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Shona Marriage Types and Roora Process

The document outlines various types of marriages in Shona culture, including Kuganha, Kutema ugariri, Kuzvarira, Kugara nhaka, and others, each with distinct processes and cultural significance. It also details the stages of the roora (bride price) process, which involves multiple steps such as introductions, grocery lists, payments to family members, and gifts, culminating in the final dowry payment. These practices reflect the traditional values and social structures within the Shona community.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
169 views5 pages

Shona Marriage Types and Roora Process

The document outlines various types of marriages in Shona culture, including Kuganha, Kutema ugariri, Kuzvarira, Kugara nhaka, and others, each with distinct processes and cultural significance. It also details the stages of the roora (bride price) process, which involves multiple steps such as introductions, grocery lists, payments to family members, and gifts, culminating in the final dowry payment. These practices reflect the traditional values and social structures within the Shona community.

Uploaded by

shelter musasa
Copyright
© All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as DOCX, PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

Shona

Types of marriages
Kuganha (imposing one’s self in marriage), is a method of marriage when
a woman identifies a man in which she desires to marry. This is an
opportunity for a woman to choose a man who could marry her. It is
different from the formal way of a man initially picking a wife. In this case,
the man can be a bachelor or married person. Traditionally this would be
acceptable to a polygamous union, where a woman was getting older and
needed to marry. Usually, men would not refuse the offer and would take
in the women. Upon taking in the women, they would then make their
payments to the women’s family to finalize the marriage.
Kutema ugariri (working for a wife), is a form of marriage that is
adopted when a man is unable to pay the roora through the traditional
cattle payments. Usually, this method is used by poorer households or
orphans. Kutema ugariri as a system allows a man to get married by
serving an in-law in exchange for a wife, by offering informal or formal
labour services. By the end of his services, he will then be able to claim
his wife. The option of kutema ugariri affords disadvantaged members an
alternative route to marriage if they cannot pay through the traditional
use of cattle.
Kuzvarira (child pledging), is a process in which parents give their
daughter away for marriage to a rich person, or a person who is wealthier
than they are in exchange for cattle, food or any other valuables. This
form of marriage is instituted by a family when under financial stress or
economic deprivation. When giving away their daughter to a wealthier
family, it is a way of sacrificing an individual for better opportunities and
relieving financial stress within the home. In many cases, kuzvarira is seen
as a last resort. This form of roora was not done arbitrarily. It was often
met and negotiated upon the family before a child was pledged to the in-
law family.
Kugara nhaka (wife inheritance) is the practice where a widowed
woman may marry the younger brother of her deceased husband. This
process is meant to allow the younger brother or any kinsman from the
late husband’s side to produce progeny. Producing progeny helps to
ensure that the family lineage continues. The wife of the deceased
husband normally has to choose a husband from a wide range of her
deceased husband’s kinsmen, which allows her to choose who she wants-
albeit from a restricted pool. Although, in some circumstances, women do
not have a wide selection or are limited to the immediate family.
Very similar to the process of kugara nhaka, chimutsamapfihwa (widow
inheritance) is the practice of a widowed man marrying the younger
sister of his deceased wife or even a niece of his late wife. For example,
the younger sister of the deceased wife is given to her husband to help
him look after the family. The chimutsamapfihwa’s other role is to ensure
that she continues the duties and responsibilities of her sister (or relative)
in the family.
Kutizisa/swa (elopement), is a common form of marriage which is still
practised amongst the contemporary Shona society. This form of marriage
occurs when a woman gets pregnant before roora is paid to her family.
Amongst the traditional Shona society, an unmarried pregnant girl is not
expected to live at her father’s home. The Shona would regard a
pregnant, unmarried woman with contempt and she will be told to live
with her child’s father. As a result, in contemporary society, a pregnant
woman must force herself on the man responsible or even find another
man who is willing to be responsible for the pregnancy, if the family does
not accept the women as being unmarried and pregnant.
Kukumbira (marriage by negotiation), is the opposite of kutizira
(elopement). Through this system, a couple may initiate the union. Once
they decide to be married, both families are informed and begin
negotiations with the help of a mediator. This is a formal system that
allows the agency of the woman, and the permission of her parents. This
method ensures the groom’s parents make their payments on behalf to
the bride’s family before a marriage is considered legal. This is a form of
marriage that is still practised amongst the contemporary Shona culture.
It is viewed as an acceptable way of marrying.

Stages of the roora process


Roora/lobola/dowry
A man marrying a woman from the Shona culture has to observe the roora. This
is a sign or show of love and affection when a man saves up and marries his
beloved. There are many ways this can be done but I will dwell on the general
procedures followed on the following condition The man has done all the other
necessities e.g. proposing (not musengabere, kutizisa), formal Introductions
(dated for over 6 months) and more importantly girl is not pregnant (damage) or
previously been married (virgin?). In Zimbabwe, roora takes place in a number
of stages and each stage has its own traditions and small amounts to pay. The
process can differ from place to place due to the fact that in the Shona culture
there are 12 different ethnic groups.

Stage One – Introduction

This stage involves the ‘munyayi’ who is a go-between when a man goes to pay
the bride price at his future wife’s family stating to the family his intentions and
purpose of visit e.g. “I have been sent by (the husband) to look for Sadza” ,
literally translated to I have come to marry your daughter (name). Here they are
asked who they mean. Once this is done the bride’s family will ask the daughter
if she knows the people who have come to marry her.

Stage two – Grocery


A list is given to the groom prior the ceremony, this will be a list of groceries
required to bring to the family. The items are then checked and should match
that on the original list for example, if its 5kg of sugar he should bring exactly
that and not less. Adhering to the stated requirements of the new in-laws is a
show of respect from the new son-in-law. It is often advisable to do exactly as
stated or better, to ensure smooth relations between the newly united families.

Stage Three – Preparations for


payment
At this stage the bride’s family will ask for ‘ndiro’ normally a wooden plate from
the munyayi and if he has brought one he would present it. This (the plate); in
the past used to be provided by the bride’s family but since some people began
charging for them some go with their own wooden plates. Once the plate has
been placed a process known as
‘sunungura homwe’ (loosening pockets) or ‘Vhuramuromomo’ (meaning
opening of mouth) where a small fee is paid to for the greeting of the guests. At
this stage some fines may be imposed. For instance if the groom failed to meet
an earlier date even if he notified the bride’s family well in advance and any
other misdemeanours he might have done, These however should done with
humour and laughter just to make the ‘munyayi’ feel at home and comfortable.

Stage Four–Payments
The process of Roora negotiations can be long and complex, and involves many
members from both the bride’s and the groom’s extended families so these days
due to our busy nature in some parts it being shortened and made less
complex. Payments are grouped in two main sub processes which are:-

1. Zvirehwarehwa zvaBaba (Gifts for the father)


This stage involves payment that are direct from the bride’s father (a guardian or
representative can accept charge for these if the paternal father is deceased or
not known) which in the old days had a lot of very long sub-processes and has
been shortened. The main payment is the ‘Matekenyandebvu’ to acknowledge
him for “the pulling of the beard” as she sat on his knee, or putting up with the
playful antics of his daughter as a child. The amount paid for the father is
negotiable.
2. Zvirehwarehwa zvaMai (Gifts for the mother)

Same as the process above the payment are strictly for the bride’s mother
(a guardian or representative can accept charge for these if the maternal
father is deceased or not known).

The gifts for the mother of the bride in the old days included things like
‘mbereko’, for carrying the bride in a pouch or sling when she was a
baby, and ‘mafukidzadumbu’ for covering of the belly; this is alternately
translated as “carrying the baby in the womb” or “tucking the baby in
with a blanket (when she wakes in the night)”. These are now charged
under this blanket term due to the complexity of the past processes as
well as the fact that people may have even forgotten exactly the names of
the processes. The amount paid for the mother is non-negotiable.

Stage Five – Mbudzi yedare


(yemachinda) Goat
This is a live goat that is brought by the man and is slaughtered during the
payment process. The whole goat is then cooked and made ready to be served
after the completion of the ceremony. If they don’t bring a goat a payment will
be asked for and this money is shared equally between all the boys available at
the household (usually can cause a lot of commotion if the amount is not even).

Stage Six – Musikana/Tete (Gifts for


the bride)
The woman being married is required to pick some money from the plate for
herserlf. This money in some places can be set by the aunt or the woman’s
sister. This is a small allowance for ’Mari inonhongwa nemusihare’ for the
purchase of household or cooking utensils, and this amount is given to the bride.
If there are younger sisters or siblings, she may give them a portion of the
money. This money is for all the cooking that would have taken place for the
party which the groom will finance after the ceremony is concluded. Usually this
money can be returned by the woman to her future husband to cover the other
payment that would follow.

Stage Seven – Rusambo (Roora,


Dowry)
This is the most important stage called “Rusambo” and although the above
process is referred to or called “roora”, this is the name given to the whole
ceremony and all of the gifts, not just the bride price or dowry. Paying Roora is
called ‘kubvisa pfuma’, giving (or parting with) wealth. Roora is wealth and its
quantum must be consistent with wealth. This stage can only be reached if the
stages mentioned above have been fulfilled. The bride price varies and
nowadays factors in things like the social class of both the groom and the bride.
This however can be paid as a part payment as long as some form of payment is
made. For illustration purposes maybe the above processes may have cost the
groom $1400 and he had only brought $2000 it is accepted for him to pay
$600.00 and then the rest will follow for the next twenty years. If the groom fails
to come up with any part payment then the whole process becomes null and
void and will have to be started again at a later date and he will not be give his
bride.

Stage eight – Danga (Livestock)


This stage traditionally is a gift of cattle and nowadays it is most
commonly paid in cash, although the amounts will still be representative
of fair market price for cattle. Normally the number is between seven to
eight cows and in those the most important one is the one for the mother
known as ‘mombe yeumai.’ This should always be a live cow that the
groom gives to the mother in law. The cow is expected to produce an
offspring as proof that the union has been blessed, also our belief the
most powerful ancestors that protect us are the maternal ones. ’Mudzimu
wamai ukadambura mbereko’ (if maternal spirits let go) spells disaster.
To keep these spirits happy and attentive there is need to follow the
‘mombe yeumai’ protocol to the letter. To to give ‘mombe yeumai’ is to
acknowledge this spiritual symbolism. Once the offspring is weaned it is
then expected that the cow can be slaughtered by the bride’s family and
eaten by both families just as thanks giving and strengthening both the
couple’s relationship as well as the family as a whole. This will take place
after two to five years. This stage is dependent on the Rusambo stage and
if Rusambo is not available then they cannot proceed to this current
stage. In old times ‘pfuma/roora’ consisted of cattle, ’mapadza’ (symbolic
iron hoes) and ‘machira’ (imported cloth) as indicative of a rich
agricultural community.

Stage Nine – Majasi (Clothes)


This stage also dependent on the Rusambo stage. It is the gift of clothes that
the groom is expected to buy for his in-laws. As stated after Rusambo has been
paid and the bride’s family are happy the groom and his party will then be
invited and welcomed into the family ‘Kupinzwa mumusha’, the groom will
then greet the in-laws as a new groom (no longer a prospective groom or
stranger, but a member of the family) with the special traditional clapping
greeting ‘Gusvi’ and is permitted to be a part of the household. At this stage he
will be given a list of items of clothing that both the mother and father require
normally full attire from top to bottom.
Credit of these notes: Richard Chashamba

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Common questions

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The roora process in Shona culture reinforces social bonds and community values by establishing formal ties between families. Through stages such as negotiation (kukumbira), presentation of gifts, and payments, it strengthens interpersonal relationships and underscores the communal aspect of marriage. The inclusion of both extended families in negotiations and ceremonies fosters a sense of collective responsibility and interdependence, affirming the values of reciprocity and respect within the community. Thus, roora acts as a cultural framework that integrates personal relationships with broader social networks .

The stages of the roora process, including the introduction, grocery provision, and multi-level payments, highlight the intricate social structure and hierarchy within Shona society. Each stage necessitates observance of specific protocols that reinforce respect for elders and ancestors, emphasizing hierarchical order. Payments like 'ndiro' and 'matekenyandebvu' express deference to parental contributions and status, while the role of intermediaries ('munyayi') underscores ordered communication and negotiation. Such structured steps reflect the community's valuation of respect, order, and lineage continuity, demonstrating a deeply hierarchical yet interconnected social system .

Kuganha stands out in Shona marriage practices as it allows a woman to initiate marriage by choosing a man, contrasting with the traditional norm where men select their wives. This practice acknowledges and empowers women's agency within a social structure generally characterized by male dominance. It serves as a mechanism for women, especially those getting older or in a society accepting polygamy, to proactively ensure marriage, contrasting with the more passive role typically ascribed to them in other marriage forms .

Kutema ugariri provides a socio-economic opportunity for poorer individuals to marry by offering their labor as a bride price substitute. This practice implies a flexible socio-economic system within Shona communities that acknowledges economic disparities and provides alternative paths to fulfilling cultural marriage obligations. It suggests a role of cultural norms in shaping pathways for social mobility and economic inclusion for economically disadvantaged members. This form of marriage thus reflects the adaptation of cultural practices to accommodate socio-economic realities .

The 'mombe yeumai', or mother's cow, holds deep symbolic significance in the Shona marriage process. It serves as a tangible acknowledgment of the maternal spirits' vital role in familial blessings. By giving this cow, the groom shows respect for matrilineal ancestral spirits, thus seeking their protection and favor for the marriage. The cultural expectation that the cow produce offspring symbolizes hope for fertility and prosperity, both central to the marriage's spiritual and practical success. Thus, 'mombe yeumai' underscores the integration of spiritual responsibilities with familial obligations in marriage, ensuring harmonious relations and continuity .

The multiplicity of marriage methods in Shona culture offers diverse pathways that accommodate varying individual circumstances and uphold societal norms. Practices such as kuganha and kutema ugariri provide options based on personal choice and economic status, thereby promoting agency within structured cultural frameworks. However, despite these choices, societal norms may pressure individuals towards certain practices like kuzvarira due to economic necessity, indicating a tension between personal autonomy and cultural expectations. This diversity reflects a dynamic interplay between tradition and individual preference, enriching cultural identity while adapting to changing societal conditions .

Kuzvarira, or child pledging, involves ethical considerations primarily related to the autonomy and consent of the children involved. It raises concerns about potential abuse of parental authority for financial gain, possibly compromising the daughter's well-being for the family's economic relief. The practice can also challenge the child's right to choose their marital partner, leading to potential social and personal issues. Additionally, it reflects socio-economic disparities that pressure families into such decisions, highlighting broader systemic inequality .

Both kugara nhaka and chimutsamapfihwa involve widow inheritance, yet they differ in gender roles. Kugara nhaka involves a widowed woman marrying a kinsman of her deceased husband to produce progeny and maintain family lineage, focusing primarily on lineage preservation and patriarchal continuity. Chimutsamapfihwa, on the other hand, entails a widower marrying a relative of his deceased wife to maintain familial duties and care. While both practices aim to ensure family stability and continuity, kugara nhaka emphasizes lineage, whereas chimutsamapfihwa focuses on family responsibilities and support .

Community and humor play crucial roles in the roora payment stages. The involvement of extended family members in different payments and negotiations strengthens community bonds and collective responsibility. Humor, especially during 'sunungura homwe', eases tension, fosters goodwill, and creates a welcoming atmosphere. This convivial approach reflects broader cultural values, highlighting how communal interaction and shared laughter facilitate conflict resolution and cement social ties, ensuring that the marriage process is not only a formal transaction but also a joyous social event .

The flexibility to offer cash instead of cattle during the roora stage is significant in contemporary Shona culture as it reflects adaptation to modern economic realities. This change accommodates urbanization and shifts in livelihoods where ownership of livestock is less prevalent, allowing families to meet cultural obligations in a manner compatible with current resources and lifestyles. Such flexibility ensures the continued relevance and practice of cultural traditions while acknowledging socio-economic transformations, bridging traditional customs with modern exigencies .

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