Linguistic and Ethnic Groups in India
Linguistic and Ethnic Groups in India
Structure
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 What are the Linguistic and Ethnic Groups?
13.3 Linguistic Groups
13.3.1 Linguistic Groups in India
13.3.2 Three Language-Formula
13.3.2 Linguistic Groups and Politics
13.4 Ethnic Groups
13.4.1 Ethnic Groups in India
13.4.2 Ethnic Groups and Politics
13.5 Let Us Sum Up
13.6 References
13.7 Answers to Check Your Exercise
13.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit aims to acquaint the students with the linguistic and ethnic groups in
the state politics in India. After reading this unit, you will be to;
Explain to meaning of linguistic and ethnic groups;
Underline differences between them; and
Discuss politics of linguistic and ethnic groups.
13.1 INTRODUCTION
The linguistic and ethnic groups occupy a significant place in a democracy. Their
empowerment in terms of participation in political processes, ability to avail of
the distributive justice, security, freedom, equality, etc. is indicative of level of
success of a democracy. In a multicultural and diverse society like India, the
multiple identities based on the diverse factors - caste, language, religion, race,
culture, traditions, customs, etc., play a significant role in impacting their place
in democracy. Mobilisation, patronage and discrimination in society and politics
based on these markers form a significant aspect of a democratic system.
*
Jagpal Singh, Faculty of Political Science, School of Social Sciences, IGNOU, Maidan Garhi,
New Delhi-110068. This unit is adapted form of MPSE-008 (unit 16), and from MPSE-007
(unit 9). 147
Identity Politics that they share a common language. Similarly, an ethnic group is a group of people
who think that they share similarities in several aspects of life such as religion, language,
culture, customs, traditions, caste, race, economy, etc. We can thus see linguistic group
is formed on the basis of single factor or marker, i.e., language, and an ethnic group is
formed on the basis multiple factors or markers. It is important to note that some
scholars consider both kinds of groups – those based on single marker as well as those
based on multiple markers as ethnic groups. Generally, Indian scholars based in Indian
institutions and the scholars based in American and European institutions allude to
group identity from single and multiple factors in slightly different ways. The scholars
based in Indian institutions identify a group formed on the basis of a single factor as
single-factor group; for example, a linguistic group - the Tamil, the Telugu, and the
Hindi or Maithili formed on the basis of language as a single marker, or caste/caste
group-based identity such as Dalits, OBCs, high castes, or Brahmin or Rajput identity
formed on the basis of caste or caste group as a single factor. And they refer to ethnic
group to the group which formed based on multiple factors. For example, Naga or
Mizo group identity formed on the basis of several markers – culture, language, customs,
history, geography, clan, etc. denote ethnic identity of Nagas or Mizos. Unlike them,
the scholars based in American and European institutions do not distinguish between
groups formed on single and multiple factors. For them, both groups formed from
single marker as well as multiple markers are ethnic groups. In this unit, you will read
about the linguistic group as an identity based on a single marker and ethnic group as
an identity formed on multiple markers.
Let us start with the northeast India. There are many linguistic groups in state of
the northeast India. The linguistic groups in these states can generally be linked
to the ethnic groups. The latter belong to two groups of ethnic communities – the
indigenous groups that have not migrated from outside a state and have been
living in their areas for generations, and those who have migrated from other
regions in search of employment or any other purpose and settled there over the
years. Both the indigenous and migrant groups also consist of several linguistic
groups each. Assam is among the northeastern states where the linguistic
minorities groups resisted the attempts of the linguistic majority to make its
language, the Assamese, as official and court language of all. In Assam, the
principal linguistic conflict has been between the Assamese and the non-Assamese
languages. When Assam was a composite state, i.e., before other states were
carved of Assam, the Assamese and the non-Assamese languages were sources
of linguistic conflict. The latter included the Bengali, tribal languages, etc. The
Assamese-Bengali linguistic conflict in Assam can be traced back to the colonial
policies. Within a few years of the occupation of Assam, the British made the
Bengali as the official language. The Assamese had alleged that the British did
so under the pressure of the Bengalis and it was discriminatory to them. They
demanded that the Assamese be declared as an official and court language in
Assam. This gave birth to a debate between the intellectuals of two linguistic
groups. The Bengalis argued that there was no need for a separate court language
for Assam, as Assamese was a dialect of the Assamese. The Assamese intellectuals
on the other hand argued that Assamese was not a dialect of Bengali; it was an
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independent language with its own script and history. The Bengalis should be Linguistic and Ethenic
Groups
replaced with the Assamese as an official language. The British in fact declared
Assamese as official language of Assam in 1873. Since then, the conflict between
the two linguistic groups continued in one or the other form. Bengalis are a
minority linguistic group in Brahmputra Valley and while the Assamese are a
minority linguistic group in Barak Valley. In the 1960s, the Assamese government
attempted to make Assamese compulsory as medium of instructions in the
institutions in the areas where non-Assamese were spoken by most people. This
was resisted in these areas resulting in violent clashes in the Hills and Barak
valley. Bengalis feared that introduction of Assamese as the official language
would hamper the progress of Bengalis in Brahmputra Valley. It also resulted in
demand for a tribal state in the Khasi dominated part of Assam. All non-Assamese
communities including Bengalis, other non- tribals and tribal groups launched
an agitation in the Khasi, Jaintia , and Garo hills for the formation of a separate
state. The new state of Meghalaya was formed in 1972. In another example, as
discussed by Sanjib Baruha in India Against Itself, after the signing of the Assam
Accord in 1986, the Bodos underlined that their identity was different from
Assamese, and Bodo was their language. They demanded recognition of Bodo
as an official language, which was later given this status by its inclusion in the
VIII Schedule.
Linguistic groups in two south Indian states- Tamil Nadu and Karnataka were
involved in fierce language-based riott in 1992. The riot was not directly related
to language. It was a fall out of the conflict which took place between the two
states over sharing of Cauvery water. The Tamil speaking community was targeted
by the Kannada speakers in Karnataka causing damage to their property and
lives. The minority Tamil linguistic groups in Karnataka demanded the
introduction of special measures for the protection of their language and property.
Paul R Brass argues that the state governments introduced discriminatory policies
against the minority languages and the central government did not provide
protection to them. The central government’s attitude towards Urdu and Mithila
spoken in north Bihar is among such examples. Besides, Urdu which is spoken
several parts of the country, and is the single largest minority language in U P,
has been subject to controversy by the communal forces. Any attempt to give
Urdu as a status of official language is met with the criticism by certain groups
and is viewed as appeasement of Muslims. But the Urdu speaking section of
society consider the opposition to Urdu as an attempt to discriminate against the
linguistic minorities. In Punjab, the linguistic issue got linked with the communal
divide between Hindus and Sikhs during the Punjabi Suba movement of the
1960s. The Arya Samaj impacted the vision of non-Sikh Punjabis, who declared
as Hindi their language in the census enumeration, though in practice it was
Punjabi. Hindus in Punjab apprehended that creation of separate states of Punjab
would reduce the Hindus to a minority community in Punjab. Among the most
crucial example of language politics is the case of Hindi language in South India,
especially Tamil Nadu. In the 1960s, there was an agitation against adoption of
Hindi as an official language following the decision. Hindi was adopted as an
official language in the Constituent Assembly in the light of an official resolution
which was passed by the Congress legislative party. After Independence, Hindi
was adopted as an official language with English as a shared language for a
transition period of fifteen years. The decision to introduce Hindi as an official
language was opposed in south India. This resulted in protest in Madras Province
(Tamil Nadu). The protest was led by Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK),
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Identity Politics which was earlier known as Munnetra Kazhagam (DK). The DMK argued that
introduction of Hindi as an official language was an attempt to impose Hindi on
non-Hindi speaking people.
In the northeast Indian states, there are two types of ethnic groups: one, those
who have been living there since centuries known as indigenous people; two,
those who have settled there because of migration from different parts of the
country from the nineteenth century, and who continue to immigrate into the
region. In several instances, there exist differences within indigenous and migrant
groups each. It means that there exist several indigenous groups and migrant
groups within a single state. Each of the ethnic group has distinct characteristics
in terms of culture, language, customs, history, etc. These characterizes could be
real or imagines or both. The immigrant settlers are be identified based on states
from where they migrated. It is possible that in times of conflict the internal
differences within the indigenous ethnic groups and within the migrant ethnic
groups get blurred, and they tend to behave two opposite blocks of ethnic groups.
Sometime even the groups which have ethnic similarities get divided in the times
of conflict and competition between them. Some examples of ethnic groups in
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Identity Politics northeast India are as follows: Kukis and Nagas in Nagaland and Manipur, Meities
in Manipur, and tribes such as Bodos, Santhals, Karbis and non-tribals in Assam,
and the non-tribals – Bengalis, Nepalese, and tribes such as Khasis, Jaintias and
Garos in Meghalaya. Sometime, ethnic groups which generally have conflictual
relationships ally with each other in a common goal. But after achievement of
such goal, differences emerge within them. The smaller ethnic group allege that
dominant ethnic groups do not give fair recognition to their concern after the
achievement of goal which they achieved by allying with each other. This gives
them a feeling of neglect and discrimination. As a result, they also demand
autonomy for their ethnic group. The example of Bodos tribe of Assam is relevant
in this context. The Bodos participated in the six years agitation against the
foreigners in Assam led by the All Assam Students Union (AASU). But when
the Asom Gana Parisad (AGP) formed the government, the Bodos underlined
that their problems were neglected by the AGP government which was dominated
by the larger ethnic groups of Assam. As a result, the Bodo started an agitation
demanding creation of a Bodoland.
The politics of ethnic groups is decided by the course of the politics of ethnic
majorities. Let us take the example of the ethnic majorities in case of Meghalaya.
The ethnic groups there are three local tribes Khasis, Garos and Jaintias. The
principal ethnic majorities are Bengalis, Nepalis, Biharis and Rajasthanis/
Marwaris. Both groups of these ethnic communities joined together to demand a
separate state of Meghalaya to be carved out of the then Assam in the 1960s.
One of the principal reasons of their demand for a separate was their common
grievance against making Assamese an official language, which they resisted as
the ethnic majorities in Assam. The relations between them at that time were
marked by ethnic harmony. But in the wake of formation of Meghalaya in 1972,
the relations between ethnic groups and majorities were characterised by ethnic
conflict. The conflict revolved around the issues such as protection of identity,
traditions, and culture of the indigenous communities, and of their economic
opportunities and property rights. The indigenous ethnic communities defend
special measures given by the state for them as special right as enshrined in the
VI Schedule of the Constitution. The indigenous ethnic groups argue that if special
measures are not introduced for them, the migrant ethnic would encroach upon
their rights. This will result in extinction of their identity. The claims of indigenous
communities are often disputed the non-indigenous communities. In certain
politics context – competition among politician, political parties or elections the
claims and counter-claims of ethnic communities result in ethnic violence.
Jammu and Kashmir had existed as a state till August 5, 2019 when it was divided
in two Union Territories following the annulment of special status to it under
Article 370. Until Jammu and Kashmir had existed as state, there were three
regions in it – Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. After the division of the state of
Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories – Jammu and Kashmir, and
Ladakh, Jammu and Kashmir regions consist of Hindus and Muslims as majority
communities respectively, and Ladakh has majority of Buddhist community with
smaller number of Muslims. Even though these ethnic groups play significant
role in Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh as Union Territories, the patterns of
ethnic politics of these groups can adequately be seen in a period when Jammu
and Kashmir had existed as a state. The foundation of ethnic in Jammu and
Kashmir before it was converted into two union territories was lay in factors of
religion, region and region. Repercussion of ethnic politics could be seen in the
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demand for the status of Union Territory to the Ladakh region and for a separate Linguistic and Ethenic
Groups
state for the Jammu region in Jammu and Kashmir prior to its division into two
union territories.
13.6 REFERENCES
Baruah, Sanjib (1999), India Against Itself: Assam and the Politics of Nationality,
University of Pennsylvania Press.
Brass, Paul, R. (1974), Language, Religion and Politics in North India, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
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Identity Politics Nag, Sajal (1990), Roots of Ethnic Conflict in Assam: Nationality Question in
North-east India, Manohar, New Delhi.
Kohli, Atul (2009), Democracy and Development in India: From Socialism to
Pro-Business, Cambridge University Press, New Delhi.
Sarangi, Asha (ed.) (2009), Language and Politics in India, Oxford University
Press, New Delhi.
1) Linguistic groups are those groups which are formed on the basis of language.
Members of a linguistic group speak a common language. Ethnic groups
are those groups whose group formation takes place because of realisation
that its members share multiple features – culture, race, religion, custom,
etc. Some scholars do not differentiate between the groups formed on the
basis of single marker such as language, and the groups formed on the basis
of multiple markers. For them, all kinds of group formations are ethnic
groups.
2) All states of North-east India have multiple ethnic groups. They can be
broadly categorised into two groups – indigenous and migrants people.
Ethnic politics in North-east India is related to the protection of identities
of ethnic groups, autonomy movements, and economic opportunities. On
several occasions, ethnic politics culminated into ethnic conflict and
violence. The violence can occur between ethnic groups or between ethnic
groups and the state agencies such as police.
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