<a2> Dedication
This book is dedicated to Daphne and Ernie Hutchins, who know so much about
meaningful relationships; and to Roger, Robert, Shane and Rhiannon, whose
relationships mean so much.
<a2> Preface
The second edition of this book is long overdue! First written nearly ten years this
book was born largely out of frustration with the lack of attention the early
childhood sector gave to very young children. There have been changes, some of
which have helped address my frustration. Fortunately the latest understandings
from neurobiology have heightened professional interest in children under three
years of age. Nevertheless, this edition would not have made it to the shelves
without the urgings from the field for an updated version. Nor would it be so
without Margaret’s energy and enthusiasm for making it happen. All the updated
information has been provided by Margaret and I thank her for keeping the book
alive.
In the last ten years I have shifted my own focus and have been working more
and more with remote Aboriginal communities. Here, I am continuing to learn
more about the importance of relationships and relatedness. Ten years ago I
wrote that relationships are the core of who we are and must, therefore, be at the
centre of our work with children. I think this is worth reiterating ten years on, as is
the delight I still feel when in the company of caregivers who understand the
unique nature of each child and cannot stop telling endless stories about them.
The original motivation for this book came out of frustration with policy makers,
legislators and employers who did not understand the importance of the work
that caregivers do. Sadly nothing much has changed on this front. The inspiration
for the book continues to come from the caregivers and children themselves,
many of whom I have had the pleasure of working with over the years. Each one
of them taught me something new about the world and about myself.
Together we set out to tell the story of young children’s development and the way
in which caregivers can provide each child the opportunities, support, guidance
and, most importantly, the love they need to reach their full potential. This book
offers students, educators and caregivers a comprehensive approach to planning
programmes for infants and toddlers based upon the latest Australian, New
Zealand and international research. Its unique features include a thorough
discussion of the role caregivers play in fostering children’s development as well
as a detailed account of how each child actively influences his or her own
development.
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of human development provides the
framework for the structure of this book and Malaguzzi’s inspirational
commitment to the importance of relationships in children’s lives provides the
backdrop for each chapter.
Throughout the book, we have provided examples of high quality practice, case
studies, activities and student reflections designed to actively engage students in
the process of thinking about and interpreting the information presented to them.
We are indebted to many families who have so willingly provided photographs of
their children. We have made every endeavour to contact each person who
appears in the photographs to gain consent to reproduce the images. The authors
and publisher would be pleased to hear from people who feel that they were not
aware that the images were to be reproduced in this text.
<a2> About the authors
Teresa Hutchins came to Australia in 1982 from England and is currently a regional
programme coordinator with World Vision Australia and is responsible for
managing the Warlpiri Early Childhood Care and Development project in the
Central Desert Region of Australia. Previously she taught in the Children and
Family Studies programme at Edith Cowan University and was a Senior Lecturer in
Child Care at Central Metropolitan College of TAFE in Western Australia. Teresa
has worked as a caregiver in a variety of children’s services in England and
Australia. Previous positions include working in day nurseries, hospitals, women’s
refuges and neighbourhood centres. She has research interests that include the
provision of children’s services in newly industrialising countries and remote
Aboriginal communities, children’s experience of migration, the needs of children
from non-English speaking backgrounds, infant and toddler care and development
as well as workforce development in the child care sector.
Margaret Sims came to Australia in 1992 from New Zealand and is now Professor
of Early Childhood at the University of New England. She has worked in New
Zealand in a variety of community-based agencies providing support for children
who have different needs and their families. For a number of years she ran a Child
Care Centre and Preschool for children with additional needs, developed one of
the earliest inclusion programmes in New Zealand and was involved in the
planning and implementation of a pilot family support programme for families
living in an at-risk area of a major city. Margaret has research interests which
include child care and family support. She has undertaken research using cortisol,
a biomarker of stress, to look at quality in child care programmes. She is
interested in integrated early childhood service delivery and in particular
workforce development in such services, and the biochemistry of
parenting/caring. She is a consultant on the “Life at …” TV documentary series
arising out of the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children. She lives in Armidale
and her family (3 children and 4 grandchildren) have now spread widely across
Australia and New Zealand so she travels between the two countries as often as
she can.
<a2> Acknowledgments
To Woodvale Child Care Centre, Yarm Gwanga, children and families from
Willowra Community in the Central desert, A'oga Fa'a Samoa, Kaiwhakahaere Te
Puna Kōhungahunga, Judie and Sandy, Jane and Gerard Hulst, Michael’s parents,
the students at UNE and my colleagues, friends and family for allowing us to take
or use their photographs.
To our families for their patience and understanding.
Every effort has been made to contact all the people who appear in photographs
in this book.
<a2> Introduction
Even before birth, the unborn child influences the environment into which he or
she will be born. In the later stages of pregnancy the mother may have to give up
work, take rests during the day and even change her diet. She may have made
some of those changes even before conceiving. These are significant lifestyle
changes influenced by the child before birth. Once born, children inevitably
influence their parents’ behaviour. Altered sleeping and eating patterns together
with changed patterns of social interaction are all common for new parents.
Similarly, babies’ eating and sleeping patterns are influenced by their families.
Some parents will feed on demand, for example, while others will have a more
structured routine. Thus, even in the early months of life children both affect and
are affected by the immediate environment in which they live.
<insert photo intro.5 here>
<caption> Children affect and are affected by the immediate environment in
which they live
As children grow older, their sphere of influence widens to encompass settings
beyond the home. These may include playgroups, child care centres, preschools
and schools. While the child’s influence is felt in these settings, the settings
themselves have a direct influence on the child’s own behaviour and
development. The two-way influence between the developing child and his or her
environment is described by Bronfenbrenner (2005a) as reciprocal. Both children
and their environments are in a state of perpetual change, each depending on the
other.
The aim of this book is to provide a framework for planning programmes for
infants and toddlers that acknowledges the reciprocal nature of the relationship
between very young children and their environments. This framework illustrates
the importance of the context of children’s development and of building on each
child’s particular strengths, interests and needs.
<b1> The theoretical framework of the book
The reciprocal nature of the interaction between the child and his or her
environment is best illustrated by Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of
human development. Bronfenbrenner (1979, 2005a) used the concept of an
ecological system to describe the inter-relationship of the developing child and his
or her environment.
<insert photo intro.2 here>
<caption> Bronfenbrenner’s model is like a set of nested structures, each situated
inside the next like a set of stacking cups or Russian dolls
In Bronfenbrenner’s model of human development, the ecological system
comprises a set of nested structures, each situated inside the next like a set of
stacking cups or Russian dolls. Each level of the system influences and is
influenced by the next. Thus there is constant two-way interaction between the
different components of the system which strives towards balance.
<b2> The macrosystem
The outer layer of the system, which is symbolised by the largest Russian doll in
the set, relates to the dominant ideologies and cultural patterns that organise all
other social institutions in any particular society. Bronfenbrenner refers to these
influences as the macrosystem.
These dominant ideologies and cultural patterns influence what kind of
government departments are provided to support families, how the legal system
is designed, how communities organise themselves and how families rear children.
It should be remembered that the sphere of influence is two-way: not only does
the macrosystem influence other components of the system, but those other
components influence the macrosystem. For example, in the past, beliefs and
cultural patterns have influenced our understanding of what a family is.
<insert photo intro.3 here>
<caption> Beliefs and cultural patterns have influenced our understanding of
what a family is
Traditionally in Australia and New Zealand a family was believed to be a
mother, father and their children. However, since the early colonial days, many
families have had only one parent, and others have had parents of the same sex.
Over the years these families have been able to influence the dominant view of a
family, and are beginning to be recognised by other social institutions. In 1996 a
Sydney judge ruled that a lesbian should pay maintenance to her estranged
partner for the care of the children they had while they were living together. This
was the first time that a lesbian family had been recognised by the Australian legal
system. The way in which families choose to organise themselves can, over time,
influence the overriding ideology or cultural pattern of any given society.
An important and influential part of the macrosystem in New Zealand and
Australia is the concept of democracy. Democracy influences the kind of
government we have, the way society is organised, and the way in which families
care for children. For example, Te Whāriki, the New Zealand early childhood
curriculum reflects the principles of democracy. There are over-arching aims and
goals which were developed after extensive consultation with stakeholders, but
there is also flexibility to enable different services ( for example, Tagata Pasefika,
ngā kōhanga reo) to consult with tangata whenua in order to implement in ways
appropriate for their community, families and children.
<insert photo intro.4>
<caption> Different values in the macrosystem provide children with different
learning opportunities
REFLECTION Think about how you would you feel if women were not able to vote. Why is it so important that women have
the vote? What are the underlying beliefs and values that make us think that everyone has the right to vote?
<b2> The exosystem
The next layer of the ecological system, represented by the second-largest Russian doll,
relates to events that occur in settings where the child is not even present. These
settings include the parents’ workplaces and government institutions. For example,
parents who are under constant pressure from their employer to do overtime may not
have the time and emotional energy left to listen effectively to their young child’s
reading homework every night. Those parents who constantly lobby their employer to
implement family-friendly policies may achieve more flexible work hours, which enable
them to spend more time with their children (though engaging in the lobbying itself may
have taken time away from their children). Bronfenbrenner refers to this level of the
system as the exosystem.
REFLECTION How much time were your parents able to spend with you when you were 4 years old? What stopped your
parents from spending more time with you? Would your childhood have been any different if your father had stayed home and
looked after you? If yes, think about how it would have been different.
<b2> The microsystem
In Bronfenbrenner’s ecology of human development the innermost component of the
system, represented by the smallest Russian doll in the set, is the immediate setting
containing the developing child. The most influential settings for many children are the
home and the child care setting/school. Bronfenbrenner refers to these settings as
microsystems. Recent changes in child care policy at the level of government illustrate
the way in which the microsystem is influenced by other parts of the total system. The
Australian National Early Childhood Development Strategy (2009) indicates a level of
government attention to early childhood that has been lacking for decades. Out of this
we hope will arise a range of better services for children and families, and an increased
status for early childhood work which, we hope, will result in improvements in training
and employment conditions for early childhood workers. Better services, staffed by
more highly trained professionals working in a supportive context will lead to
significantly improved outcomes for our children.
<b2> The mesosystem
The mesosystem relates to the relationships and channels of communication between
the different microsystems responsible for raising the child. Bronfenbrenner uses the
example of the young child learning to read to describe the importance of the
mesosystem to the child’s development (1979). The child’s ability to learn to read is
influenced not only by the competence of the teacher but also by the quality of the
relationship between the school and the home. If the relationship and channels of
communication between the school and the home are strained, and/or if reading is not
considered important in the home environment, the child is less likely to be encouraged
to read at home and less likely to do well at school.
Table I.1 describes the different components of the ecological system and the way in
which they directly and indirectly influence the developing child.
<insert Table I.1 here>
<b1> Content of the book
This book is designed to provide a resource to students and caregivers caring for infants
and toddlers in group settings. In particular the book aims to support the relevant
curricula (New Zealand - Te Whāriki; Australia – Early Years Learning Framework) as
these relate to the care of children under 3 years of age. At the beginning of each of the
nine chapters the relevant goals/outcomes are listed, along with links to the Australian
Quality Improvement and Assurance Systems for Long Day Care and Family Day Care as
well as learning objectives for the chapter. Reflective exercises are included to assist the
reader in integrating and applying the theoretical concepts.
Chapter 1 examines the broad context of infant and toddler development — the way in
which particular beliefs about the value, needs and rights of women and very young
children have influenced the development of various child care services and
programmes over time. This chapter also provides the context of professional caregiving
and its evolution throughout history.
Chapter 2 looks at the latest neurobiological research which has been so influential in
bringing infant and toddler care to the attention of politicians. The original McCain and
Mustard report (1999) in Canada was hugely influential in driving Canadian policy for
the past decade and has had an impact around the world, both in raising political
awareness, but also in re-igniting academic interest in the early years. Attachment is
now shown to have a significant impact on children’s biology, and this has, in some
sense, validated the importance of relationships. We have been arguing the importance
of attachment for many years, and now we have biological evidence to support our
position. This chapter provides an over-view of this very important part of the infant and
toddler jigsaw.
<insert photo intro.1 here>
<caption> Attachment is now shown to have a significant impact on children’s biology,
and this has validated the importance of relationships
Chapter 3 examines the importance of building partnerships with parents and the role
of the child care service in building supportive communities. The chapter discusses the
importance of supporting the child’s primary attachment relationships. It also examines
the importance of developing mutual trust, shared goals, mutual accommodation and
regular two-way exchanges of open communication between the child’s family and his
or her caregivers.
Chapter 4 describes a process for planning programmes for infants and toddlers centred
on the strengths, interests and rights of individual children and their families. The
chapter also introduces caregivers to a curriculum framework, designed specifically for
infants and toddlers, which identifies caregiving, attachment and play as the major
features of infant and toddler programmes.
<insert photo intro.6 here>
<caption> The components of the infant and toddler curriculum framework are
caregiving, attachment and play
Chapter 5 examines in detail the influence of the physical and human environment
within the child care setting on infant and toddler development, discussing the
importance of organising space carefully and of eliminating hazards in the physical
environment. The chapter also examines the importance of high-quality human
environments that are characterised by responsive, respectful and reciprocal caregiving.
Chapter 6 examines the importance of attachment as the foundation for social and
emotional development, specifically detailing the way in which caregivers can use the
caregiving, attachment and play framework to foster the development of meaningful
and trusting relationships between children and their caregivers. The chapter also
discusses the way in which the programme must adapt and change in response to
children’s developing autonomy and sense of self.
Chapter 7 examines the way in which the child care programme responds to and fosters
children’s physical development. Adapting the programme to meet the changing
physical needs of infants and toddlers is a challenging task for caregivers. The chapter
uses the caregiving, attachment and play framework to consider how the programme
can be planned to meet the diverse sleep and nutritional needs of infants and toddlers,
illustrating how this framework can be used to provide opportunities for infants and
toddlers to practise their developing motor skills.
<insert photo intro.7 here>
<caption> The curriculum framework can be used to provide opportunities for infants
and toddlers to practise their developing motor skills
Chapter 8 examines approaches to cognitive and language development and how the
infant and toddler programme can integrate the different approaches to provide a
stimulating and challenging environment for infants and toddlers. The chapter illustrates
the use of the caregiving, attachment and play framework to plan experiences for
children that respond to their need to under stand and contribute to the world in which
they live.
Chapter 9 discusses the way in which caregivers of infants and toddlers can work
towards the goal of inclusion, discussing factors that may lead infants and toddlers to
have additional needs and how the programme can best respond to these needs. The
chapter focuses on the way each child’s particular strengths, interests and needs form
the basis of an inclusive infant and toddler programme.
<b2> Why an ecological approach to infant and toddler care?
An ecological approach to infant and toddler programmes has been adopted for the
framework for this book because it emphasises the importance of relationships and
interactions in the development of very young children. Like young children, the
ecological system is dynamic, ever-changing and developing. The ecological model
facilitates the perception of infants and toddlers as active agents, shaping their
environment as they interact with others. Infants and toddlers are not passive recipients
of external influence. Within the child care setting each child’s personality and
behaviour shapes the way in which the programme functions, just as the programme
influences the behaviour and development of each child. The acknowledgment of the
importance of this two-way relationship has huge implications for practice. A
programme that acknowledges the child as someone who actively shapes his or her
environment is very different from a programme that positions the child as a passive
‘sponge for learning’. The infant and toddler programme that acknowledges the agency
of the very young child will arrange its daily schedule around the children’s individual
routines. A programme that denies the child’s need to influence his or her environment
will arrange the children’s routines around an adult-imposed daily schedule.
<insert photo intro.8 here>
<caption> A programme that denies the child’s need to influence his or her environment
will arrange the children’s routines around an adult-imposed daily schedule
REFLECTION Think how you would feel if you had to get up at 7.30 after a late night out because breakfast was available only between
8 and 8.30am. Alternatively, think about how you would feel if you had to eat lunch on a full stomach because it was served just one
hour after you had eaten a special treat with your friend, and if you didn’t eat it now, there would be no food for several more
hours.
The ecological framework also enables exploration and understanding of the
relationship and inter-relatedness of such abstract concepts as culture and ideology to
the practical realities of caring for very young children. For example, in many societies
dominant ideologies about the role of women mean that men do not often take part in
nappy-changing, bathing or feeding. In other societies where these beliefs do not exist,
men are actively engaged in the day-to-day care of very small children. Cultural beliefs
influence whether or not newborn babies are put to the breast to suckle straight after
birth. In many societies the colostrum, which is produced by the mother in the first days
after birth, is believed to be beneficial to the child. Hence, the child is put to the breast
straight away. In other societies the colostrum is believed to be harmful to the child, and
the child is not put to the breast until the second or third day.
<insert photo intro.9>
<caption> In some cultures and families men are closely involved with child rearing
In this way, the ecological model helps us to understand why we make decisions about
which child care practices to adopt, how these child care practices should be carried
out, when they should occur and who should be responsible for them. By understanding
the influence of the different systems, caregivers can examine their own attitudes and
make informed decisions about how best to develop their programmes.
<b2> Criticisms of an ecological approach
The strength of the ecological model lies in its ability to illustrate the complex
interrelationships between different levels of the child’s environment and his or her
development. The ecological model has, however, been criticised as being simplistic.
Socio-cultural theory argues that children and culture are not simply separate entities
that influence each other, but that children are embedded in culture (Rogoff, 2003). In
addition, recent biological research has increased interest in gene-environemnt
interactions and how the social context influences these (Shanahan & Hofer, 2005).
Bronfenbrenner attempted to address some of these issues in the last collation of his
work before his death (Bronfenbrenner, 2005b). He argued that ecological theory is
sufficiently broad as to easily incorporate the ideas associated with socio-cultural
theory, and to include the new ideas around epigenetics (the gene-environment inter-
play).
This broad portrayal of ecological theory recognises the multiplicity of cultural
influences on the child, for example. The culture and values of the child care programme
may represent a different ideological and cultural blueprint from that of the home. Both
New Zealand and Australia are characterised by a multitude of different groups, each
with its own particular cultural scripts, values and beliefs. Thus conflict and change are
constant phenomena facing those caring for very young children in group care.
Conflict can be incorporated into the ecological model, however, by acknowledging that
it exists at every level of the ecosystem. Within microsystems, for example, conflict can
be found between the young child’s needs for both attachment and autonomy. There
may be conflict between siblings needs and even between the needs of the child’s
parents. Within the mesosystem conflict is common for many young children, who face
differences in the norms of mainstream society and traditional family values. At the
level of the exosystem conflict is experienced between different services and sectors as
they compete for time and resources. For example, conflict can exist between the
parent’s workplace and the school, which insists on a parent roster for the school
canteen. Conflict commonly occurs within the macrosystem in relation to racial/religious
differences, class conflict, or fundamental tensions between individualistic and
collectivist values.
The challenge for caregivers is to acknowledge the conflicts inherent in the ecological
system, and develop strategies for assisting children and their families to confront and
over come these conflicts. For example, a mother and father who have different cultural
and/or family backgrounds and experiences of child-rearing may find themselves in
conflict over how to discipline their young children. Caregivers need to be able to
understand the different cultural patterns underlying such a conflict in order to help the
parents find a positive solution to their problem. Equally, caregivers themselves are
often confronted with conflicts arising over different approaches to child-rearing. When
caregivers understand the different cultural blueprints that are operating they are
better able to bridge the divide between different and sometimes conflicting belief
systems.
The existence of cultural conflicts in child care means that it is increasingly necessary for
caregivers to draw on anthropological frame works to help them understand why
conflict might occur. The ‘developmental niche’ concept, first introduced in this context
by Super and Harkness (1988), encourages us to consider the physical and social setting
of the child, the beliefs and attitudes of caregivers, and the customs of child care and
child-rearing. These three components help children negotiate their experiences within
the broader community. The framework enables an exploration and understanding of
difference and how children accommodate difference into their understanding of the
larger society. The ‘developmental niche’ is easily incorporated into an ecological
framework, and provides a more detailed understanding of how customs of child care,
child-rearing and parental beliefs influence children’s interactions with the broader
environment.
<insert photo intro.10 here>
<caption> we need to understand children’s development in a socio-cultural context
As an overarching framework, the ecological model has also been criticised for not
enabling the depth of understanding provided by more focused theories of human
development. This could be a real limitation, but it can be overcome by the use of
complementary theories to explain particular aspects of development within the
ecological framework. Certainly the development of infants and toddlers could not fully
be understood without the contributions made by Piaget, Erickson, Vygotsky and
Mahler. In particular the work of Vygotsky, which emphasises the crucial role of the
adult and more experienced peer in facilitating children’s development, is important.
Equally, new understandings about the importance of attachment and the development
of the brain during the first two years of a child’s life are critical to understanding the
processes at work in young children’s development.
<b2> The role of the adult
The central thesis of this book is that human relationships and interactions are the
critical factors in young children’s development. Strong attachments characterised by
reciprocal activity enhance young children’s responsiveness to their environment and
influence motivation to explore, manipulate, elaborate and imagine (Raikes & Edwards,
2009). Increasingly it is recognised that the maintenance of primary attachment
relationships depends on the availability and involvement of another adult or third party
who actively supports and encourages these relationships. The role of the caregiver
must extend beyond the day-to-day care of children to providing support to other family
members or significant others in children’s lives. An important part of that support is the
establishment of effective channels for communication, a willingness to find a
compromise, and the development of trust between family members and the child care
staff. This trust is built when the relationship between caregivers and family members is
genuine and truly collaborative.
Thus, as Professor Loris Malaguzzi (1994) from the early childhood programmes in
Reggio Emilia in Italy reminded us over a decade ago, the major role of the caregiver is
as creator of relationships rather than as transmitter of knowledge. According to
Malaguzzi, young children are constantly in search of relationships, not only between
people but between objects, thoughts and with the environment. The adult must be
prepared to enjoy and to show children how to enjoy relationships. Children bring to the
programme relationships, feelings, and experiences that form their reality. This requires
caregivers to position themselves in direct relationship to the child.
<insert photo intro.11>
<caption> The major role of the caregiver is as creator of relationships
A theoretical model for this relationship may be found in the discipline of social
phenomenology, introduced by Schultz (Holstein & Gubrium, 2005). In social
phenomenology the focus rests on how each individual understands the world, and
constructs that understanding through relationships with others. For such
understanding to occur, the caregiver must share the same space and time as the child
and recognise the child as equal in all respects, including the child’s own understanding
of self and attempts at expressing that self to others.
<Table heading> Table I.1: The ecological system
Ecological level Definition Examples Issues affecting
infant and toddler
development
Microsystem A setting where Home, child care Quality of
people engage in centre, playgroup interactions
face-to-face Responsiveness of
interaction adults
Quality of
relationships
Mesosystem The relations Relations and Respect for each
between two or communication other
more settings in between family and Support for each
which the child child care staff other
actively participates
Collaborative
decision-making
Exosystem One or more Parents’ workplaces Flexibility in work
settings that do not hours
Services available in
involve the child but
the community Family-friendly
have an indirect policies
effect on the child Social capital in the
community Access to and hours
of child care
Availability of
support for parents
Levels of
community violence
/ perception of
community safety
Macrosystem Blueprints for how Ideology Individualist or
the other collectivist culture
Religion
components of the Democratic or
system should Culture
autocratic
operate Social policy orientation
How parenting is
defined
Who parents
<b1> Reference List
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development. Experiments by nature
and design. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (2005a). Ecological Systems Theory. In U. Bronfenbrenner (Ed.),
Making human beings Human. Bioecological perspectives on Human
Development. (pp. 106 - 173). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (Ed.). (2005b). Making human beings Human. Bioecological
perspectives on human development. . Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Holstein, J., & Gubrium, J. (2005). Interpretive practice and social action. In N. Denzin &
Y. Lincoln (Eds.), The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research. (pp. 483 - 505).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Malaguzzi, L. (1994). Your image of the child: where teaching begins. Child Care
Information Exchange, 3, 52 - 56.
McCain, M., & Mustard, J. (1999). Reversing the real brain drain. Early Years Study. Final
Report. Report presented to the Hon. Michael Harris, Premier of Ontario,
Canada, February 16 1999. Retrieved 1 July, 2000
Raikes, H., & Edwards, C. (2009). Extending the dance in infant and toddler caregiving.
Enhancing attachment and relationships. Baltimore, MA: Paul H Brookes.
Rogoff, B. (Ed.). (2003). The cultural nature of human development. Oxford, UK: Oxford
University Press.
Shanahan, M., & Hofer, S. (2005). Social Context in Gene-Environment Interactions:
Retrospect and Prospect. The Journals of Gerontology, 60B, 65 - 75.
Super, C., & Harkness, S. (1988). The developmental niche: a conceptualisation at the
interface of child and culture. International Journal of Behavioural Development,
9, 545-569.