the Vatican.

The Vatican designed an approach of equity between men and women as a strategy
against gender equality, in the Conference of Beijing in 1995. Although the
approach was formulated as a strategy to challenge birth control, it was supported
by religious fundamentalists of Islam in the Conference. Twenty years later, it
influenced the neoconservative approach of gender justice in Turkey. Together with
the equity approach, gender justice advocates the equivalency and complementarity
of men and women, in accordance with the harmony of creation. Women and men
are reflected as deficient creatures in nature and to be complemented with marriage
and procreation. I have detected that both approaches ground on heteronormativity
and biological determinism, often referring to religious texts. The equivalency
connotates the sameness in worth of men and women as humans before God but
difference in essence for which the adoption of equality would not be accurate in
terms of social policy.

Gender justice approach includes a promotion of both protectionism and

familialism. Women are considered to be in need for the natural protection of men
because of their delicate nature and biological characteristics. This need for
protection is consolidated by the paternal state in the public sphere and promoted to
211
be fulfilled by male figures such as fathers, brothers or husbands in the private
sphere. The secondary citizenship of women and privileged abilities and duties of
men are justified by religious references from the Koran that positions men as the
primus inter pares (first among equals). The paternalistic tone is instrumentalized
by the neoconservative discourse as if it is in support of women’s rights. On the
other hand, paternalism is utilized to provide control over women in terms of
violence and reproductive rights. Although gender justice has a rigid policy against
violence against women and domestic violence in accordance with the legal
implementations of JDP government, it is observed that the state makes a distinction
in the distribution of justice according to women’s sexuality. The patriarchal
perception of women’s sexuality and masculinity are not abandoned by
neoconservatives as seen from the campaigns of KADEM.

Gender justice has common aspects of the religious fundamentalists of Islam and
Christianity. Familialism and difference in gender roles are promoted with reference
to religion and the creator by both spheres. Men are positioned as the breadwinners
while women are burdened to be the caregivers in accordance with their delicate and
nurturer nature. It is underlined that, it was the intention of the creator to create two
different humans that complement each other and find their true essence. Although
it grounds on religious references to Islam, gender justice resembles the equity
approach of the Vatican and the antigender movements of Europe more than the
balance approach Islamist fundamentalists. The approach promotes equal rights in
harmony with the secular Turkish state, but advocates complementarity (difference)
in gender roles.

As part of familial and protectionist policies, women’s work, education and politics
are constructed in relation to family. Women’s employment is programmed to fulfill
the primary duties of caregiving prior to building careers. Part-time jobs, incentives
and maternal leaves are planned to make sure women satisfy their ‘natural’ duties
within the family. Education is prioritized to guarantee a qualified nurturer for the
next generations that will maintain the religious and traditional values of the society.
Even the headscarf debate is instrumentalized in promoting paternalism and
protectionism over women. The same paternalism is perpetuated within politics.
212
Women are encouraged to enter politics under the paternalist roof of
neoconservative men, who are rigidly against legal incentives such as the quota
system. The women supporting JDP are mobilized to propogate the presence of the
party under the administration of men. When it comes to higher positions in state,
they are limited with the construction of the family and children.

I argue that tradition, family and national identity are instrumentalized by the
neoconservatives similar to New Right strategies to perpetuate political and social
power. Similar to the antigender movements of Europe, gender justice positions
women as the caregiver of the family, and family as the primary unit of the society
with the sake of protecting the traditional and national identity. The New Right
strategies and religion have conjugated in the antigender movements and gender
justice approach. Gender justice is a concept that grounds on religion and
traditionalism to promote the recognition of differences between men and women
to reproduce and consolidate patriarchal gender roles and traditional family and
society contrary to gender equality that eliminates discrimination or inequalities
deriving from gender. The religious references, strategies and arguments of gender
justice resemble various aspects of antigender movements of Europe and the equity
approach of the Vatican.

All in all, gender justice is a concept designed by the neoconservative discourse in

Turkey to promote the adoption of gender equality on women’s issues, which is
influenced by the Vatican’s equity approach, however adopts certain applicable
aspects of Islam into the formation. Nonetheless, the embracement of the
neoconservatives of the religious contents do not root in similarity to Islamist
fundamentalism but rather to their attribution with religion in their general ideology.
The neglection of affiliation with religion in terms of subjects like abortion is a
justification of the structure of the neoconservative discourse, especially the
government. As being compared to the Christian Democrats of Europe, the
promotion of gender justice of the JDP government is relevant and similar to the
European anti-gender movements of Christian fundamentalists and their objectives
on gender both by the strategies they utilize (eliminating gender centers,
condemning international conventions, victimization against an enemy) and the
213
theoretical base (promoting complementarity, protecting the family and traditional
values). The only difference signifies the difference in religion, one being
Christianity and the other being Islam.

When the attitudes and policies of the neoconservative discourse and the JDP
governments on women and women’s rights are evaluated over the years, it is
evident that policies have become more rigid and evolved towards a totalitarian level
as their dominance expanded. JDP, which was found to resemble the Christian
Democrats of Europe by many writers, began to focus more on religious references
in accordance with the increase in totaliarism in party policies. In its previous
governments JDP has cooperated with international and intergovernmental
organizations such as UN, Council of Europe and EU on women’s issues and ratified
their conventions such as the Istanbul Convention. Gender equality was embraced
as the fundamental approach on women’s rights and policies, which was followed
by necessary measures to be taken by national legislation. However, as its power
increased in the parliament and proportionally in the society, the policies of JDP
government shifted consistently. The axis of party policies shifted towards religion
and nationalism as the domination area grew in the parliament. The drift in the social
and cultural policies have been realized on women’s issues and the actors of civil
society which were welcomed to cooperate with the government on committees for
legal implementations in the early years of the government, were criticized
rigorously.

Finally within the last five-six years gender equality has been positioned as a threat
for the Turkish society idealized by the neoconservatives over the years. This shift
in state policies is actually a common strategy for JDP. The party has utilized a
strategy to firstly recognize and adopt an approach approved by the international
arena, secondly to construct its own actors on the subject such as NGOs and finally
to transform the common concepts in the field to create a new approach fulfilling its
standards. Hence gender justice is the reflection of the transformation policy of JDP
on women’s issues. Ever since the party came into power, the representatives and
MPs have been making declarations that position women in the private sphere.
Although this identification has been contradicting with the reforms of the
214
government on improving women’s rights such as the reforms in codes during the
EU accession period and the ratification of Istanbul Convention, as JDP alienated
from the Western allies, the party turned its back on the elimination of gender
discrimination. Court decisions, public declarations and reforms on codes have been
the subject of discussion on women’s rights. I have highlighted in the study that JDP
frequently instrumentalizes religion and family for stabilizing its political and social
power. As the society adopted into the neoconservative community over the 16
years, women’s policies have been transformed by the government.

The accomplishments of women’s movement and legal regulations are discussed to

be withdrawn such as the Istanbul Convention and new regulations in certain fields
such as alimony are being drafted. Women’s rights and liberation are only identified
with their position within the family as mothers or wives. As the EU accession
period is on hold and West is situated as a threat to national identity by
neoconservatives, gender equality is targeted to infuse a danger against the Turkish
traditional family. The future of women’s rights and policies are vague, regarding
the debates on gender equality which is the root of women’s rights in today’s
conjuncture. For that reason, I have felt the necessity to focus on the transformation
of women’s policies and the distortion of gender equality. Despite the fact that it has
been promoted by the neoconservatives with the support of JDP government, gender
justice has not been studied or analyzed under a comprehensive source in terms of
foundation and meaning. Also, the arguments put forward against gender equality
were the indicators of a challenging process for feminist accomplishments.

I aimed to foreshadow the abandonment of the principle of equality for women with
this study and draw attention to the background movements and approaches to
provide a resource for further research and counter arguments. Although the
approach does not promote a difference in rights or the abandonment of formal
equality, regarding the hesitant nature of the neoconservative sphere on eliminating
gender discrimination in the private sphere, it is likely that the abandonment of
gender equality will deteriorate women’s rights in the society. Furthermore, the
ambivalent declarations of the neoconservatives generate a vague ground for the
strategies and policies designed on gender justice approach. The current discussions
215
on Istanbul convention, for instance, imply a deeper conflict between the
neoconservative sphere in the future. While I was finalizing the study, a debate has
emerged between neoconservative journalists and the representatives of KADEM
on the ratification of the Istanbul Convention and its implementation as a threat to
heteronormativity and traditional Turkish family. As I have found contradiction
between the views of neoconservative women and men on work and domestic labor
within the discourse analysis, the disputes have already begun. The severe attitude
of neoconservative men on eliminating gender discrimination do not seem to ease
and therefore the future of gender justice is ambiguous. However, if gender justice
proceeds to be implemented as the fundamental state policy on women’s rights, the
prime acquisition of women in the Turkish society, has an ambiguous prospect.

Especially taking into account the neoconservative ideology of the party and the
increasing authoritarianism in the state, it is not hard to foreshadow the retrogression
on women’s rights and equality. Gender equality is not only a concept but a symbol
of women’s equality in the secular system of Turkey. The government’s choice of
an approach which grounds on theological references for the relationship between
men and women over gender equality that is constructed on human rights and
modern social science is the reflection of the neoconservatives’ interpretation of
women. Although ‘equivalency’ is promoted only for gender roles not rights, the
declarations and implementations of the government imply a new era for women.
Considering that the acquisitions in women’s rights are gradually going backwards,
it is conceivable that the concept of gender will moderately be removed in
coordination with the equity approach of the Vatican, which is the founding
institution of gender justice. For as much as the concept of gender has already been
addressed solely in a heteronormative perspective. As it has been seen with many
bill drafts during the rule of neoconservatives, the acquisitions of women’s
movements have been aimed to be transferred step by step within present discourse.
Hence it is crucial to underline the efforts on the transformation of gender equality
and foreshadow the threats near to come on the gender discourse and women’s
movement.

216
Gender justice, although lacking a solid theory or argument, is a crucial concept to
be studied especially for feminist researchers. Bearing in mind, the consistency of
the impact of neoconservatives on state policies, the fundamental concept of their
approach should be analyzed and investigated further. I had certain limitations
conducting this study, such as the difficulty in tracing a backgroung for the approach
which I could only relate with the equity approach of the Vatican. The
multidimensional strategies used by the approach challenged me to provide deeper
analysis for every different movement, considering this is a master’s thesis.
Nevertheless, this study is a comprehensive resource for presenting the origin of
gender justice and its relation to international approaches, that might be practical for
further studies. A research on the conflict between the neoconservative sphere on
gender and legal implementations especially on domestic labor and work would be
prosperous and convenient on gender justice. Also the relation of Islam and gender
justice could be studied in detail, maybe compared to other approaches of
fundamentalists. More in depth assessments of feminist figures on gender justice
would comprise an inclusive research. I would recommend to enhance the historical,
sociological and political knowledge of the researcher setting about the study to
conduct an on to point analysis on a specific aspect of gender justice.

In conclusion, I have focused on the currently formed concept of gender justice that
is likely to be the fundamental axis of gender and women’s policies in Turkey for
the next few years. Gender justice, is the reflection of the patriarchal and
authoritarian ideology of the neoconservative discourse on women, designed to
promote the abandonment of gender equality. It is based on the equity approach of
the Vatican and frequently adopts the strategies of the antigender movements of
Europe and New Right policies against gender equality. Although it claims to
provide social justice and empowerment of women within the society, in point of
fact gender justice reproduces the patriarchal and hegemonic gender roles assigned
to men and women. Furthermore the approach justifies the traditional roles such as
motherhood or caregiving in the private sphere with references to religious notions
and natural and biological differences. Women are positioned within the family
instead of situated as independent individuals or citizens and institution of
motherhood is glorified to perpetuate the patriarchally attributed gender roles.
217
Gender justice is a concept originated to provide a substitute of gender equality on
women’s policies, that stems from the argument of women and men’s difference in
biological and natural roles. Thus the approach of gender justice, in contrast to
gender equality reproduces the traditional gender roles attributed to men and women
by the patriarchal society, instrumentalizing religion and family.

218
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 APPENDICES

APPENDIX A: TURKISH SUMMARY / TÜRKÇE ÖZET

Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği, modern dünyada başta ayrımcılık ve şiddet olmak üzere
kadınla ilgili konularda anahtar kavram rolü oynamaktadır. Her ne kadar kavramın
kendisi yüzyıllar öncesine dayanmasa da görece kısa tarihine rağmen kadın
hareketinin etkisi ve çabaları sonucu uluslararası kurumların kavramı
benimsemesiyle toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği evrensel bir etki yaratmıştır. Kadın
konusundaki tartışmaların esas aktörü olan toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği, her ne kadar
evrensel olarak temel teori kabul edilse de Türkiye’de son yıllarda ortaya çıkartılan
toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti kavramı tarafından dönüştürülmeye çalışılmaktadır.
Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğinin dönüştürülmesi gerekliliği kavramın kadına karşı
yapılan ayrımcılığa engel olamaması ve gerçek anlamda eşitliği sağlayamaması
fikrine dayanır. Bu bağlamda eşitlikle ilgili farklı feminist yaklaşımların
tartışmalarına gözatmak ihtiyacı doğmuştur. Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğini, karşıt
kavram olarak ele alan yenimuhafazakar yaklaşıma göre eşitlik, aynılık anlamına
gelmektedir. Bir başka deyişle eşitlik, ancak iki aynı kişi veya varlık arasında tahsis
edilebilecek bir statüdür. Zira bu anlayış her şart, durum, davranış ve fırsatın birebir
aynı olması ve uygulanmasını eşitlik kavramı olarak kabul etmiştir. Eşitlik, bu
bağlamda yalnızca formal eşitlik ve mutlak eşitlik tanımıyla ele alınmıştır. Oysa bu
çalışma eşitliğin aynılık olarak tanımlanamayacağı, dolayısıyla aynılar arasında
gerçekleştirilebilen bir statü olmadığını savunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda eşitliğin
esaslarının daha iyi anlaşılması için konuya ilişkin eşitlik çeşitleri incelenerek
eşitliğin aynılıktan öte bir değer olduğu gösterilmiştir.

Eşitliğin aynılık ötesinde bir kavram olduğu ile birlikte toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğinin
kadın mücadelesinde neden ve nasıl esas aktör olduğunun net anlaşılması açısından
233
tarihi ve ortaya çıkışından bahsedilmiştir. Fransız Devrimi ile başlayan tarihteki
özgürlük ve eşitlik hareketlerinde kadınların katılımının önemi ve fakat devamında
göremediği değer ve elde edemediği haklar sonucunda oluşturulan ilk
dökümanlardan ve kadın hareketinin temeli kabul edilen bu belgeleri yazan
kadınlardan bahsedilmiştir. Her ne kadar henüz toplumsal cinsiyet kavramı
oluşmamış olsa da feminizmin temelini oluşturan ve kadın hareketinin fitilini
ateşleyen birinci dalga feministlerin kanuni eşitlik bağlamında verdiği mücadele ve
haklar incelenmiştir. Bazı feminist yazarlar tarafından günümüzün feminist
söyleminin temelini oluşturan ikinci dalga farklı yaklaşımlar bağlamında ele
alınmıştır. Farklılık ve eşitlik yaklaşımları arasında gelişen ‘Wollstonecraft İkilemi’,
günümüzde kullanılan anlamıyla toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğinin şekillenmesinde
etkili olmuştur. Eşitlik feminizmi birinci dalgadan itibaren geliştirilmiş olan formal
eşitlik ve kadın ve erkeğin eşit vatandaş olma fikrine dayanan bir yaklaşım olarak
karşımıza çıkar. Farlılık feminizmi ise ikinci dalga feminist hareket tarafından
geliştirilmiş ve kadın ve erkeğin farklılıklarının varolduğunu, kadınların
farklılıklarının değerinin bilinmesi gerektiğini savunmuştur. Eşitlik feministlerinin
formal eşitlik üzerinde yoğunlaşarak, kadın ve erkek arasındaki farklılıkları yok
sayması, farklılık feminizminin ise farklılıkları tek başına ele alması eleştirilen
yönleri olmuştur. Her iki anlayışın da eleştirilen noktaları dikkate alınarak
dönüştürücü yaklaşım geliştirilmiş ve üç yaklaşım birlikte benimsenmiştir.
Dönüştürücü yaklaşım bu noktada ortaya çıkmış ve toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğinin
sağlanması ve toplumsal cinsiyete dayalı ayrımcılığın ortadan kaldırılması için
formal eşitlik ve tanınma politikalarıın yanı sıra kurumsal ve stratejiler bağlamında
dönüşümün benimsenmesi gerektiğini savunmuştur. Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği
eşitlik, farlılık ve dönüştürücü yaklaşımların üçünü de içeren, uygulanabilir ve
geliştirici olma özelliğini taşıyan bir kavram olarak şekillenmiştir. Bu bağlamda,
toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği kavramının feministler tarafından benimsenmesiyle
hareketin artık salt bir formal eşitlik meselesi olmadığı, kadın ve erkek
kavramlarının biyolojik temellerinin ötesinde toplumsal kod ve rollerden de
etkilendiği anlaşılmıştır. Böylece kadın hareketinin ekseni hak kazanımından

234
toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin değişimine ve toplumsal cinsiyet temelli ayrımcılığın
ortadan kaldırılması mücadelesine dönüşmüştür139.

Globalleşme ve medyanın yükselişiyle birlikte üçüncü dalga öncekilerden daha hızlı

ve etkin bir şekilde evrenselleşmiş, sahip olduğu davranış, değer ve tutumlardan
ötürü onlardan bariz bir şekilde ayrışmıştır. Üçüncü dalga feminizm, çok yönlü,
feminist kalıpları ve önyargıları yıkan, kapsayıcı bir hareket olarak yayılmıştır. Daha
önce ihmal edildiği iddia edilen ırk, etnisite ve sınıf gibi kavramların tanınması ile
birlikte feminizm tabana yayılmış ve farklı feminizmlerin oluşması ile
sonuçlanmıştır. Hatta karşıt hareketlerin etkisiyle zayıflatılmaya çalışılan ikinci
dalga feminizmin devamlılığını siyahi feministlerin sağladığı konuşulmuştur.
Üçüncü dalganın en önemli getirilerinden biri kadın meselesine batı merkezli bakış
açısı dışında yeni bir soluk getirmesi ve farklı bölgelerde, farklı etnisite ve
inançlardaki kadınların hak ve özgürlük mücadelelerinde varlık göstermesi
olmuştur. Bu bağlamda tek tip kadın olmadığı, dolayısıyla tek tip talep olamayacağı
gibi ayrımcılığın da tek boyutlu olmadığı fikri kabul edilmiş ve kesişimsellik
kavramı doğmuştur. Özellikle siyahi feministlerin etkisiyle kadına karşı yapılan çok
boyutlu ayrımcılık tanınmış, uluslararası mücadele kesişimsellik ve farklılıkların
tanınması boyutuyla şekillenmeye devam etmiştir.

Üçüncü dalganın globalleşme ekseninde gerçekleştiği, dolayısıyla uluslararası

kurumlarla işbirliği içinde varlığını güçlendirdiği de bir gerçektir. İşte bu işbirliği
ile toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği sadece sokak hareketlerinde veya feminist çevrede
kalmamış, devlet ve kurum politikalarına da aktarılmıştır. Feminist mücadele ve
kadın hareketinin etkisinde kalan uluslararası kurumlarda kadınlara yönelik
ayrımcılık ile ilgili yapılan düzenlemeler, gölge rapor ve ekler ile genişletilmiş ve
devlet politikalarına empoze edilmiştir. Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği’ne ilişkin
görüşmeler sırasında, kavram gelenekselci ve muhafazakar birçok çevre tarafından
tartışmaya açılmış ve yine bu çevreler tarafından karşıt olarak konunlandırılmıştır.
Ancak bu itirazlar, destekler kadar etkili olmamış ve toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği başta

139
Her ne kadar 1960 ve 1970’lerde şekillenen ikinci dalga feminizm, lgbti hak ve meselelerini de
içine alsa da, çalışmanın konusu olan söylem bu çevreyi ele almadığından bu çalışmada hareketin o
boyutuna değinilmeyecektir.
235
Birleşmiş Milletler olmak üzere bir çok devletlerarası kuruluş tarafından esas
politika kabul edilip üye devletlere empoze edilmiştir.

Birleşmiş Milletler’in toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğini devletlere uygulatma politikası

yalnızca bir tavsiyeden öte onlara bu ilkeyi formal ve toplumsal olarak da
benimseyecek şekilde düzenlemeler getirerek zorunluluk haline getirmiştir. BM
tarafından programlanan ve dört ayrı konferans olarak ele alınan kadın konusu ile
ilgili yasal düzenlemelerin başında 1976 yılında düzenlenen CEDAW gelmektedir.
CEDAW günümüzde hala toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği bağlamında düzenlenmiş en
kapsamlı sözleşme olmakla birlikte, kabul eden ülke sayısı bakımından en geniş
çapta etkiye sahip olandır. CEDAW’ı zamanla tavsiye kararlar izlemiş, ülkelerin
sözleşmeye uygun olarak kanunlarında düzenlemeye gitmesiyle toplumsal cinsiyet
eşitliğinin içselleştirilmesi amaçlanmıştır. İlk düzenlendiği ve kabul edildiğinde
toplumsal cinsiyet yerine kadın kavramını benimseyen CEDAW, tavsiye kararları
ile daha sonra toplumsal cinsiyet kavramına adapte edilmiş ve bu kavramı
politikalarının temeli kabul etmiştir. 1990’lardan itibaren BM, toplumsal cinsiyetin
anaakımlaştırılmasını resmi politikası olarak kabul ederek kuruluşları aracılığıyla
devletlere de teşvik etmiştir. Toplumsal cinsiyetin anaakımlaştırılması her ne kadar
bir çok feminist yazar tarafından küreselleşmenin etkisiyle kadın hareketinin
radikalliğini ve sokaktaki özgürlüğünü kısıtlamış olmakla itham edilse de,
ülkelerdeki yasal uygulamaların toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği bağlamında
şekillenmesinde, toplumsal cinsiyete dayalı ayrımcılığın ortadan kaldırılmasında ve
kadının toplumsal konumunun yükseltilmesi bağlamındaki pozitif ayrımcılık
uygulamalarını zorunlu hale getirmesiyle etkili olmuştur.

Tarihte, her ortaya çıkan kavramın beraberinde karşıt hareketlerin ve itirazların

oluşması da olağandır. Genel geçer olarak toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği de tarih
boyunca karşıt hareketler ve saldırılarla karşılaşmıştır. Bu hareketler ikinci dalga
feminizmden başlayarak dönemsel olarak günümüze kadar uzanmıştır. İkinci dalga
feministlerin mücadelesi sonucunda karşılaştıkları yoğun karşıt hareketler ERA
etrafında yoğunlaşıp, özellikle ABD’de kürtaj karşıtlığı ekseninde şekillense de
üçüncü dalgaya kadar kadın hareketinin feminizm adından uzaklaşmasında önemli
bir etken olmuştur. Bu durum kadın haklarını benimseyen birçok kadının kendini
236
feminist olarak tanımlamaktan çekinmesine de sebep olmuştur. Toplumsal cinsiyet
eşitliğine yönelik ulusal ve uluslararası bir karşıtlık ve dönüştürme politikası
geliştirilmiştir. Bu bağlamda 1970’lerin sonundan başlayıp özellikle 1980’lerde
varlığını güçlendiren Yeni Sağ hükümetlerin etkisi önemli olmuştur. Ekonomide
neoliberalizm ekseninde ilerleyip özelleştirmeleri ve vergilerin azaltılmasını teşvik
eden Yeni Sağ yaklaşımı, sosyal ve kültürel politika olarak muhafazakar ve
geleneksel bir anlayışa sahiptir. ABD’de Reagan ve İngiltere’de Thatcher
hükümetlerinin güç kazanmasıyla Yeni Sağ’ın etkisi yükselmiş ve sosyal devlet
politikalarının yerine aile, millet ve toplum kavramları ön plana çıkartılmıştır. Yeni
Sağ politikaların benimsenmesi kadınların başını çektiği, toplumun belirli
kesimlerini doğrudan etkilemiştir. Bununla birlikte muhazafakar ve gelenekçi
grupların karşıt hareketlerini izleyen dönemde uluslararası kuruluşların
konferansları ve işbirliği devam etmiş, Birleşmiş Milletler’in dört büyük kadın
konferansı 1970’lerden 1990’ların sonuna dek sürmüştür. Toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti
kavramı için büyük önem taşıyan bir karşıt yaklaşım Birleşmiş Milletler’in 1995
yılındaki konferansında geliştirilmiştir.

Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğine karşıt uluslararası platformda formüle edilen belirgin

yaklaşımlardan biri Vatikan’ın bazı İslam ülkeleriyle işbirliği yaparak 1995 yılında
BM Pekin Konferansı’nda ortaya attığı eşitlik yerine eşdeğerlik yaklaşımı olmuştur.
Vatikan’ın yaklaşımı kadın ve erkeğin doğuştan farklı yaratıldığını savunarak eşitlik
temelli yaklaşımlar yerine tamamlayıcılığı savunan bir anlayışı ön plana çıkarmıştır.
Bu yaklaşıma göre kadın ve erkek insan olarak eşit değere sahip olsalar da
yaradılıştan gelen farklı özlere sahiptir. İnsanların doğuştan eksik yaratıldığının ve
kadın ve erkeğin ancak evlilik, aile gibi kurumlarla özlerini tamamlayabileceğinin
altı çizilmektedir. Bu bağlamda kadının annelik ve bakıcılık rolü yüceltilmekte ve
çocukların varlığı hem dini ve geleneksel değerlerin devamı hem de insan
yaradılışının temel sebebi olarak teşvik edilmektedir. Vatikan’ın 1995 yılında
uluslararası platformu tanıştırdığı bu eşdeğerlik yaklaşımının asıl sebebinin doğum
kontrolü karşıtlığı ve üreme politikalarının kısıtlanması olması sebebi olduğu ve
kendisinin bu nedenle sık sık aile ve ebeveynlik gibi değerleri yücelttiği görülebilir.
Kadınların iş hayatında yer alması veya güçlendirilmesi açısından herhangi bir itiraz
veya karşıtlık ileri sürmeyen eşdeğerlik yaklaşımı, ataerkil güç ilişkilerinin
237
devamını kadınların birincil görevini biyolojik indirgemeciliğe dayandırarak
belirlemiştir. Buna göre kadın birincil görevi olan annelik ve bakıcılık görevlerini
yerine getirdiği sürece toplumsal alanda yer almasında bir sınır gözetilmemektedir.

Vatikan’ın biyolojik indirgemeciliğine benzer bir yaklaşım İran’ın köktencileri

tarafından denge yaklaşımı olarak anlatılmıştır. Kadın ve erkeğin doğuştan farklı
yaratıldığına dikkat çeken bu yaklaşım toplumsal, yasal ve ekonomik politikaların
tamamiyle bu farklılıklara göre şekillendirilmesi gerektiğini savunmaktadır. Bu
açıdan kadının çalışma hayatı, oy ve boşanma hakları gibi yasal haklarına da
sınırlama getirerek Vatikan’ın yaklaşımından uzaklaşmakta, daha totaliter bir
perspektife sahip olmaktadır. İslam’a yapılan referanslar ve erkeğin kadının
koruyucusu olarak resmedilmesi Türkiye’deki toplumsal cinsiyet kavramı açısından
benzerlik göstermektedir. Ancak Türkiye’de tanıtılan toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti
kavramına temel oluşturabilecek hareket ve yaklaşımlar İslam dünyasından çok
Batıdaki toplumsal cinsiyet karşıtı, 1980’lerden beri sosyal devletin terkedilmesiyle
güçlenmeye başlayan Yeni Sağ hareketler olarak gösterilebilir.

Neoliberalizm ve yenimuhafazakarlık kesişimiyle şekillenen yeni-sağ, ekonomide

sınırlı devlet kontrollü liberal ekonomiyi, sınırlı vergiyi ve devlet kurumlarında
küçülmeyi özelleştirmeyle savunurken, toplumsal ve sosyal politikalarda gelenekçi
ve muhafazakar bir bakış açısına sahiptir. Yeni Sağ bir ideoloji olmaktan çok
faydacı bir yaklaşım olarak değerlendirilmekte, bu nedenle Yeni Sağ hükümetler
farklı ideolojilerin farklı özelliklerini ihtiyaç halinde politikalarına adapte
edebilmektedirler. ABD’de Reagan, İngiltere’de Thatcher gibi hükümetlerin
iktidara gelmesiyle yükseliş gösteren Yeni Sağ, sosyal devletin eksiğini kapatmak
amacıyla aile ve ailecilik politikalarını teşvik etmiş, bu bağlamda bakım politikaları
kadınlara yüklenmiştir. Böylece kadın özel alanda konumlandırılmış, yeni-sağ
hükümetler tarafından annelik ve geleneksel aileyi yücelten ve teşvik eden devlet
politikaları kabul edilmiştir. Yeni Sağ yaklaşımı din, milliyetçilik ve gelenekselliği
ekonomik ve politik gücünü devam ettirmek ve sağlamlaştırmak için
araçsallaştırmıştır. Kadınların temelinde yer aldığı bu gelenekçilik ve ailecilik
politikalarına tehdit olarak kabul edilen toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği kavramı, Yeni
Sağ hükümetlerin ve grupların birincil hedefi olmuştur. 1995’te Vatikan’ın dini
238
ögelerle süslediği ailecilik ve kutsal annelik, 2010’lu yıllara değin değişik formlar
göstererek ilerlemiş, ancak son yıllar içerisinde özellikle Batı dünyasında yükselişe
geçmiştir. Yeni Sağ’ın populist dil ve stratejilerini kullanan bu hareketler, varlık
gösterdikleri her ülkede o toplumun hassas değer ve inançlarına yönelik olarak bir
planlama gerçekleştirmiştir. Örneğin, laikliği içselleştirmiş Fransa’da Fransız
kimliği ve milliyetçilik üzerinden şekillendirilen toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği
karşıtlığı, Ukrayna’da geleneksel ailenin korunması ve Polonya, İtalya gibi
ülkelerde dini değerlerin korunması altında toplanmıştır. Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği
yeni Sağ politikalarla toplumun bam teline değen bir kavram olarak sunulmuş ve
karşıt hareketler ülkeden ülkeye yayılma göstermiştir.

Avrupa’da günden güne etkisini arttıran toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği karşıtı hareket
son yıllarda yenimuhafazakar AKP hükümetinin de destekleriyle Türkiye
Cumhuriyeti’nde şekillenmeye başlamıştır. Kadın ve erkek eşitliği resmi olarak
cumhuriyet döneminde uluslarası söylemden ilk defa bu kadar uzaklaşma eğilimi
göstermiştir. Türkiye’de kadın hareketi cumhuriyet döneminde feminist hareket
olarak anılmaya başlanmadan önce kanuni eşitliğin getirdiği eksende şekillenmeye
başlamıştır. Cumhuriyet ile birlikte gelen seçme, seçilme hakkı gibi temel
vatandaşlık haklarının yanı sıra medeni kanunun kabulüyle elde edilen eşit yasalar
kadın haklarının taleplerinin oluşmasına temel oluşturmuştur. Her ne kadar kadın
hareketi cumhuriyetin ilk dönemlerinden itibaren sürse de 68 kuşağı ve dünyadaki
özgürleştirici öğrenci hareketlerine kadar bir gelişme gösterememiştir. Dünyadaki
ikinci dalga feminist hareket Türkiye’de 1970’lerin sonu 1980’lerin başı gibi etki
sağlamaya başlamış, ancak çoğu yazarın da içinde bulunduğu bu hareketi
tanımladığı üzere orta sınıf, eğitimli kadının ilgi alanı olarak sınırlı kalmıştır. İkinci
dalga feministlerin bilinç yükseltme gruplarından etkilenen bu kadınlar, aralarında
toplantılar düzenleyerek kavram sorgulamaları yapmışlar, zamanla bu toplantılar
giderek büyümüştür. 1990’lara yaklaşıldığında Türkiye’de kadının en belirgin ve
acil sorunlarının başında gelen şiddet, her sınıftan kadını bir araya getirmiş ve
“Dayağa Karşı Yürüyüş” ile Türkiye tarihindeki en büyük kadın hakları eylemine
dönüştürmüştür. Aile içi şiddet ve kadına yönelik şiddet’e ilişkin düzenlenen bu
toplanma 1990’ların sonuna gelindiğinde bir çok sivil toplum örgütünün yer aldığı
güçlü bir kadın hareketine dönüşmüştür. Uluslararası söylem ve kurumlarla paralel
239
giden bu hareket, içinde farklı unsurlar barındırdığından gruplara dağılsa da şiddet
ve hak kazanımı söz konusu olduğunda bir araya gelerek yasal reformlar için ciddi
bir baskı oluşturmuştur. Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğinin kabul edilmesi 1990’ların
sonundan başlayıp 2000’lerin başına dek süren AB uyum sürecinin ve feminist
hareketin güçlenmesinin de etkisinde kalarak kanunlarda yapılan değişiklikler ile
gerçekleşmiştir. Bu yasa reformları sayesinde akademik çevrede varlığını sürdüren
toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği kavramı devletin kurum, kuruluşları ve mahkemeler
tarafından benimsenerek bütüncülleşmiştir. Bu bağlamda AB uyum süreci ile
ortadan kaldırılan cinsiyetçi ve kadını birey olarak kabul etmeyen yasal reformların
ele alınması, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği kavramının Türk kanun ve kurumları önünde
kadının konumu güçlendirme ve geliştirmede etkisini sergilemek açısından
önemlidir.

Türkiye’de 2002 yılından beri tek başına iktidar olarak hakimiyetini sürdüren
AKP’nin etkisiyle, yenimufazakarlık ve neoliberalizm esaslarına dayanan bir
söylem yükselmiştir. Bu söylem ilk yılları ile son yılları arasında, partinin toplumsal,
politik ve ekonomik hakimiyet düzeyine dayanarak farklılık göstermiştir. İktidarın
ilk yıllarında kadın politikalarında uluslararası anlaşmalarda destekçi olarak yer alan
bu yaklaşım, son yıllarda temel kavram olan toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğini karşıt
politika olarak konulandırmıştır. Yenimuhafazakar anlayışın sivil toplumdaki
temsilcileri tarafından toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği yerine kadın politikalarında kabul
edilmek üzere toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti kavramı formüle edilmiştir. Bu çalışmada
yenimuhafazakar söylemin yakın zamanda toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğini yetersiz ve
türk toplumuyla uygunsuz bularak eşitlik yerine tamamlayıcılık ekseninde gelişen
toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti kavramını adapte etme süreci yakından incelenmiştir.

Gerek devlet temsilcileri, hükümete yakın fikirlere sahip gazeteciler,

yenimuhafazakar akademisyenler, gerekse hükümet destekli sivil toplum
örgütlerinin söylemlerine göre toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği yaklaşımı eşitliğin kadın
ve erkek doğasına aykırı, yaratılıştan gelen özellikleri gözardı eden, kadın ve erkeği
rakip haline getiren bir yapıya sahiptir. Toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti kavramı, bu
sebeple türk toplumunun değer ve inançlarına uygun, yaratılıştan gelen özellikleri
benimseyen ve toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin adil dağıtımını sağlayan böylece kadına
240
toplumda adil bir değer sağlayacak bir anlayıştır. Kavramı ortaya çıkaran
yenimuhazafakar anlayışın savunucuları sık sık fıtrat’a değinerek dinden örnekler
vermekte ve kadın ve erkek arasındaki ilişkiyi her alanda yaradılışçı bir yaklaşımla
düzenlemektedir. Toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti kavramının içeriği incelendiğinde
kadın ve erkek arasındaki biyolojik farklılıkların sürekli olarak ön plana çıkarılması
sonucu bir dikotomi yaratıldığı ve böylece mevcut olan ataerkil yapının ve güç
ilişkilerinin yeniden üretiminin söz konusu olduğu görülmektedir. Toplumsal
cinsiyet adaleti kavramına göre kadın ve erkeği eşit değildir aksine, erkek ‘primus
inter pares’ özelliğe sahiptir. Buna göre kadın ise yaradılıştan korunmaya muhtaç
konumlandırılmakta ve toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin adil dağıtımı adı altında ataerkil
toplumsal cinsiyet rolleri yeniden üretilmektedir. Bu çalışmada toplumsal cinsiyet
eşitliği’nin aynılar arasında uygulanabilecek bir kavram olduğu iddiası çürütülerek,
eşitlik temelli yaklaşımların kadına dezavantaj yarattığına karşı çıkılmış, bunun yanı
sıra söylem tarafından hedef alınan eşitlik çeşidinin yalnızca formal eşitlik olduğu
yinelenmiştir. Bununla beraber toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği’nin gerek uluslararası
kuruluşlar, gerekse söylem tarafından benimsenen günümüzdeki tanımının
farklılıkları benimseyerek sağlanacak eşitlik olduğu, yani kesişimselliği tanıdığı ve
bu unsurları gözeterek hem formal hem de toplumsal cinsiyet rolleri bakımından
eşitliği sağlamayı amaçladığı gösterilmiştir.

Din ve toplumsal değerler çerçevesinden kadın ve erkek yapısına bakan

yenimuhafazakar anlayış, toplumsal rollerin tahsisinde eşit olmayan fakat adil
anlayışı biyolojik etkenlere bağlayarak annelik ve aile gibi kurumlarla
temellendirmeye çalışmıştır. Oysa toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği fikri kadına pozitif
ayrımcılık gibi aracı kullanarak erkek ile eşitlemeyi hedef alan, bu bağlamda
toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini, ona sağladığı dezavantajı göz önüne alarak ortadan
kaldırmayı amaçlayan bir kavramdır. Bu anlayış kadının dezavantajlı konuma
gelmesinde baştaki sebep olan toplumsal rol ve ataerkil yargıları elimine etmeksizin,
adil bir toplumsal rol dağıtımı altında var olan hegemonik ve ataerkil rolleri, kadının
korunmasının yaratılıştan gelen bir ihtiyaç ve erkeğin görevi olmasına dayandırarak
yeniden üretmektedir. Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği’nin kadın ve erkeği rakip olarak
konumlandırdığı ve yaratılıştan gelen tamamlayıcılık prensibine karşı çıktığı algısı
bu patriarkal rolleri dönüştürmek yerine başka bir boyut veya kostüm altında
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saklayarak pekiştirmek amacı taşımaktadır. Söylemin analiz edilmesi sonucu bu
amaç özellikle annelik ve aile kurumları üzerinden kimi zaman açıkça belirtilse de
kimi zaman saklı anlamlarla kamufle edilmiştir.

Annelik ve ailenin yüceltilmesi kadının birey ve vatandaş olarak ele alınmasına karşı
yenimuhafazakar söylemin Yeni Sağ stratejilerinden sıkça kullandığı bir yaklaşım
olmakla birlikte Avrupa’daki toplumsal cinsiyet karşıtı hareketler ve Vatikan
tarafından da sık.a kullanılmıştır. Anneliğin kadın için vazgeçilmez bir değer olduğu
ve çocukların insanların yaradılıştan gelen eksikliği tamamlayacağı savunulmuştur.
Kısacası kadının birincil görevi annelik ve evlilikten doğan sorumluluklar olarak
yansıtılmıştır. Erkeğin aksine kadın önce anne olarak konumlandırılmış ve kadın
politikaları kadını birey yerine bir kurumun parçası ve ögesi şeklinde ele almıştır.
Kadının güçlendirilmesi, eğitimi ve çalışması sırayla aile ve toplumun
güçlendirilmesi ve geliştirilmesiyle bağdaştırılmış, bir nevi araç olarak görülmüştür.
Kadını araçsallaştıran bu yaklaşım rollerin dağılımında adalet kavramı üzerinden
yürümüş, adaleti yaratıcı tarafından dağıtılan en önemli değer ve erdem olarak
sunmuştur. Eşitliğin aksine adalet kutsanmış ve adalet olmaksızın eşitliğin de
olamayacağı belirtilirken, eşitliğin ancak yaratılıştan aynı olanlar arasında
savunulabileceği belirtilmiştir. Her ne kadar kadının farklı yaratılmasına rağmen
erkeğe karşı ikincil konumda olarak kabul edilmediği iddia edilse de anlayışın
temsilcileri tarafından erkeğe kadını koruma görevi verildiği ve ‘primus inter pares’
olarak nitelendirildiği açıkça belirtilmiştir. Erkeğe yaratılıştan verilen bu
sorumluluklar, verilen kanuni ve toplumsal ayrıcalıkların mazereti olarak
gösterilmiştir.

Bu çalışma, son yıllarda sıkça kullanılan ve geliştirilen toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti

kavramının içeriğinin ve kadını nasıl konumlandırdığını incelemesi ve sunması
açısından önem taşımaktadır. Türkiye’de yıllar boyunca toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği
üzerinden yürütülen kadın hareketinin, dönüştürülmesi sonucunda oluşan bu
kavramın yenimuhafazakarların iktidarı süresince kadına ilişkin konuların temel
politikası olduğu ve olacağı göze alındığında, onu inceleyen kapsamlı bir çalışmaya
ihtiyaç duyulacağı kesindir. Bu bağlamda, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği perspektifi ve
feminist yaklaşım ile, adalet temelli olduğu ve kadının konumunu geliştirmeye ve
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yükseltmeye hizmet edeceği iddia edilen kavramın incelemesini sunmak,
oluşturulabilecek kavram karmaşalarını önlemek açısından önemlidir. Toplumsal
cinsiyet adaleti ile ilgili gelecekte yapılabilecek çalışmalar açısından kavramın
temellerini ve içeriğine ilişkin yapıları bütünlük içinde incelemesi bu çalışmanın
güçlü yanını teşkil etmektedir. Ve fakat kavramın yeni oluşmuş olması ve
muhafazakar çevrelerle sınırlı kalması sebebiyle net olarak anlam, içerik ve kendine
özgü bir literatüre sahip olmaması çalışmanın yürütülmesini sınırlamıştır. Bunun
yanı sıra bahsedilen amaçlar ve kavramlar ile gerçekleştirilen politika ve söyleşilerin
çelişki göstermesi, grubun bakış açısının ve kavramın kafada şekillenmesini
güçleştirmektedir. Genel olarak özetlemek gerekirse, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğine
karşı Vatikan’ın eşdeğerlik yaklaşımından etkilenerek oluşturulmuş ve Avrupa’daki
toplumsal cinsiyet karşıtı hareketlerin stratejilerini kullanarak yenimuhafazakarların
çeşitli platformlarındaki söylemleri aracılığıyla yayılmış, fakat güçlü bir teori veya
temele dayanmayan toplumsal cinsiyet adaleti kavramı, kadına atfedilen ataerkil
toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini pekiştirmektedir. Toplumsal cinsiyet adaletinin anahtar
kavram kabul edilmesiyle Türkiye’nin kadın hakları ve eşitliğine ilişkin politikaları
uluslarası söylemden farklı bir boyuta geçecektir. Bu tez yenimuhafazakar çevre
tarafından oluşturulan toplumsal cinsiyet adaletinin kavramsal incelemesi ve söylem
analizini birlikte kullanarak daha geniş bir çalışma sunmaktadır.

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 APPENDIX B: TEZ İZİN FORMU / THESIS PERMISSION FORM

ENSTİTÜ / INSTITUTE

Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü / Graduate School of Natural and Applied Sciences

Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü / Graduate School of Social Sciences

Uygulamalı Matematik Enstitüsü / Graduate School of Applied Mathematics

Enformatik Enstitüsü / Graduate School of Informatics

Deniz Bilimleri Enstitüsü / Graduate School of Marine Sciences

YAZARIN / AUTHOR

Soyadı / Surname : BABA

Adı / Name : Elif
Bölümü / Department : Toplumsal Cinsiyet ve Kadın Çalışmaları

TEZİN ADI / TITLE OF THE THESIS (İngilizce / English): FROM GENDER EQUALITY TO
GENDER JUSTICE: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS IN TERMS OF GENDER
EQUALITY IN TURKEY

TEZİN TÜRÜ / DEGREE: Yüksek Lisans / Master Doktora / PhD

1. Tezin tamamı dünya çapında erişime açılacaktır. / Release the entire

work immediately for access worldwide.

2. Tez iki yıl süreyle erişime kapalı olacaktır. / Secure the entire work for
patent and/or proprietary purposes for a period of two years. *

3. Tez altı ay süreyle erişime kapalı olacaktır. / Secure the entire work for
period of six months. *

* Enstitü Yönetim Kurulu kararının basılı kopyası tezle birlikte kütüphaneye teslim edilecektir.
A copy of the decision of the Institute Administrative Committee will be delivered to the
library together with the printed thesis.

Yazarın imzası / Signature ............................ Tarih / Date

244