CHAPTER THREE

THE FORMATION OF MODERN STATE AND NATION BUILDING PROCESS

3.1. The Rise of Tewodros II and the Beginning of Unification

The Age of princes came to a close in the middle of the 19 th c. Emperor Tewodros, the man
who ended the internecine struggle and restored the authority of the Solomonic throne, lacked
dynastic credentials but was endowed with unusual ability. Clearly some of the Ethiopian
warlords were not happy with the centrifugal tendencies of the Zemene Mesafint. One of the
leaders who took it upon himself to attempt a process of unification was Kassa, later Tewodros.
After defeating the main participants in a serious of battles: November 1852---- at the battle of
Guramba –Kasa defeated Dejjach Goshu of Gojjam;April 1853----at the battle of Gorgora
Bishen …Biru Aligaz and Belaw (Vassals of Ras Ali) were killed;29 June 1853----at the battle
of Ayshal--- Kasa defeat the forces of Ali II that symbolized the end of the Yejju dynasty;,In
Feb.9, 1855----at the battle of Derasge --- Kasa defeated Dejjazmach Webe of Semen and Tigre
and finally Following his coronation (on Feb-11, 1855 by Abuna salama Tewodros decided to
bring Wallo and Shewa under his control. At the battle of Bereket, in Nov.1855, Tewodros
defeated the shewan nobilities and returned to Gondar taking the young Menelik as prince
prisoner. In this regard Robinson argue that in 1855, for the first time in several generations
supreme authorities in Ethiopian state, military and political power were united in the same
person.

3.2. The Modernization and Reform Programs and Efforts of Tewodros II

Having emerged the victor in the provincial elimination contest, Tewodros was naturally
apprehensive of the centrifugal forces of provincialism. Even though Tewodros himself was the
product of the Zemene Mesafint, he was quite different from the regional lords of his time
because of his aspiration and dream to introduce reforms in different sections. The reign of
Tewodros was a time when a strong emphasis had been given for reunification, restoration and
reconstruction. His period deserves credit, not only he attempted in unifying the country, but
also he was the man who challenged the Zemene Mesafint epoch and started the
modernizations process. Tewodros was determined to take royal power to put an end to feudal
regionalism and unite Ethiopia under a strong central govt. After subduing the provincial

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nobility, he proposed to deprive it of its basis of power by breaking down the traditional
divisions of Ethiopia in to smaller administration units governed by officials of this own
choosing. Through His administrative reform which would have enabled him to be appoint
governors, judges and personal representatives who were to be paid from a central state of
treasury under his control he favored a unitary state under his own government to renew the
imperial power which had declined during 1770’s to 1850’s.

Behind the struggle to restore royal and Episcopal authority and some kind of national unity,
there was a growing awareness, not only of the dangers which threatened Ethiopia from the
outside, but also of the need for modernization. As a result His modernization program had
focused on military reforms. His commitment to military reform was less equivocal than
administrative polices. The military reform of Tewodros targeted on three important respects;
organization, discipline and armament. With regard to military organization, Tewodros
attempted to replace the regional armies of the Zemene Mesafint by a national army which cut
across local loyalties. Efforts to fix the pay (Salary) of soldiers and officers and mixing soldiers
from all regions into a national army were made in 1850. Thus, soldiers coming from different
regions were formed in to one regiment. He also introduced a new hierarchy of command, in
the military titles which are still used in the Ethiopian army. For example, Yasir Alaqa,
(commander of ten), YamsaAleqa (Commander of fifty), YeshiAlaqa (commander of
thousand)) was introduced.

In the past, many non-combatants used to accompany soldiers during military campaigns to
carry out various activities. Tewodros greatly reduced the number of camp followers in order to
avoid problems in logistics and mobility. Unlike the legacy of the medieval period and Z.M.
it’s character of arms by which peasants were often forced to feed soldiers, Tewodros tried to
stop vicious system of billeting by paying salary to his soldiers. The other aspect of Tewdros’s
reform was introducing iron discipline into his army. Another aspect of Tewodros’s career in
the military, field was his drive to acquire modern arms. This idea was imprinted in his mind
right after the battle of Debarqi of 1848 when his troops were then mown down by the artillery
wielded to deadly effect by the disciplined Egyptian troops. He asked an assistance of modern
(foreign technology) arms and skilled work force to manufacture those arms so that he could
eliminate the recurrent Egyptian danger.

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He wrote to Europeans, particularly to the British letter after letter expressing the backwardness
of his country and the ignorance of his people. The result of his strategy appeared at Gafat, an
area near Debra Tabor that symbolized Tewodros’s modernizing drive as well as uneasy
relationship between the Emperor and the European missionaries. These missionaries and
artisans were as listed by hundreds of Ethiopians who brought coal from chilga and Iron around
Gafat.

In order to implement some of his reforms (for example a paid administration (civil service and
army) he needed revenue for the state apparatus. It was also imperative to raise more taxes.
Besides the church was the single largest untaxed unit. Tewodros, to meet his financial need, he
wanted to take extra land from church and monasteries and distribute it among landless
peasants. Around 1856, Tewodros had decreed that the holdings of church be reduced to the
land necessary to support the minimum number of clergy necessary to perform church activities
(serve the mass). Another achievement of Tewodros was that he attempted to restore church
unity (Christianity) and that he attempted to cleanse and purify it by ridding it of the pagan
elements. He did this by Discouraging polygamy, concubine, corruption and other similar
examples of loose morals (social evils).he also Encouraging, by force and persuasion, the
conversion of Muslims. This appeared to have ushered a new era of the unity of church and
state.

Tewodros is said to have been against many social evils like slavery and slave trade, robbery .
Tewodros also made the first attempt to put an end to the slave trade. He subsequently ordered
the amputation of the right hand and left foot of any one found guilty of selling Christian
slaves. He freed the entire slave at the Basso market (Gojjam) and allowed the male slaves to
marry the females. However, such measure against the slave trade did not extend to an
abolition of the institution of slavery.

He had a strong sense of social justice, and protected merchants and the peasantry. Culturally,
his reign is significant because it witnessed the birth of a fairly well development literally
Amharic. Tewodros can be seen as an innovator also in the field of road building. Still his
motivation was primarily for military purpose (to move his troops and canon from one part of
the country to another). Therefore, Tewodros began the construction of Ethiopia’s first
embryonic road network to link Debre Tabor with Gondar, Gojjam and Maqdalla.

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Almost all of Tewodros’s reforms lacked consistency and method. The main reasons that
hinder the practical implementation of his reforms include: The social and political edifice of
the Zemene Mesafint proved too strong for Tewodros’s modernization efforts. The military and
administrative reforms he sought envisioned were not supported by economic and technology
bases. The foreign assistance that he sought so vividly was not forthcoming Tewodros did not
make a clean sweep of the local dynasties. In many instance he confirmed them in their
regional bases.

3.3. Tewodros II and External Powers

The main foreign policy of Tewodros II focused on the obtrusive European interest in the
country in general and how to deal with it, that is, The French –British completion and its
possible consequences; The advantages and disadvantages of allowing catholic and /or
protestant missionaries adherents. The relation with Egypt and the crucial question whether the
European could be trusted as friends of Ethiopia in an eventual war Egyptian. Tewodros
approached Europeans with the objective of achieving his national goals; the educational and
technological advancement of Ethiopia and the containment and reversal of Egyptian
expansion.

The Emperor had a positive attitude towards Europeans. He wanted to established friendly
relations with them and systematic use of their knowledge and skills to achieve his goal of
modernizing the country. He was also in good terms with Europeans initially. He found some
of the European missionaries and craftsmen, serving his internal enemies such as John Bell in
Ali’s camp at Ayshal and Zander commanding wibe’s artillery at Derasige but this did not
prevent him from be friendly and using them for the implementation of some of his program. It
was Tewodros’s eagerness to introduce European technology in to his country that shaped his
relation with the missionaries. Tewodros sought the alliance of Europe, particularly of Great
Britain very strongly because he believed that Britain was the leading industrial power and
would help him in modernizing Ethiopia.

3.4. Opposition and the End of Tewodros Reign

The sources and reasons of major opposition against Tewodros’s reforms includes: opposition
from the church, opposition from the nobility and the military expedition of Britain.

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Opposition from the church : When he came to power, Tewodros recognized that the
achievement of a unitary state in his country depended upon his control of regional ruler at all
levels, this intern rested upon the unification of the Christian church whose many sects were a
prime cause of dissension and division in the country. Hence, one of his first acts as Emperor
was to command his subjects to follow only the Tewahido doctrine. This appeared to have
ushered a new era of the union of church and state. Nevertheless, this spirit of cooperation
was short-lived. It was inevitable that the reformist emperor should also clash with the other
powerful and profoundly conservative forces in this society, the Ethiopian church. Rebuffed by
the church, the exasperated ruler laid violent hands on its servants. The clergy, for its part,
assiduously undermined the emperor’s authority among the peasantry and at one point
pronounced excommunication upon him.

The disagreement between Tewodros and the church emanates from his own reform. Hard –
pressed for funds to maintain his administrative and military reforms, he sought to curtail the
privilege of tax exemption enjoyed by church lands. He decided to reduce the land of churches
and monasteries as well as the number of clergy. Each church allowed possessing two priest
and three deacons and all the rest were to become secular and the surplus land to be taxed.
Though a zealous Christian, Tewodros appears to have little respect for the clergy, whom he
considered arrogant, corrupt and parasitical. Above all, it was the vital question of land which
intensified the opposition of the clergy against Tewodros. The clergy requested the Emperor to
roam from one province to another and live off the land, as “in the past.” However, Tewodros
was much badly in need of financial support of the church for the implementation of his
administration and military policy. Therefore, Tewodros replied to the question of the clergy in
1856, “What shall I eat, and with what shall I feed my troops? You have taken half of the land
as masqal marret and the other half as rim and gadam. Here he was referring to three of the
various categories of church land. The relation between Tewodros and the clergy deteriorated
sharply following the imprisonment of Abuna Salama in 1864 and his subsequent death in the
prison in 1867. The clergy undermined the Emperor’s authority among the peasants.

Opposition from the nobility: The opposition to Tewodros did not come only from the
church. The nobility were equally averse to his sweeping reform. The Emperors
uncompromising attitude toward the old system of government had alienated most of the

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traditional ruling families in the different regions which in its turn caused Tewodros to replace
them with his own appointees. The opposition movement after his coronation was not similar
as before. The ruling nobility were not fighting just for extra privileges and more land as they
had during the Zemene Mesafint, but for their very existence. Tewodros had already decided to
end feudal regionalism and several rebellion broken out every were -wallo, shewa Gojjam
Lasta, Welqayit,

At first Tewodros repeatedly defeated the various rebels but the defeat was not decisive and
Tewodros was preoccupied with putting down a rebellion in one area while another rebellion
would break out elsewhere. Although Tewodros was successful in defeating or eliminating his
internal enemies he could not produce stabilized peace in the country. By 1867, Tewodros was
already at the verge of his down fall and his effective rule was only to be found in a narrow
corridor between Debra Tabor and Meqdela. By the end of 1867, Tewodros beset by an endless
series of rebellion, had abandoned his capital, Debre Tabor and retreated to Maqdalla.

The British Military Expedition: the British government, fully aware of Tewodros’s
declining strength and failure of the diplomatic missions of realizing the long protected
imprisonment of its subject, at last decided, in July 1867, to dispatch a military expedition to
force the Emperor. The military expedition, which consisted 32,000 troops, composed of Indian
soldiers and British officers, commanded by sir, Robert Napier. In 1867, the British army
landed at Zeila. The objective of the campaign was the liberation of the European captives who
were at Meqdela and the punishment of [Link] British obtained most valuable support
from Kassa Mercha of Tigre (the later Yohannes IV), While Gobeze of Lasta and Menelik of
Shoa; both showed themselves sympathetic to the expeditions.

In the late afternoon of 10 April 1868, fighting had begun the emperor’s army led by Fitawrari
Gabrie and the British force at, Aroghe; Gabrie’s army was completely defeated. According to
Markham, the Ethiopian causalities were 700-800 killed and 1200-1500 wounded. The
invading force, which enjoyed overwhelming superiority of firearms, inflicted massive
causalities on Tewodros’s men. After the release of European captives, the British troops
stormed Meqedela; the Emperor was reported to have committed suicide. The British plundered
Meqdela. They looted hundreds of manuscripts, paintings, varies treasury. They took with them
the Emperor’s son, Alemayehu.

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Tewodros left behind Ethiopia almost as disunited as the one into which he had been born. But
although he had failed in his work of unifying the country, he had given birth to the concept of
strong, united and modernized [Link] a result of the Napier expedition; the European
captives were successfully released. The last act of the expedition was to reward Kassa Marcha
for his cooperation by presenting him a good supply of arms and ammunition.

3.5. Yohannes IV and the Derive for State Centralization (1872-1889)

3.5.1 Political Developments Following the Death of Tewodros II

The death of Tewodros at Maqdalla in 1868 left Ethiopia as often in part, divided and without
an overall ruler. After the death of the Emperor, however, there was a change of mentality i.e.
each regional lord motivated by the ambition to become Emperor rather than revert to the
tradition of the Zemene Mesafint. The three chief rival pretenders to the imperial throne after
the death of Tewodros were Gobeze of Lasta, Kassa Mercha of Tigre and Menelik of Shoa. The
three contenders were determined at least at the outset to prevail over their rivals and reunify
the Empire, rather than to embark on the program of establishing the autonomy of their
respective area where they had already set up their authority. After a brief provincial contest,
the Solomonic throne was claimed by the ruler of Tigre province who was crowned king of
kings in 1872, taking the name Yohannes IV.

3.5.2 Administrative and Religious Policies of Yohannes IV

Yohannes lacked the reformist ambition of his predecessor, as well as his extreme sensitivity in
matters concerning the authority of the throne. His administration policy was quite different
from that of his predecessors’. His objective was to be a feudal suzerain rather than an absolute
autocrat. Yohannes preferred the policy of non-intervention in the internal affairs of each
kingdom, which he pursued by allowing each claimant to use the title “king”. Yohannes was
literally of king of kings, for under him kings reigned in the provinces of Shoa and Gojjam
Yohannes, in contrast to Tewodros who had once styled himself “husband of Ethiopia and
finance of Jerusalem” and was to prove himself the sole autocratic leader of Ethiopia, was
ready to share Ethiopia with his subordinates; provided his suzerainty was recognized.

In place of Tewodros head on collision with regionalism, Yohannes followed a more cautious
policy. During his reign provincial rulers regained control of the provinces, with the emperor

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exercising a viable suzerainty and over lordship over them. Even if the Emperor favored a
policy of controlled regionalism, this mainly applied only in the province of Shewa and
Gojjam. Nevertheless, in the territory north of the Merab River, known as the Merab Melash,
Yohannes did not permit the implementation of the same policy. After the battle of Gura,
Yohannes appointed one of this leading general Ras Alula Ingida after promoting him Shalaqa,
as governor of the Merab Melash. Side by side with his policy of controlled regionalism,
Yohannes pursued a system of maintaining a political and military equilibrium between
Menelik and Ras Adal of Gojjam. In Generally Yohannes’s administrative policy could be
described as a federal policy. Like his predecessors, Yohannes as Emperor faced with major
internal dissention and religious disunity. In the Emperor’s view, the political stability of the
Empire must be accompanied by measures designed to establish religious uniformly. The
attempt to bring about religious uniformly in the empire was other component of Yohannes’s
internal policy. Yohanns’s policy of religious uniformity was primarily designed to serve
political ends to achieve political stability. Towards this He wanted to bring an end of
sectarianisms with the Orthodox Church. Thus, Yohannes in the interest of conformity and
unity in religious matters be called religious council at Borumeda in 1878 to denounce certain
sects within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church as well as any mission groups working in the
country. He knew that the doctrinal differences within the church had contributed a great deal
for regional political difference and to the weakening of monarchical authority. As a part of his
religion policy Yohannes sought to convert as many Moslems and followers of traditional
religion as possible to Christianity. The policies of Tewodros and Yohannes in this regard were
especially repressive. The former dealt with the Muslim rebels of Wollo with particular
severity. This was injurious both to the victims and Tewodros who could be said suffered from
strong challenges in Wallo. Yohannes continued this harsh policy and in many ways his
religious policy lacked the liberalism and spirit of tolerance he had shown in the political field.

At the Borumeda council of the church, all the Christians was told to support the Tewahdo
doctrine, the Orthodox Christian dogmas which came from the Alexandrian church. He
threatened to punish those who refused to obey the Tewahdo doctrine. At Borumeda, Yohannes
also deal with the non- Christians of the empire. He issued an edict calling upon his Moslem
subject to get baptized. In Wollo, Yohannes offered particularly the chiefs, the opportunity of
retaining their position on condition that they give-up Islam and accepted conversion to

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Christianity. (Mohamed Ali baptized – Michael, Amede Leben (Aba Watew) became
Desazmach Haile Mariam).Those who refused to convert were forced out of office and most of
them migrated to Harrar, Arsi, and Gurage lands etc. The religious protest was crushed by
combined forces of Yohannes and Menelik.

3.5.3 Internal and External Challenges

Menelik of Shoa was the most powerful and least traceable of the emperor’s vassals. He built a
powerful army, equipped with arms procured through numerous agents engaged in an extensive
arms trade. Yohannis was unable to exercise control over the nearly independent Shewans until
six years later. From the beginning of his reign, he was confronted with the growing power of
Menelik, who had proclaimed himself king of Shewa and traced his Solomonic lineage to
Lebna Dengel. While Yohannis was struggling against opposing factions in the north, Menelik
consolidated his power in Shewa and extended his rule over the Oromo to the south and west.
He garrisoned Shewan forces among the Oromo and received military and financial support
from them. Yohannes’s first serious attempt to deal with Menelik came in 1878, a time when
he had a temporary respite from foreign pressures in the north.

The political ability of Menelik and his advisors is revealed when the threatening civil war was
averted by his decision to submit in [Link] March 28, 1878 a treaty defining the relation
between Yohannes IV and Menelik was drawn up at the Liche agreement. In the agreement of
1878, we find an indication of Yohannes’s political views when he stood at the height of his
power .The most important points in the Liche agreement were:-Menelik should renounce his
title of king of kings and limit himself to king of Shoa. He was also required to pay annual
tribute to Yohannes’s treasury as well as military support whenever needed and to stop his
independent dealings with the Europeans. Both Yohannes and Menelik agree to support each
other against foreign enemies/mutual Military assistance. Menelik should remain ruler of
Wollo.

The Liche agreement thought Menelik the lesson of patiently building expansion before
claiming imperial power. The Liche agreement was the first agreement of the post-Tewodros
period that rulers gave a peaceful solution to their internal problems. The agreement also
showed that Yohannes was prepared to acknowledge the local feudal right of tributary kings if
they accepted his senior status. This seems to be enhanced by the willingness of the Emperor to

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cede autonomy in return for allegiance and recognition. The agreement was also a clear
demonstration of the Emperor’s liberal approach to the issue of political power.

Yohannes also pursued a system of maintaining a political and military equilibrium between
Menelik and Ras Adal of Gojjam. However, the actual political challenges to Yohannes power
obviously come from Menelik of Shoa rather than Ras Adal of Gojjam. Therefore, Yohannes
began to support Ras Adal Tesema as a counter weight to Menelik.

At the same time, Ras Adal was entrusted with the incorporation of the lands to the west of
river Gibe, to which Menelik of Shoa was expanding. On January 1881 at the coronation, Ras
Adal was given the title King of Kaffa and Gojjam under the name of Takle Haymanot.

Yohannes was moreover so involved in successive struggle to resist foreign invaders. Namely:
- the Egyptian, Italian and Mahadists. The most part of his reign was preoccupied with the
defense of the country from external aggressors and did not have a free hand to deal with
internal resistance. In 1875 Yohannis had to meet attacks from Egyptian forces on three fronts.
The khedive in Egypt envisioned a "Greater Egypt" that would encompass Ethiopia. In pursuit
of this goal, an Egyptian force moved inland from present-day Djibouti but was annihilated by
Afar tribesmen. Other Egyptian forces occupied Harer, where they remained for nearly ten
years, long after the Egyptian cause had been lost. Tigrayan warriors defeated a more ambitious
attack launched from the coastal city of Massawa in which the Egyptian forces were almost
completely destroyed. A fourth Egyptian army was decisively defeated in 1876 southwest of
Massawa.

Italy was the next source of danger. The Italian government took over the port of Asab in 1882
from the Rubattino Shipping Company, which had purchased it from a local ruler some years
before. Italy's main interest was not the port but the eventual colonization of Ethiopia. In the
process, the Italians entered into a long-term relationship with Menelik. The main Italian drive
was begun in 1885 from Massawa, which Italy had occupied. From this port, the Italians began
to penetrate the hinterland, with British encouragement. In 1887, after the Italians were soundly
defeated at Dogali by Ras Alula, the governor of northeastern Tigray, they sent a stronger force
into the area.

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Yohannis was unable to attend to the Italian threat because of difficulties to the west in Gonder
and Gojam. In 1887 Sudanese Muslims, known as Mahdists, made an incursion into Gojam and
Begemdir and laid waste parts of those provinces. In 1889 the emperor met these forces in the
Battle of Metema on the Sudanese border. Although the invaders were defeated, Yohannis
himself was fatally wounded, and the Ethiopian forces disintegrated. Just before his death,
Yohannis designated one of his sons, Ras Mengesha Yohannis of Tigray, as his successor, but
this gesture proved futile, as Menelik successfully claimed the throne in 1889.

3.6. Menelik II and the Making of Modern Ethiopia (1889 – 1916)

3.6.1. Territorial Expansion and Consolidation of Menelik to the South, South-west and
South-east of Ethiopia

After the death of Yohannes IV at the battle of matemma in 1889, the throne now passed to the
most powerful of the provincial rulers, Menelik II of Shoa. The period of this reign (1889-
1913) is a milestone in Ethiopia history. Territorial expansion was an old phenomenon.
However, what Makes menelik’s expansion exceptional was the degree to which it had been
carried and consequently its enormous success. The reign of Menelik was characterized by the
incorporation of vast areas in the South, West and East of Ethiopia. Under Menelik Ethiopia’s
power was first consolidated in the province of Shoa, and it was from this base that the process
of expansion was launched in the [Link] Menelik ascended the throne, Ethiopia was by
far the mightiest power in the region. The weakness of the petty states on the southern half of
the plateau and its lowland periphery invited Ethiopian aggression. The Ethiopians overran the
southern part of the plateau, doubling the domain of the Solomonic throne and imposing its rule
on a large number of people of diverse origin and cultures.

Menelik’s expansion to the South, Southeast and Southwest Ethiopia had three phases. During
the first phase, the Gibe Oromo states, Wollega, Illubabur, the second phase Arsi, Harar and the
Gurage regions were occupied. This phase started after the coronation of Menelik as emperor
of the country continued up to the battle of Adwa. The Great famine (Kifu Ken) enhanced the
second expansion. The incorporation of the Kingdom of Walyta in 1894 symbolized the
bloodiest campaign of the whole process of expansion and particularly of the second phase.
The third stage ranged from the victory of Adwa to the formation of modern empire state.
Menelik’s expansion in this phase was motivated by the desire to create a buffer zone between

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the adjacent colonial powers, which surrounded Ethiopia and her high lands. In this stage the
kingdom of kefa, the Sheikdoms, Borena Maji, Bench etc were made part of the central state.

The Menelik’s conquest took two distinct forms, with two different outcomes, depending upon
the degree of resistance from the local population. In areas like Wallaga and Jimma, where
military resistance against Menelik’s forces was mute, the incorporated regions were left with
their previous sociopolitical arrangements, and a tributary relationship was established between
them and the central administration. Direct armed occupation and the dismantling of the
indigenous status-quo were found unnecessary. In the immediate aftermath of the Battle of
Embabao, Menelik’s forces obtained the “peaceful” submission of South-Western regions.
Bahru Zawde wrote:

With little or no resistance, the Oromo states (of the south-west submitted to Menelik one after
another. In the years between 1882 and 1886, Menelik was able to obtain the submission of
Kumsa Moroda (later dajjazmach, and baptized Gabra-Egziabher) of Leqa Naqamte, Jote Tollu
(also made dajjazmach) of Leqa Qellam, Abba Jiffar II of Jimma, and the rulers of the other
Gibe river states, as of Illubabor, further to the west.

In these regions, intermediary rule was established, with the former notables linking Addis
Ababa with the local population. They were the balabbats, the transmission belts, the human
bridge connecting “their” people with the matie (newcomers). Some converted to Christianity,
and their baptismal name became their secular name. Gebre-Egziabher (servant of God,)
Gebre-Maryam (servant of Mary,) etc., were typical. The servants of the new conquerors
converted to a new religion that made them servants of the Christian God. By being Christian,
they joined the ranks fo Christian Amharic speakers. They mixed their blood with that of the
royal court at Addis Ababa. In this way, the Oromo rulers of Wallaga became extensions of the
imperial royal house radiating from Addis Ababa.

In other regions where the people fought back, the military factor played a key role. In western
Gurage, Arsi, Walayta, Kaffa, and Harar, stiff resistance was put up by the population against
Menelik’s forces. The Gurage split into two, the Kesante (northern Gurage) submitting
“peacefully,” while the western Gurage fought back. The Kesante, with “their relative
geographical proximity, and their religious affinity with Christian Shawa, together with the
threat of the Oromo that surrounded them, rendered resistance impolitic”. The Western Gurge,

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on the other hand, was subdued after fierce engagement. Subsequently, a Muslim revivalist
movement led by Hassan Injamo of Qabena spread in the area which was finally crushed by
Ras Gobana in 1888.

The fiercest resistance of all was put up by the Arsi Oromo. Facing guns with spears and
arrows, the Arsi stood up against Menelik for four years, 1882-86. In December 1883, Menelik
himself barely managed to escape alive. The final assault on the Arsi Oromo was led by Ras
Darge Sahle Selassie, Menelik’s paternal uncle. At the Battle of Azule, on September 1886, the
Arsi Oromo came to be the most hated, the most feared, and the most despised in the whole
country, while the Wallaga Oromo were not only respected, but became part of the ruling elite
through inter-marriage with the royal family. With Arsi “pacified,” it became a “a stepping-
stone to January 6, 1887, the Harari were defeated at the Battle of Chelenko, and Menelik
entered Harrar triumphant.

Harar was a city-state par excellence. Just free of Egyptian suzerainty in 1885, Harar was an
urban civilization in the midst of agrarian and nomadic life, a city-state that was a center of
Islamic learning, well-organized trade, and an elaborate fiscal system. Compared with any
place in Ethiopia during the nineteenth century, it had no equal. Only Jimma came close. After
the battle of Chelenko, the Hararis gave in to Menelik, “outgunned, outnumbered and
outmaneuvered”. Abdullahi, the Emir of Harrar, was deposed. In his place, Dajjach (later Ras)
Mekonnen Wolde Michael, Emperor Haile Selassie’s father, was appointed to rule over the
region.

West of Harrar, the same fate as the Arsi befell Walayta, which resulted in one of the most
horrendous campaigns of Menelik’s expansion. Kawa (king) Tona of Walayta’s forces
succumbed to the Menelikan war machine in 1894. In 1897, Kaffa went through the same
horror as the Walayta. Tato (King) Gaki Sherocho of Kaffa was in chains and taken prisoner to
Addis Ababa, as had been King Tona before him. Ras Wolde Giorgis took over the
governorship of Kaffa. The resources of kaffa, once a well-organized monarchy of legendary
wealth, were now at the disposal of the new rulers.

In the southwest was Jimma, a city-state fo tremendous wealth based on trade, mainly slaves
and ivory. In both Kaffa and Jimma, trade in slaves and ivory was a monopoly of the imperial
court, from whom the jabartis carried it over to the Christian areas and beyond. The regions

13
conquered after military engagements paid dearly, for they dared to resist Menelik’s might.
The homogeneity achieved in the northern plateau through a centuries –long process of
integration within the framework of the Christian state was now overshadowed by the
incorporation of numerous, sizeable alien groups. Expansion on such a scale was bound to have
profound effect upon both the conqueror and the conquered.
The causes and rationale for Menelik’s expansion;

There were Economic motives, that is, the riches of the south western region were an obvious
lore. Gold, ivory, coffee, spices and slaves were the items of a lucrative trade that originated in
this area. Another plausible cause is hunger for land. A severe famine occurring in the Northern
Province in 1889-92 further spurred southward migration. The province of Tigre was
particularly hard hit by the famine and among the soldiers and peasants who settled in the
southern provinces were a large number of Tigre. Another relevant factor is the ominous
intrusion of European imperialism in the Horn of Africa during the last quarter of the 19 th c.
The Somali littoral was partitioned among Italy, France, and England. Italy also claimed the
Red Sea coastal region from Assab to Massawa and moving on to the plateau from the north. In
the south, Kenya was occupied by the British, while in the west; the Sudan was to come under
their control soon afterwards. Ethiopia found itself surrounded by powerful neighbors whose
predatory instincts were ill-concealed.

The desire to head off the advance of western imperialism and to forestall its claim was
undoubtedly a factor that stimulated Ethiopian expansionism particularly in its final stage. To
make Ethiopian claims effective, Menelik dispatched his soldiers far to the south, south east
and south west to establish proof of control and pre-empt rights of possession. Menelik had
launched his campaigns of conquest in the 1870s, and before succeeding Yohannes to the
throne in 1889 he had subdued the Gibe region in the south west and the eastern extension of
the plateau as for as and including the ancient city of Harar. After his ascent to the throne, his
generals annexed the vast Sidama territories in the south.

3.6.2. Major Political Developments after the victory of Adewa

The tide of expansion southward was interrupted briefly by the Italian invasion in the north. At
the end of 1895 the Italians threw all presence and caution to the wind and launched an
invasion into the heart of Tigre province.

14
Menelik soon resumed the southward drive and before long no organized state of any
consequences remained to challenge Ethiopian power in the entire southern region. The
advance continued with Ethiopian columns descending the slopes of the southern plateau and
annexing territories in the lowland periphery. Ethiopian claimed the Ogaden territory in the
south east to an unspecified depth, and conquered the Borana region in the south in 1899.
Ethiopian forces reached the northern shore of lake Rudorf in 1898, just a few months ahead of
the British, while in the south west they reached the Akobo river, in the Sudan plain which
become part of the boundary b/n Ethiopian and Sudan.

After some years of strenuous negotiations, Ethiopia’s new borders were recognized by the
neighboring colonial powers, with the exception of the borderline b/n Ethiopia and Italian
Somaliland, which remained fluid and was to serve as a pretext for renewed Italian agreement
in the [Link]’s boundaries were fixed, beginning with the borders of the French
Somaliland, which was affixed in 1901,followed by Kenya in 1907,Italian Somaliland in
1908,althou the latter remained a thorny issue and cause of conflict in 1935,1964 and 1977.

At the down of the 19th c the Ethiopian state had attained its present form, except for Eritrea
which was reclaimed after the WWII. Ethiopia is the only African state below the Sahara
whose boundaries have been determined by an internally induced natural process of expansion
carried out in the classic manner of military conquest. The expansion radically altered the
composition of its population.

The implications that the Adewa victory had both internally and externally;

The decade that immediately followed the victory of Adwa found Emperor Menelik at the
height of his internal power and external prestige. It was during this decade that Ethiopia
completed its expansion and got its present size. The internal challenges to Menelik’s power
were slight, not at all comparable to the tribulations faced by his forerunners. Externally
Menelik’s victory over the Italians at Adwa earned him great fame. Ensuring Menelik’s victory
at Adwa, recognition of Ethiopia’s sovereignty by external powers had articulated itself in two
ways. The first was diplomatic representation at the court of Menelik. The second was the
delimitation of Ethiopia’s boundaries with the neighboring colonies. In 1897, the then colonial
masters who had adjacent colonies, the Italians, French and British successively established

15
their legations in Addis Ababa on the large estates on the slope of Entoto Mountain. They were
each represented by ministers of considerable skill.

The delimitation of te boundaries between Ethiopia and the nearby colonies was dictated by the
colonial power’s apprehension of the expansive potentialities of post- Adwa Ethiopia. The
initial that was to be delimited was the shortest between Ethiopia and what came to be known
as French Somaliland (Djibouti).This was concluded on 20 March [Link] two and a half
months the boundary between Ethiopia and British Somaliland was delimited as part of a
general agreement which concluded the promotion of trade between the former and the latter
and the imposition of arms embargo on Mahadist Sudan. By a treaty with Italy, dated 10 July
1900, Eritrea was amputated from Ethiopia. The largest boundary, apparently with Sudan, was
preceded by protracted and intense discussions involving the strategic town of Matema (known
as Galabat to the Sudanese),the gold rich region of Belashngu,and the area where Ethiopia had
made the furthest territorial expansion, the Baro River basin. The agreement signed on 15 May
1902, besides being territorially advantageous to the British, also gave them Gambella, the
commercial post within Ethiopia, and guaranteed their hydraulic interests at Lake Tana, south
of Gondar. With the delimitation of the Southern boundary British east Africa (later Kenya) in
1907 and of the Southeastern boundary with Italian Somaliland in 1908, the process of defining
Ethiopia’s modern territorial extent might be said to have been concluded.

These agreements concluded over a period of about a decade, were substantial for the political
history of Ethiopia. They gave the country approximately its present shape. However, the
agreements on the map were not always followed demarcation on the ground. The long
boundary with the Sudan was only to be demarcated only in the 1930’s and indirectly triggered
the Waleal crisis in late [Link],the absence of efficient administration in the frontier
regions made the boundary delimitation little more than a cartographical exercise: the Southern
and Southwestern boundaries were constantly violated by trans frontier attacks and incursions.
In a sense, this was the frontier peoples’ way of nullifying boundary agreements which were
concluded without taking cognizance of their need for seasonal movements of their herds and
ethnic unity.

3.6.3. The Last Years of Menelik’s Reign and the Beginning of the Problem of Succession
(1906 – 1913)

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The year 1906 symbolized the end of the period of consolidation. Menelik had undergone the
first stroke from a disease which seven years later claimed his life. Combined with the death of
his cousin Ras Mekonen Walde Mikael, the man generally expected to succeed him on the
throne, Menelik’s incapacitation opened the question of succession. The signing in the same
year of the Tripartite Agreement by British, France and Italy also manifested the first serious
challenge to the independent status of Ethiopia.

The treaty stemmed from an early French idea to neutralize Ethiopia in order to maintain
France’s economic interests; and from a British belief that the best way to guarantee permanent
non-interference in Ethiopia’s Nile sources and to decrease European rivalries was to
predetermine each power’s fundamental concern in the Ethiopian empire in case of its
disintegration. The perplexing question of what was to come after Menelik’s death had begun
to preoccupy the Europeans even before his first stroke in [Link] concern was to find
expression in the Tripartite Agreement of the same year; as stated in the preamble. One of the
objective of the agreement was ‘to come to mutual understanding in regard to their (the three
powers) attitude in the event of any change arising in the situation of Ethiopia.’ The articles of
the agreement (1, 3 and 4) defined the legal framework for the regulation of their interests and
the steps they were to take conjointly to safeguard those interests ‘in the event of the status quo
being disturbed.’

Menelik was not unconscious of the problem of succession. Although possibly inspired by
other considerations as well, the ministerial system that he set up in 1907 appears to have been
a reflection of his desire to give the Ethiopian government institutional foundation and some
degree of continuity. To be fair, the ministers were basically old officials dressed in a new
European cloak. The list of the first ‘cabinet’ bears out this inventive compromise between
tradition and change. One must not overlook the enduring effects of the introduction of the
ministerial system. Its contribution to some measure continuity in administration is not
debatable. The commencement and growth of a modern bureaucracy was also associated with
it. The absence for some time of a leader of the stature and the strength of Menelik had the
effect of strengthening the hands of the ministers. This becomes particularly evident during the
reign of Lij Iyasu, who stayed outside the capital most of the time leaving the affairs of
government to the cabinet. The rise of Negadras Haile Giorgis Welde Mikael,the first de facto

17
prime minister of Ethiopia, was a direct result of this state of affairs. It was the growing power
and wealth of the ministers which was to precipitate the demonstration in 1918, calling for their
removal. In essence, the appointment of ministers heralded the rise of new nobility of service
and merit rather than of birth. Haile Giorgis was the precursor of powerful ministers who were
to emerge subsequently.

In addition to this innovation to ensure continuity, Menelik made a provision for the future
along more traditional lines. This was the designation of a successor on 18 May [Link] a
proclamation imbued with a sense of history, in which Menelik reminded his subjects of the
political tribulation that had attended the death of Tewodros and yohannes IV, he let it be
known that Iyasu, his grandson, the son of Ras Mikael Ali of wello and Menelik’s daughter,
Shewarega, was his chosen heir to the throne In view of Iyasu’s minority, Menelik appointed
Ras Tesema Nadew as the guardian and regent of Lij Iyasu.A short time later, on July 25, 1909,
he bestowed on the former the title of Ras Bitweded. Moreover, in an attempt to unite the two
royal houses of Shewa and Tigre, the heir had already seen united in a marriage, though in
effect, the seven year old daughter of Ras Mengesha Yohannes of Tigre .As the little girl was a
grandniece of Menelik’s wife Taytu, the arrangement appears to have been calculated to
appease the empress as well, as she had begun to develop her own designs for throne.

Emperor Menelik attempted to lay the foundation that would give continuity to his government
by setting up the ministerial system dubbed the first cabinet and by designating Iyasu as his
successor.

3.7. The Struggle for Power between Iyasu and the Shoan Elites

Following the decline of the role of the emperor as a result of the gradual deterioration of his
health, the powers of Empress Taytu had been increased. But The Shewan nobility regarded
Taytu as a serious threat to their hegemony. In view of her Gonder background, her moves
were interpreted as part of a grand plan to restore the centrality of the north in Ethiopian
politics. Her policy of uniting key families by means of an intricate web of marriage lent
particular force to this interpretation. Marriage alliances have been a common feature of
Ethiopia’s political history, but there have been few practitioners of the policy as accomplished
as Empress Taytu. The master piece of her matrimonial politics was the union of her nephew,
Gugsa Wele, with Zewditu, Menelik’s daughter. Taytu’s vigorous support Zewditu’s

18
candidature of promoting the political fortunes of her nephew, as well as her own political
future.

Opposition to Empress Taytu’s policy finally came to a head. They orchestrated opposition
against her and in 1910 she was compelled to disappear in to comparative political oblivion.
This removed for the designated heir Lij Iyasu, a major obstacle on the path to the throne,
whose de facto reign extends from 1911 to 1916. Following the down fall of Taytu and the
death of Ras Tesema Nadew,the designated regent,Iyasu started to exercise his full powers, and
his de facto reign extends from 1911 to 1916.

Iyasu improved laws and regulations and issued a series of measures and policies that one can
characterize as progressive and bold on the one hand and controversial on the other hand.
Iyasu’s reign witnessed a series of measures which because of the social and economic security
that they implied, may well be considered as progressive. In addition to the guaranteeing of
property and a more equitable system of asrat collection system, he put an end to the Quragna
system. He also tried to mitigate the abuses of the Lebashay. Through a policy of auditing of
government accounts, Iyasu facilitated the exposure of large scale embezzlements. The order
that Iyasu gave according to Merse Hazen:

If a person is found to have mishandled government funds, let him preset a guarantor
and pay back the missing amount; if he cannot find a guarantor, let him stay in prison
until he pays back. If an official mistreats the poor or otherwise commits a misdeed, let
him pay a fine commensurate to the wrong he committed; confiscation of his property
should henceforth be ruleout.p.114.

It was said that at the same time Iyasu abused the policy by framing people he did not like.
Contradiction and inconsistency were the hallmark of his character and his policies. He could
be the protector of the underdog, as in 1912 he made a punitive attack against the Afar because
of their raids on the Jille Oromo in Eastern Shoa. Yet, in the same year, he undertook the most
disreputable campaign of his career against the Dizi in South-western Ethiopia, which ended up
with the enslavement of tens of thousands of inhabitant. His reign also saw the institution of a
municipal police force, the Terenbulle (the Amharic version of Tripoli), so called because the
recruits were returnees from the Italian campaign of annexation of Libya, which started in
[Link] night time shoot-outs between the police and Iyasu’s escort were common, as the

19
police tried to implement the curfew and the emperor roved Addis Ababa in his habitual
adventures.

Iyasu also represented a challenge to the establishment, a departure from political and
diplomatic concord of post-Adwa Ethiopia. The way he went about forming his own attendants
and disregarding Menelik’s “old guard’, the older generation of the nobility, must have been
little short of traumatic for the latter, who suddenly found themselves no longer wanted. It was
reported that in some his expressions he indicates that his grandfather’s advisers had done their
share in the building of modern Ethiopia and it was now the turn of his generation to take part.
Much less respectfully, he is said even to have referred to them as ‘my grandfather’s fattened
sheep”. Their disgrace did not stop with this; Iyasu also flirted with the wives of notables.

The note of impatience in Iyasu’s dealing with the older nobility eventually unadulterated to
include Menelik himself: the aged monarch’s prolonged illness, the refusal to die, left Iyasu in
a state of political limbo. His clash with loyal palace guards in early 1913, resulted from this
fact. There were even rumors that Iyasu was planning to remove Menelik to Ankober and take
over the palace. When the commanders of the royal guards, heard this rumor, they said,
according to Merse Hazen,”who will kick out our lord from his house while we are still
alive?’Thus they guarded the gate and forbade any supporter of Abbeto Iyasu from entering
into Emperor Menelik’s hall. Denied entry, Iyasu laid siege to it, stopping all food supplies.
Shooting broke out and lasted for about five hours; at least seventeen persons were reportedly
killed. Finally, through the intervention of Abune Mattewos, the palace guards surrendered.

Iyasu was also considered as a challenge to the long-established hegemony of Orthodox

Christianity in Ethiopia. Iyasu a child of the twentieth century, and the son of Ras Mikael, a
former Muslim, had a significantly different attitude to religion from that of his previous
followers of the countries two major religions: Christianity and Islam on a more or less equal
footing. That fact was to provide good propaganda material for his opponents. His marriages to
the daughters of the Muslim chiefs were prominence; marriages in to the ruling families of the
Christian regions (for example, Wellga Gojjam and yejju) were played down. His construction
of mosques was highlighted; his founding of Churches like Qachene Medhane Alem, in the
northern outskirts of Addia Ababa, and his endowments to monasteries like the famous Debre
Libanos, in northern Shoa, were conveniently ignored. The main charge leveled against him in

20
the coup d’etat of 1906 became apostasy. His Muslim lineage lent trustworthiness to the
charge.

As we have seen above, Iyasu had no intention of disestablishing Orthodox Christianity in

Ethiopia in favor of Islam. Bewildered as it certainly was, his policy can be interpreted as one
of trying to rectify the prejudices of the past, of making the Muslims feel at home in their own
country. In this, he represented a radical departure from the past. Tewodros a man of wide
vision in many respects was intolerant when it came to Muslims, particularly the Muslims of
Wolo. Yohannes, liberal and almost federal in his politics, was even more rigid on the question
of Orthodoxy and Christianity. Menelik, builder of the largest empire Ethiopia has ever seen,
did little to integrate the heterogeneous entity into one nation. Iyasu’s religious policy was the
first major attempt to tackle the question of national integration.

Moreover, Iyasu was a challenge to the political supremacy of the Shoan aristocracy. The
religious charges brought against him in fact camouflaged this political concern. His attitude
towards the Shoan nobility was marked by insolence and disdain. Towards the end, when Iyasu
was alerted to the conspiracy that was brewing in the capital while he was roaming in the
Ogaden; he was struck with astonishment by the news and said scornfully,” who is bold enough
to rise up against me? Even if I were to urinate on their faces, none of the notables of Shoa
would protest. In any case, I will think the matter over”. (Merse Hazen, 176).The undermining
of the Shoan nobility reached its peak with the coronation of Iyasu’s father Ras Mikael as
Negus of the north. The fact that Iyasu was eager to bestow such honors and favors on his
father, although he himself was never crowned Negus or Negus negest, emphasized the apex of
power that the Wolo ruler had managed to attain. The man who had started his political career
in the third quarter of the nineteenth century as a minor Muslim chieftain had thus become the
most power full figure in Ethiopia. Correspondingly; Wolo was suddenly transformed from a
buffer zone to a political center. The coronation ceremony at Dessie appeared to have been
calculated to highlight this historic transformation in the stature of the man and the importance
of the region. It was characterized by considerable pomp, with Abune Petros, Emperor
Yohannes own bishop officiating. A high level delegation, consisting of Ligaba Welde Gebriel
Basha and the Minister of Finance, Bejirond Yigazu Bahabte, was sent from the capital to
represent Iyasu, taking along the crown and imperial costume of Menelik,as well as a number

21
of guns from the armory. Meanwhile,Iyasu remained with the more simple titles of respect, Lij
or abbeto. Although his general drift was towards promoting younger and more progressive
persons, Iyasu’s appointment policy further contributed to alienating famous members of the
Shoan aristocracy. The net effect of Iyasu’s appointment policy was to create a number of
discontented persons who were ready to come together to depose him.

Iyasu also symbolized a challenge to the three powers with the highest stakes in Ethiopia:
Britain, France and Italy. The sovereignty of Ethiopia had always contained the inherent danger
of insurrection in their adjoining colonies. They had thus agreed to exercise strenuous pressure
on Ethiopia to safeguard their interests. The Tripartite Agreement of 1906 was a significant
step in this direction. On the part of Menelik as well, there appears to have been an awareness
of the limitations of Ethiopian independence. Over the years a sort of diplomatic modus
Vivendi had to prevail between Ethiopia and tripartite states. In this circumstance, Iyasu’s
foreign policy had all the appearance of being bent on disturbing the diplomatic equilibrium.

Iyasu’s difficulties, which owed much to his adolescence and immaturity, were compounded by
the out break-in August 1914, of World War I, a cataclysmic event from which it was difficult
for Ethiopia to isolate herself. The country, after Italy’s late entry in to the war in 1915, was
totally surrendered, and in a sense encircled, by territories under Allied rule. Italy’s movement
in the conflict had more over a direct bearing on Ethiopia. The British, French and Italian
Governments at that time signed the London Treaty of 26 April 1915, which laid down that: In
the event of France and Great Britain increasing their colonial territory in Africa at the expense
of Germany. These two powers agree in principle that Italy may claim some equitable
compensation, particularly as regards the settlement in her favor of questions relative to the
frontiers of the Italian colony of Eritrea, Somaliland and Libya and the neighboring colonies
belonging to France and Great Britain.

Iyasu, faced with the opening of hostilities, adopted an official policy of neutrality, but showed
himself distinctly favorable to the central powers, Germany and Austria, and to their ally,
Ottoman Empire. There were two main reasons for this. First, he was unsympathetic the Allied
powers, [Link] the Italian, British and French, with which his grandfathers, Menelik, had earlier
been obliged to contend. They had partitioned his country by the tripartite convention of 1906
in to spheres of influence, and the existence of their colonies or protectorates on the coast

22
prevented his access to the sea. The Germans, by contrast, rejected the convention, and spoke
of their wish to maintain Ethiopia’s political integrity. Second, he had to get allied to his
country’s Muslim population, in Ogaden, Jimma,and elsewhere, which for reasons of religious
solidarity tended to be pro-Turkish. To manifest his sympathies he reportedly crossed in secret
in to British and /or Italian Somali territory. He also displayed support for the Somali
nationalist leader, Muhammed Abdille Hassen, the so called “Mad-Mullah’, who had for over a
decade challenged British and Italian colonial rule. Iyasu also made friendly contact with the
authorities in German East Africa, later Tanganika,to whom he dispatched at least one good
will mission.

Such was the genesis of the alliances of internal and external forces which finally overthrew
Iyasu. a joint note form the Allies to the Ethiopian government in early September 1916,
protesting against the inimical action of Iyasu, brought the simmering opposition to the boil.
Allied ingenuity lent palpability to Iyasu’s apostasy (which became the main charge leveled
against him) by forging pictures and documents to prove the allegation. Once again, the mahal
safari gave a sort of popular aspect to the movement as they rallied behind the opponents of
Iyasu. As was only fitting, given the nature of the charges, Echege Welde Giorgis was the
moving spirit behind the opposition. His house in fact served as the meeting place of the
plotters. The lay leader of the coup was Fitawrari Habte Giorgis, who had his own objection
against the young ruler. But it was to be Iyasu’s bad fortune that even those he had favored and
promoted went along with the wave and turned against him.

The difference in the approaches to national integration followed by Iyasu’s on the one hand
and his opponents on the other was manifested in one of the charges leveled against him:” he
claims that he eats flesh of cattle slain by Muslims in order to extend frontier to win hearts. But
these Somali and Muslims have already been brought heel and do not need such diplomacy.
One important personality was initially reluctant to join the chorus of denunciation. This was
Abune Mattewos.

Abune Mattewos, who was reluctant, argued that there was no cogent proof of Iyasu’s
conversion to Islam. In the end, however, forced on by the echege, the abun yielded and freed
the conspirators from their oath. On 27 September 1916 which was symbolically Masqel,an
Orthodox Christian holiday commemorating the finding of the True cross,Iyasu was deposed

23
and Zewditu,Menelik’s daughter by a wife proceeding Taytu,was designated empress of
Ethiopia. Dejjach Teferi Mekonen,who had played a discreet role thought out the entire
proceedings, was made ras and designated heir to the throne. The only jarring note in otherwise
smooth arrangement of affairs was wild shooting which went on for a few minutes in the course
of the denunciation.

Iyasu,on hearing the coup d’état, tried to hasten back to the capital, but was defeated at
Miesso,about half between Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa. Defeated, Iyasu fled to the Afar
plains. He was to wader as a fugitive for the following five years. As anticipated, the major
attempt to reverse the tide of events came from his father, Negus Mikael, who marched towards
Shoa with an estimated army of about 80,000 men. The Shewans were able to field an army
estimated to be 120,000 strong. Two major engagements ensued. The first was at Tora Mask,
some 130 km north east of Addis Ababa, near Ankober on 17 October 1916, where the Welo
army was victorious. Fitawrari Habte Giorgis Dinegde, the Minister of War and military
strategist in the Shewan camp, now began to buy time by sending appeasing message and
mediators to Mikael. The Tora Mask victory as well as Habte Giorgis’ tactics may have helped
to make the Wello leader less alert to what was coming. The second and more decisive battle
took place at Sagele, the bloodiest clash since Adwa, on 27 October 1916, when the Shewan
army, deployed by Ras Teferi, captured Mikael, and thus brought the struggle to an end.

24