Philippine Constitutional Evolution Overview
Philippine Constitutional Evolution Overview
Group 6 (Reporter 6)
Jhea C. Demeterio
Rose Ann M. Montillen
Jelyn B. Zafra
Greizen Mae M. Aratea
Mario O. Abejar Jr.
Dannah Jane C. Conejos
I. JHEA C. DEMETERIO
Federalism
CONSTITUTIONS
The Constitution of the Philippines, the supreme law of the Republic of the
Philippines, has been in effect since 1987. There were only three other
constitutions that have effectively governed the country: the 1935
Commonwealth Constitution, the 1973 Constitution, and the 1986 Freedom
Constitution. However, there were earlier constitutions attempted by Filipinos
in the struggle to break free from the colonial yoke.
1. Supreme Council, which was vested with the power of the Republic,
headed by the president and four department secretaries: the interior,
foreign affairs, treasury, and war.
2. Consejo Supremo de Gracia Y Justicia (Supreme Council of Grace and
Justice), which was given the authority to make decisions and affirm or
disprove the sentences rendered by other courts and to dictate rules
for the administration of justice.
3. Asamblea de Representantes (Assembly of Representatives), which
was to be convened after the revolution to create a new Constitution
and to elect a new Council of Government and Representatives of the
people
-After the signing of the truce, the Filipino revolutionary leaders accepted a
payment from Spain and went to exile in Hong Kong. Upon the defeat of the
Spanish to the Americans in the Battle of Manila Bay on 1 May 1898, the
United States Navy transported Aguinaldo back to the Philippines. The newly
reformed Philippine revolutionary forces retreated to the control of
Aguinaldo, and the Philippine Declaration of Independence was issued on 12
June 1898, together with several decrees that formed the First Philippine
Republic. The Malolos Congress was elected, which selected a commission to
draw up a draft constitution on 17 September 1898, which was composed of
wealthy and educated men.
It is worth mentioning that after the Treaty of Paris, the Philippines was
subject to the power of the United States of America, effectively the new
colonizers of the country. From 1898 to 1901, the Philippines would be placed
under a military government until a civil government would be put into place.
Two acts of the United States Congress were passed that may be considered
to have qualities of constitutionality. First was the Philippine Organic Act of
1902, the first organic law for the Philippine Islands that provided for the
creation of a popularly elected Philippine Assembly. The act specified that
legislative power would be vested in a bicameral legislature composed of the
Philippine Commission as the upper house and the Philippine Assembly lower
house.
Key provisions of the act included a bill of rights for Filipinos and the
appointment of two non-voting Filipino Resident Commissioners of the
Philippines as representative to the United States House of Representatives.
In 1932, with the efforts of the Filipino independence mission led by Sergio
Osmeña and Manuel Roxas, the United States Congress passed the Hare-
Hawes-Cutting Act, with the promise of granting Filipinos’ independence. The
bill was opposed by then Senate President Manuel L. Quezon and
consequently rejected by the Philippine Senate.
By 1934, another law, the Tydings-McDuffie Act, also known as the Philippine
Independence Act, was passed by the United States Congress that provided
authority and defined mechanisms for the establishment of a formal
constitution by a constitutional convention. The members of the convention
were elected and held their first meeting on 30 July 1934, with Claro M. Recto
unanimously elected as president.
The constitution was crafted to meet the approval of the United States
government, and to ensure that the United States would live up to its
promise to grant independence to the Philippines.
While the dominant influence in the constitution was American, it also bears
traces of the Malolos Constitution, the German, Spanish, and Mexican
constitutions, constitutions of several South American countries, and the
unwritten English Constitution.
The draft of the constitution was approved by the constitutional convention
on 8 February 1935, and ratified by then U.S. President Franklin B. Roosevelt
on 25 March 1935. Elections were held in September 1935 and Manuel L.
Quezon was elected President of the Commonwealth.
The Commonwealth was briefly interrupted by the events of the World War II,
with the Japanese occupying the Philippines. Afterward, upon liberation, the
Philippines was declared an independent republic.
Before the convention finished its work, Martial Law was declared. Marcos
cited a growing communist insurgency as reason for the Martial Law, which
was provided for in the 1935 Constitution. Some delegates of the ongoing
constitutional convention were placed behind bars and others went into
hiding or were voluntarily exiled.
The situation In the 1980s had been very turbulent. As Marcos amassed
power, discontent has also been burgeoning. The tide turned swiftly when in
August 1983, Benigno Aquino, Jr., opposition leader and regarded as the
most credible alternative to President Marcos, was assassinated while under
military escort immediately after his return from exile in the United States.
There was widespread suspicion that the orders to assassinate Aquino came
from the top levels of the government and the military. This event caused the
coming together of the non-violent opposition against the Marcos
authoritarian regime. Marcos was then forced to hold “snap” elections a year
early, and said elections were marred by widespread fraud.
There are 234 legislative districts in the philippines that elect their
representatives to serve three-year terms. The 1987 constitution created a
party-list system to provide spaces for the participation of under community
sectors or groups. Party list representatives may fill up not more than 20
percent of the seats in the house. The Philippine court system is vested with
the power of the judiciary, and is composed of a supreme court and lower
courts as and created by law. The supreme court is a 15-members court
appointed by the president.
The third method is called the “People’s Initiative” or (PI). In this method,
amendments to the constitution may be prosed by the people upon a
petition of at least 12% of the total number of registered voter.
The 1987 constitution directs the congress to enact a law to implement the
provisions of the PI [People’s Initiative]. Which has not yet materialized.
METHODS OF AMENDMENT
1. Constituent Assembly
2. Constitutional Assembly
3. People’s Initiative
4. All require ratification by majority vote in a referendum
1995: Jose Almonte drafted constitution ----- failed after media exposure
1997: PIRMAN attempted People’s Initiative ----- Supreme Court Blocked (no
enabling law)
ESTRADA ADMINISTRATION
ARROYO ADMINISTRATION
•Failed Attempt
AQUINO ADMINISTRATION
DUTERTE ADMINISTRATION
PROS OF FEDERALISM
•Promotes specialization
CONS OF FEDERALISM
CURRENT SITUATION
When Spain colonized the Philippines, land was owned by the Spanish Crown
and Filipinos were only assigned to cultivate it while paying tributes in crops.
The Law of the Indies granted lands to religious orders, Spanish soldiers, and
encomenderos, who controlled the encomienda system. This system was
abusive—Filipinos were forced to sell produce at low prices, surrender goods,
and render unpaid services.
After World War II, agrarian reform aimed to address old problems. Under
President Roxas, RA 34 established a 70-30 sharing arrangement between
tenant and landlord and reduced loan interest to 6%. Attempts to redistribute
hacienda lands failed due to lack of support for small farmers.
Despite these efforts, reforms struggled due to lack of funds, weak support
services, and opposition from landed elites. A major stride in land reform
arrived during the term of President Diosdado Macapagal through the
Agricultural Land Reform Code (Republic Act No. 3844).
PRIMARY SOURCE: DECLARATION OF THE POLICY UNDER R.A. NO.
3844 OF AGRICULTURAL LAND REFORM CODE SOURCE: SECTION 2.
DECLARATION OF POLICY-IT IS THE POLICY OF THE STATE:
Established in 1973, this fund was used to finance the acquisition and
distribution of land to tenant farmers. The fund was also used to provide
support services to agrarian reform beneficiaries, such as credit, training,
and extension services.
POST 1986 AGRARIAN REFORM
Established in 1988, the fund was used to finance the acquisition and
distribution of land as well as to provide support services to agrarian reform
beneficiaries.
CARPER was enacted in 2009 to extend and reform the Philippines’ agrarian
reform program, aiming to address historical land inequality by redistributing
agricultural land to landless farmers and farmworkers. It extended the
deadline for land distribution from 2009 to 2014, allocated $\text{P}150$
billion for land acquisition and support services, removed the controversial
Stock Distribution Option (SDO) to ensure physical land transfer,
strengthened compulsory land acquisition to bypass resistant landowners,
and mandated support services like credit, training, and infrastructure to
help beneficiaries make their farms productive.
Toward the end of the sixteenth century, the Manila-Acapulco trade was
established through the galleons, a way by which the Spaniards could make
sure that European presence would be sustained. Once a year, the galleon
would be loaded up with the merchandise from Asia and sent to New Spain
(Mexico), and back. Tax collection was still very poor and subsidy from the
Spain would be needed through the situado real delivered from the Mexican
treasury to the Philippines through the galleons. This subsidy stopped as
Mexico became independent in 1820.
In 1884, the payment of tribute was put to a stop and was replaced by a poll
tax collected through a certificate of identification called the cedula personal.
Unlike the tribute, the payment of cedulas is by person, not by family. The
Chinese in the Philippines were also made to pay their discriminatory cedula
which was bigger that what the Filipino said.
Two direct taxes were added in 1878 and imposed on urban incomes.
(1) URBANA is a tax on the annual rental value of urban real estate.
Indirect taxes such as customs duties were imposed on exports and imports
to further raise revenue, especially during the nineteenth century when
economic growth increased exponentially.
The colonial government also gained income from monopolies, such as the
sale of stamped paper, the manufacture and sale of liquor, cockpits, and
opium, but the biggest of the state monopoly was tobacco, which began in
1781 and halted in 1882. This monopoly made it possible for the colony to
create a surplus of income that made it self-sufficient without the need for
the situado real and even contributed to the Treasury of Spain.
The tax! With regard to your question on this, the answer is very long, as it is
the cause of the prevailing misery here. What I can write you will be only
one-half of the story and even Damas cannor cannot exhaust the subject.
Nevertheless, I’ll try to write what I can, though I may not be able to give a
complete story you may at least know half of it.
Here, there are many kinds of taxes. What they call irrigated rice land, even
if it has no water, must pay a tax of 50 cavanes of palay (unhusked rice) and
land with six cavanes of seed pay 5 pesos in cash. The land they call dry
land that is planted to sugar cane, maize, and others pay different rates.
Even if the irrigated tenant has six cavanes of seed, with six cavanes of
seed, if they see that the harvest is good, they increase the tax, but they
don’t decrease it, if the harvest is poor. There is land whose tax is 25 pesos
or 20 pesos, according to custom.
The most troublesome are the residential lots in the town. There is no fixed
rule that is followed, only their whim. Hence, even if it is only one span in
size, if a stone wall is added, 50 pesos must be paid, the lowest being 20
pesos. But a nipa or cogon house pays only one peso for an area of ten
fathoms square. Another feature of this system is that on the day you accept
the conditions, the contract will be written which cannot be changed for four
years, but the tax is increased every year. For these reasons, for two years
now the payment of tax is confused and little by little the fear of the
residents here of the word “vacant” is being expelled, which our ancestors
had feared so much. The result is bargaining, like they do in buying fish. It is
advisable to allow a low figure and payment can be postponed, unlike before
when people were very much afraid to pay after May.
I’m looking for a receipt to send you, but I cannot find any, because we don’t
get a receipt every time we pay. Anyway, it is valueless, as it does not state
the amount paid; it only says that the tax for that year was paid, without
stating whether it is five centavos, twenty-five centavos, one hundred, or
one thousand pesos. The residents who ask or get the said receipt accept it
with closed eyes. The receipt has no signature in the place where the
amount paid ought to be, although it bears their name. Until now I cannot
comprehend why some are signed and others are not. This is more or less
what is happening here in the payment of the land tax and has been so for
many years since I can remember.
Besides this, the taxes on the plants in the fields that are far from the town,
like the land in Pansol, are various. The tax on the palay is separate from the
tax on maize, mongo, or garlic. There is no limit to this tax, for they fix it
themselves. Since July no one bows wear and since “lupo” locusts are all
over the town and they are destroying palay and sugar cane, which is what
we regret here. The governor gave 50 pesos to pay the catchers of locusts,
but when they took them to the townhall they were paid only 25 cents a
cavan and a half, and it seems that the locusts are not increasing. According
to the guess of the residents here only 300 cavanes of locusts have been
caught in this town. Many still remain. Though the governor has not sent any
more money, the people have not stopped catching them.
From 1898 to 1903, the Americans followed the Spanish system of taxation
with some modifications, noting that the system introduced by the Spaniards
were outdated and regressive. The military government suspended the
contracts for the sale of opium, lottery, and mint charges for coinage of
money. Later on, the urbana would be replaced by tax on real estate, which
became known as the land tax. The land tax was levied on both urban and
rural real estates.
The Internal Revenue Law of 1904 was passed as a reaction to the problems
of collecting land tax. It prescribed ten major sources of revenue: (1) licensed
taxes on firms dealing in alcoholic beverages and tobacco, (2) excise taxes
on alcoholic beverages and tobacco products, (3) taxes on banks and
bankers, (4) document stamp taxes, (5) the cédula, (6) taxes on insurance
and insurance companies, (7) taxes on forest products, (8) mining
concessions, (9) taxes on business and manufacturing, and (10) occupational
licenses.
The cédula went through changes in the new law as the rate was fixed per
adult male, which resulted in a great decline in revenues. In 1907, some
provinces were authorized to double the fee for the cédula to support the
construction and maintenance of roads. The industria tax was levied on the
business community and became a highly complex system that assigned a
certain tax to an industrial or commercial activity according to their
profitability. The new act also imposed a percentage tax on sales payable
quarterly.
Income tax rates were increased in 1936, adding a surtax rate on individual
net incomes in excess of 10,000 pesos. Income tax rates of corporations
were also increased. In 1937, the cédula tax was abolished, which appeared
to be a progressive move; but in 1940, a residence tax was imposed on
every citizen aged 18 years old and on every corporation.
(1)The normal tax of three percent and the surtax on income was
replaced by a single tax at a progressive rate.
(2)Personal exemptions were reduced.
(3)Corporation income tax was slightly increased by introducing taxes on
inherited estates or gifts donated in the name of dead persons.
(4)The cumulative sales tax was replaced by a single turnover tax of 10%
on luxuries.
(5)Taxes on liquors, cigarettes, forestry products, and mining were
increased.
(6)Dividends were made taxable.
As World War II reached the Philippine shores, economic activity was put to a
stop, and the Philippines bowed to a new set of administrators, the Japanese.
The Japanese military administration in the Philippines during World War II
immediately continued the system of tax collection introduced during the
Commonwealth, but exempted the articles belonging to the Japanese armed
forces. Foreign trade fell and the main sources of taxation came from
amusements, manufactures, professions, and business licenses. As the war
raged, tax collection was a difficult task, and additional incomes of the
government were derived from the sales of the National Sweepstakes and
sale of government bonds.
The economic situation was so problematic that by 1949, there was a severe
lack of funding in many aspects of governance, such as the military and
education sectors. No efforts were made to improve tax collection, and the
United States advised the adoption of direct taxation. The administration of
President Manuel Roxas declined the proposal because it did not want to
alienate its allies in Congress.
The impetus for economic growth came during the time of President Elpidio
Quirino through the implementation of import and exchange controls that led
to import substitution development. This policy allowed for the expansion of
a viable manufacturing sector that reduced economic dependence on
imports. New tax measures were also passed, which included higher
corporate tax rates that increased government revenues—tax revenue in
1953 increased twofold compared to 1948, the year when Quirino first
assumed presidency.
Under the Marcos authoritarian regime, the tax system remained regressive.
During the latter part of the Marcos’s years (1981-1985), the tax system was
still heavily dependent on indirect taxes, which made up 70% of total tax
collection. The tax system also remained unresponsive: taxes grew at an
average annual rate of 15% and generated a low tax yield. Tax effort, defined
as the ratio between the share of the actual tax collection in gross domestic
product and predictable taxable capacity, was at a low of 10.7%. As Corazon
Aquino took the helm of the government after the EDSA Revolution, she
reformed the tax system through the 1986 Tax Reform Program.
A major reform In the tax system introduced under the term of Aquino was
the introduction of the Value-added tax (VAT), with the following features:
(1)Uniform rate of 10% on the sale of domestic and imported goods and
services and zero percent on exports and foreign currency
denominated sales;
(2)Ten (10) percent in lieu of varied rates applicable to fixed taxes (60
nominal rates), advance sales tax, tax on original sale, subsequent
sales tax, compensating tax, miller’s tax, contractor’s tax, broker’s tax,
film lessor’s and distributor’s tax, excise tax on solvents and matches,
and excise tax on processed videotapes;
(3)Two percent tax on entities with annual sales or receipts of less than
P5,200,000;
(4)Adoption of the tax credit method of calculating tax by subtracting tax
on inputs from tax on gross sales;
(5)Consumption of the sale of basic commodities such as agriculture and
marine food products in their original state, price-regulated petroleum
products, and fertilizers; and
(6)Additional 20% tax on non-essential articles such as jewelry, perfumes,
toilet waters, yachts, and other vessels for pleasure and sports.
The VAT law was signed in 1986 and put to effect in 1988. Along with tax
reform came the administrative reforms, such as the restructuring of the
Department of Finance and its attached agency, the Bureau of Internal
Revenue (BIR) through the Executive Order 127. Tax collection and tax audits
were intensified; computerization was introduced; and corruption was
relatively reduced, which improved the trust in the BIR in general. As a result
of the tax reform of the Aquino administration, both tax and revenue effort
rose, increasing from 10.7% in 1985 to 15.4% in 1992.
The VAT base was also broadened in 1997 to include services, through
Republic Act 7716. The features of the improved VAT law were as follows:
The succeeding term of President Joseph Estrada in 1998 was too short to
constitute any change in the tax system. Then Vice President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo was swept to power through another EDSA Revolution. As
president, she undertook increased government spending without adjusting
tax collections. This resulted in larger deficits from 2002 to 2004. The
government had to look for additional sources of revenue, and in 2005, the
Expanded Value-Added Tax (E-VAT) was signed into law as Republic Act 9337.
This expanded the VAT base, subjecting to VAT energy products such as coal
and petroleum products and electricity generation, transmission, and
distribution. Select professional services were also taxed. In February 2006,
the VAT tax rate was also increased from 10% to 12%.
As President Benigno Aquino III succeeded President Arroyo in 2010. The
administration ventured into the adjustment of excise tax on liquor and
cigarettes or the Sin Tax Reform, motivation for which was primarily fiscal,
public health, and social order-related considerations. Republic Act 10351
was passed, and government revenues from alcohol and tobacco excise
taxes increased. Collections rose and stood at 3.4%, and ended up 4.1% of
the Gross Domestic Product and the improvement in tax collection resulted in
the Philippines receiving a credit rating upgrade (to investment grade
status). The Sin Tax Reform was an example of how a tax reform could
impact social services as it allowed for the increase of the Department of
Health budget (triple in 2015) and free health insurance premiums for the
poor people enrolled in PhilHealth increased (from P5.2 million in 2012 to
P15.4 million in 2015).