B. R.

Ambedkar

Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (Bhīmrāo Rāmjī Āmbēḍkar; 14 April 1891 – 6 December 1956) was an
Indian jurist, economist, social reformer and political leader who chaired the committee that
drafted the Constitution of India based on the debates of the Constituent Assembly of India and
the first draft of Sir Benegal Narsing Rau.[1][2][3][4][5] Ambedkar served as Law and Justice minister
in the first cabinet of Jawaharlal Nehru. He later renounced Hinduism and converted to
Buddhism, inspiring the Dalit Buddhist movement.[6]

After graduating from Elphinstone College, University of Bombay, Ambedkar studied economics
at Columbia University and the London School of Economics, receiving doctorates in 1927 and
1923, respectively, and was among a handful of Indian students to have done so at either
institution in the 1920s. During his time at the Columbia University, Ambedkar came under the
influence of John Dewey and his philosophy of pragmatism.[7][8][9] He also trained in the law at
Gray's Inn, London. In his early career, he was an economist, professor, and lawyer. His later life
was marked by his political activities; he became involved in campaigning and negotiations for
partition, publishing journals, advocating political rights and social freedom for Dalits, and
contributing to the establishment of the state of India. In 1956, he converted to Buddhism,
initiating mass conversions of Dalits.[10]

In 1990, the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award, was posthumously conferred on
Ambedkar. The salutation Jai Bhim (lit. "Hail Bhim") is used by his followers to honour him. He is
also referred to by the honorific Babasaheb, meaning "Respected Father".

Early life and education

Ambedkar was born on 14th April 1891 in the town and military cantonment of Mhow (now
officially known as Dr Ambedkar Nagar, Madhya Pradesh).[11] He was the 14th and last child of
Ramji Maloji Sakpal, an army officer who held the rank of Subedar, and Bhimabai Sakpal,
daughter of Laxman Murbadkar.[12] His family was of Marathi background from the town of
Ambadawe (Mandangad taluka) in Ratnagiri district of modern-day Maharashtra. Ambedkar's
ancestors had long worked for the army of the British East India Company, and his father served
in the British Indian Army at the Mhow cantonment.[13]

Ambedkar was born into a Mahar (Dalit) caste, who were treated as untouchables and subjected
to socio-economic discrimination.[14] Although they attended school, Ambedkar and other
untouchable children were segregated and given little attention or help by teachers. They were
not allowed to sit inside the class. When they needed to drink water, someone from a higher
caste had to pour that water from a height as they were not allowed to touch either the water or
the vessel that contained it. This task was
B. R. Ambedkar
usually performed for the young Ambedkar by
the school peon, and if the peon was not
available then he had to go without water; he
described the situation later in his writings as
"No peon, No Water".[15] He was required to sit
on a gunny sack which he had to take home
with him.[16]

Ramji Sakpal retired in 1894 and the family

moved to Satara two years later. Shortly after
their move, Ambedkar's mother died. The
children were cared for by their paternal aunt
and lived in difficult circumstances. Three
sons – Balaram, Anandrao and Bhimrao – and
two daughters – Manjula and Tulasa – of the Ambedkar in the 1950s

Ambedkars survived them. Of his brothers and

1st Minister of Law and Justice
sisters, only Ambedkar passed his
In office
examinations and went to high school. His
15 August 1947 – 6 October 1951
original surname was Sakpal but his father
registered his name as Ambadawekar in Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru
school, meaning he comes from his native
Preceded by Position established
village 'Ambadawe' in Ratnagiri
district.[17][18][19][20] His Marathi Brahmin Succeeded by Charu Chandra
teacher, Krishnaji Keshav Ambedkar, changed Biswas

his surname from 'Ambadawekar' to his own Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha
from Bombay State
surname 'Ambedkar' in school
records.[21][22][23][24][25] In office
3 April 1952 – 6 December 1956

Chairman of the Constitution Drafting

Committee

In office
29 August 1947 – 24 January 1950

Member of the Constituent Assembly of India

In office
9 December 1946 – 24 January 1950

Constituency • Bengal Province

(1946–47)
 • Bombay Province
Education
(1947–50)

Minister of Labour in Viceroy's Executive

Council

In office
22 July 1942 – 20 October 1946

Governors General The Marquess of

Linlithgow
The Viscount Wavell

Preceded by Feroz Khan Noon

Ambedkar as a student Legislative positions [show]

In 1897, Ambedkar's family moved to Mumbai

where Ambedkar became the only Personal details
untouchable enrolled at Elphinstone High
Born Bhiva Ramji Sakpal
School. In 1906, when he was about 15 years
14 April 1891
old, he married a nine-year-old girl, Ramabai.
Mhow, Central India
The match was arranged by the couple's
Agency, British India
parents, in accordance with prevailing custom
at that time.[26] Died 6 December 1956
(aged 65)
In 1907, he passed his matriculation New Delhi, India
examination and in the following year he
Resting place Chaitya Bhoomi
entered Elphinstone College, which was
19°01′30″N
affiliated to the University of Bombay,
72°50′02″E ([Link]
becoming, according to him, the first from his [Link]
Mahar caste to do so. When he passed his g/[Link]?page
English fourth standard examinations, the name=B._R._Ambedk
people of his community wanted to celebrate ar&params=19_01_3
because they considered that he had reached 0_N_72_50_02_E_)

"great heights" which he says was "hardly an

Party Independent Labour
occasion compared to the state of education Party
in other communities". A public ceremony was Scheduled Castes
evoked, to celebrate his success, by the Federation
community, and it was at this occasion that he
Other political Republican Party of
was presented with a biography of the Buddha
affiliations India
by Dada Keluskar, the author and a family
friend.[27] Spouses Ramabai Ambedkar
(m. 1906; died 1935)​
By 1912, he obtained his degree in economics Savita Ambedkar ​
and political science from Bombay University, (m. 1948)​

and prepared to take up employment with the Children Yashwant

Baroda state government. His wife had just
moved his young family and started work Relatives Ambedkar family

when he had to quickly return to Mumbai to Education University of Mumbai

see his ailing father, who died on 2 February (BA, MA)
[28]
1913. Columbia University
(MA, PhD)
London School of
Economics (MSc,
DSc)

Profession Jurist · economist ·

politician · social
reformer · writer

Awards Bharat Ratna

(1990, posthumous)
Ambedkar at Columbia
Signature
University, c. 1916

In 1913, at the age of 22, Ambedkar was

awarded a Baroda State Scholarship of £11.50
(Sterling) per month for three years under a Nickname Babasaheb
scheme established by Sayajirao Gaekwad III
(Gaekwad of Baroda) that was designed to
provide opportunities for postgraduate education at Columbia University in New York City. Soon
after arriving there he settled in rooms at Livingston Hall with Naval Bhathena, a Parsi who was
to be a lifelong friend. He passed his M.A. exam in June 1915, majoring in economics, and other
subjects of Sociology, History, Philosophy and Anthropology. He presented a thesis, Ancient
Indian Commerce. Ambedkar was influenced by John Dewey and his work on democracy.[29] In
1916, he completed his second master's thesis, National Dividend of India – A Historic and
Analytical Study, for a second M.A.[30] On 9 May, he presented the paper Castes in India: Their
Mechanism, Genesis and Development before a seminar conducted by the anthropologist
Alexander Goldenweiser. Ambedkar received his Ph.D. degree in economics at Columbia in
1927.[9]
 Ambedkar (In center line, first
from right) with his professors
and friends from the London
School of Economics (1916–17)

In October 1916, he enrolled for the Bar course at Gray's Inn, and at the same time enrolled at the
London School of Economics where he started working on a doctoral thesis. In June 1917, he
returned to India because his scholarship from Baroda ended. His book collection was
dispatched on a different ship from the one he was on, and that ship was torpedoed and sunk by
a German submarine.[28] He got permission to return to London to submit his thesis within four
years. He returned at the first opportunity, and completed a master's degree in 1921. His thesis
was on "The problem of the rupee: Its origin and its solution".[31] In 1923, he completed a [Link]. in
Economics which was awarded from University of London, and the same year he was called to
the Bar by Gray's Inn.[9]

Opposition to untouchability

Ambedkar as a barrister in 1922

As Ambedkar was educated by the Princely State of Baroda, he was bound to serve it. He was
appointed Military Secretary to the Gaikwad but had to quit in a short time. He described the
incident in his autobiography, Waiting for a Visa.[32] Thereafter, he tried to find ways to make a
living for his growing family. He worked as a private tutor, as an accountant, and established an
investment consulting business, but it failed when his clients learned that he was an
untouchable.[33] In 1918, he became professor of political economy in the Sydenham College of
Commerce and Economics in Mumbai. Although he was successful with the students, other
professors objected to his sharing a drinking-water jug with them.[34]

Ambedkar had been invited to testify before the Southborough Committee, which was preparing
the Government of India Act 1919. At this hearing, Ambedkar argued for creating separate
electorates and reservations for untouchables and other religious communities.[35] In 1920, he
began the publication of the weekly Mooknayak (Leader of the Silent) in Mumbai with the help of
Shahu of Kolhapur, that is, Shahu IV (1874–1922).[36]

Ambedkar went on to work as a legal professional. In 1926, he successfully defended three non-
Brahmin leaders who had accused the Brahmin community of ruining India and were then
subsequently sued for libel. Dhananjay Keer notes, "The victory was resounding, both socially
and individually, for the clients and the doctor".[37]

Sworn in as India's first Law and Justice

Minister

While practising law in the Bombay High Court, he tried to promote education to untouchables
and uplift them. His first organised attempt was his establishment of the central institution
Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha, intended to promote education and socio-economic improvement,
as well as the welfare of "outcastes", at the time referred to as depressed classes.[38] For the
defence of Dalit rights, he started many periodicals like Mook Nayak, Bahishkrit Bharat, and
Equality Janta.[39]

He was appointed to the Bombay Presidency Committee to work with the all-European Simon
Commission in 1925.[40] This commission had sparked great protests across India, and while its
report was ignored by most Indians, Ambedkar himself wrote a separate set of
recommendations for the future Constitution of India.[41]

By 1927, Ambedkar had decided to launch active movements against untouchability. He began
with public movements and marches to open up public drinking water resources. He also began
a struggle for the right to enter Hindu temples. He led a satyagraha in Mahad to fight for the right
of the untouchable community to draw water from the main water tank of the town.[42] In a
conference in late 1927, Ambedkar publicly condemned the classic Hindu text, the Manusmriti
(Laws of Manu), for ideologically justifying caste discrimination and "untouchability", and he
ceremonially burned copies of the ancient text. On 25 December 1927, he led thousands of
followers to burn copies of Manusmriti.[43][44] Thus annually 25 December is celebrated as
Manusmriti Dahan Din (Manusmriti Burning Day) by Ambedkarites and Dalits.[45][46]

In 1930, Ambedkar launched the Kalaram Temple movement after three months of preparation.
About 15,000 volunteers assembled at Kalaram Temple satygraha making one of the greatest
processions of Nashik. The procession was headed by a military band and a batch of scouts;
women and men walked with discipline, order and determination to see the god for the first time.
When they reached the gates, the gates were closed by Brahmin authorities.[47]

Poona Pact

M.R. Jayakar, Tej Bahadur Sapru and

Ambedkar at Yerwada jail, in Poona, on 24
September 1932, the day the Poona Pact
was signed

In 1932, the British colonial government announced the formation of a separate electorate for
"Depressed Classes" in the Communal Award. Mahatma Gandhi fiercely opposed a separate
electorate for untouchables, saying he feared that such an arrangement would divide the Hindu
community.[48][49][50] Gandhi protested by fasting while imprisoned in the Yerwada Central Jail of
Poona. Following the fast, congressional politicians and activists such as Madan Mohan
Malaviya and Palwankar Baloo organised joint meetings with Ambedkar and his supporters at
Yerwada.[51] On 25 September 1932, the agreement, known as the Poona Pact was signed
between Ambedkar (on behalf of the depressed classes among Hindus) and Madan Mohan
Malaviya (on behalf of the other Hindus). The agreement gave reserved seats for the depressed
classes in the Provisional legislatures within the general electorate. Due to the pact the
depressed class received 148 seats in the legislature instead of the 71, as allocated in the
Communal Award proposed earlier by the colonial government under Prime Minister Ramsay
MacDonald. The text used the term "Depressed Classes" to denote Untouchables among Hindus
who were later called Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes under the India Act 1935, and the
later Indian Constitution of 1950.[52] In the Poona Pact, a unified electorate was in principle
formed, but primary and secondary elections allowed Untouchables in practice to choose their
own candidates.[53]
Political career

Ambedkar with his family members at

Rajgraha in February 1934. From left –
Yashwant (son), Ambedkar, Ramabai
(wife), Laxmibai (wife of his elder brother,
Balaram), Mukund (nephew) and
Ambedkar's favourite dog, Tobby

Ambedkar addresses a seminar in New

Delhi on the occasion of the Columbia
University Bicentennial, 1954

In 1935, Ambedkar was appointed principal of the Government Law College, Bombay, a position
he held for two years. He also served as the chairman of Governing body of Ramjas College,
University of Delhi, after the death of its Founder Shri Rai Kedarnath.[54] Settling in Bombay (today
called Mumbai), Ambedkar oversaw the construction of a house, and stocked his personal library
with more than 50,000 books.[55] His wife Ramabai died after a long illness the same year. It had
been her long-standing wish to go on a pilgrimage to Pandharpur, but Ambedkar had refused to
let her go, telling her that he would create a new Pandharpur for her instead of Hinduism's
Pandharpur which treated them as untouchables. At the Yeola Conversion Conference on 13
October in Nasik, Ambedkar announced his intention to convert to a different religion and
exhorted his followers to leave Hinduism.[55] He would repeat his message at many public
meetings across India.

In 1936, Ambedkar founded the Independent Labour Party, which contested the 1937 Bombay
election to the Central Legislative Assembly for the 13 reserved and 4 general seats, and secured
11 and 3 seats respectively.[56]
Ambedkar published his book Annihilation of Caste on 15 May 1936.[57] It strongly criticised
Hindu orthodox religious leaders and the caste system in general,[58][59] and included "a rebuke of
Gandhi" on the subject.[60] Later, in a 1955 BBC interview, he accused Gandhi of writing in
opposition of the caste system in English language papers while writing in support of it in
Gujarati language papers.[61] In his writings, Ambedkar also accused Jawaharlal Nehru of being
"conscious of the fact that he is a Brahmin".[62]

During this time, Ambedkar also fought against the khoti system prevalent in Konkan, where
khots, or government revenue collectors, regularly exploited farmers and tenants. In 1937,
Ambedkar tabled a bill in the Bombay Legislative Assembly aimed at abolishing the khoti system
by creating a direct relationship between government and farmers.[63]

Ambedkar served on the Defence Advisory Committee[64] and the Viceroy's Executive Council as
minister of labour.[64] Before the Day of Deliverance events, Ambedkar stated that he was
interested in participating: "I read Mr. Jinnah's statement and I felt ashamed to have allowed him
to steal a march over me and rob me of the language and the sentiment which I, more than Mr.
Jinnah, was entitled to use." He went on to suggest that the communities he worked with were
twenty times more oppressed by Congress policies than were Indian Muslims; he clarified that he
was criticizing Congress, and not all Hindus.[65] Jinnah and Ambedkar jointly addressed the
heavily attended Day of Deliverance event in Bhindi Bazaar, Bombay, where both expressed "fiery"
criticisms of the Congress party, and according to one observer, suggested that Islam and
Hinduism were irreconcilable.[65][66]

After the Lahore resolution (1940) of the Muslim League demanding Pakistan, Ambedkar wrote a
400-page tract titled Thoughts on Pakistan, which analysed the concept of "Pakistan" in all its
aspects. Ambedkar argued that the Hindus should concede Pakistan to the Muslims. He
proposed that the provincial boundaries of Punjab and Bengal should be redrawn to separate the
Muslim and non-Muslim majority parts. He thought the Muslims could have no objection to
redrawing provincial boundaries. If they did, they did not quite "understand the nature of their
own demand". Scholar Venkat Dhulipala states that Thoughts on Pakistan "rocked Indian politics
for a decade". It determined the course of dialogue between the Muslim League and the Indian
National Congress, paving the way for the Partition of India.[67][68]

In his work Who Were the Shudras?, Ambedkar tried to explain the formation of untouchables. He
saw Shudras and Ati Shudras who form the lowest caste in the ritual hierarchy of the caste
system, as separate from Untouchables. Ambedkar oversaw the transformation of his political
party into the Scheduled Castes Federation. It did not fare well in the 1946 provincial elections,
but in Bengal, it managed to elect Ambedkar to the Constituent Assembly of India by winning
support from Congress legislators.[69][70]
Jagjivan Ram's wife Indrani Jagjivan Ram wrote in her memoir that Ambedkar persuaded her
husband to ask Mahatma Gandhi for his inclusion in Nehru's cabinet in independent India.
Initially, Jagjivan Ram consulted Vallabhbhai Patel before asking Gandhi to recommend
Ambedkar to Nehru for inclusion in cabinet, adding that Ambedkar had "given up his antagonism
to Congress and Gandhiji". Ambedkar was ultimately included as the law minister of India in the
First Nehru ministry after Gandhi recommended his name to Nehru.[71][72]

On 27 September 1951, Ambedkar resigned from Nehru's cabinet ministry after Hindu code bill
was defeated in parliament.[73]

Ambedkar contested in the Bombay North first Indian General Election of 1952, but lost to his
former assistant and Congress Party candidate Narayan Sadoba Kajrolkar. Ambedkar became a
member of Rajya Sabha, probably an appointed member. He tried to enter Lok Sabha again in the
by-election of 1954 from Bhandara, but he placed third (the Congress Party won). By the time of
the second general election in 1957, Ambedkar had died.

Ambedkar also criticised Islamic practice in South Asia. While justifying the Partition of India, he
condemned child marriage and the mistreatment of women in Muslim society.

No words can adequately express the great and many evils of polygamy and
concubinage, and especially as a source of misery to a Muslim woman. Take the
caste system. Everybody infers that Islam must be free from slavery and caste.
[...] [While slavery existed], much of its support was derived from Islam and
Islamic countries. While the prescriptions by the Prophet regarding the just and
humane treatment of slaves contained in the Koran are praiseworthy, there is
nothing whatever in Islam that lends support to the abolition of this curse. But if
slavery has gone, caste among Musalmans [Muslims] has remained.[74]
India's Constitution

Ambedkar, chairman of the Drafting

Committee, presenting the final draft of the
Indian Constitution to Rajendra Prasad,
president of the Constituent Assembly, on
25 November 1949

Upon India's independence on 15 August 1947, the new prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru invited
Ambedkar to serve as the Dominion of India's Law Minister; two weeks later, he was appointed
Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution for the future Republic of India.

On 25 November 1949, Ambedkar in his concluding speech in constituent assembly said:[75]

"The credit that is given to me does not really belong to me. It belongs partly to
Sir B.N. Rau the Constitutional Advisor to the Constituent Assembly who
prepared a rough draft of the Constitution for the consideration of the Drafting
Committee."[76]

Indian constitution guarantees and protections for a wide range of civil liberties for individual
citizens, including freedom of religion, the abolition of untouchability, and the outlawing of all
forms of discrimination. Ambedkar was one of the ministers who argued for extensive economic
and social rights for women, and won the Assembly's support for introducing a system of
reservations of jobs in the civil services, schools and colleges for members of scheduled castes
and scheduled tribes and Other Backward Class, a system akin to affirmative action. India's
lawmakers hoped to eradicate the socio-economic inequalities and lack of opportunities for
India's depressed classes through these measures.[77] The Constitution was adopted on 26
November 1949 by the Constituent Assembly.[78]

Steven Calabresi has voiced agreement with Martha C. Nussbaum's assessment of the Indian
constitution as "Ambedkar's constitution," on account of the Supreme Court of India having
evolved away from judicial restraint and legal positivism favored and successfully executed into
the Constitution in 1950 by Jawaharlal Nehru and leaders of India's anti-colonial nationalist
movement who held sway in the Constituent Assembly of India to an purposive approach by
which the court rules today, whereby it is the final arbiter of the Constitution's meaning and its
interpretations are binding on the executive and legislative branches of the government.
Ambedkar had supported the purposive approach during the drafting of the constitution from
1947 to 1949 but his views were in a minority.[79]

Ambedkar had openly shared his concern in the Constituent Assembly that country might lose
both its Constitution and its democratic freedoms in the future. He believed that the lack of a
strong democratic tradition, the widespread presence of ‘bhakti’ or political ‘hero worship’ and
the large gap between the republican promises of the Constitution and socio-economic
inequality, made this a distinct and ever-present possibility.[80][81][82]

Ambedkar expressed his disapproval for the constitution in 1953 during a parliament session
and said "People always keep on saying to me "Oh you are the maker of the constitution". My
answer is I was a hack. What I was asked to do, I did much against my will." Ambedkar added
that, "I am quite prepared to say that I shall be the first person to burn it out. I do not want it. It
does not suit anybody."[83][84]

Economics

Ambedkar was the first Indian to pursue a doctorate in economics abroad.[85] He argued that
industrialisation and agricultural growth could enhance the Indian economy.[86] He stressed
investment in agriculture as the primary industry of India. Ambedkar advocated national
economic and social development, stressing education, public hygiene, community health,
residential facilities as the basic amenities.[86] His DSc thesis, The problem of the Rupee: Its
Origin and Solution (1923) examines the causes for the Rupee's fall in value. In this dissertation,
he argued in favour of a gold standard in modified form, and was opposed to the gold-exchange
standard favoured by Keynes in his treatise Indian Currency and Finance (1909), claiming it was
less stable. He favoured the stoppage of all further coinage of the rupee and the minting of a
gold coin, which he believed would fix currency rates and prices.[87]

He also analysed revenue in his PhD dissertation The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British
India. In this work, he analysed the various systems used by the British colonial government to
manage finances in India.[87][88] His views on finance were that governments should ensure their
expenditures have "faithfulness, wisdom and economy." "Faithfulness" meaning governments
should use money as nearly as possible to the original intentions of spending the money in the
first place. "Wisdom" meaning it should be used as well as possible for the public good, and
"economy" meaning the funds should be used so that the maximum value can be extracted from
them.[89]

Ambedkar opposed income tax for low-income groups. He contributed in Land Revenue Tax and
excise duty policies to stabilise the economy. He played an important role in land reform and the
state economic development. According to him, the caste system, due to its division of labourers
and hierarchical nature, impedes movement of labour (higher castes would not do lower-caste
occupations) and movement of capital (assuming investors would invest first in their own caste
occupation). His theory of State Socialism had three points: state ownership of agricultural land,
the maintenance of resources for production by the state, and a just distribution of these
resources to the population. He emphasised a free economy with a stable Rupee which India has
adopted recently. He advocated birth control to develop the Indian economy, and this has been
adopted by Indian government as national policy for family planning. He emphasised equal rights
for women for economic development.

A number of Ambedkar's ideas reflected deep interest in Austrian school of economics. The
ideas of Ambedkar were close to those of Carl Menger, Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek, and
William Graham Sumner. Ambedkar's theory of free banking was built on Menger's work and also
on Gopal Krishna Gokhale's treatise on finance and money. Ambedkar's view about
distinguishing differential quality of money was influenced by Menger's idea of sale-ability of
money which is found in Menger's article 'On the Origin of Money'. Ambedkar's
recommendations for free banking were ignored by both Royal Commission and Indian
government.[90]

In his book, "The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India", Ambedkar wrote "a Central
Government for the whole of India could not be said to possess knowledge and experience of all
various conditions prevailing in different Provinces under it. It, therefore, necessarily becomes an
authority less competent to deal with matters of provincial administration than the Provisional
Governments.'[90]

Ambedkar's views on agricultural land was that too much of it was idle, or that it was not being
utilized properly. He believed there was an "ideal proportion" of production factors that would
allow agricultural land to be used most productively. To this end, he saw the large portion of
people who lived on agriculture at the time as a major problem. Therefore, he advocated
industrialization of the economy to allow these agricultural labourers to be of more use
elsewhere. Ambedkar was of the view that there is a need to shift surplus labour from
agricultural channels to non-agricultural channels.[91]

Ambedkar was trained as an economist, and was a professional economist until 1921, when he
became a political leader. He wrote three books on economics:

Administration and Finance of the East India Company

The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India

The Problem of the Rupee: Its Origin and Its Solution[92][93]

Marriage

Ambedkar with wife Savita in

1948

Ambedkar's first wife Ramabai died in 1935 after prolonged illness. After completing the draft of
India's constitution in the late 1940s, he suffered from lack of sleep, had neuropathic pain in his
legs, and was taking insulin and homoeopathic medicines. He went to Bombay for treatment,
and there met Sharada Kabir, MBBS, whom he married on 15 April 1948, at his home in New
Delhi. Doctors recommended a companion who was a good cook and was a medical practitioner
to care for him.[94] She adopted the name Savita Ambedkar and cared for him the rest of his
life.[95] Savita Ambedkar, who was called also 'Mai', died on 29 May 2003, aged 93 in Mumbai.[96]

Conversion to Buddhism

Ambedkar delivering a speech during a

mass conversion ceremony

Ambedkar considered converting to Sikhism, which encouraged opposition to oppression and so

appealed to leaders of scheduled castes. But after meeting with Sikh leaders, he concluded that
he might get "second-rate" Sikh status.[97]

Instead, around 1950, he began devoting his attention to Buddhism and travelled to Ceylon (now
Sri Lanka) to attend a meeting of the World Fellowship of Buddhists.[98] While dedicating a new
Buddhist vihara near Pune, Ambedkar announced he was writing a book on Buddhism, and that
when it was finished, he would formally convert to Buddhism.[99] He twice visited Burma in 1954;
the second time to attend the third conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists in
Rangoon.[100] In 1955, he founded the Bharatiya Bauddha Mahasabha, or the Buddhist Society of
India.[101] In 1956, he completed his final work, The Buddha and His Dhamma, which was
published posthumously.[101]

After meetings with the Sri Lankan Buddhist monk Hammalawa Saddhatissa,[102] Ambedkar
organised a formal public ceremony for himself and his supporters in Nagpur on 14 October
1956. Accepting the Three Refuges and Five Precepts from a Buddhist monk in the traditional
manner, Ambedkar completed his own conversion, along with his wife. He then proceeded to
convert some 500,000 of his supporters who were gathered around him.[99][103] He prescribed
the 22 Vows for these converts, after the Three Jewels and Five Precepts. He then travelled to
Kathmandu, Nepal to attend the Fourth World Buddhist Conference.[100] His work on The Buddha
or Karl Marx and "Revolution and counter-revolution in ancient India" remained incomplete.

Death

Mahaparinirvana of B. R. Ambedkar

Since 1948, Ambedkar had diabetes. He remained in bed from June to October in 1954 due to
medication side-effects and poor eyesight.[99] His health worsened during 1955. Three days after
completing his final manuscript The Buddha and His Dhamma, Ambedkar died in his sleep on 6
December 1956 at his home in Delhi.[104]

A Buddhist cremation was organised at Dadar Chowpatty beach on 7 December,[105] attended by

half a million grieving people.[106] A conversion program was organised on 16 December
1956,[107] so that cremation attendees were also converted to Buddhism at the same place.[107]

Ambedkar was survived by his second wife Savita Ambedkar (known as Maisaheb Ambedkar),
who died in 2003,[108] and his son Yashwant Ambedkar (known as Bhaiyasaheb Ambedkar), who
died in 1977.[109] Savita and Yashwant carried on the socio-religious movement started by B. R.
Ambedkar. Yashwant served as the 2nd President of the Buddhist Society of India (1957–1977)
and a member of the Maharashtra Legislative Council (1960–1966).[110][111] Ambedkar's elder
grandson, Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar, is the chief-adviser of the Buddhist Society of India,[112]
leads the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi[113][114] and has served in both houses of the Indian
Parliament.[114] Ambedkar's younger grandson, Anandraj Ambedkar leads the Republican Sena
(tran: The "Republican Army").[115]

A number of unfinished typescripts and handwritten drafts were found among Ambedkar's notes
and papers and gradually made available. Among these were Waiting for a Visa, which probably
dates from 1935 to 1936 and is an autobiographical work, and the Untouchables, or the Children
of India's Ghetto, which refers to the census of 1951.[99]

A memorial for Ambedkar was established in his Delhi house at 26 Alipur Road. His birthdate
known as Ambedkar Jayanti or Bhim Jayanti is observed as a public holiday in many Indian
states. He was posthumously awarded India's highest civilian honour, the Bharat Ratna, in
1990.[116]

On the anniversary of his birth and death, and on Dhamma Chakra Pravartan Din (14 October) at
Nagpur, at least half a million people gather to pay homage to him at his memorial in
Mumbai.[117] Thousands of bookshops are set up, and books are sold. His message to his
followers was "educate, agitate, organise!"[118]

Legacy

People paying tribute at the

central statue of Ambedkar in Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar
Marathwada University in
Aurangabad.
 1990 1 Rupee commemorative coin of
India dedicated to B.R. Ambedkar

Ambedkar's legacy as a socio-political reformer had a deep effect on modern India.[119][120] In

post-Independence India, his socio-political thought is respected across the political spectrum.
His initiatives have influenced various spheres of life and transformed the way India today looks
at socio-economic policies, education and affirmative action through socio-economic and legal
incentives. His reputation as a scholar led to his appointment as free India's first law minister,
and chairman of the committee for drafting the constitution. He passionately believed in
individual freedom and criticised caste society. His accusations of Hinduism as being the
foundation of the caste system made him controversial and unpopular among Hindus.[121] His
conversion to Buddhism sparked a revival in interest in Buddhist philosophy in India and
abroad.[122]

Many public institutions are named in his honour, and the Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar International
Airport in Nagpur, otherwise known as Sonegaon Airport. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar National Institute of
Technology, Jalandhar, Ambedkar University Delhi is also named in his honour.[123]

The Maharashtra government has acquired a house in London where Ambedkar lived during his
days as a student in the 1920s. The house is expected to be converted into a museum-cum-
memorial to Ambedkar.[124]

Ambedkar was voted "the Greatest Indian" since independence by a poll organised by History
TV18 and CNN IBN, ahead of Patel and Nehru, in 2012. Nearly 20 million votes were cast.[125]
Due to his role in economics, Narendra Jadhav, a notable Indian economist,[126] has said that
Ambedkar was "the highest educated Indian economist of all times."[127] Amartya Sen, said that
Ambedkar is "father of my economics", and "he was highly controversial figure in his home
country, though it was not the reality. His contribution in the field of economics is marvelous and
will be remembered forever."[128][129]

On 2 April 1967, an 3.66 metre (12 foot) tall bronze statue of Ambedkar was installed in the
Parliament of India. The statue, sculpted by B.V. Wagh, was unveiled by the then President of
India, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan.[130][131][132] On 12 April 1990, a portrait of B.R. Ambedkar is put
in the Central Hall of Parliament House.[133][134][135] The portrait of Ambedkar, painted by Zeba
Amrohawi, was unveiled by the then Prime Minister of India, V. P. Singh.[133] Another portrait of
Ambedkar is put in the Parliamentary Museum and archives of the Parliament House.[136][137]

Ambedkar's legacy was not without criticism. Ambedkar has been criticised for his one-sided
views on the issue of caste at the expense of cooperation with the larger nationalist
movement.[138] Ambedkar has been also criticised by some of his biographers over his neglect of
organization-building.[139]

Ambedkar's political philosophy has given rise to a large number of political parties, publications
and workers' unions that remain active across India, especially in Maharashtra. His promotion of
Buddhism has rejuvenated interest in Buddhist philosophy among sections of population in
India. Mass conversion ceremonies have been organised by human rights activists in modern
times, emulating Ambedkar's Nagpur ceremony of 1956.[140] Some Indian Buddhists regard him
as a Bodhisattva, although he never claimed it himself.[141] Outside India, during the late 1990s,
some Hungarian Romani people drew parallels between their own situation and that of the
downtrodden people in India. Inspired by Ambedkar, they started to convert to Buddhism.[142]

The Ambedkar Statue in Hyderabad is a statue of B. R. Ambedkar located in Hyderabad. The

statue was designed by Ram V. Sutar. The foundation stone was laid in 2016, but the
construction of the statue began in 2021. The statue was inaugurated on 14 April 2023, by K.
Chandrashekhar Rao, the Chief Minister of Telangana, on the 132nd Ambedkar Jayanti.
Ambedkar's grandson Prakash Ambedkar was the chief guest of the event. The statue is made
up of over 360 tonnes of steel and 100 tonnes of bronze.[143][144][145][146][147] On 19 January 2024,
a 125 feet tall "Statue of Social Justice" of Ambedkar was installed in Vijayawada, Andhra
Pradesh, which stands on an 81 feet high platform.[148] The Ambedkar statues in Hyderabad and
Vijayawada are the fifth and fourth tallest statues in India respectively. In May 2026, a 450 feet
tall "Statue of Equality" of Babasaheb Ambedkar will be ready at Indu Mill in Mumbai,[149] which
will be the second tallest statue in India and the third tallest in the world.[150]
Views

Religion

Children awaiting school lunch in

Rayka (also Raika), a village in rural
Gujarat. The salutation Jai Bhim
written on the blackboard honours
Ambedkar.

Ambedkar said in 1935 that he was born a Hindu but would not die a Hindu. He viewed Hinduism
as an "oppressive religion" and started to consider conversion to any other religion.[151] In
Annihilation of Caste, Ambedkar claims that the only lasting way a true casteless society could
be achieved is through destroying the belief of the sanctity of the Shastras and denying their
authority.[152] Ambedkar was critical of Hindu religious texts and epics and wrote a work titled
Riddles in Hinduism during 1954–1955. The work was published posthumously by combining
individual chapter manuscripts and resulted in mass demonstrations and counter
demonstrations.[153][154][155]

Ambedkar viewed Christianity to be incapable of fighting injustices. He wrote that "It is an

incontrovertible fact that Christianity was not enough to end the slavery of the Negroes in the
United States. A civil war was necessary to give the Negro the freedom which was denied to him
by the Christians."[156]

Ambedkar criticized distinctions within Islam and described the religion as "a close corporation
and the distinction that it makes between Muslims and non-Muslims is a very real, very positive
and very alienating distinction".[157]

He opposed conversions of depressed classes to convert to Islam or Christianity added that if

they converted to Islam then "the danger of Muslim domination also becomes real" and if they
converted to Christianity then it "will help to strengthen the hold of Britain on the country".[158]

Initially, Ambedkar planned to convert to Sikhism but he rejected this idea after he discovered
that British government would not guarantee the privileges accorded to the untouchables in
reserved parliamentary seats.[159]
On 16 October 1956, he converted to Buddhism just weeks before his death.[160]

Aryan invasion theory

Ambedkar viewed the Shudras as Aryan and adamantly rejected the Aryan invasion theory,
describing it as "so absurd that it ought to have been dead long ago" in his 1946 book Who Were
the Shudras?.[161] Ambedkar viewed Shudras as originally having been "part of the Kshatriya
Varna in the Indo-Aryan society", but became socially degraded after they inflicted many
tyrannies on Brahmins.[162]

Ambedkar disputed various hypotheses of the Aryan homeland being outside India, and
concluded the Aryan homeland was India itself. According to Ambedkar, the Rig Veda says
Aryans, Dāsa and Dasyus were competing religious groups, not different peoples.[163]

Communism

Ambedkar was heavily influenced by John Dewey and his philosophy of pragmatism.[164][165]
Ambedkar's views on Communism were expressed in two 1956 texts, "Buddha or Karl Marx" and
"Buddhism and Communism".[166] According to Jaffrelot, Ambedkar "constantly criticised the
Communists, whom he accused of exploiting the workers' cause to advance their own
career".[167] In a 1938 speech delivered to the Masur conference of depressed classes, Ambedkar
said: "It is absolutely impossible for me to keep relations with the communists. I am an
implacable enemy of the Communists." [168]

Ambedkar stated that:[169]

Carlyle called political economy a pig philosophy. Carlyle was of course wrong.
For man needs material comforts. But the communist philosophy seems to
equally wrong, for the aim of their philosophy seems to be fatten pigs, as though
men are no better than pigs. Man must grow materially as well as spiritually.
Buddha’s method was to change the mind of man without the use of force.
Buddha sought to change man’s moral disposition to follow the path voluntarily.

He accepted the Marxist theory that the privileged few's exploitation of the masses perpetuated
poverty and its issues. However, he did not see this exploitation as purely economic, theorizing
that the cultural aspects of exploitation are as bad or worse than economic exploitation. In
addition, he did not see economic relationships as the only important aspect of human life. He
also saw Communists as willing to resort to any means to achieve proletarian revolution,
including violence, while he himself saw democratic and peaceful measures as the best option
for change. Ambedkar also opposed the Marxist idea of controlling all the means of production
and ending private ownership of property: seeing the latter measure as not able to fix the
problems of society. In addition, rather than advocating for the eventual annihilation of the state
as Marxism does, Ambedkar believed in a classless society, but also believed the state would
exist as long as society and that it should be active in development.[87] But in the 1950s, in an
interview he gave to BBC, he accepted that the current liberal democratic system will collapse
and the alternative, as he thinks, "is some kind of communism".[170]

Ambedkar's objections to communism were severely criticized by Abhinav Sinha of 'The Anvil
magazine'.[171]

"Communism is not a sect of Bhikkhus and Ambedkar did not understand this
simple fact, in his zealous attempt to prove that everything correct in Marxism
has already been said by Buddha and whatever was not said by Buddha is
incorrect in Marxism. However, it seems that Ambedkar made these bold claims
without reading a single Marxist text. He also claims that a 60 year old political
philosophy like communism would not work. And what would work? A 2500
years old philosophy of Buddhism! These are some of the “refutations” of
Marxism by Ambedkar!" .... "Ambedkar did not have any understanding about
Marxism as he had not read a single work by Marx, Engels or Lenin. Therefore
the very question whether Ambedkar agreed or disagreed, in real sense of the
terms, with Marxism or not is a non-question. The truth is that he did not have
any understanding of Marxism."

In popular culture

Several films, plays, and other works have been based on the life and thoughts of Ambedkar.

Indian director Jabbar Patel made a documentary titled Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in 1991; he
followed this with a full-length feature film Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in 2000 with Mammootty
in the lead role.[172] This biopic was sponsored by the National Film Development Corporation
of India and the government's Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. The film was
released after a long and controversial gestation.[173]

Other Indian films on Ambedkar include: Balaka Ambedkar (1991) by Basavaraj Kestur, Dr.
Ambedkar (1992) by Bharath Parepalli, and Yugpurush Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar (1993).

David Blundell, professor of anthropology at UCLA and historical ethnographer, has established
Arising Light – a series of films and events that are intended to stimulate interest and
knowledge about the social conditions in India and the life of Ambedkar.[174]
 In Samvidhaan,[175] a TV mini-series on the making of the Constitution of India directed by
Shyam Benegal, the pivotal role of B. R. Ambedkar was played by Sachin Khedekar.

The play Ambedkar Aur Gandhi, directed by Arvind Gaur and written by Rajesh Kumar, tracks
the two prominent personalities of its title.[176]

Bhimayana: Experiences of Untouchability is a graphic biography of Ambedkar created by

Pardhan-Gond artists Durgabai Vyam and Subhash Vyam, and writers Srividya Natarajan and
S. Anand. The book depicts the experiences of untouchability faced by Ambedkar from
childhood to adulthood. CNN named it one of the top 5 political comic books.[177]

The Ambedkar Memorial at Lucknow is dedicated in his memory. The chaitya consists of
monuments showing his biography.[178][179]

Jai Bhim slogan was given by the Dalit community in Delhi in his honour in 1946.[180]

Google commemorated Ambedkar's 124th birthday through a homepage doodle on 14 April

2015.[181][182] The doodle was featured in India, Argentina, Chile, Ireland, Peru, Poland, Sweden
and the United Kingdom.[183][184][185]

An Indian television show named Ek Mahanayak: Dr. B. R. Ambedkar portraying his life aired on
&TV in 2019.[186]

Another show, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar - Mahamanvachi Gauravgatha, has aired in Marathi on
Star Pravah from 2019.[187]

Works

The Education Department, Government of Maharashtra (Mumbai) published the collection of

Ambedkar's writings and speeches in different volumes.[188] The list of Ambedkar's works
include the following:

Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development and 11 Other Essays

The Annihilation of Caste, (1936)

Ambedkar in the Bombay Legislature, with the Simon Commission and at the Round Table
Conferences, (1927–1939)

Philosophy of Hinduism; India and the Pre-requisites of Communism; Revolution and Counter-
revolution; Buddha or Karl Marx

Riddles in Hinduism[189]

Essays on Untouchables and Untouchability

The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India

The Untouchables Who Were They And Why They Became Untouchables ?
 Who Were the Shudras? (1946)

Pakistan or The Partition of India (1945),[190] originally published as Thoughts on Pakistan

(1941)[191]

What Congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of
the Untouchables

Ambedkar as member of the Governor General's Executive Council, 1942–46

The Buddha and his Dhamma

Unpublished Writings; Ancient Indian Commerce; Notes on laws; Waiting for a Visa;
Miscellaneous notes, etc.

Ambedkar as the principal architect of the Constitution of India

(2 parts) Dr. Ambedkar and The Hindu Code Bill

Ambedkar as Free India's First Law Minister and Member of Opposition in Indian Parliament
(1947–1956)

The Pali Dictionary and The Pali Grammar[192]

Ambedkar and his Egalitarian Revolution – Struggle for Human Rights. Events starting from
March 1927 to 17 November 1956 in the chronological order;

Ambedkar and his Egalitarian Revolution – Socio-political and religious activities. Events
starting from November 1929 to 8 May 1956 in the chronological order;

Ambedkar and his Egalitarian Revolution – Speeches. (Events starting from 1 January to 20
November 1956 in the chronological order.)

See also

Ambedkar family

Chaitya Bhoomi

Deekshabhoomi

Statue of Equality

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Further reading

Ahir, D. C. (1990). The Legacy of Dr. Ambedkar. Delhi: B. R. Publishing. ISBN 81-7018-603-X.

Ajnat, Surendra (1986). Ambedkar on Islam. Jalandhar: Buddhist Publ.

Beltz, Johannes; Jondhale, S. (eds.). Reconstructing the World: B.R. Ambedkar and Buddhism in
India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Bholay, Bhaskar Laxman (2001). Dr Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar: Anubhav Ani Athavani. Nagpur:
Sahitya Akademi.
 Fernando, W. J. Basil (2000). Demoralisation and Hope: Creating the Social Foundation for
Sustaining Democracy – A comparative study of N. F. S. Grundtvig (1783–1872) Denmark and B.
R. Ambedkar (1881–1956) India. Hong Kong: AHRC Publication. ISBN 962-8314-08-4.

Chakrabarty, Bidyut. "B.R. Ambedkar" Indian Historical Review (Dec 2016) 43#2 pp 289–315.
doi:10.1177/0376983616663417 ([Link] .

Gautam, C. (2000). Life of Babasaheb Ambedkar (2nd ed.). London: Ambedkar Memorial Trust.

Jaffrelot, Christophe (2004). Ambedkar and Untouchability. Analysing and Fighting Caste. New
York: Columbia University Press.

Kasare, M. L. Economic Philosophy of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. New Delhi: B. I. Publications.

Kuber, W. N. Dr. Ambedkar: A Critical Study. New Delhi: People's Publishing House.

Kumar, Aishwary (2015). Radical Equality: Ambedkar, Gandhi, and the Risk of Democracy.
Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804794268.

Kumar, Ravinder. "Gandhi, Ambedkar and the Poona pact, 1932." South Asia: Journal of South
Asian Studies 8.1–2 (1985): 87–101.

Michael, S.M. (1999). Untouchable, Dalits in Modern India ([Link]

licyact0000gins_t2j6) . Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 978-1-55587-697-5.

Nugent, Helen M. (1979) "The communal award: The process of decision-making." South Asia:
Journal of South Asian Studies 2#1–2 (1979): 112–129.

Omvedt, Gail (2004). Ambedkar: Towards an Enlightened India. Penguin. ISBN 0-670-04991-3.

Sangharakshita, Urgyen (1986). Ambedkar and Buddhism. Windhorse Publications. ISBN 0-

904766-28-4. PDF ([Link]
Archived ([Link]
oks/Ambedkar_and_Buddhism.pdf) 24 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine

Primary sources

Ambedkar, Bhimrao Ramji (2014). Annihilation of Caste: The Annotated Critical Edition. Verso
Books. ISBN 9781781688328.

External links

Ambedkar: The man behind India's constitution ([Link]

42234642) , BBC News

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: Timeline Index and more work by him ([Link]

c/pritchett/00ambedkar/[Link]) at the Columbia University
Exhibition: "Educate. Agitate. Organise." Ambedkar and LSE ([Link]
ts-on/exhibitions/educate-agitate-organise) , exhibition at the London School of Economics
and Political Science, which includes Ambedkar's "student file."

Writings and Speeches of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar ([Link] in

various languages at the Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Government of India

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar's related articles ([Link]

Works by B. R. Ambedkar ([Link] at Project

Gutenberg

'Babasaheb' Dr. B.R. Ambedkar: Maker and conscience-keeper of modern India ([Link]
[Link]/[Link]) at the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India

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