Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication

Gender and Computer Games: Exploring

Females’ Dislikes
Tilo Hartmann
Annenberg School for Communication

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University of Southern California, Los Angeles

Christoph Klimmt
Department of Journalism and Communication Research
Hanover University of Music and Drama

On average, girls and women are less involved with video games than are boys and men,
and when they do play, they often prefer different games. This article reports two studies that
investigated the dislikes of German females with regard to video games. Study 1 applied con-
joint analysis to female respondents’ (N = 317) ratings of fictional video games and demon-
strated that lack of meaningful social interaction, followed by violent content and sexual
gender role stereotyping of game characters, were the most important reasons why females
disliked the games. Study 2, an online survey (N = 795), revealed that female respondents
were less attracted to competitive elements in video games, suggesting an explanation for
gender-specific game preferences. These findings are discussed with respect to communication
theory on interactive entertainment and their implications for applied video game design.

doi:10.1111/j.1083-6101.2006.00301.x

Introduction
Computer and video games have become among the most popular leisure time activ-
ities for children, adolescents, and young adults in Western and Asian societies. The
computer game industry is a billion-dollar business and its products have become
a major part of today’s media landscape (e.g., Poole, 2000; Vorderer & Bryant, 2006;
Wolf, 1999). However, a substantial gender difference in computer game involvement
has been observed, both in the U.S. and in Germany, despite the use of digital games
being on the rise (Ivory, 2006). Many studies conducted in social science fields such as
psychology report that girls and young women display less interest in digital games,
have less game-related knowledge, and play less frequently and for shorter durations
than do boys and young men (e.g., Brown, Hall, Holtzer, Brown, & Brown, 1997;
Cassell & Jenkins, 1998a; Lucas & Sherry, 2004; Wright, et al., 2001).
Several recent studies in Germany suggest the existence of a similar or even wider
gender gap in video game involvement among the German population. For example,
among a representative sample of German six to 13 years olds, 33% of girls reported

910 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association
playing Gameboy at least once a week (compared to 51% of boys), 33% reported
playing other video consoles or computer games (compared to 54% of boys), and
only 12% reported being very interested in video games in general (compared to 36%
of boys; MFS, 2005a). Another study (MFS, 2005b) found a similar gender gap in
video game involvement among 12 to 19 year old adolescents, with for example only
15% of all females reporting finding video games very interesting (compared to 52%
of males) and only 15% of all females in this age group (compared to 61% of males)
stating that they play computer or video games at least once a week.

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At the same time, recent publications suggest that the amount of female game
playing has increased, at least in the U.K. and the U.S. (see, e.g., Bryce & Rutter, 2002;
Jenkins, 1998). According to current user data for the U.S. market (ESA, 2005), 43%
of all video game players are female (in contrast to the gender gap in Germany).
Online games as a ‘‘new’’ form of video game playing have been adopted by many
female players as well (44% of all online-players are female, ESA, 2005). The Sims’
success as a top selling video game has been attributed to its attractiveness to female
players (cf. Carr, 2005); this adds to the discussion of female-targeted game design
(Cassell, 1998; Cassell & Jenkins, 1998b; Graner-Ray, 2003; Gorriz & Medina, 2000;
Miller, Chaika, & Groppe, 1996), but does not explain females’ lower interest in
video games per se. Researchers have also noted the popularity of ‘‘pink software’’
among females (e.g., Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1998). Matell’s Barbie Fashioner
Designer, for example, a video game that allowed users to make clothes for their
Barbie Dolls, sold more than 500,000 copies (Cassell, 2002).
Finally, some researchers, often with a background in Cultural Studies, note that
females may regard contemporary computer games (even those designed for male
players) as ‘‘sites for female participation and resistance to societal gender roles and
conceptions of masculinity and femininity’’ (Bryce & Rutter, 2002, p. 246; see in
general for a discussion of progressive ‘‘grrrl gamers’’ Cassell & Jenkins, 1998a;
Yates & Littleton, 1999; for a different view, see ‘‘conservative pink software,’’ AAUW,
2000, p. 30).
In sum, the research suggests that video games have traditionally been a realm
dominated by males, but that due to the emergence of female subcultures adopting
contemporary video games designed for males, and the advent of new games that
successfully engage female players, the gender gap has started to narrow, at least in
the U.S., such that players are no longer overwhelmingly male. These developments
imply a shift away from the traditional gender gap to gender-specific adaptations of
video games.
Focusing on gender differences in involvement with computer games is primarily
relevant for research on entertainment (e.g., Dietz, 1998; Klimmt & Hartmann, 2006;
Raney, Smith, & Baker, 2006; Salisch, Oppl, & Kristen, 2006), as it seems plausible
that gender-specific entertainment preferences exist. However, despite growing
interest among scholars from different disciplines in what video game design ele-
ments attract females, few empirical studies have examined the issue from a psycho-
logical point of view. Continued research on the gender gap that still exists also has

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association 911
implications for research on media socialization and access to information technol-
ogies. Because competence in computer games may require media literacy and
technical skills, involvement with computer games presumably facilitates the acqui-
sition of general computer-related knowledge and abilities (Subrahmanyam &
Greenfield, 1994). Thus gaming can help users participate successfully in the infor-
mation society (Cassell & Jenkins, 1998a; Lucas & Sherry, 2004). It follows that if
computer games are more attractive to boys than to girls, they perpetuate gender
imbalance in access to modern information technologies.

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This article presents two studies that address why young women are less attracted
than young men to popular contemporary computer games in Germany. We exam-
ined content factors that are salient in most contemporary video games and that can
potentially decrease females’ liking. Both studies rely on assumptions discussed in
the literature in social-scientific communication research and psychology. Both
studies analyzed single-player video games (thus excluding virtual worlds and other
multiplayer games). Also, other playing contexts and situational factors (e.g., playing
together with others) are not addressed, although research suggests that multiplayer
modes and playing with friends are important factors in females’ liking to play video
games (Agosto, 2002).

Research on Gender and Computer Games

‘‘Gender’’ can be construed in different ways, depending on the researcher’s disci-
plinary approach (see, e.g., for feminist and cultural-studies based approaches,
Cassell, 1998; Cassell & Jenkins, 1998b; for psychological approaches, Bem, 1981;
Crane & Markus, 1982; and for overviews, Bussey & Bandura, 1999; deCastell &
Bryson, 1998). Throughout this article we adopt a psychological perspective, namely
the Social Cognitive Theory of Gender Differentiation, which is described by
Bussey and Bandura (1999) as follows: ‘‘In this theoretical perspective, gender roles
and conceptions are the product of a broad network of social influences operating
interdependently in a variety of societal subsystems. Human evolution provides
bodily structures and biological potentialities that permit a range of possibilities
rather than dictate a fixed type of gender differentiation’’ (p. 676).
Most attempts to explain the gender gap in computer game involvement focus on
the content and the design of typical games (e.g., AAUW, 2000; Cassell, 2002;
Glaubke, Miller, Parker, & Espejo, 2001; Gorriz & Medina, 2000; Graner-Ray,
2003; Kafai, 1998; Miller, Chaika, & Groppe, 1996). Several authors have docu-
mented that most digital games rely heavily on stereotypes and archaic role models
to portray female characters (Dietz, 1998; Jansz & Martis, 2003; Sherman, 1997).
Many female characters in computer games are weak victims who are protected or
rescued by powerful males (i.e., they have a low task-attractivity, McCroskey &
McCain, 1974). Moreover, visual portrayals of females tend to highlight physical
attributes (e.g., through clothing) or exaggerate female sexuality (e.g., Beasley &
Standley, 2002; Downs & Smith, 2005; Schleiner, 2001). Although such content

912 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association
characteristics presumably attract male players, they may repel females from playing,
because observing such gender stereotypes could impede identification with the
female characters or even cause cognitive conflicts and annoyance (especially if
the subjective construction by the player involves a feminist self-concept; see, e.g.,
Cassell’s discussion of Lara Croft, 2002). Female users could have low attraction and
appreciation for such portrayals of female characters (McCroskey & McCain, 1974),
and their enjoyment and playing motivation could be reduced in consequence.
Another important content variable is violence. The majority of popular com-

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puter games targeted at teens and adults present an abundance of violent actions
with an increasing degree of realism (Dietz, 1998; Schneider, Lang, Shin, & Bradley,
2004; Sherry, 2001; Smith, Lachlan, & Tamborini, 2003). Research on media genre
preference has demonstrated that males are more interested in violent entertainment
than females are (e.g., Slater, 2003). Females tend to display a very low preference for
observing or participating in conflicts and their resolutions through violence (see
Bussey & Bandura, 1999) and find non-violent entertainment, such as comedy or sad
films, more attractive (Oliver, Weaver, & Sargent, 2000). Many computer games do
not satisfy females’ preference for non-violent content. The lack of suitable non-
violent games may also help explain women and girls’ low interest in such games
(Jansz, 2005; Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1998).
A third content-related factor that could explain females’ dislike of computer
games is the amount of social interaction offered in single-player games. Television
research has revealed that females value programs with considerable amounts of
meaningful dialogue and character interaction, and are less attracted by action-
oriented formats with taciturn people who ignore each other (e.g., Mayer, 2003).
Most single-player computer games, however, seem to adopt structures of action-
oriented entertainment formats such as action movies or sports broadcasts, and only
include social interaction to a limited extent. One prominent exception is ‘‘The
Sims’’ (Electronic Arts, published in 2000), which centers around social interaction
between players and characters and among characters (Steen, Greenfield, Davies, &
Tynes, 2006). Not surprisingly, ‘‘The Sims’’ is one of the very few game products that
has attracted many female players (Steen, et al., 2006). In general, however, most
available digital games present few opportunities for social interaction in single-
player mode; thus they do not address girls’ and women’s media entertainment
preferences (see AAUW, 2000; Bryce & Rutter, 2002; Inkpen, et al., 1994).
In addition to content factors, the competitive structure of most digital games
could contribute to females’ indifference toward them (Vorderer, Hartmann, &
Klimmt, 2006). Research in sports psychology has demonstrated that girls find
competitive activities less attractive than do boys and that girls are sometimes afraid
of participating in competitive sports (e.g., Swain & Jones, 1991; see also Bussey &
Bandura, 1999, for explanations based on self-efficacy). It is reasonable to assume,
then, that some females would avoid competitive computer games as well. But
almost all games on the market involve competitive elements, such as sports contests,
armed duels, car racing, or economic rivalry. One exception that is very popular

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association 913
among females is the adventure game ‘‘Myst’’ (Ubisoft, published in 1993) and its
sequels. This type of game offers a non-competitive task structure, requiring explo-
ration and puzzle-solving without time pressure or immediate threats. Because most
digital games involve competitive elements, however, they are presumably less likely
to attract female users (see also Agosto, 2002; Lucas & Sherry, 2004).
In sum, at least four factors can account for the gender gap in computer game
playing. Three concern the content typically found in games: archaic gender role
portrayals, violence, and lack of social interaction. The fourth factor pertains to the

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structure of the games’ interactive tasks, that is, their competitive elements. How-
ever, empirical evidence for the explanatory value of those factors is scarce. There-
fore, we report two studies that empirically examine the importance of these factors.

Study 1: Content Factors and Women’s Preference for an Electronic Game

Objective
Study 1 examined how game content factors affect females’ motivation to play
computer games. The study specifically addressed the three content elements dis-
cussed above (sexuality-focused gender role portrayals, violence, and inclusion of
social interactions). Based on previous research, we reasoned that females’ interest
would be low if a given single-player computer game:
l involves strong and realistic violence
l features a female protagonist who fits into common male-dominated gender
stereotypes, for example by exaggeration of female body characteristics or sexually
revealing clothing
l allows little social interaction with other virtual characters

Complementarily, we hypothesized that females would report stronger interest in

a given computer game if it does not include a gender-role stereotyped protagonist,
is free of violence, and permits rich social interactions with other characters.

Method
A paper-and-pencil survey was administered among 317 females aged 18 to 26 years
(M = 21.67; SD = 4.37) recruited in schools and universities in a major German city.
The sample reported an average weekly computer game playing time of one hour,
24 minutes (SD = 2 hours, 27 minutes; max = 9 hours per week).
A conjoint analysis design was implemented to test the importance of the three
content factors discussed above (gender role portrayal, violence, richness of social
interactions). Conjoint analysis, originally rooted in consumer research, is a method
designed to assess the relative impact of product attributes on individuals’ prefer-
ences and choice behavior (Hair, Tatham, Anderson, & Black, 1998). Based on
theoretically established factors, a set of experimentally manipulated stimuli (e.g.,
products) is presented to the respondents, who are asked to rank them according to
their preference. Subsequently, the relative impact of the underlying factors is

914 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association
regressed by the conjoint analysis on the basis of the observed rankings. The analysis
provides two criteria (Gustafson, Herrmann, & Huber, 2000): The ‘‘part-worth
utility’’ (or ‘‘utility score’’) reflects the absolute contribution of each factor level to
the summarized total utility (e.g., overall preference) of a given product or object.
The ‘‘importance score,’’ in contrast, reflects the range of utility scores between
distinct levels of a given factor, and thus indicates how changes in factor levels lead
to a change in the overall preference for a product or object.
Fictional computer game packages, along with text descriptions and small

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images, were presented in the questionnaire. These descriptive elements were varied
to (1) promise heavy violence or the absence of violence, (2) indicate either a sexu-
alized stereotyped role portrayal of the female protagonist or a non-stereotyped
female protagonist, and (3) display either small amounts of social interactions or
rich social exchange with other virtual characters. These three factors were manip-
ulated independently in order to produce all possible combinations. Based on the
conjoint analysis design, four of the eight possible combinations were selected (frac-
tionated factorial design) and presented in the questionnaire. Figure 1 illustrates the
manipulated elements; Table 1 shows how the levels of the three factors varied across
the different games.
Violence and gender role portrayal were varied by altering visual components of
the picture, whereas the role of social interaction for the game was manipulated
through different verbal descriptions. The left package shown in Figure 1 is the

Figure 1 Manipulation of presented computer game packages according to three factors:

‘‘violence,’’ ‘‘gender role portrayal,’’ and ‘‘social interaction richness’’ (graphics were shown in
grey scale in the study)

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association 915
Table 1 Variation of factors across games
Game label Factor: Factor: Gender Factor: Social
Violence role portrayal interaction richness
RED High Sexualized Low
BLUE High Non-sexualized High
GREEN Low Sexualized High
YELLOW Low Non-sexualized Low
(SIMULATED) Low Non-sexualized High

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Note: The ‘‘simulated’’ game was not presented to respondents, but was computed during
data analysis as it was predicted to return the highest preference scores.

manifestation of the conditions ‘‘high violence—sexualized gender role portrayal—

low social interaction;’’ the right package is the combination ‘‘low violence—non-
sexualized gender role—low social interaction.’’ Both pictures are shown as used in
the original questionnaire. The German description on the left package reads: ‘‘Game
‘Red’ is about Lea, a young detective (see image on the right). She is investigating
a series of murders and has to solve numerous difficult puzzles. She often finds useful
information in computers, files, and letters. Although many people appear in ‘Red,’
conversations with them are rather rare and short. Communication with other
characters is not important in ‘Red.’’’ The German description on the right package
reads: ‘‘Game ‘Yellow’ is about Lea, a young detective (see image on the right). She is
investigating a series of murders and has to solve numerous difficult puzzles. She
often finds useful information in computers, files, and letters. Although many people
appear in ‘Yellow,’ conversations with them are rather rare and short. Communica-
tion with other characters is not important in ‘Yellow.’’’
Respondents were asked to rank the four games in order of the game they would
like to play the most versus the game they would like to play the least. In addition, for
each of the four game packages, participants were required to rate how enjoyable
they presumed the product to be (using a scale from 1 ‘‘not enjoyable at all’’ to 6
‘‘very enjoyable’’). Ranking positions and enjoyment ratings were used for two
different conjoint analyses.

Results

Overall Game Preference

About 70% of all subjects (n = 223) were included in the first conjoint analysis; 30%
(n = 95) were removed because they had produced missing values in their rankings.
A summary of the overall results of the conjoint analysis of the female respondents’
preference for computer game types is shown in Table 2. As the mean utility scores
(and their positive/negative directions) suggest, the computer game most preferred
contains (1) many opportunities for social interactions with other virtual characters,
(2) a non-sexualized role for the female protagonist, and (3) non-aggressive con-
tent. This pattern confirms the effects hypothesized for the different factor levels.

916 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association
Table 2 Results of conjoint analysis on game preference
Factor Factor level Hypothesized Mean Mean Mean
direction utility utility importance
score gain score (%)
Violence High 2 2.0833 1.17 18.28
Low 1 .0833
Gender role portrayal Sexualized 2 2.1059 1.21 22.58
Non-sexualized 1 .1059

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Richness of social Low 2 2.2748 1.55 59.14
interactions High 1 .2748
Note: Constant = 2.5. Mean utility scores are means of the coefficients derived by the regres-
sions conducted by the conjoint procedure. Mean utility gain is the average absolute gain of
utility from level 1 to level 2 of a factor. Mean importance scores are percentages averaged
across all subjects, calculated by taking the range of utility scores for any factor (highest minus
lowest), and dividing this value by the sum of all utility ranges.

Accordingly, females’ game preference was most sensitive (see column ‘‘impor-
tance’’) to the richness of social interactions offered (MImportance = 59.14%). Gender
role portrayal and violence contributed less to a change of game preference, suggest-
ing that the amount of social interaction is the dominant content feature in German
females’ evaluation of a computer game.
However, while the above data build on average tendencies, not all subjects
reported the same direction of factor levels’ utility as hypothesized. Overall, 13.9%
(n = 31) of the subjects differed from the hypothesized direction by reversals in two
of the three factors, and 44.39% (n = 99) differed in their utility scores from the
hypothesized direction in at least one of the three factors (total amount of reversals =
161). Most reversals occurred with respect to aggressive content (40.4% of all rever-
sals), whereas subjects were more in line with the hypothesized direction regarding
the ‘‘richness of social interaction’’ (34.2% of all reversals), and the ‘‘sexual character
of the protagonist’s social role’’ (25.5% of all reversals). These findings suggest that
only careful generalizations about the explanatory power of the investigated content
factors should be made. Perhaps there were small subgroups in the sample whose
preference patterns varied (e.g., who prefer violent games over non-violent games, cf.
Bryce & Rutter, 2002; Jenkins, 1998; Kassis & Steiner, 2003). To identify those
subgroups and patterns, however, remains a task for further research and analysis.
Figure 2 shows the estimated total utility values of all four computer games
presented, plus the estimated total utility of the simulated fifth game (which was
not presented to respondents, but whose values were estimated from the existing
data, which is a common procedure in conjoint analysis). According to the utility
scores and utility gains reported in Table 2, the computer game featuring no aggres-
sive content, a non-sexualized social role of the protagonist, and a rich choice of
social interaction possibilities achieved the highest preference score.

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association 917
 4

Mean estimated total utility score

2.96
3 2.80 2.75
2.41
2.04
2

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0
SIMULATED BLUE GREEN YELLOW RED
(2/2/2) (1/2/2) (2/1/2) (2/2/1) (1/1/1)

Game type

Figure 2 Female respondents’ preference for different computer games: Estimated total util-
ity scores (means) of four presented and one non-presented computer game types. In
brackets: aggressive content [1 yes; 2 no] / social role [1 non-sexualized; 2 sexualized] /
richness of social interactions [1 high; 2 low]

Paired t-tests comparing the total utility scores of the games reveal that all scores
differ significantly except for the total utility score of the games ‘‘blue’’ and ‘‘green’’
(see Table 3).

Entertainment Value
The second conjoint analyses included 177 subjects (56.7%). All other subjects were
dropped due to invalid values or equal values across all game types. Table 4 provides
an overview of the results. Again, richness of social interactions accounts for antici-
pated entertainment value to the greatest extent. With respect to the ‘‘change sen-
sitivity’’ of the entertainment value, the impact of this factor is almost 15 times as
high as those of the other two factors, ‘‘aggression’’ and ‘‘gender role.’’
Surprisingly, unlike in the analysis of preference above, female respondents
assigned a higher entertainment value to computer games that included a female

Table 3 Significance of mean differences between games’ total utility scores (game prefer-
ence)
Game SIMULATED BLUE GREEN YELLOW RED
SIMULATED
BLUE *
GREEN ** Ns
YELLOW ** ** **
RED ** ** ** **
Note: Paired t-tests computed (all n = 222; df = 221). ** p , .01; * p , .05; ns = non significant
(p . .1).

918 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association
Table 4 Results of conjoint analysis on games’ entertainment value
Factor Factor level Hypothesized Mean Mean Mean
direction utility utility importance
score gain score (%)
Violence High 2 2.0085 1.02 3.85
Low 1 .0085
Gender role portrayal Sexualized 2 .0141 2.03 5.77
Non-sexualized 1 2.0141

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Richness of social Low 2 2.2345 1.47 90.38
interactions High 1 .2345
Note: Constant = 2.43. For calculation of mean utility scores, mean utility gain, and mean
importance scores see Table 1.

protagonist in a rather sexualized gender role. However, two caveats should be noted.
First, no treatment check was included to verify whether the female respondents
perceived the intended ‘‘sexualized’’ social role as such. Thus the conclusion that
a sexualized role for the protagonist increases the anticipated entertainment value of
a game must be drawn with care. Also, the mean utility gain in entertainment value
achieved by including in the computer game a sexualized protagonist role is rather
small, as is this factor’s importance score. Because no test of significance is available,
the relevance of this gain may be quite low.
Again, a couple of subjects showed preferences for one or more factor levels
opposite from the hypothesized direction. Specifically, 7.91% (n = 14) of the subjects
differed from the average pattern by showing three reversals, 11.86% (n = 21) by
showing two reversals, and 44.5% (n = 77) by showing one reversal (total amount of
reversals = 161). Again, responses diverged the most regarding the factor ‘‘violence’’
(36.65% of all reversals), followed by ‘‘gender role portrayal’’ (32.92% of all rever-
sals) and ‘‘social interaction richness’’ (30.43% of all reversals). As in the first con-
joint analysis reported, these findings warrant further research to identify subgroups
within the female population that hold specific preference patterns that differ from
the mainstream.
The estimated total utility values with respect to the entertainment value of
all four computer games presented, and the (simulated) fifth game, are shown in
Figure 3.
Paired t-tests show that the total utility scores of the games ‘red’ and ‘yellow’
differ significantly from the scores of the games ‘green’ and ‘blue’ and the ‘simulated’
game (see Table 5).

Discussion
The first study’s findings support the assumptions that had been extracted from the
literature. All three content factors investigated contributed to the preference values
that the young women assigned to the computer games. Interestingly, the relative
importance of social interaction was much higher than the relevance of gender role

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association 919
 3
2.69 2.66 2.64

Mean estimated total utility score

2.20 2.19

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0
GREEN SIMULATED BLUE RED YELLOW
(2/1/2) (2/2/2) (1/2/2) (1/1/1) (2/2/1)

Game type

Figure 3 Female respondents’ anticipated entertainment value of different computer games:

Estimated total utility scores (means) of four presented and one non-presented computer
game types. In brackets: aggressive content [1 yes; 2 no] / social role [1 non-sexualized;
2 sexualized] / richness of social interactions [1 high; 2 low]

stereotyping and violence in the game. In fact, respondents were not repelled by the
game versions that portrayed a gender-stereotyped protagonist with sexually reveal-
ing (leather) clothing. To experience enjoyment on some dimensions, at least a por-
tion of women interviewed were apparently ready to accept such role stereotyping
(see Bryce & Rutter, 2002; Yates & Littleton, 1999).
Nevertheless, the overall picture of what the women valued in the computer
games explains very well why females show such dislike when it comes to contem-
porary games. Few commercial games offer substantial and meaningful social inter-
action, but many games are full of violence, and gender stereotyping is also very
common (Smith, et al., 2003). Designing games that meet female preferences by
producing rich and sophisticated social interactions with virtual characters is a tech-
nical challenge, however. It requires the computer program to have profound ‘‘arti-
ficial intelligence,’’ whereas violence and gender stereotyping depend largely on
visual representations. The visual components of video games have undergone

Table 5 Significance of mean differences between games’ total utility scores (entertainment
value)
Game GREEN SIMULATED BLUE RED YELLOW
GREEN
SIMULATED Ns
BLUE Ns Ns
RED ** ** **
YELLOW ** ** ** ns
Note: Paired t-tests computed (all n = 177; df = 176). ** p , .01; ns = non significant (p . .1).

920 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association
remarkable improvements due to technical progress in graphics devices, but the data
clearly suggest that the industry must face this challenge if women’s interactive
entertainment preferences are to be met.

Study 2: Competitiveness and Women’s Preferences for Electronic Games

Theory and Hypotheses

Aside from the content elements that were investigated in Study 1, the competitive

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structure of many computer games had been identified as a potential factor that
might repel women from playing. An online survey was conducted to examine the
role of competitiveness in males’ and females’ preference for different computer
game genres. The considerations presented above suggested that females would
display a lower general use of computer games, but that gender differences would
be especially large with respect to game genres that are highly competitive. To
identify competitive game genres, time pressure and any kind of conflict or threat
were defined as common manifestations of competition in computer games.
Competition orientation is a personality factor that can refer to different levels of
generality. People may have a preference for competing with others in all domains of
social life (high level of generality), or they may prefer to compete only in specific
areas, such as a given sport (Gill, 1993) or a domain of knowledge (e.g., Andresen,
1990; McClintock, 1972). Computer games may be construed as a domain of life to
which a specific motivation to compete may refer: Even people who do not display
preferences for competition in other domains might prefer to enter competitive
situations in computer gaming (e.g., LAN-parties; Jansz & Martens, 2003). Based
on the existing evidence that males on average hold a stronger competitive disposi-
tion than do females (Bischof-Koehler, 1997; Swain & Jones, 1991), we hypothesized
that males would also display a stronger computer-game-specific competition ori-
entation and that this would be responsible for their greater tendency to play com-
puter games.
Trait competitiveness can be divided into three theoretical components. The core
component is the motivation to challenge and to surpass others (‘‘Wetteifermotiv;’’
Lerch & Rübensal, 1983). A second aspect of competition orientation is the ‘‘need to
win,’’ that is, the desire to be successful in any social and/or competitive situation,
aversive emotional reactions to defeat, and little tolerance for situations that end in
a tie (Franken & Brown, 1996; Gill, 1993). Finally, the user’s belief that he or she will
be successful in competitive situations (self-efficacy; Bandura, 1997) is the third com-
ponent of competition orientation. The assumption that males are more competitive
than females in the computer gaming domain led to the following hypotheses:
H1: Males will report greater intensity of use of competitive computer game genres than
females.
H2: Males will display a larger average computer-game-specific ‘‘Wetteifermotiv’’ than
females.
H3: Males will report a larger average ‘‘need to win’’ in computer game contexts than females.

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association 921
 H4: Greater computer-game-related self-efficacy will be observable in males than in females.
Finally, it was hypothesized that:
H5: Computer-game-specific ‘‘Wetteifermotiv,’’ ‘‘need to win,’’ and self-efficacy will predict
the intensity of use of competitive computer game genres.

This concluding hypothesis represents the conceptual link between gender differ-
ences in the psychological components of competition orientation and computer
game preferences, and completes the postulated explanation of gender difference in

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computer game play.

Method
An online survey of users of German computer-game-related websites was con-
ducted. Banners and postings to related chats and newsgroups invited interested
Internet users to participate anonymously in the investigation. The questionnaire
included items on average frequency of use of different competitive and non-
competitive computer game genres. Competitive genres were ego-shooters (cf.
Schneider, et al., 2004; e.g., ‘‘Half-life’’), action adventures (e.g., ‘‘Mafia’’), real-time
strategy games (e.g., ‘‘Age of Mythology’’), and sports games, whereas non-compet-
itive games were ‘‘simulations’’ (e.g., ‘‘MS Flight Simulator’’), ‘‘peaceful build-up
strategy’’ (e.g., ‘‘The Sims,’’ cf. Steen, et al., 2006), role playing games (e.g., ‘‘Baldur’s
Gate’’), and puzzle-based ‘‘adventure games’’ (e.g., ‘‘Monkey Island’’). Intensity of
use was measured on a five-point frequency scale, with the lowest value (1) meaning
‘‘never’’ and the highest value (5) meaning ‘‘very often.’’
The components of computer-game-related competition orientation were mea-
sured by scales adapted from the psychological literature. The motivation to chal-
lenge and surpass others (‘‘Wetteifermotiv’’) was assessed by an 18-item scale
adapted from the Sport Orientation Questionnaire (Gill & Deeter, 1988; Gill,
Dzewaltowski, & Deeter, 1988) that includes a subscale about the motivation to
compete. A sample item was ‘‘I like competition in computer games very much.’’
The scale turned out to be sufficiently reliable (Cronbach’s Alpha = .92). A list of six
items was used to measure the ‘‘need to win.’’ The statements, e.g., ‘‘I hate to lose in
a computer game,’’ were also inspired by the Sport Orientation Questionnaire (‘‘win
orientation sub scale;’’ Gill, et al., 1988). They formed a sufficiently reliable scale as
well (Cronbach’s Alpha = .85). Computer-game-related self-efficacy, finally, was
measured by a 10-item scale adapted from a general self-efficacy questionnaire by
Jerusalem and Schwarzer (1986). A sample item was ‘‘I manage to resolve virtually all
difficult problems in computer games.’’ The scale displayed satisfactory reliability as
well (Cronbach’s Alpha = .89).
In addition to these variables, items about participants’ age and gender were
included in the online questionnaire. It took participants about 12 minutes to
complete the questionnaire. Overall, 795 individuals responded to the questionnaire,
among them only 18 females. The small number of female subjects willing to par-
ticipate in the survey as compared to male subjects further attests to the gender gap

922 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association
in video game involvement among the German population. However, the group of
females turned out to be large enough to allow for statistical gender comparisons. On
average, respondents were 21 years old (M = 21.03 years, SD = 5.83 years).

Results
The comparison of male and female respondents with respect to their intensity of use
of different computer game genres supported H1: Males reported significantly more
frequent use in all competitive genres than did females (Figure 4). In contrast, no

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gender differences were observed in the use of the non-competitive genres, except for
the ‘‘simulation’’ category, which might be due to the broad range of game titles that
respondents may have associated with this genre, such as (competitive) racing sim-
ulations or combat flight simulations.
Gender comparisons of the components of competition orientation revealed, as
hypothesized, significantly higher values for men on all three dimensions (all p , .05;
see Figure 5). On average, men reported a stronger computer-game-related compet-
itive motive (‘‘Wetteifermotiv’’), a stronger ‘‘need to win,’’ and higher self-efficacy.
Thus, the findings confirmed H2, H3, and H4.
As the final step of analysis, the influence of the three components of competition
orientation on the use of competitive computer game genres was assessed. A regres-
sion analysis was performed, with intensity of use as the dependent measure and the
three components of competition orientation as predictor variables, for each of
the four competitive game genres (ego-shooters, action adventures, strategy games,
and sports games). For all four regression models, collinearity was acceptable

2.83
Ego Shooter (e.g., Half-Life) 4.18

2.41
Action Adventure (e.g., Mafia) 3.72

Real-time-strategy (e.g., Age of Mythology) 2.61

3.58
Frequency of use

Sport (e.g., Fifa-Soccer 2002) 1.61

2.50 female
2.17 male
Simulation (e.g., Comanche 4) 2.85

Peaceful build-up (e.g., SIMS) 2.61

2.53

Role-playing (e.g., Baldur's Gate) 3.44

3.34

Adventure (e.g., Monkey Island) 3.12

2.62

1 2 3 4 5
Genre

Figure 4 Gender comparison of frequency of use of competitive and non-competitive com-

puter game genres, with values ‘‘1’’ representing ‘‘never’’ and ‘‘5’’ representing ‘‘very often’’
(N = 795). The use of genres marked by differs significantly with p , .05.

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association 923
 5

3.76
3.50
3.34 female
3
male

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2.88
2.65

2.31
2

1
Competitive motive Need to win Self-efficacy

Figure 5 Gender comparison of the psychological components of computer-game-specific

competition orientation (competitive motive / ‘‘Wetteifermotiv,’’ ‘‘need to win,’’ and self-
efficacy), as measured on five point scales (N = 795); mean differences are significant for all
three scales (p , .05)

(all tolerance values ..1). Table 6 summarizes the results. The ‘‘need to compete,’’
which was lower among female than male users, particularly fosters the use of ego-
shooters and strategy games.

Discussion
Although the number of female participants is small, the findings suggest that per-
sonality characteristics related to competition contribute to the emergence of gender
differences in computer game involvement. The ‘‘Wetteifermotiv’’ especially
accounted for substantial portions of variance in involvement with some competitive

Table 6 Influence of ‘‘Wetteifermotiv,’’ ‘‘need to win,’’ and ‘‘self-efficacy’’ on genre use

Model Dependent Standardized Standardized Standardized
No. variable: Regression Regression Regression
Use of Coefficient of Coefficient of Coefficient of
computer computer- computer- computer-
game genre game-specific game-specific game-specific
‘‘Wetteifermotiv’’ ‘‘Need to Win’’ ‘‘Self-efficacy’’
1 Ego-Shooters .35** 2.11** .07*
2 Action Adventures .01 .03 .16**
3 Strategy Games .15** 2.03 .05
4 Sports Games .03 .08 2.10
Note: ** p , .01; * p , .05.

924 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association
computer game genres such as ego-shooters. A somewhat smaller explanatory power
was found for the ‘‘need to win’’ and ‘‘self-efficacy’’ components of competition
orientation. In all of these predictors, notable gender differences were observed.
Females portrayed themselves as less competitive and found winning less important
in (play) actions than did males. They were also less self-confident about their ability
to master competitive game situations. Because most computer games available
feature strong competitive elements, those personality differences in competition
orientation are important determinants of gender imbalances in computer game

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play. Further studies should attempt to replicate these findings with larger (female)
samples, which would allow the regression analyses performed to be repeated for
both gender groups separately.

Conclusions
The two studies reported in this article demonstrate the importance of content and
personality factors for the explanation of gender differences in computer game play.
Study 1 found that young German women prefer rich social interactions in computer
games, which most available products cannot offer, and also revealed the women’s
dislike of violent content and heavy gender-stereotyping in the presentation of
characters. The applied research design that relied on fictional game packages and
conjoint analysis should produce valid results.
However, two limitations need to be addressed. First, the packages of some of the
games presented contained negative remarks about ‘‘what is not in the game,’’ which
is clearly artificial when compared to normal packages of computer games and might
have affected the findings about social interaction possibilities. Second, each partic-
ipant dealt with several packages, some of which had identical screenshots or visual
features. Again, this differs from a natural situation of video game choice. Therefore,
the findings need to be replicated using real games and participants who are allowed
to actually play them. Further analysis should also deal with the comparatively high
number of divergent responses that indicate some variance in how the females
responded to the content factors investigated. Nevertheless, the findings are in line
with the assumptions and evidence reported in the literature (e.g., Glaubke, et al.,
2001). Theories on gender socialization, evolution, and biopsychological research
may help to explain the existence of the observed gender-specific content preferences
(cf. Sherry, 2004) and inspire theoretical reasoning on a more abstract level (see also
for a broader culture-specific approach AAUW, 2000; Cassell & Jenkins, 1998a;
Yates & Littleton, 1999). As a practical consequence, the computer game industry
stands to conquer new market segments if it would rigorously implement
females’ content preferences in future products (Cassell, 2002; Gorriz & Medina,
2000; Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1998).
As regards personality factors, competition orientation appears to be an impor-
tant component in the explanation of gender differences in Germany. Lucas and

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association 925
Sherry (2004) have reported similar findings from a survey in the United States. The
games industry should also consider how, if at all, to implement competitive game
structures if they intend to reach female mass audiences.
Overall, the findings contribute to an explanation of the substantial gender gap in
computer game involvement. They also call for further theoretical discussion in
entertainment research: Current explanations of why playing video games is fun
(e.g., Klimmt, 2003; Vorderer & Bryant, 2006) need extensions to account for
gender-specific models of pleasure. If competing, winning, and being a violent super-

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hero do not appeal to women to the extent that they appeal to men, several mech-
anisms of enjoyment that have been proposed, such as pride in success and
identification with attractive role models (e.g., Klimmt, 2003), should be recon-
sidered. Most importantly, the pleasures of social interaction with game
characters, and with other players as well, require more attention in theories about
(interactive) entertainment. The studies reported indicate that further gender-
specific refinements are needed in entertainment theories and entertainment
research in general.
In addition, differences related to frequency of game use among players should
be added to the gender comparison. For example, research suggests that males who
play games infrequently more closely resemble the stereotypical female game player
in their preference for less violence in games (AAUW, 2000; Kafai, 1998).
As the studies were conducted in Germany and gender roles as well as motiva-
tions are likely to be affected by culture, the findings first and foremost contribute to
an explanation of the gender gap in video game involvement among the German
population. Further research is needed that takes a culture-based view of gender
construction and associated video game preferences.
Finally, given the link between access to and use of computer games for media
literacy and affinity for information technologies, the implications of the findings for
girls’ and women’s developmental opportunities should be brought out and
addressed (Durkin, 2006). Suppose that the majority of computer games offer too
much violence, unacceptable gender role models, and insufficient amounts of social
interaction, and impose a level of competition that, for females, is too high. What
might be the impact on the general appeal of computer technologies to girls and
women who are thinking about possible career paths and participation in society (see
Bussey & Bandura, 1999)? Thus, in addition to suggesting further areas for enter-
tainment research, the findings underscore the need to continue in-depth discussion
about how video games influence females’ perceptions of and attitudes towards
computer technologies.

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930 Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association
About the Authors
Tilo Hartmann is a communication researcher at the School of Communication at
the University of Erfurt, Germany. During the last four years he has been involved in
a three-year project on ‘‘Presence’’ funded by the European Union and as a post-doc
at the Annenberg School for Communication, Los Angeles. His topics of interests
include the use of new media technologies, selective exposure phenomena, parasocial
relationships and interactions, audience research, and methodological questions.

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Address: Annenberg School for Communication, University of Southern California,
Los Angeles, 3502 Watt Way, Los Angeles, CA 90089, USA
Christoph Klimmt is a communication researcher at the Department of Journalism
and Communication Research at Hanover University of Music and Drama. He is
team leader in the European Research Project ‘‘The Fun of Gaming’’ (FUGA). His
topics of interests are media entertainment, video games, media effects, and methods
of communication research.
Address: Department of Journalism and Communication Research, Hanover Uni-
versity of Music and Drama, EXPO-Plaza 12, D-30539 Hannover, Germany

Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 11 (2006) 910–931 ª 2006 International Communication Association 931