Sage Research Methods

Qualitative Longitudinal Methods: Researching

Implementation and Change

For the most optimal reading experience we recommend using our website.
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Author: Mary Lynne Derrington

Pub. Date: 2019
Product: Sage Research Methods
DOI: [Link]
Methods: Longitudinal research, Case study research, Data collection
Keywords: longitudinal studies, teacher evaluation, publications, teaching, organizational change, emotion,
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students
Disciplines: Business and Management, Education, Marketing, Political Science and International Relations,
Psychology, Social Policy and Public Policy, Sociology
Access Date: January 16, 2026
Publisher: SAGE Publications, Inc.
City: Thousand Oaks
Online ISBN: 9781071814277

© 2019 SAGE Publications, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

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Front Matter

• Copyright
• Praise for this book
• Preface
• Acknowledgments
• About the Author

Chapters

• Chapter 1 | • The Benefits and Challenges of Longitudinal Qualitative Studies

• Chapter 2 | • Designing Qualitative Longitudinal Studies
• Chapter 3 | • Building on Qualitative Research With a Longitudinal Design
• Chapter 4 | • Perspectives on the Two-Way Research Relationship
• Chapter 5 | • Management of Longitudinal Data Throughout a Study
• Chapter 6 | • Longitudinal Data Analysis
• Chapter 7 | • Preparing a Longitudinal Study for Publication
• Chapter 8 | • Conclusion: Legacies, Lessons, and Change

Back Matter

• References
• Appendix Picturing Policy Implementation: An Ethnography of a Local Network. A case study
by Pam Carter. Published on SAGE Research Methods, Online ISBN: 9781526432063, DOI:
[Link] ©2018 SAGE Publications Ltd.

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Copyright

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Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Derrington, Mary Lynne, author.

Title: Qualitative longitudinal methods : researching implementation and change / Mary Lynne Derrington.

Description: Los Angeles : SAGE, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2018032216 | ISBN 9781506395791 (pbk. : alk. paper)

Subjects: LCSH: Education—Research—Methodology. | Qualitative research. | Longitudinal method.

Classification: LCC LB1028 .D4425 2019 | DDC 370.72—dc23 LC record available at [Link]
2018032216

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Praise for this book

Dr. Derrington covers an area that’s often hard to cover, and she does it succinctly and clearly
and rigorously. That’s what we need in qualitative research endeavors. Instead of spending time
apologizing that our methods are not quantitative, spend more time explaining what is we do as
qualitative researchers. Derrington communicates it well!

—Tim Atkinson, University of Central Arkansas

The material presented in the book provides information to qualitative researchers interested in
conducting longitudinal studies. The information helps researchers build on their qualitative research
skills.

—Lydia Kyei-Blankson, Illinois State University

This book explores the intricacies of longitudinal qualitative research. It shares many of the
pragmatic concerns centered in this research method. The author provides numerous examples to
make this text come alive and provide models for researchers.

—Diane Barone, University of Nevada, Reno

Dr. Mary Lynne Derrington provides clarity of purpose and intent about longitudinal research
methods and approaches in a way that supports examining change over time. This is a book that I
will use and recommend to others.

—Sally J. Zepeda, University of Georgia

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Preface

Why I Wrote This Book

My longitudinal story started years ago when I read a book about creating one’s life. Although I no longer
remember the title or the author, remaining with me is the concept that a life story, much like longitudinal
research, is created over time and influenced by events, both planned and unexpected. Around the time of
this epiphany, I became familiar with various stage theories, for example, Gale Sheehy on passages and
Elisabeth KÜbler-Ross on stages of grief. Although I had yet acquired any research skills, I mentally filed the
thought that following individuals over time might lead to theories of transitions and potential understandings
of self and others.

I later learned that serendipity can be a wonderful thing while in another life transition. Pursuing a doctorate
at the University of Washington, Seattle, I reluctantly enrolled in a research class on historical research
methodology. Surprisingly, historical research fascinated me. As I approached my dissertation with the
guidance of my chair, Dr. Ann Lieberman, I combined case study methods with my new love of history and
focused on a research topic investigating the school principal’s evolutionary role. Then Harry F. Wolcott’s
significant ethnographic work, The Man in the Principal’s Office, came to my attention. I was a beginning
principal at the time and from the title understood that women have a long way to go if only men were viewed
as seated in the principal’s chair. As I began my research, I understood both the value of longitudinality’s long
view and the tremendous opportunity for understanding changing perspectives over time. I also realized that
understanding could lead to change and to disrupting the status quo.

In the next stage of my career, I served as a school superintendent. An important research-relevant concept I
learned on the job was that the inevitability of change requires deep understanding to achieve implementation
success. The work of Gene Hall and Shirley Hord introduced me to the Concerns Based Adoption Model
(CBAM). Their work solidified my ideas of stage concepts, change, qualitative research methods, and the
practicality of applying those concepts to help people in schools implement policies and manage change.

Now in the professoriate, my current life chapter, I understand the importance of longitudinal qualitative
research from experience. For six years, I have studied specific reforms related to developing and
implementing policies and procedures for teacher evaluation. I have learned many useful lessons from

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researchers and authors who unbeknownst to them have assisted me in my quest to understand change
through qualitative longitudinal research. Although their guidance was wise and helpful, I found gaps in
the specifics of conducting qualitative longitudinal research. These gaps led to unanswered questions and
subsequently to my own research into this methodology’s strategies. As a result, I seek through this book
to build a bridge between theory and practice and to share my learning along with the advice of many
authors and researchers. My purpose is understanding change. My goal is promoting application of qualitative
longitudinal research to accomplish that purpose. Through this book, I hope to convince those unfamiliar with
qualitative longitudinal research that managing its challenges are worthwhile.

Unlike the many renowned authors cited in this book, I do not claim to be a methodologist. Instead, I am a
researcher and a practitioner who has applied the qualitative longitudinal method to understand thorny and
frequently intractable problems of change in education. I am also a translator interpreting the methodologists’
expertise for those who wish to see how the method appears in action. Finally, I am a teacher who illustrates
with examples for readers to learn the practical application. Change will happen without our research. But
with our research and use of the qualitative longitudinal method, the outcome can be a positive step in
understanding change and implementing strategies for improvement.

I am indebted to researchers I know and those I have yet to meet. Their advice is included in this book. Their
wisdom shared in books and articles influenced my thoughts about qualitative longitudinal research. Their
insight assisted me in developing my understanding that I am sharing with readers. My objective is that others
will benefit from these collective insights and embrace qualitative longitudinal work.

This book combines qualitative longitudinal sections from articles and books and translates them into action
with examples. It will be useful to graduate students planning a dissertation and to early career faculty
planning a qualitative longitudinal study. Professors of qualitative methodology courses can also use it as a
supplementary teaching resource.

Organization of Book

Chapter 1 reviews the basics of qualitative research and explores longitudinality’s contribution to qualitative
methods. In addition, the management of challenges it explored as well as its benefits in the longitudinal
qualitative approach.

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Chapter 2 provides a review of qualitative research’s design basics. The reader will also learn to include
longitudinality into a basic qualitative study design. Useful theoretical change frames are presented with
examples of how researchers can incorporate them into studies. In addition, because ethical issues can be
magnified in a qualitative longitudinal study, they should be considered early in the study design.

Chapter 3 explores the application of longitudinal methods to many types of qualitative studies including
historical, trend, ethnographic, grounded theory, and case studies. The chapter emphasized that all qualitative
research seeks to understand how people make meaning of experiences. However, specific considerations
in each inquiry method are also important in qualitative longitudinal studies.

Chapter 4 is devoted to a discussion of the researcher–participant relationship from both the researchers’
and participants’ viewpoints. Multiple ways to demonstrate appreciated of participants’ time and involvement
are presented. In addition, researchers are cautioned to be aware of how the longer interaction time with
participants in a longitudinal qualitative study might also affect the researchers’ attitudes, values, and belief
systems.

Chapter 5 investigates the usefulness of data-management strategies throughout a qualitative longitudinal

study. Advantages and limitations of data-management software programs are discussed in relation to use
and storage of a large qualitative data set.

Chapter 6 examines the process of analyzing qualitative longitudinal data. Many examples are presented to
assist the researcher in creating a workable method. In addition, a variety of useful techniques illustrate ways
to create meaningful visuals.

Chapter 7 focuses on the many factors to consider when preparing a longitudinal qualitative study’s results for
publication. Creating a meaningful and readable final manuscript is discussed. Also, examples from published
studies are presented.

Chapter 8 summarizes lessons learned throughout many studies. This chapter reminds readers of change’s
centrality in a qualitative longitudinal study. It also emphasizes the importance of leaving a legacy for others
to continue the research in a quest for understanding not only change but also the impact on organizations,
individuals, and policy.

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Acknowledgments

Many talented people provided support and encouragement while I wrote this book. I am grateful to Linda
Blake Walsh, who provided thoughtful critique and editing as I wrote. Throughout the journey, she was
a reliable friend and a trusted advisor. I deeply appreciate the insight and creativity of my colleague and
friend, John Wilson Campbell. As a current school district leader, he grounds my work in issues significant
to principals and teachers today. I am grateful to Cathie Eileen West, my former school colleague and now a
respected author. Cathie provided advice and encouraging words when I needed them most. I thank graduate
student Jacob Andrew Kamer for contributing a student perspective with a positive attitude and sense of
humor. I wish to recognize and thank Helen Salmon, senior acquisitions editor, Megan O’Heffernan, editorial
assistant, and all the unsung heroes of the SAGE publishing staff who assisted, frequently in the background,
during the book publication process.

The author and SAGE would like to thank the following for their feedback during development:

Tim Atkinson, University of Arkansas

Diana Barone, University of Nevada, Reno
Carla L. Fisher, University of Florida
Valeria J. Freysinger, Miami University
N. Emel Ganapati, Florida International University
Benjamin Henwood, University of Southern California
Ezekiel Kimball, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Lydia Kyei-Blankson, Illinois State University
Michelle G. Shedlin, NYU Meyers College of Nursing
Sally Zepeda, University of Georgia

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About the Author

Mary Lynne Derrington is an associate professor at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, in the
Educational Leadership and Policy Studies Department. Her research has focused on leadership, change,
and policy implementation. Her numerous articles and book chapters address perspectives on change and
local implementation of state, federal, and international teacher evaluation policies. Mary Lynne regularly
presents papers at the annual meetings of the American Educational Research Association and the University
Council of Educational Administration. With her work including an international perspective, she has also
presented papers at the meetings of the Teacher Education Policy in Europe network, the International
Congress for School Effectiveness and Improvement, and the International Study Association on Teachers
and Teaching. She is a former school superintendent, principal, and teacher with experience in the American
International Schools. Her doctorate is from the University of Washington, Seattle.

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The Benefits and Challenges of Longitudinal Qualita-

tive Studies

In this chapter, the reader will

• review the basics of longitudinal qualitative research,

• explore longitudinality’s contribution to qualitative methodologies,
• examine the longitudinal perspective as a way of understanding and describing change, and
• consider the management of challenges in the longitudinal approach.

Describing Longitudinal Research

Longitudinal research is about understanding change over time in an individual or a group. Qualitative
methodologies include historical, ethnographic, grounded theory, and trend studies. In addition, many meth-
ods are possible for data collection; but hallmarks of such research are time, relationships, and change. Re-
garding the variable of time, “There is no clear definition of the meaning of ‘long’ in longitudinal research”
(Corden & Millar, 2007, p. 586). However, the minimum standard is two or more measurements for one year
or longer. The frequency of contacts with participants depends on the study’s purpose; there are no set rules.
Additionally, measures used, such as repeated interviews, should be comparable, but not necessarily identi-
cal. In brief, a longitudinal qualitative study involves making intentional research decisions regarding length of
time as well as the reasoning for the specific methodology, participants, and data gathering measures.

The rewards of conducting longitudinal qualitative research have been enumerated by researchers (Corden
& Millar, 2007; McLeod & Thomson, 2011; Saldaña, 2003) and in my own research described throughout
this book. For example, the researcher develops greater understanding of an issue and establishes an on-
going relationship with participants, resulting in insightful conclusions. However, analyzing a large data set
and keeping participants involved over time are challenges for the longitudinal qualitative researcher. While
researchers should be interested in their topic, their desire to learn about the topic is imperative for long-term
involvement in longitudinal research. Rossman and Rallis (2012) call this desire “Want-to-Do-Ability” (p. 116),
referring to the commitment originating from a deep desire to answer the research questions. However, the

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researcher must ensure that intense desire does not bias the research. These authors also note that the re-
search process involves peaks and valleys of feelings: exhilaration, frustration, difficulty, and boredom. Before
further exploring longitudinal approaches, a brief review of qualitative research’s key elements will be helpful.

Qualitative Basics: A Review

In this review, it is impossible to cover thousands of pages in publications written by highly regarded method-
ologists. Instead, a few key concepts will be highlighted. This review can also serve as a refresher for those
who took a course in qualitative methods some time ago. In designing studies, researchers must consider
methodologies compatible with their skills and interests. Early in an introductory methods course, students
express a preference for qualitative or quantitative research. One typical reason is a hatred or a love of num-
bers. Another is a preference for the closeness of face-to-face interaction with participants versus the more
impersonal quantitative data-collection tools.

A qualitative researcher seeks to understand people from their point of view and within their social and cultural
contexts. Different philosophical assumptions (i.e., paradigms) influence how phenomena are studied and un-
derstood. This understanding leads to different inquiry strategies (i.e., methodologies) and to different ways
(i.e., methods) of gathering and analyzing empirical data.

All qualitative studies involve a researcher orientation frequently labeled using two interchangeable terms:
interpretive and constructivist (Merriam, 2009). A goal for the qualitative researcher is to understand how peo-
ple interpret their experiences and make sense of their world (Flick, 2014; Merriam, 2009; Merriam & Tisdell,
2016). The qualitative researcher’s belief about the nature of knowledge guiding the research and about the
nature of reality becomes the epistemology and the ontology embraced (Gall, Gall, & Borg, 2010). Empiricism
is another concept fundamental to qualitative inquiry and is characterized by the philosophy that knowledge
is acquired through direct experience in the field (Rossman & Rallis, 2012). Discussing qualitative research’s
uniqueness as a method of learning about a field, Rossman and Rallis (2012) emphasize that the researcher
is the data-collection instrument in a naturalistic setting. These key principles apply to qualitative research
conducted in a variety of social sciences (e.g., nursing, education, psychology, life studies) as well as in the
business field.

Qualitative researchers recognize that they bring opinions, assumptions, and preconceptions into a study that

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might influence the outcome. According to Rossman and Rallis (2012), “Data do not speak for themselves;
they are interpreted through complex cognitive processes” (p. 34). Thus, qualitative researchers describe their
reflexivity and acknowledge their role and experience in each of a study’s stages. Reflexivity in qualitative
research requires self-knowledge and reflection so that the assumptions and preconceptions brought into the
research and possibly influencing the outcomes are clarified.

Qualitative methods are described as process oriented (Flick, 2014). The qualitative methodology’s basic da-
ta-collection tools are interviews and observations. In qualitative research, interaction with participants is fun-
damental. In fact, researchers frequently identify interviewing respondents as the most enjoyable aspect of
qualitative research. Qualitative researchers also work with text, making little or no use of numbers or statis-
tics. Reflections, observations, and impressions can be part of the qualitative data documented in diaries and
protocols. On the other hand, potential subjectivity might be an unwelcomed intervening variable in quanti-
tative research (Flick, 2014). Although involving different methodologies, either qualitative or quantitative ap-
proaches can be used in a longitudinal study.

Longitudinality: Contribution to Qualitative Methodology

Qualitative longitudinal research is distinct in the field of qualitative methodology and is widely recognized for
its unique contributions (Thomson & McLeod, 2015). Characteristically, longitudinal studies involve a longer
time span, enabling researchers to describe change. Thus, longitudinal research can be framed by time peri-
ods, stages, cycles, and phases (Saldaña, 2003). Most studies provide a snapshot describing a phenomenon
at the time of the research (Flick, 2014), or examine a specific, present moment in a “one-off” design (McLeod
& Thomson, 2011). Longitudinal methods, on the other hand, expand the qualitative perspective by enabling
the researcher to examine processes over time or, as Flick (2014) observes, by allowing for a consistent and
an ongoing approach to analyzing developments. Over time, change and the strategies used to manage that
change are understood (Neale & Flowerdew, 2003). Thus, how people respond to change is relevant.

Replication studies are similar to longitudinal designs, but a replication study’s goal is to determine if the same
result is obtained through the same methods used in the original research. The medical field, for example,
is well known for conducting replication studies. Researchers frequently repeat tests on a new drug to deter-
mine its medical results. In contrast, a qualitative longitudinal study’s purpose is to track individuals or groups
to investigate change over time. Using the medical example, if the purpose is to understand how individuals’
emotional responses change over time with a drug’s continued use, feelings are explored rather than the dis-

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passionate drug test results. However, the long-term interaction between researcher and participants might
probe uncomfortable feelings about an experience and, thus, make participants uneasy (McLeod & Thomson,
2011). Then later during member checking or in a publication although anonymized, one’s thoughts and com-
ments can potentially evoke both positive and negative emotions such as delight, surprise, and denial.

This book provides examples of qualitative methodologies, including grounded theory, ethnography, and case
study. It also builds and expands on such methods as interviews, observations, and focus groups. Throughout
this book, I assume that the reader is familiar with these methodologies and methods of qualitative research.
This book’s main purpose is to add the dimension of time and thus illustrate how the interaction of time and
context in a longitudinal qualitative study leads to understanding and interpreting change as it unfolds.

The Value of Qualitative Longitudinal Studies

Researchers, policy makers, and leaders want to know the impact of an initiative or a program. Longitudinal
qualitative studies provide a method of understanding such influence over time, whereas a short-term study
focuses on a single point in time. In addition, qualitative longitudinal studies give researchers access to rich
data sources for publishing multiple studies, which significantly contributes to a scholarship agenda.

Many Studies Resulting From One Data Set

A large volume of data is rich with possibilities for research and publication. Most studies have a limited focus,
describing a phenomenon at the time of the research (Flick, 2014). Investigating a specific, present-moment
issue is sometimes referred to as a “snapshot” or a “one-off design” (McLeod & Thomson, 2011). On the other
hand, longitudinal methods enable researchers to examine processes over time, thus allowing ongoing analy-
sis in multiple ways or views. Consequently, a single study can result in many publications. Table 1 illustrates
the numerous studies published thus far using the same data set on teacher evaluation.

Table 1 ◼ Numerous Studies Using One Data Set

Article Journal or Book Year

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The changing conditions of instructional lead- In B. G. Barnett, A. R. Shoho, & A. J. Bowers (Eds.), International research on
ership: Principals’ perceptions of teacher eval- school leadership: Vol. 4. School and district leadership in an era of accountability 2013
uation accountability mandates* (pp. 231–251). Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing

Metaphors and meaning: Principals’ percep-

Educational Leadership Review, 14(3), 22–29 2013
tion of teacher evaluation implementation

Teacher evaluation initial policy implementa-

tion: Principals’ and superintendents’ percep- Planning and Changing, 45(1/2), 120–137 2014
tions

Implementing new teacher evaluation sys-

tems: Principals’ response to change and Journal of Educational Change, 16(3), 305–326 2015
calls for support

Principals’ concerns and superintendent sup-

AASA Journal of Scholarship and Practice, 12(3), 11–22 2015
port during teacher evaluation changes

Implementing teacher evaluation: Lattice of

Journal of Research on Leadership Education, 11(2), 181–199 2016
leadership

Teacher evaluation, formative supervision and

UCEA Review 2016
instructional leadership

Implementing a new teacher evaluation sys-

tem: Principal leadership and teacher job-em- Professional Development in Education, 43(4), 630–644 2016
bedded professional development**

Principals, policy, and practice: Supervision in In S. Zepeda & J. Glanz (Eds.), Re-examining supervision: Theory and practice.
2016
the intersection Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 129–143

Teacher Evaluation Policy Tools: Principals’

Leadership and Policy in Schools. doi: 10.1080/15700763.2017.1326143 2017
Selective Use in instructional leadership*

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School principals’ views of teacher evaluation

policy: Lessons learned from two empirical International Journal of Leadership in Education, 20(4), 416–431 2017
studies***

In S. Zepeda & J. Ponticell (Eds.), Handbook of Educational Supervision. Hoboken, In

Principals as local actors in supervision
NJ: Wiley-Blackwell Press

Note: * co-authored with J. W. Campbell;

** with J. Kirk;

*** with M. Flores

Longitudinal qualitative research is an appropriate methodology for evaluating implementation of specific poli-
cies and the strategies individuals use to manage that change over time (McLeod & Thomson, 2011; Neale &
Flowerdew, 2003). For example, one of my goals in a 5-year study of 14 principals was to understand change
in teacher policies and the strategies principals used to manage the policy implementation. Using a change
theory as a theoretical frame, I reported how principals’ perceptions of teacher evaluation changed during the
implementation of a new teacher-evaluation mandate. As the change theory predicted, the initial year was
characterized by frustration with time-management difficulties and expectations regarding the supervisory role
(Derrington & Campbell, 2015). In the second and third years, following the theme of change, I analyzed the
similarities and differences in responses from year to year. This study also illustrated changes in principals’
perceptions during the implementation of a new teacher-evaluation system in Tennessee. Beginning in 2011,
14 principals participated in annual interviews through 2016. I asked the same 11 questions each year so
that changes in principals’ perceptions over time could be ascertained. To capture new developments, two or
three new questions were added yearly to the repeated questions each year.

Because I asked the same questions each year, the 14 responses to each question could be examined col-
lectively or one at a time. For example, respondents were asked to identify benefits of the new teacher-eval-
uation system. Interestingly, every year they identified the instructional rubric as the greatest benefit. Several
questions focused on professional development, both offered and received. Over time, my analysis illustrated
that leadership for professional development shifted from the district level to the schools. Because the prin-
cipals came from four districts, the data was also examined by district. At the beginning of the study, I had

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planned to interview superintendents as another data source. However, I quickly recognized an opportunity
for a new analysis comparing principals’ and superintendents’ perspectives of teacher-evaluation implemen-
tation (Derrington, 2014). The teacher perspective was added in yet another study. Teachers who worked with
the participating principals were interviewed and surveyed to examine the nexus of principal and teacher per-
ceptions of the teacher-evaluation implementation. Furthermore, many more studies are possible. For exam-
ple, future studies might include a closer look at the 5-year data to determine if differences exist in principals’
evaluation practices by grade level or by gender.

Advice for new assistant professors:

It’s normal to have your study’s end in mind but be cautious of only thinking of the end. That’s likely to result
in a one-off study. Think of the entire process. Ask yourself what you might write about or study, for example
describing the initiative, the beginning stages, and the processes used.

Dr. Jayson Richardson, Professor, San Diego State University

The Impact of Change

My epiphany about change began when I read the work of two “stage” theorists: Gale Sheehy, who wrote
about adult life passages, and Elisabeth Kübler-Ross, who wrote about stages of grief. Although I had not
yet acquired research skills, I realized that individuals experience transitions involving change over time, thus
leading to insights into themselves and others. That concept remained with me and became fundamental to
my investigation of how policy plans and unexpected political events affect school leadership.

Hall and Hord’s (2011) research-based observation about change is common sense but is still worth repeat-
ing: “Change is a process not an event” (p. 8). As these authors illustrated, change is not a one-time event
such as issuing a state or district mandate. Instead, it occurs gradually over years and includes the learn-
ing process of individuals and organizations as they adapt to change. The longer a researcher is involved
with participants, the greater the insight (McLeod & Thomson, 2011). As I began my research, I understood
the value of the long view and my tremendous opportunity to understand participants’ perspectives and how
those perspectives change over time.

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Researchers in education as well as in other human services fields are interested in transforming the status
quo by successfully implementing initiatives and policies. Qualitative longitudinal methodology is essential
for analyzing the implication of initiatives and policies over time. Moreover, this approach provides the most
consistent way of analyzing developments and processes as they unfold continuously rather than examining
the end point or outcome (Flick, 2014; McLeod & Thomson, 2011; Miller, 2015). In other words, single-imple-
mentation studies provide a snapshot of change, whereas longitudinal qualitative studies provide an album of
change.

Studies examining the initial stage of change and implementation often magnify short-term failures and time-
management issues. On the other hand, long-term studies assist in uncovering sustained changes and imple-
mentation successes. Consequently, researchers seeking to understand a change’s effect must do so over
time. Participants during the first year of a change are frequently concerned with personal issues, such as
managing time and materials (Hall & Hord, 2015). For example, not receiving new textbooks on time leads to
frustration and to the uncertainty and insecurity of not meeting a supervisor’s expectations. While attending
an American Educational Research Association (AERA) conference, a colleague and I attended a session
on the perspectives of principals as they adapted to a newly mandated statewide teacher-evaluation system.
The presenter, new to research, briefly studied the implementation’s initial stage and concluded that teacher
evaluation frustrates and confuses principals. Contrast this snapshot view with a longitudinal view of a change
in a teacher-evaluation system. A longitudinal study uncovers the change in the principals’ perceptions and
attitudes over time. The result of my 5-year study of principals’ teacher-evaluation implementation revealed
that principals’ personal concerns dominated early in the implementation then lessened in subsequent years.
I concluded that as familiarity deepens, principals begin focusing on larger effects, such as increased student
learning, that might result from the new evaluation system (Derrington & Campbell, 2015). Researchers risk
making inaccurate assumptions or generalizations when a brief period in a change process is studied. Infer-
ences based on a snippet of time can cause a researcher to mistakenly conclude that less complex processes
are profound.

The Challenges of Qualitative Longitudinal Studies

In this section, the challenges of participant attrition and of time are discussed. Along with examples of each

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challenge are strategies for removing obstacles.

Participant Attrition

Participant attrition is a problem in any longitudinal study, whether qualitative or quantitative. The longer a
study continues, the more likely unanticipated events might interfere with the research. Participants might exit
an ongoing study for many reasons: retirement; changes in life or work circumstances; or a move to a new
geographic location, resulting in not being able to be located because participants might not think of leaving a
forwarding address with the researcher. Also, the smaller the sample, the more attrition negatively affects the
outcome.

Any study benefits from careful planning; however, such planning can be especially crucial in longitudinal
studies. Flick (2014) notes that identifying the processes for locating and following participants before begin-
ning the study is imperative. Yet even careful planning does not guarantee locating all participants. Consider
Galloway and Kapasi’s study (2015), which surveyed 600 students who took a university-level entrepreneur-
ship class, and then was followed up with another survey some years later. Attempting to ensure that students
could be located later, the researchers considered steps. They requested university and personal e-mail ad-
dresses as well as home and mobile telephone numbers. However, only five participants were found through
e-mails and phone numbers 7 years later. Continuing to search for the former students, Galloway and Kapasi
then used Facebook and LinkedIn, technology unavailable for the original study. Some were found and con-
tacted through social media, but the large number of people with the same name made narrowing the search
difficult. Using the search method and eliminating from consideration those who chose not to participate in
the study, Galloway and Kapasi had only 10 of the original 600 participants in the new study.

Despite attrition issues, a study need not perish as these authors illustrated. Study designs can be flexible to
accommodate a longitudinal approach. Subsequently, Galloway and Kapasi (2015) conducted case studies
involving the 10 subjects located, producing a valuable mixed-methods study with interesting results. They
conducted one-to-one interviews, obtained background information and data on each participant, and trian-
gulated this data with the original study’s survey data. This example illustrates that even when a longitudinal
study’s possible participant attrition is meticulously planned, the unexpected can occur. However, resourceful
researchers find ways to return to participants or sites over time (McLeod & Thomson, 2011). The research
can continue if the researcher is ingenious and rethinks the study.

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Another illustration of anticipating and handling attrition is seen in my 5-year study of the perceptions and
experiences of principals as they implemented teacher evaluation. Each year changes occurred, most often
through principals’ transfers to other schools. As a result, 10 principals in the fifth year were the same with
whom the study began. This attrition may not seem significant; but with only 14 principals in the study, any
loss could affect the data’s credibility. Early in designing the study, I made the fortuitous decision to keep
schools in the study regardless of principal changes, thus allowing the context to remain the same and the
data to be less confounded. Surprisingly, in all instances but one, when a principal left, an assistant principal
ascended to the principal’s position or a principal from another school in the same district assumed leadership
of the school. Following this discovery, I pondered the significance of promoting an assistant principal rather
than hiring from outside the school. I realized that this data might provide insight into principal succession in
school districts.

Knowledge of the context, topic and participants assists the qualitative longitudinal researcher in anticipating
unexpected events. For example, as both a principal and a superintendent, I had firsthand knowledge that
leadership continually changes in many schools. Thus, anticipating this change, I planned to continue with
the same schools regardless of principal changes. At the time, I did not realize the wisdom of that plan. I
also planned to interview teachers. Working with the same schools allowed the context to remain constant.
Moreover, I developed a relationship with the school secretary through ongoing communication. Then when
a change in leadership occurred, I contacted this important gatekeeper to make an appointment with the new
principal and remind the secretary of my study. I also included the principals’ supervisor—the superinten-
dent—in ongoing communication, indicating, for example, when I would be interviewing in the district or when
a study had been published. Throughout the years and the changes, I found that a longitudinal qualitative re-
searcher must not only maintain communications and relationships but also show appreciation, requirements
more fully explored in Chapter 4. Additionally, frequent communication allows efficient and ongoing tracking
of participants’ changes, publication data needed for demographic tables.

The Issue of Time

Mentoring a beginning assistant tenure-track professor, I encouraged him to think of his scholarship agenda’s
longitudinality potential. He responded, “Sure, I can see the value, but longitudinal studies take a loooong
time. And I don’t have it if I’m expected to publish two or three articles a year.” He had a legitimate concern if

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he wanted to remain employed. If asked how much time is needed for a longitudinal study, many researchers
would probably respond, as my colleague did, that longitudinal studies take a long time and consequently
are unrealistic for those under pressure to publish. However, time is elastic in a longitudinal study. According
to Saldaña (2003), at least two data-collection points are necessary to be considered longitudinal: “the then
and now” (p. 75). He added that additional points might be described as “then, and then, and then, and then,
and now” (p. 76). Furthermore, the concept of time varies greatly in longitudinal studies depending on the
research design. Considering the time involved in longitudinal studies, doctoral students and tenure-seeking
assistant professors might believe such studies are unrealistic within their time constraints. In the following
chapters, I challenge that notion by describing and illustrating ways that qualitative longitudinal studies can
be designed within a timeframe.

Chapter Summary

Qualitative longitudinal studies offer a unique opportunity to understand change. Yes, there are challenges;
but in my experience, those are easily overcome with persistence, flexibility, and a desire to dig deeply and
understand. In summary, qualitative longitudinal studies

• provide a deeper understanding of an issue,

• allow significant interaction with participants,
• build on qualitative research skills, and
• can yield many studies from one data set.

Finally, although many qualitative longitudinal studies are well planned in advance a longitudinal study can
emerge from unexpected opportunities and new insights as well. Keep longitudinality in mind as a way of ex-
panding your study and of digging deeper into issues and changes.

Reflection Questions and Application Activities

• What information presented in this chapter connected to and extended your knowledge of qualitative
longitudinal research?
• Describe how a program or policy might benefit from a qualitative longitudinal study of change.
• You are in the middle of a 5-year longitudinal qualitative research project. Every year, you hold semi-

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structured interviews with the same 10 participants. Unfortunately, as you begin to schedule this
year’s interviews, you learn that two of your participants have dropped from the study: one relocat-
ed across the country, and the other no longer wished to be involved in the project. How would you
manage this change and why would you choose that option?

How would you manage the identified challenges of conducting qualitative longitudinal studies?

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[Link]

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Appendix Picturing Policy Implementation: An Ethnography of

a Local Network. A case study by Pam Carter. Published on
SAGE Research Methods, Online ISBN: 9781526432063, DOI:
[Link] ©2018 SAGE
Publications Ltd.

Abstract

Ethnography involves “being there” as a witness in a particular field. This unusual form of social interaction
can feel uncomfortable but the opportunity to gather rich qualitative data in real time is a major strength of
the method. Limitations of ethnography are that this method is restricted to particular situations—there will
always be practical constraints on ethnographers in terms of how much time they have to devote to immersion
in a particular field. This case examines ways in which a local policy network made sense of its task of
implementing a project linked to an early years childcare policy. The case demonstrates how ethnography
showed the network juggling creatively with time and money and making sense of its task using pictures and
other artifacts. Project management is a rational linear approach that usually regards time and money as
fixed resources, but this study revealed how the future was creatively symbolized, how time sped up toward
the financial year-end, and how resources were variously presented as meager or plentiful. Power relations
meant that the project manager who took responsibility for the time-tabled targets thereby controlled much
of the network’s activity. The case sets out the importance of theory when analyzing data; in this case, the
analysis transformed mundane objects into sociological artifacts and “made the familiar strange.”

Learning Outcomes

By the end of this case, students should be able to

• Discuss practical and ethical considerations of ethnographic fieldwork

• Identify the roles available to ethnographers as participant or nonparticipant observer
• Understand the significance of artifactual data

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• Explain the role of theory in ethnographic data analysis

Project Overview and Context

This case study derives from a doctoral research project that used an ethnographic approach to study at a
local level how the United Kingdom’s early years childcare policy shift from Sure Start to Children’s Centres
took place. Policy implementation has been considered to be a “black box” as policy directives often fail
to translate into practical outcomes and ethnography offers a valuable research method for opening up the
black box to study the complex and messy process of implementation. In this case, a local authority took the
decision to create multiagency networks that it termed “Community Learning Partnerships” to build on the
Sure Start programes and create new Sure Start Children’s Centres. Whereas Sure Start had mainly been
about physical buildings for childcare, parenting support, and early years development, Children’s Centres
moved toward “campus models,” rebranding existing Sure Start Centres, and often designating community
nurseries and other facilities as “Sure Start Children’s Centres.” Initially, my PhD study explored gender
and class issues around welfare-to-work initiatives and what I saw as the potentially contradictory aim of
supporting parents in their role of caring for their children. My analytical interest in time, money, and project
management was not anticipated at the outset but emerged inductively through the stages of fieldwork, data
analysis, and writing up.

Research Practicalities—Getting in and Getting on

Before I could collect data, I needed to obtain ethical approval from what was then the National Health
Service (NHS) research governance system. This was time-consuming and at times felt like trying to fit the
square peg of an ethnographic iterative study design into the round hole of the NHS expectations of informed
consent and a study protocol (Murphy & Dingwall, 2007). Following my attendance at a local ethics committee
and the completion of a host of mandatory research governance documentation, permission was granted. I
explained that I would seek permission in advance from the chair of meetings to observe the committee’s
routine business. The chair could then seek consent from people who were due to attend the meetings, and

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if there were objections, I would not attend. Inevitably, once I got into the field, reality was more complex than
predicted by the plan detailed in ethical procedural documents.

Gaining access to the field was relatively straightforward as I drew on my “social capital” (Edwards, 2004).
I had previously worked in local government and health and started with some initial contacts, which then
snowballed. I asked the Chair of a local network for permission to attend its meetings as a nonparticipant
observer and made sure that study information leaflets were on hand for anyone who queried my presence.
In practice, I established a relationship of trust over time and sought to blend in. At network meetings,
it was fairly easy to merge into the background, sitting alongside people I was observing and scribbling
my fieldnotes because others who were attending also took notes at meetings. The experience of non-
participation observation was not straightforward, however. Sometimes I became aware that people sitting
next to me were interested in my notes, so I tried to shield them. I needed to make judgments “on the hoof”
about where to sit and how much to say. Sometimes I found myself behaving more like a participant-observer.
For example, I volunteered to help with refreshments, partly as a means of gaining trust and through wanting
to seem useful. At one network meeting where votes were being cast by means of raised hands, I was
asked why I was not voting. On one hand, I was flattered that I had become accepted. On the other hand,
conscientiously, I reminded people that I was not there as their equal but as a researcher. Hannabuss (2000)
writes about the ethnographer being the research instrument him- or herself and certainly this is not a method
for the fainthearted! The ethnographer needs to establish and maintain fieldwork relationships so that he or
she can gather naturalistic data, but he or she must also remain alert to what Willis and Trondman (2000) have
called “aha” moments. These are moments where the background noise of fieldwork can be distinguished
from data that signal theoretical significance. Theory is what takes ethnographic research beyond what
otherwise could seem like journalism.

Research Design and Method in Action

In contrast to experimental studies that test hypotheses, ethnographic study designs are usually emergent
and exploratory (Bryman, 2012). My data collection plan could not be clearly specified in advance but needed
to iterate and depended partly upon opportunities that arose when I was in the field. For example, I heard
about an early years childcare conference and requested permission to attend. There I heard speeches and
sat through various presentations about local multiagency networks. Presentations were invariably positive

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about the future, encouraging people attending the conference to “get on board” with the plans to deliver
Sure Start Children’s Centres via Community Learning Partnerships. At lunchtime, I browsed the information
stalls and I was particularly interested in one that displayed a series of laminated slides depicting a project
journey using a cartoon image that showed passengers boarding a school bus. Consistent with the rhetorical
emphasis on the positive, at the end of the metaphorical journey, was a picture of a rainbow and an
overflowing crock of gold. The slides seemed to have been designed to convey a linear project “journey,”
leading to plentiful resources that could be spent on the particular defined goals of the network. I asked the
person behind the information stall whether they would be willing to send me an electronic version of the
slides to use in my research and they generously agreed. As well as the pictorial slides, I gathered other
artifactual data in the form of a giveaway toy, a teddy bear wearing a vest that promoted the local authority
childcare service (Carter, 2011).

“Stuff” is important in social life and tends to be neglected by researchers (Appadurai, 1998), but ethnography
offers the opportunity to see how social actors use material objects and visual representations to make sense
of and interpret their version of reality. Sense-making is not only an activity that sociologists do but is a basic
human practice as Weick (1995) has shown. My research used the pictures and artifacts produced by these
actors as research data, and I went on to analyze these as alternate local representations of national policy
implementation.

Following the conference, I maintained my presence in the local network for about 8 months, during which
time the network allocated resources to a variety of projects, including equipment for an after-school club,
family learning activities at the local college, resources for schools, and so on. A project management
framework was put in place by the local authority, imposing expenditure targets on local networks to ensure
quick decision-making. I interviewed several key people confidentially but found that people often gave
me the “official version” of policy, conforming to the notion of rational implementation. In contrast to this
relatively banal data, I found ethnography very useful for getting beyond the “official line” (Duke, 2002) and
for observing what people do that may be different than what they are prepared to say. For example, often
in interviews, people would espouse the benefits of the policy and were reluctant to criticize reductions in
funding. The illustration of peanuts that I observed showed that, in practice, there were acknowledgments that
resources were meager, especially when compared with initial expectations.

It was vital for me to preserve confidentiality as I interviewed several people face to face as individuals
and then also encountered them in meetings. Sometimes I needed to give vague responses when I was

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questioned “Have you interviewed so-and-so?” At other times I explained that I couldn’t reveal who had taken
part in interviews. At the end of interviews, I would often reassure interviewees that if I were to subsequently
encounter them in meetings, I may appear to ignore them. Rather than this being rude behavior, it was
necessary to preserve confidentiality. This meant that sometimes I avoided eye contact with individuals while
at the same time staying alert and maintaining an interest in the meeting discussions. Emotional labor is thus
part of an ethnographer’s task and Hannabuss (2000) provides a useful discussion of this process of “being
there.”

At one early meeting, a slide presentation by the local project manager had a different tone to the rhetoric
of optimism that I had observed at the conference and was more pragmatic about the reality of what could
be achieved by local networks. For example, rather than the crock of gold, the manager showed an image of
peanuts in their shells to convey what, to them, were interpreted as meager resources. During these meetings
I became increasingly aware that the financial year-end was approaching, and decision-making seemed to
speed up and become somewhat frenetic to avoid project “underspend.” At the last meeting I attended, the
project manager explained that the committee had the flexibility to allocate their time to different budgets (vire
is the accounting term for moving money between different budget headings). Thus, if the project budget was
underspent, the committee would charge more of its time and so retrospectively adjust the budget to fit. This
enabled members to present the project as a success in terms of milestones achieved.

Analyzing Data and Writing Up

Ethnography can generate large amounts of data. I had what felt like masses of interview transcripts,
fieldnotes, policy documents, and artifacts. I published some articles relatively quickly on the theme of welfare
reform, policy “initiativitis,” and longer-running social structures. It took me much longer to write up the
academic article on time tactics and to do so I needed to consider a new research question and apply fresh
theory in order to make sense of the remaining data. I had a hunch, a feeling—untheorized initially—that
there was something interesting about the contrast between the crock of gold and the image of peanuts,
and I had experienced an “aha” moment when the project manager told the network she could charge back
her time. I read and selectively made use of Adam’s (2013) work on timescapes, Pollitt’s (2008) work on
time and management, and Foucault’s work on governmentality and discipline (Foucault, 1980, 2003). These
theories eventually helped me to see how, in the data, time appeared to be both mundane and metaphysical.

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Project management assumes a linear notion of time and tends to presume that time and money are fixed
resources. In contrast, fieldwork revealed that there were different interpretations of the available resources
as either plentiful or parsimonious (crock of gold or peanuts). Time, rather than being measured in strict clock
time, seemed to speed up toward the end of the financial year but also was reversed when the manager
retrospectively accounted for time allocated to the project.

In the published article, I included the pictorial slides that I had collected at the conference but I removed
identifying features. I also included several quotes extracted from interview data, as well as selected data
based on my handwritten field notes. I wrote part of the article in the present tense in an attempt at achieving
a sense of immediacy for the reader.

Practical Lessons Learned

Research governance procedures can appear cumbersome and bureaucratic, but it is important for
ethnographers to conduct their research ethically. In this case, having an information sheet to hand out meant
that if I was questioned about my presence, I could produce a justification for being in particular fieldwork
situations and provide contact details for anyone with further questions.

Ethnographic fieldwork generated a large amount of data that presented challenges but could be used to write
up articles later. Theory is vital—reality is not simply “out there” to observe and represent in any objective
fashion and so reflective time away from the field is vital for getting to grips with academic literature that can
aid data analysis.

As long as ethical considerations and copyright conventions are complied with, journal editors are willing to
reproduce photographs and images within research articles.

I advise student ethnographers with interests in policy and practice to exercise their sociological imagination
to look out for the “aha moments” (Willis & Trondman, 2000) when policy rhetoric may contrast sharply with
local implementation practices.

Exercise

1. Making the familiar strange

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Students should bring an object into a group discussion. Objects might be ones that are easy to collect or
that have particular meaning in their lives. “Found objects” could be a pebble, leaf, or a nonnatural object
such as a coffee cup. Artifacts such as an identification badge or part of a uniform might relate to professional
life. Some may be ephemeral such as a paper napkin, others more symbolic such as a family photograph.
Students should be prepared to discuss how the objects came into their possession, what practical use (if
any) the objects have, any surprising features, and what personal memories are associated with the images/
objects.

The aim is to “make the familiar strange” and the object of the exercise is to stretch the sociological
imagination to consider the multiple meanings that might attach to objects and the ways in which they relate
to a social context. Students at an advanced level of qualitative research might engage with actor network
theory (Callon, 2007) to consider who these objects enroll in what ways.

2. Observational skills and ethical reflexivity

Students could practice their observational skills in a social setting such as a train station, library, canteen,
or park. They should consider recording methods and practice taking fieldnotes. They should be prepared
to discuss ethics and how this exercise made them feel—perhaps like covert spies, investigative journalists,
trainee ethnographers, or other. They should exchange observations and challenge one another to think
about what they have taken for granted, how their perceptions frame reality, and what they may not have fully
observed. Links with theory are to be encouraged so that observations are linked to academic debates and
the generation of new research.

Exercises and Discussion Questions

1. When might nonparticipant observation become uncomfortable, and what strategies might
be adopted in fieldwork?
2. Explain the role of artifactual data.
3. What do you think the ethnographic method added to interview data?
4. Why do ethnographers need to theorize when they analyze observational data?

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Further Reading

Clifford, J., & Marcus, G. E. (1986). Writing culture: The poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley:
University of California Press.

Hodder, I. (1994). The interpretation of documents and material culture. In J. Goodwin (Ed.), SAGE
biographical research (Vol. 1, pp. 171–188). London, England: Sage.

Atkinson, P. (2015). For ethnography. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Web Resources

Multimodal ethnography

[Link]

100 social objects

[Link]

References

Adam, B. (2013). Time and social theory. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

Appadurai, A. (1988). The social life of things: Commodities in cultural perspective. Cambridge, England:
Cambridge University Press.

Bryman, A. (2012). Social research methods. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.

Callon, M. (2007). Some elements of a sociology of translation. In K. Asdal, I. Moser, & B. Brenna (Eds.),
Technoscience: The politics of interventions (pp. 57–78). Oslo, Norway: Unipub.

Carter, P. (2011). Governing welfare reform symbolically: Evidence based or iconic policy? Critical Policy

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Studies, 5, 247–263.

Duke, K. (2002). Getting beyond the “official line”: Reflections on dilemmas of access, knowledge and power
in researching policy networks. Journal of Social Policy, 31, 39–59.

Edwards, R. (2004) Social capital in the field: Researchers’ tales (Families & Social Capital ESRC Research
Group, Working paper No. 10.) Retrieved from [Link]
[Link]

Foucault, M. (1980). Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972–1977. New York, NY:
Pantheon Books.

Foucault, M. (2003). Governmentality. In P. Rabinow & N Rose (Eds.), The essential Foucault: Selections
from the essential works of Foucault, 1954–1984 (pp. vii–xxxv). New York, NY: New Press.

Hannabuss, S. (2000). Being there: Ethnographic research and autobiography. Library Management, 21,
99–107.

Murphy, E., & Dingwall, R. (2007). Informed consent, anticipatory regulation and ethnographic practice.
Social Science & Medicine, 65, 2223–2234.

Pollitt, C. (2008). Time, policy, management: Governing with the past. Oxford, England: Oxford University
Press.

Weick, K. E. (1995). Sensemaking in organizations (Vol. 3). London, England: Sage.

Willis, P., & Trondman, M. (2000). Manifesto for ethnography. Ethnography, 1, 5–16.

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