Development and Migration—Migration and Development: What Comes First?

Global
Perspective and African Experiences
Author(s): Stephen Castles
Source: Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory , December 2009, Vol. 56, No.
121, Politics of Migration (December 2009), pp. 1-31
Published by: Berghahn Books

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 Development and Migration -
Migration and Development
What Comes First? Global Perspective
and African Experiences
Stephen Castles

Abstract: Socio-economic change and human mobility are constantly

interactive processes, so to ask whether migration or development
comes first is nonsensical. Yet in both popular and political discourse
it has become the conventional wisdom to argue that promoting eco-
nomic development in the Global South has the potential to reduce
migration to the North. This carries the clear implication that such
migration is a bad thing, and poor people should stay put. This 'seden-
tary bias' is a continuation of colonial policies designed to mobilise
labour for mines and plantations, while preventing permanent settle-
ment in the cities. European policy-makers and academics are partic-
ularly concerned with flows from Africa, and measures taken by the
European Union and its member states are often designed to reduce
these - often in the guise of well-meaning development policies. By
contrast, many migration scholars regard human mobility as a normal
part of social transformation processes, and a way in which people
can exercise agency to improve their livelihoods. This article exam-
ines these problems, first by providing a brief history of academic
debates on international migration and development. It goes on to
look at the politics of migration and development, using both EU pol-
icy and African approaches as examples. An alternative approach to
migration and development is presented, based on a conceptual
framework derived from the analysis of social transformation
processes.

Keywords: Africa; brain drain; circular migration; development;

diasporas; Europe; migration; remittances; sedentary bias; social
transformation

Theoria, September 2009 doi: 1 0.3 1 67/th. 2009. 5512102

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 2 Stephen Castles

Introduction

At first sight, the question in the title of this article seems rather
absurd: most migration analysts would agree that it is not useful to
look at migration and development in terms of one-way causality.
Socio-economic change and human mobility are constantly interac-
tive processes that can be observed in many historical and current
cases. To ask what comes first therefore seems both redundant and
nonsensical. And yet I believe that we need to engage seriously with
this question, for three reasons.
The first became clear to me when speaking to a former senior
European Union (EU) functionary in 2008. I was putting the argu-
ment that development policies cannot quickly reduce international
migration, because a higher level of development brings more mobil-
ity, not less - at least for a considerable period. This is because the
increased economic resources and improved communications that
development brings make it easier for people to seek opportunities
elsewhere. This point was argued over 20 years ago by the late
Georges Tapinos (1990), and is now one of the few things that virtu-
ally all migration scholars agree with. But the ex-official in question
(who had been involved in the EU's external affairs policies) looked
quite shocked, and said that I had undermined one of his most
strongly held beliefs. What does this anecdote tell us? That politi-
cians, officials and the public still believe that if we can only work out
and tackle the so-called 'root causes' of international migration, we
can drastically reduce it. This also carries the unspoken, common
sense message that international migration (especially from South to
North) is a bad thing that ought to be stopped.
The second reason, which is closely linked, is that migration research
findings are apparently not being listened to. If decision-makers still do
not understand one of the most basic facts about the migration/develop-
ment relationship, then either there is something wrong with the research
carried out by migration scholars, or we have failed to bridge the gap
with decision-makers - or both. In fact I believe that it is both. The frag-
mentation and narrowness of migration studies that many of us have
written about (Castles 2007; Massey et al. 1998; Portes 1999; Portes and
De Wind 2004; Zolberg 1989; Brettell and Hollifield 2007) means that
our research does not sufficiently build on shared concepts and ques-
tions, and does not, on the whole, lead to an accumulation of knowledge.
And even when we do agree on something important, we have not been
very good at getting it over to non-specialists.

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 3

The third reason is that there has recently been a change in the con-
ventional wisdom about international migration and development. I
use the term 'conventional wisdom' in the sense put forward by John
Kenneth Galbraith (Galbraith 1958) to refer to something that is so
obvious that it does not even need arguing (e.g. the belief held in
1960 that smoking was not harmful to health). One could also use the
term 'common sense' as applied by Gramsci (Gramsci et al. 1971).
The conventional wisdom about migration and development until
recently was a predominantly pessimistic view: as an ILO official
interviewed in the 1990s commented: 'migration and development -
nobody believes that anymore' (Massey et al. 1998: 260). In the last
ten years there has been a major conceptual shift. As Kathleen New-
land has written, there been a 'new surge of interest' (Newland 2007)
in migration and development. Many academic studies now show
how migration can have positive results for countries of origin. A
series of reports and policy statements has shown that international
agencies and the governments of both migrant-sending and receiving
countries believe that migration can make an important contribution
to the development of poorer countries. This last point actually raises
two sets of questions:
If, as Galbraith wrote, 'the enemy of the conventional wisdom is
not ideas but the march of events', what events or crucial changes in
economic and social conditions have led to the paradigm shift?
If, on the other hand, the world has not changed that much, our
questions must be led by the sociology of knowledge: in what ways
have economic and political interests changed so that perceptions or
desires concerning the relationship between development and migra-
tion have been fundamentally transformed?
In this article I will reflect on these problems by,

(1) Giving a brief history of academic debates on international

migration and development;
(2) Examining the politics of migration and development, using
both EU policy and African approaches as examples;
(3) Discussing an alternative approach to migration and develop-
ment based on a conceptual framework and methodology
derived from the analysis of social transformation processes;
(4) Re-assessing some key aspects of the migration/development
relationship in the light of a social transformation approach; and
(5) Finally asking whether economic development is in fact likely
to reduce emigration from poor countries?

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 4 Stephen Castles

This article was orig

conference of the USS Social Science Research Council.1 One aim of
the initial debate between a development economist (Gustav Ranis)
and a migration specialist (myself) was to see how development stud-
ies and migration studies differ and how they can intersect. In this par-
ticular case, the dialogue was complicated by the fact that Ranis built
his theoretical approach on the analysis of internal migration, extend-
ing it only later to international migration (Ranis 2009), while I start
from international migration and see internal rural-urban migration as
part of the social transformation processes that form my central ana-
lytical category. My paper does address the distinctions between
analyses of migration starting from development economics and those
deriving from the political economy and sociology of international
migration (which I call 'historical-institutional approaches' below). I
will come back to differences and similarities at the end of the article.

A short history of debates on linkages between

development and migration

It is impossible to provide an adequate history of intellectual trends in

this area in a brief article. The aim here is simply to provide a rough
overview to contextualize contemporary debates.
During the 1950s and 1960s development economists stressed that
labour migration was an integral part of modernization. They were
looking first and foremost at the effects of development on migration ,
but also at reciprocal effects of migration on development , namely
that the reduction of labour surpluses (and hence unemployment) in
areas of origin and the inflow of capital through migrant remittances
could improve productivity and incomes (Massey et al. 1998: 223).
The governments of countries like Morocco, Turkey and the Philip-
pines shared this view. In the 1960s and 1970s, they encouraged their
nationals to migrate to Western Europe or the USA - and later to Gulf
oil economies. Such governments claimed that labour export would
facilitate economic development at home. However, the long-term
results of labour recruitment schemes were often disappointing, with
little economic benefit for the country of origin - as shown in particular
by aseries of studies on Turkey (Abadan-Unat 1988; Martin 1991; Paine
1974). The result was the predominantly pessimistic view that 'migra-
tion undermines the prospects for local economic development and
yields a state of stagnation and dependency' (Massey et al. 1998: 272).

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 5

In the early 2 1st century, there has been a remarkable turn-around.

After years of seeing South-North migrants as a problem for national
identity and social cohesion, and more recently even as a threat to
national security, politicians and officials now emphasize the poten-
tial of international migration to bring about economic and social
development in the countries of origin. Now, ideas on the positive
effects of migration on development are at the centre of policy initia-
tives. There has been a plethora of official conferences and reports on
the theme (e.g. DFID 2007; GCIM 2005; World Bank 2006). In coun-
tries of origin like India migrants are being re-defined as 'heroes of
development' (Khadria 2008).
So what has been happening? In retrospect, there appear to have
been two separate (but often intersecting) discourses: an academic
and a policy debate. I will briefly review the academic debate in this
section and the policy debate in the next.

The academic debate on migration and development

The main controversy from the 1950s to the 1980s was between
neo-classical economic theory and historical-institutional theory. To
some extent this can also be seen as a controversy between develop-
ment economists on the one hand and political economists and soci-
ologists on the other (for a more detailed discussion of migration
theory see Castles and Miller 2009, chapters 2 and 3).
Development economists mainly applied neo-classical theory,
which emphasized the individual decision to migrate, based on ratio-
nal comparison of the relative costs and benefits of remaining at
home or moving. Neo-classical theory assumed that potential
migrants had excellent knowledge of wage levels and employment
opportunities in destination regions, and that their migration deci-
sions were overwhelmingly based on these economic factors. Con-
straining factors, such as government restrictions, were seen as
distortions of the rational market. According to the neo-classical
model, the mere existence of economic disparities between various
areas should be sufficient to generate migrant flows. In the long run,
such flows should help to equalize wages and conditions in underde-
veloped and developed regions, leading towards economic equilib-
rium. The result was an overwhelmingly positive view in the 1950s
and 1960s on the linkages between migration and development - a
virtuous circle:

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6 Stephen Castles

Beginnings of developm
development -> Trend t
causes' of migration -*

By contrast, the his

mainly as a way of mo
the underdevelopme
exploiting the resourc
richer. The intellectua
economy - especially i
Latin America in the
prehensive 'world syst
It focused on the way
porated into a world
The penetration of m
economies accelerated
of workers, rapid urb
In the 1970s and 1980s
trends) the pessimist
was dominant. It conc
development as a vicio

Core-periphery divisi
dependency of poor co
worse -► Third world l

However, from the 19

began to emerge, pavin
differentiated) approa
models are making it p
towards a more com
process. But this was
sis - it also related to '
there was an importan
of investing in Fordist
Western Europe, Nor
multi-nationals, and
low- wage areas of th
Asian 'tiger economie
shifts set the stage of

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 7

fits of labour migration epitomized in the title of an economic study

of the time: Trade in Place of Migration (Hiemenz and Schatz 1979).
The new approaches have been characterized as transitional the-
ories (de Haas 2008), because they set out to link mobility to
processes of development and economic integration. According to
(Zelinsky 1971), at the beginning of a process of modernization and
industrialization, there is frequently an increase in emigration, due to
population growth, a decline in rural employment and low wage lev-
els. As industrialization proceeds, labour supply declines and domes-
tic wage levels rise; the result is that emigration falls and labour
immigration begins to take its place. This 'mobility transition' paral-
lels the 'fertility transition' through which populations grow fast as
public health and hygiene improves, and then stabilize as fertility
falls in industrial countries. A more recent concept used to describe
this pattern is the 'migration hump': a chart of emigration shows a
rising line as economic growth takes off, then a flattening curve, fol-
lowed in the long run by a decline, as a mature industrial economy
emerges (Martin and Taylor 2001). Another theory that links migra-
tion with broader social changes is to be found in the work of geog-
rapher Ronald Skeldon, who suggests a spatial typology of migratory
situations (Skeldon 1997).
Without going further into these complex debates, it is important to
see that advances in migration theory are making it possible to move
towards more holistic understandings of the migratory process. The
key ideas of some of new migration theories come from different dis-
ciplines, but they seem highly compatible with each other. Apart from
the transitional theories already mentioned, such approaches include:

The new economics of labour migration (NELM) (Stark 1991;

Taylor 1999b), which remains within the neo-classical paradigm of
income maximization and trends towards equilibrium, yet ques-
tions neo-classical theory's methodological individualism, by
emphasizing the role of families and communities in migration
decisions. NELM uses methods such as qualitative interviews and
household survey that are similar to those used by anthropologists
and sociologists. (The 'migration hump' idea, of course, was
linked to the NELM approach).
Dual or segmented labour market theory, which analyses the dif-
ferentiated labour demand of employers as a key factor in causing
and structuring migration (Piore 1979; Portes and Bach 1985).

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8 Stephen Castles

Migration networks t
migrants and their co
tion and incorporati
Transnational theory:
tions technologies it
maintain long-term
across borders. Tra
becoming increasing
1994; Portes et al. 19

Such approaches also

social theory to overco
re-theorize the links
groups) and broader pr
2008). These innovati
change the marginal
sciences - which, as I h
has been dominated b
considerations in the

The politics of migrat

In migration studies,
tions and even the fin
considerations, connec
cies, and to legitimize
is an important proble
investigation in this a
social inquiry. Here I w
between migration c
tion/development lin
states; and second eme

Migration and develop

European Union (EU)
The central principle o
1957 Treaty of Rome,
nomic Community (E
(EU) in 1993. Free mov
in 1968. However, the
nationals' (migrants f

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 9

entry, residence and employment remained an important aspect of

national sovereignty for member states. This changed with the 1997
Treaty of Amsterdam, which provided for common rules on asylum
and integration to be implemented by 2004 within the EU. However,
the 2004 agreements (at the time of the extension of the EU to 25
members) only partially laid down common policies, and many issues
connected with immigration remain national prerogatives.
The industrial core of the EEC (Germany, France, Belgium, Nether-
lands) recruited Italian labour in the 1950s and early 1960s, but the very
success of the EEC in equalizing economic and social conditions led to
a decline in intra-community mobility by the mid-1960s. More and more
migrant workers came from outside the EEC, especially from Turkey
and North Africa. After the 1973 oil crisis, governments tried to stop
labour entries, and were amazed to find these transformed into family
reunion and settlement (see Castles 1986). After the end of the Cold War,
the EU experienced an upsurge in both labour migration and asylum
seekers from the East and South. The EU and the member states worked
together on strategies to cut asylum seeker entries, reduce irregular
migration and enhance border control. Up to the 1970s, European
policy-makers and employers saw migration essentially in economic
terms. But after the oil crisis, public opinion turned sharply against
immigration. Policy-makers had generally not anticipated the shift to set-
tlement and new forms of cultural and religious diversity, and had done
nothing to prepare the public for these trends. At first official approaches
focused on 'zero immigration', preventing family reunion, and getting
'unwanted' workers to leave. When these policies failed, because the
legal and welfare frameworks of European states had conferred rights
(such as that to family life) on immigrants, there was a new emphasis on
community relations, integration and social cohesion. Immigration and
diversity became highly politicized issues throughout Europe.
However, the early 2000s saw a new debate on Europe's 'demo-
graphic decline' and the long-term need for both highly-skilled and
less-skilled workers. The European Commission argued that a system
to recruit labour at all skilled levels was essential (CEC 2005b). The
member states were unwilling to grasp the nettle of legal recruitment
of low-skilled workers, due to the hostile public climate. The result
was an EU Policy Plan (CEC 2005a) that concentrated on attracting
the highly skilled from the rest of the world. The plan paid lip-service
to the need to link migration to development of countries of origin
while essentially leaving low-skilled migration to market forces -
that is to irregularity (see Castles 2006).

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10 Stephen Castles

What has all this got t

opment? It is importan
economic interests and
the mid-1970s (referred
for developing countri
had decided to stop re
decided to increase inve
became a key political i
it partly through strict
shore processing', but a
of flight - defined as
Hear 2010).
Conflict resolution
became highly fashion
Oxfam 2005). The U.K.
Convention of 195 1 wa
of enhanced global migr
misuse of the asylum sy
vention, then UN Ref
'Convention Plus', a se
addressing the issue of
tion. Similar objectives
later adopted by Italy
development aid to Afr
migration. At the 200
Spanish governments t
ment aid dependent on
deported migrants by p

Debates about migration

In the Global North
migration and develop
Africa-Europe mobility
mics and development
sents development fai
about development in A
order to reduce out-m
fairly negative view on
reducing internal migr
international migration
and national sovereign

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 1 1

African migration scholars, by contrast, have devoted considerable

attention to mobility within Africa - both internal and international -
and emphasise both its economic aspects and its political, social and
cultural dimensions.2
Africa has been a continent of migration since pre-historical times,
with both cyclical migrations concerned with agricultural production
cycles, trade and religion, and more permanent movements resulting
from the search for economic opportunities, conflict and environ-
mental change. European colonialism transformed mobility patterns,
first through the transportation of millions of Africans as slaves to the
Americas, and then through the coercive mobilization of workers for
plantations, mines, ports and colonial armed forces, sometimes
through forced labour and sometimes through the imposition of cash
economies to force Africans into wage labour. Colonial liberation
struggles from the 1950s onwards led to massive forced migrations,
both within and across borders. Such struggles continued as proxy
warfare between the West and the Soviet bloc - such as the long-last-
ing war in Angola - and then as conflicts about power and economic
control in new nation-states.
Africa remains a continent of high human mobility. In 2006, 39 of
the world's 50 least developed countries were in Africa (UNDP 2006).
With over 70 per cent of citizens in some states living on less than the
equivalent of $ 1US per day, migration has become a way out of poverty.
In 2005, there were an estimated 17 million international migrants in
Africa. About 3 million (nearly one in five) were refugees, a higher pro-
portion than in any other continent. The number of internally displaced
persons (IDPs) was estimated at over 1 1 million throughout sub-Saha-
ran Africa (IDMC 2007). But such statistics should be treated with cau-
tion: many states have never conducted a proper census, countless
people possess no identification documents, and laws regarding immi-
gration, emigration, and citizenship vary considerably.
There is no space here for a detailed examination of the complex
patterns of migration within and from Africa (see Bakewell and de
Haas 2007; Castles and Miller 2009: 148-59; Cross et al. 2006). Here
we are concerned with migration and development linkages and the
policy debates around them. Recent African migration - both internal
and international - has been primarily motivated by the desire for
improved livelihoods. Although forced migration remains an impor-
tant issue, the dominant role it played in the early post-colonial period
has receded. African migration takes place overwhelmingly within
the continent. Even in West Africa, the part of Africa with the highest

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 12 Stephen Castles

rate of migration to ind

least seven times high
(Bakewell and de Haas 2
growth of African mig
small - although there
According to an IOM stu
Europe in 2000 (IOM 2
'African diaspora in Eu
of Europe's population.
African migration is cl
People seek opportunitie
opportunities. West Afr
continent - provides ma
tional migrant populatio
total population) in 20
movements are from the northern inland to the southern coastal
regions, where migrants seek work in factories, mines and planta-
tions, or in the service economies (both formal and informal) of fast-
growing cities like Lagos, Dakar and Accra.
International migration has largely been spontaneous. In periods of
rapid growth, governments have often welcomed labour migrants,
while at times of economic crisis, there have been mass expulsions. In
the 1950s and 1960s large numbers of migrants from Togo and Nige-
ria were attracted to Ghana. After the 1966 coup in Ghana and the
subsequent economic decline, the government ordered mass deporta-
tion of some 200,000 migrants, mainly Nigerians. With Nigeria's new
oil wealth after 1973, millions of Ghanaians and other West Africans
sought work there - including many teachers, doctors and adminis-
trators. But corruption and misguided economic policies precipitated
a crisis, and in 183-5 an estimated two million low-skilled West
Africans were deported, including over one million Ghanaians
(Bakewell and de Haas 2007: 104).
Today, multi-directional patterns of labour migration within the
region persist - often of a temporary nature. However, increasing
numbers of West Africans, both highly skilled and less-skilled, now
seek work outside the region. Many are attracted by the new migra-
tion poles in the North (Libya, Morocco and Egypt) and South (South
Africa, Botswana) of the continent. Others seek opportunities in
Europe, North America and even, most recently, Japan and China.
Clearly migration has been closely linked to economic develop-
ment, but has largely been a product of the decisions of migrants and

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 1 3

their families and communities, rather than an official strategy. Gov-

ernments and development agencies (both governmental and non-
governmental) have indeed treated African migration as inherently
problematic. A recent review of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers
(PRSPs) - a key instrument in national development policy forma-
tion - shows that they tend to focus on the idea that migration results
from lack of development and furthermore is actually harmful to
development. African PRSPs concentrate on the need for rural devel-
opment projects to stem internal rural-urban migration flows. The
authors note a curious disjuncture between the current international
paradigm that migration can serve development and the apparent
denial of this in African development plans - but they also point out
that PRSPs do not always reflect actual government actions, which
often favour remittances as an important economic benefit (Black
and Sward 2009).
In the Global North public discourses tend to define African
migration as a problem and even as a threat to security and national
sovereignty. This applies particularly in Europe, where the cultural
traditions of colonial domination have made the African the quintes-
sential 'Other' - a stereotype reinforced by media hysteria about the
relatively small numbers of Africans who arrive illegally in small
boats on the shores of Spain and Italy. The current European view is
a continuation of colonial approaches that sought to mobilize African
labour to meet the needs of emerging capitalist production, while pre-
venting voluntary movements and long-term settlement. The 'seden-
tary bias' (Bakewell 2007; Bakewell 2008) of European debates thus
carries on colonial attempts to prevent rural-urban migration and to
get Africans to maintain traditional ways of life and cultural forms -
at the very time when their material basis was being eroded by exter-
nally-imposed 'modernization'. The South African apartheid regime's
combination of the mine labour system with pass laws and 'influx
control' were also part of this tradition.
By contrast, African scholars generally see migration as a normal
part of everyday life, which can bring human costs but also the
potential for economic benefits and improved life chances (see for
instance Landau and Segatti 2009). However, the control of knowl-
edge is closely bound up with power: the dominance of northern dis-
course on African migration as problematic can be seen in measures
like the EU's 'neighbourhood policy', which is designed to enlist the
aid of transit region governments (such as Morocco and Libya) in
preventing African migration to Europe, or the co-developpement

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 14 Stephen Castles

approach, which aim

'unwanted' migrants.
role of migration in s
approaches designed t
(see Bakewell 2009).
(UNDP 2009) may pro
gains in human freedo
from the removal of m

The dangers of policy-

It seems that social
available to support o
building walls, off-sho
oppement or broader
principle that migrat
necessarily imply tha
by those in power - a
and consultancy con
researchers in certain
troversies within migr
mon body of theory
makers to choose fro
policy fashion of the
fallacies of wall-bui
approaches to labour m
in favour of those wh
We should therefore ask ourselves: does the recent turn to more
positive views of the relationship between development and migra-
tion really reflect a scientific revolution (see Kuhn 1996), or is it just
that policy makers have given the nod to this approach because it fits
current political needs? It is hard to come to a conclusion on this, but
one would like to believe the former. Recent approaches could imply
a trend towards a new synthesis that goes across old disciplinary and
paradigmatic boundaries, and that could allow real advances in the-
ory and knowledge in this field. But that is not automatically the
case. It is really up to social scientists working on migration and
development to develop these new approaches further, and to make
sure that we are not pushed to adopt research topics and questions
that feed into short-term policy needs. That requires a much more
concerted attempt to theorize the migration/development relation-
ship, and to link it with the most advanced ideas of contemporary

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 1 5

social research concerned with broader processes of societal devel-

opment across a range of disciplines.

Understanding the relationship between global change,

social transformation and human mobility

This section explores in a preliminary way some ideas for taking for-
ward the analysis of the migration/development relationship. It falls
into a sub-section on the conceptual framework (or the theoretical
basis) and another on the methodological consequences.

Conceptual framework
A key reason for the shortcomings of migration and development
research lies in its isolation from broader trends in contemporary
social theory. In the epoch of the rise of the nation-state, international
migration was seen as peripheral, because the national industrial soci-
ety was understood as the 'container' for all aspects of social being
(Faist 2000; Wieviorka 1994). Crossing borders was the exception
and a deviation from the nation-state model. Specific national
assumptions on ways of excluding or assimilating migrants became
the unquestioned conventional wisdom of social sciences based on
'methodological nationalism'. (Beck 2007; Wimmer and Glick
Schiller 2003). Migration thus played little part in classical social sci-
ence, which was primarily concerned with social order in bounded
societies; however, this did include strategies for controlling internal
'dangerous classes' or colonized 'dangerous peoples' (Connell 1997).
The result has been that research on migration has mainly been done
by migration specialists, while research on development has been the
preserve of development specialists. Both groups have tended to be
isolated from each other and from mainstream social theory.
In the past, research on migration and development has had little
impact on core theories of social order and differentiation. However,
in recent times, globalization has challenged national models in the
social sciences and drawn attention to cross-border flows as key
instruments of change. There are signs of a new emphasis on human
mobility in social theory, and some key works on global change
(such as Bauman 1998; Beck 2007; Cohen and Kennedy 2000; Held
et al. 1999) now stress the centrality of migration in contemporary
social relations. This shift is not surprising: if the principle of the
'container society' is no longer sustainable (even as a myth), then

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 16 Stephen Castles

flows across borders b

social sciences.
A central concept for analysing the links between human mobility
and global change is the process of social transformation. A useful
point of departure is Polanyi's (Polanyi 2001) work on the 'great
transformation' of European societies through industrialization and
the ideology of self-regulating markets. According to Polyani, the
market liberalism of the 19th century ignored the embeddedness of
the economy in society (i.e., its role in achieving social goals laid
down by politics, religion and social custom). The liberal attempt to
disembed the market was a 'stark utopia' leading to a double move-
ment - a protective countermovement to re-subordinate the economy
to society. Unfortunately, in the early 20th century, the countermove-
ment led inexorably to fascism and world war (Block and Polanyi
2003; Polanyi 2001).
Globalization (especially since the end of the Cold War) represents
a new fundamental shift in economic, political and military affairs.
The resulting social transformation in developed countries can be
seen in the closure of older industries, the restructuring of labour
forces, the erosion of welfare states and the decline of communities.
In less-developed countries , forms of social transformation include
intensification of agriculture, destruction of rural livelihoods, erosion
of local social orders, rural-urban migration and formation of vast
shanty-towns within new mega-cities. The recent upsurge in South-
North migration can best be understood through examination of these
complementary changes and their complex linkages.
It is possible to draw on emerging ideas from a range of disciplines
to develop a new approach to understanding transformation-mobility
relationships. In economics, Stiglitz has provided a critique of neo-lib-
eral economic globalization, derived from Polanyi's concept of trans-
formation (Stiglitz 1998; Stiglitz 2002). For him, the 'double
movement' is represented by anti-globalization activism (see Stiglitz's
Foreword to (Polanyi 2001). Milanovic shows that the neo-liberal
claim of improving economic outcomes for poor countries has masked
a vast increase in inequality (Milanovic 2007). In political economy,
the neo-liberal model is criticized as a new utopia of a self-regulating
world economy (Freeman and Kagarlitsky 2004; Petras and Veltmayer
2000; Weiss 1998). Such ideas echo Polanyi's critique of attempts to
disembed the economy from society, but they are essentially top-down
critiques, which fail to analyse the local effects of global economic and
political forces. In order to overcome this disjunctive, it is necessary to

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 1 7

apply concepts and methodologies suggested by social anthropolo-

gists, development sociologists and other social scientists studying
local dimensions of global change (see methodology below).
These trends in mainstream social theory have already influenced
migration studies. As outlined above, economists working on migra-
tion have become increasingly critical of the emphasis on individual
rational choice within neo-classical theory, and are investigating the
role of families, communities, and other social actors in migratory
processes (Massey et al. 1998). An important advance is the develop-
ment of network theories, which focus on the collective agency of
migrants and communities in organizing processes of migration and
incorporation (Boyd 1989). A linked trend is towards investigation of
transnational affiliations among migrants (Guarnizo et al. 2003; Portes
et al. 2007; Vertovec 2004). Critical analyses of the relationship
between migration and security emphasize the important role of demo-
graphic trends, institutional change, and the decline of multilateralism
(Bigo and Guild 2005; Humphrey 2005; Weiner and Russell 2001).
The key principle at the conceptual level, therefore, is to embed the
study of migration/development relationships in a much broader
inter-disciplinary analysis of the development of social structures and
relationships in the context of globalization. As the brief review above
shows, this is not a new idea, and important trends in both broader
social theory point in that direction.

Methodology
A revised conceptual framework implies rethinking the methodology
of migration and development research. We need to find ways of
understanding the relationships between macro- meso- and micro fac-
tors of change. This is based on the idea that global factors have dif-
fering effects in various places at the local and national level, due to
the presence of mediating historical experiences and cultural patterns.
Put differently, it is crucial to find ways of understanding the rela-
tionships between the various socio-spatial levels: global, local,
national and regional (Pries 2007). This principle also underpins the
need for interdisciplinarity, since the various disciplines often address
different socio-spatial levels.
A primary concern is to overcome methodological nationalism by
developing a truly transnational research process based on interna-
tional and interdisciplinary teams. At the same time, we need to
develop instruments for linking analysis of global forces to national
and local experiences, drawing on methodological innovations from

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 1 8 Stephen Castles

several disciplines. The

household surveys to un
sions and their relation
1999a). Collinson (Coll
'relational political econ
chains in conflict areas. S
of understanding the ch
tionships between spati
The International Soci
mittee on 'Social Trans
(Schuerkens 2004) uses t
between global forces
approach to the study of
and Tosic 2005; Schuerk
tity movements arise in
anthropology has moved
singularity to study indiv
(Levitt and Glick Schille
ous dialectic of indigeniz
2004). Concepts and meth
persed communities are
examples of studies on
(Hogan 2004; Wise and
This is in no way an e
methodological approac
social sciences. Some are
and others could and should be.

Re-examining the migration and development mantra

What would a conceptual framework and methodology based on the

analysis of social transformation contribute to our understanding of
current issues in the migration/development relationship? It could
serve as an analytical lens to re-examine some of the main elements
of the new conventional wisdom on migration and development. I
use the term 'migration and development mantra' here, based on
Devesh Kapur's idea that remittances have become a new 'develop-
ment mantra': governments and officials believe that money sent
home by migrants can be a recipe for local, regional and national
development (Kapur 2004). I think it is useful to extend this notion of

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 1 9

a 'new mantra' to include the whole range of benefits that migration

is said to bring for development:

Migrant remittances can have a major positive impact on the eco-

nomic development of countries of origin
Migrants also transfer home skills and attitudes - known as 'social
remittances' - which support development
'Brain drain' is being replaced by 'brain circulation', which bene-
fits both sending and receiving countries
Temporary (or circular) labour migration can stimulate development
Migrant diasporas can be a powerful force for development, through
transfer of resources and ideas.

Economic development will reduce out-migration.

At present 'the evidence base for the links between migration and
development is still very weak' (Newland 2007). A World Bank study
found that the relationship is 'unsettled and unresolved' (Ellerman
2003), while Massey et al. point to deficiencies in both theoretical
understanding and gathering of data on the relationship between migra-
tion and development (Massey et al. 1998, 272). Thus the evidence on
all aspects of the mantra is uneven and contested. It would take far too
much space to discuss each one in turn here. I simply want to suggest
some research questions that could be applied to some or all of them.
(1) What do we mean by development and who decides? The con-
cept was first coined to refer to postwar reconstruction after 1945 in
Europe, and then applied in a top-down way to the post-colonial Third
World. It has become a commonsense term, but the original simple
definition of development as growth in GDP (absolute or per capita)
has been questioned by ideas of human development, human security,
development as capability or freedom or autonomy. When the Inter-
national Migration Institute (IMI) at Oxford University and the Doc-
toral Programme in Development Studies of the University of
Zacatecas brought together scholars, government officials and mem-
bers of migrant associations from some major emigration countries in
2007-2008, they questioned the idea that some of the world's most
exploited workers should provide the capital for economic growth,
where official aid programmes have failed. They argued that a strat-
egy based on exporting workers to richer countries was a sign of the
failure to achieve development in the interests of the majority of the
population. The implication is that migrants and the communities they

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 20 Stephen Castles

come from and go to

(Castles and Delgado W
(2) Under what condit
ment? Comparisons of v
For instance the Philipp
ing emigration program
provider of workers for
dence that it has led to
ditions of the people, n
Korea by contrast has m
immigration country, y
1970s and 1980s playe
ernizzi 2005). Turkey
which at the same was a
but has now experienc
(Avci and Kirisci 2008).
the USA, but this app
dency and to economic
(Delgado Wise and Gua
knowledge gaps here, w
national comparisons.
(3) Is development an is
poorer countries? The id
forms of behaviour fro
bring about positive cha
'civilizing mission' of
was also central to the modernization theories of the 1950s and 1960s
(Rostow 1960), according to which: '[development was a question of
instilling the "right" orientations - values and norms - in the cultures
of the non-Western world so as to enable its people to partake in the
modern wealth-creating economic and political institutions of the
advanced West' (Portes 1997, 230). Such policies failed to stimulate
development and to improve the living standards of the poor. More
recently, neo-liberal globalization theory has argued that western
models of privatization and entrepreneurship are crucial to develop-
ment, yet such approaches have so far led to greater inequality
(Milanovic 2007). Now strategies designed to encourage 'social
remittances' and 'diaspora mobilization for development' are being
advocated (see DFID 2007). We need to examine the relationship
between such apparently bottom-up development approaches and
macro-level relationships of unequal economic and political power.

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 2 1

(4) Is the ' brain drain ' being replaced by ' brain circulation ' or a
' brain bank '? Skilled migration often represents a transfer of human
capital from poor to rich countries, but current initiatives by develop-
ment agencies and international organizations aim to find ways in
which skilled migration could be transformed into a global circulation
of talents, which might benefit receiving countries, migrants and
source countries. Whether this will happen depends on the willing-
ness of the states concerned to cooperate for development. The very
strong emphasis on recruiting the highly skilled and excluding the low
skilled in the current policies of the EU, U.K., France, Germany,
U.S. A, Canada, Australia, Japan, Korea and, most recently, China cast
doubt on such willingness. Another indication is the continuing rise in
recruitment of medical personnel from less-developed countries by
Western Europe and the USA (OECD 2007, 162-82). So the task here
is to analyse the interest coalitions that determine such policies, and
whether there are levers for change.
(5) Is temporary or 'circular' migration a real possibility, and can
it serve the interests of poor countries? The ambivalence of migration
and development policies is perhaps clearest with regard to the
renewed enthusiasm for temporary migration - now under the more
positive label of circular migration. This is said to benefit the coun-
tries of origin, but in reality these would have an interest in permanent
emigration of surplus low-skilled workers and temporary emigration
of the highly skilled. The interests of labour-importing countries are
the opposite, and these have so far prevailed in international debates:
lower-skilled migrants are welcome in Europe, North America and the
new industrial countries only as temporary 'guestworkers'. Where
this proves politically difficult, employers rely on undocumented
workers. The ready availability of low-skilled labour in a situation of
global surplus gives all the market power to the demand side.
This list of questions is far from exhaustive, and my brief discus-
sion of each indicates how controversial they remain. Clearly, there is
a need for much more systematic research, and above all for compar-
ative studies of differing experiences to work out the factors involved,
and how they interact. My basic aim here is to indicate the impossi-
bility of making clear statements by looking at migration on its own.
Only by analysing it in a framework that links global relationships of
economic and political power with national and local experiences of
coping with social transformation can we begin to understand the fac-
tors that lead to differentiated outcomes.

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22 Stephen Castles

Will economic dev

from poor coun

As mentioned at the beg

ers still believe that d
countries to rich - the
mantra. This is based on
to colonial ideas on th
migration of poor peop
2007). The second assu
lence that force people
The belief in the 'virtuo
In fact there is conside
standards and reduction
more migration (UND
highly mobile - althoug
Sociologist Zygmunt Ba
the badge of the global e
(Bauman 1998). The po
opment instead of migr
were spelled out convin
mission on Internationa
tion policies could not
designed to address un
most prosperous states
policies on the dynam
through trade reform
global markets (GCIM
the need to stop arms e
sures to build human ri
As for countries of orig
development can be m
development. Where po
tances are more likely t
to positive change. On t
the same time as impro
institutions, constructio
investment-friendly cli
cies to maximize the b
must thus be part of
poverty and achieve d

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 23

Such analyses in policy reports show that some government offi-

cials have got the message that the virtuous circle of migration and
development is not so simple - even if key decision makers have not.
This is important for social scientists, because it shows that our mes-
sages do not always fall on deaf ears. It should reinforce our determi-
nation to continue to elaborate a critical, interdisciplinary perspective
for the analysis of the migration/development relationship. This
means working to overcome the barriers that have led to the frag-
mentation of migration studies and its isolation from innovative
trends in social theory.
The key idea is that it is mistaken to see migration and develop-
ment in isolation from wider issues of global power, wealth and
inequality. Mobility of people is an integral part of the major changes
currently affecting all regions of world. Studying migration separately
from this context is likely to lead to mistaken ideas on its potential for
enhancing economic, political and social change. By contrast, con-
ceptualizing migration as a key aspect of the social transformations
that affect all parts of the world today can enrich both migration stud-
ies and the social sciences as a whole.

Re-linking development economics and

critical migration theory

The two papers presented at the initial session of the 2008 SSRC Con-
ference on Migration and Development approached the issue in very
different ways: Ranis started from a theoretical model of the eco-
nomics of internal migration, and then tested it against some histori-
cal cases to show a wide range of modifying factors. He also argued
that the basic model could be extended to international migration,
albeit with even more constraints, not least the role of states and their
uneven power. He stated that the model suggested a long-term transi-
tion to 'a one-sector, relatively full-employment neo-classical world',
and argued that this is 'currently happening in such countries as
China, Vietnam and Thailand'. However, he also showed the limita-
tions of this model, not least the fact that it could not explain trends
in much of Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa.
By contrast my contribution started from a model of complexity
and contradictions. My approach was a political economy and sociol-
ogy of international migration, built around the central concept of
social transformation and the way this is brought about simultane-

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24 Stephen Castles

ously in South and No

trend towards a 'one-s
globalization and social t
economic patterns in th
shop, domestic service
economies. The develo
countries are not abse
uneven, and contingent
Can these very differe
an intellectual and a pra
needs to be a debate abou
minants and consequenc
International migration
tion, but neither can int
textual factor for intern
from simplicity versu
resolved by meeting in
tions from the model d
plexity can lead to resig
both the social-scient
involve the search for
that goes across discipli
On the political level, an
developmental approac
from migration while se

Stephen Castles Resear

of Sydney and Associate
tute (IMI), University o
of Migration and Refu
Director of IMI. He i
works on internation
migration and developm
Asia and Europe. From
Studies Centre at Oxfo
Australian and British G
IOM, the European Uni
books include: The Age
ments in the Modern W
ingstoke, Palgrave-Mac
European Welfare St

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Development and Migration - Migration and Development 25

Schierup and Peo Hansen, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006);

and Migration and Development: Perspectives from the South (edited
with Raúl Delgado Wise, Geneva: International Organization for
Migration, 2008).

Notes

1 . US Social Science Research Council Conference on Migration and Develop-

ment: Future Directions for Research and Policy, 28 February - 1 March 2008
New York City. The original papers can be accessed at: [Link]
developmentpapers/?page_id=3#panell A revised version, paying special atten-
tion to Asian examples, is to be published in the Asian and Pacific Migration
Journal (Manila).
2. See the papers of two African Migrations Workshops held in Accra (2007)
and Rabat (2008) at [Link]
programme-1

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