History of Bengal and

Bangladesh

Ancient Period

The reconstruction of the history of Bengal in the pre-Muslim period is difficult

due to paucity of sources. The difficulty is felt more acutely for the earlier period,
down to the 4th century AD, when Bengal came under the Imperial Guptas. For
this period we have to depend on very scanty references in the Vedic, Epic and
Puranic literature as well as on the available archaeological evidence. From the
Gupta period onwards we get written records in the form of epigraphs and
literature which contain information on the history of the 'region' of Bengal.

Background In the earliest period Bengal was known to be inhabited by different

groups of people, whose names came to be associated with the area inhabited
by them. Thus the ancient janapadas of VANGA, pundra, radha and gauda came to
be recognised as inhabited by non-Aryan ethnic groups bearing those names.
SAMATATA was an important janapada in the trans-Meghna region of Bangladesh in
its southeastern part (Comilla-Noakhali area). The name of this janapada was
purely descriptive and had no ethnic connection. The Chittagong area with its
adjacent areas was known by the name of HARIKELA. The existence of these
janapadas is known from later Vedic literature, as areas inhabited by non-Aryan
people.

Aryan influence in ancient India came to be felt in the northwestern parts in the
middle of the second millennium BC and it took a long time for the Aryans to
reach the eastern limits of the subcontinent. Thus the people of Bengal felt the
tide of Aryanisation quite late. From about 5th century BC it pushed into Bengal
from the west and it took about one thousand years to Aryanise the whole of
Bengal. By the time Aryan influence reached Bengal, it had become feeble during
its long march through the entire area of northern India. Thus the pre-Aryan
elements in the culture of the people of Bengal got time to become deeply rooted
and even under Aryan influence, which was feeble, they retained many elements
in their life and culture which were non-Aryan and pre-Aryan.

Stone tools provide the earliest evidence of human settlements. Prehistoric stone
implements have been discovered in various parts of West Bengal in the districts
of Midnapur, Bankura and Burdwan. But it is difficult to determine, even
approximately, the time when people using them first settled in Bengal. It might
have taken place ten thousand years (or even more) ago. The original settlers
were the non-Aryan ethnic groups- Nisadas or Austria or Austria-Asiatics - who
are now represented by the primitive peoples known as Kola, Bhil, Santal,
Shabara, Pulinda etc. At a subsequent age, peoples of two other ethnic stocks
settled in Bengal, whose languages were Dravidian and Tibeto-Burman.

Archaeological discoveries at PANDU RAJAR DHIBI in the valley of the Ajay river (near
Bolpur) in Burdwan district and in several other sites on the Ajay, Kunar and
Kopai rivers have thrown fresh light on Bengal's prehistory. Pandu Rajar Dhibi
represents the ruins of a trading township, which carried on trade not only with
the interior regions of India, but also with the countries of the Mediterranean
world. The history of ancient Bengal from the 4th century AD onwards, which
appears to us in a more or less clear light, is the history of gradual Aryanisation
and Aryan domination, both from the political and cultural points of view.

Greek and Latin sources (3rd century BC - 1st century AD) refer to an eastern
Indian nation/state called 'Gangaridai' (Greek)/'Gangaridai' (Latin) which was very
strong militarily. Scholars have located 'Gangaridai' in parts of southern and
southeastern Bengal, adjacent to the mouths of the Ganges (Bhagirathi and
Padma).

The MAHASTHAN BRAHMI INSCRIPTION, found in an excavated site of the old

PUNDRANAGAR, now represented by the ruins at mahasthan in Bogra district, bear
testimony to Maurya rule (3rd century BC) in parts of Bengal. Archaeological
excavations prove the existence of this urban administrative and cultural centre
throughout the ancient period, up to the 12th century AD.

The Arthashastra of Kautilya (3rd century BC) refers to the fine cotton fabric of
Vanga (south-eastern Bengal) as an important item of her trade throughout India.
The Greek and Latin writers (more or less of the same period) also mention it.
Thus it may be emphasised that the tradition of weaving fine cotton cloth goes
back to a very early period. It may also be mentioned here that the making of
terracotta plaques is also a very old art tradition in Bengal. Terracotta plaques
have been found in the excavations at Pandu Rajar Dhibi, which prove the
antiquity of this art in Bengal.

The history of Bengal from the fall of the Mauryas (2nd century BC) to the rise of
the Guptas (4th century AD) is obscure. The discovery of some beautiful
terracotta figurines at Mahasthana, TAMRALIPTI and CHANDRAKETUGARH, datable in the
2nd and 1st centuries BC, proves that Bengal continued to flourish in the Subga
and Kusana periods. It appears from the accounts of The Periplus of the
Erythrean Sea and Ptolemy that in the first two centuries of the Christian era the
whole of deltaic Bengal was organised into a powerful kingdom with its capital at
Garbage, a great market town on the banks of the Ganges. We have evidence of
widespread trade between Bengal and China as well as other countries. The
Milinda-Panho mentions Vanga in a list of maritime countries where ships
congregated for trade.

It is likely that on the eve of Gupta expansion under Samudragupta (4th century
AD) Bengal remained divided into independent states. By about the middle of the
4th century AD most independent states came under Samudragupta's rule.
SAMATATA (The trans-Meghna region comprising the Comilla-Noakhali area) was
outside his empire, but was reduced to the status of a tributary state.
Samudragupta's son and successor, Chandragupta II consolidated his
possessions in the east and had to wage wars against the Vangas. Gupta
suzerainty over Samatata might have come at a later stage and by the end of the
6th century AD this area appears to have been ruled by a king with his name
ending with Gupta (Vainyagupta). Several copper plates of 5th century Gupta
emperors (Kumaragupta- Budhagupta) found in northern Bengal prove that
Gupta rule was then well established in that area. They also testify to the
existence of a well-structured local administration, in which the representatives of
the local people had the opportunity of playing an important part. This is
undoubtedly the earliest instance of local self-government in Bengal and its
significance cannot be overestimated.

Under GUPTA RULE Bengal was an important province in the all-Indian Gupta
Empire. The break-up of the Gupta Empire, the invasions of the Hunas and the
sudden entry and exit of Yaxodharman on the political stage of northern India
dealt great shocks to eastern India. In the first half of the sixth century AD
southern and eastern Bengal shook off the suzerainty of the Guptas and attained
importance as an independent kingdom under local rulers - the kingdom of
Vanga. When in the central part of northern India the Maukharis rose to
prominence, the later Guptas held sway over Bihar, western and northern
Bengal. There was a long-drawn-out struggle between the Maukharis and the
later Guptas for the possession of Magadha (southern Bihar) and parts of
western and northern Bengal.

Shashanka' towards the close of the sixth century AD the kingdom of Gauda
emerged in parts of western and northern Bengal under the later Guptas. By the
beginning of the seventh century SHASHANKA captured power in Gauda. Magadha
formed a part of his dominions. There can hardly be a dispute in regarding him
the first important king of Bengal, who could launch Bengal for the first time in her
history on aggressive endeavours to establish supremacy over northern India. In
this sense he was the forerunner of the aggressive northern Indian policy of the
latter day Pala rulers like DHARMAPALA and DEVAPALA. His capital was at
KARNASUBARNA.

Matsyanyayam' The death of Sasanka was followed by a period of anarchy and

lawlessness. For more than a century, roughly from 650 to 750 AD, the history of
Gauda is obscure in the extreme. The period was marked by political chaos and
confusion caused by the death of Harsavardhana (646 or 647 AD), the
usurpation of his kingdom by his ministers, and the adventures of the Chinese
envoy Wang-hiuen-tse were followed by the invasions of the powerful king of
Tibet, Srong-tsan-Gampo. In the second half of the seventh century AD Bengal
saw the emergence of two new lines of kings: the later Guptas in Gauda and
Magadha (western Bengal and southern Bihar) and the khadgas in Vanga and
Samatata (southern and southeastern Bengal). Neither of these dynasties,
however, appears to have succeeded in establishing a strong rule in Bengal.

In the first half of the 8th century AD Bengal was overwhelmed by repeated
foreign invasions, the most notable of which was the invasion of Yashovarman of
Kanauj (725-752 AD). The glories of Yasovarman were soon eclipsed by
Lalitaditya of Kashmir. The Kashmiri historian Kalhana refers to five Gauda kings
defeated by Lalitaditya and this clearly indicates a state of political disintegration
in Gauda, which became a field of struggle for the local chiefs who assumed
independence in the absence of any central authority. The successive foreign
invasions destroyed the political equilibrium and hastened the process of
disintegration.

In the century following the death of SHASHANKA, Bengal saw very little stable
government and the whole country was torn by internal strife and disturbed by
invasions from outside. The condition of Bengal towards the middle of the 8th
century AD, before the rise of GOPALA, found mention in one of the Pala records
(Khalimpur copper plate) as a state of MATSYANYAYA. Gopala, the founder of the
dynasty, emerged from this chaos as the ruler, and as mentioned in the Pala
copperplate, put an end to the state of lawlessness (matsyanyaya). It is claimed
in the Pala records that he 'attained everlasting peace after having overcome the
power of those who were acting according to their own desires', or in other words
those who had created the situation of matsya nyaya in Bengal.

The Pala Dynasty The dynasty founded by Gopala in the middle of the 8th
century AD, ruled Bengal for about four hundred years through many
vicissitudes. During this long period of eighteen generations of kings we notice
ups and downs in the fortunes of the dynasty. But there can hardly be any doubt
regarding the fact that the rule of the Palas formed a glorious chapter in the
history of ancient Bengal. The history of the long line of Pala rulers can be
viewed under different phases: (I) Period of Ascendancy under Dharmapala (c
781-821 AD) and Devapala (c 821-861 AD); followed by a (II) Period of
Stagnation (c 861-995 AD) to be rejuvenated by MAHIPALA I (c 995-1043 AD), who
is considered to be the second founder of the dynasty; and the last phase, (III) a
Period of Decline and Disintegration, which was halted briefly by the vigorous
rule of RAMAPALA (c 1082-1124 AD). But the Pala empire did not last long after him
and the final collapse came with the rise of the Senas in the third quarter of the
12th century AD.

The period of ascendancy saw the vigorous rule of Dharmapala and Devapala. In
this period the Palas were powerful enough to bid for the mastery of northern
India. In this quest they were involved in a tripartite struggle with the Gurjara
Pratiharas of western India and the Rashtrakutas of southern India.

Dharmapala was a devout Buddhist and a great patron of Buddhism. He is

credited with the foundation of the VIKRAMASILA MAHAVIHARA, which was one of the
most important seats of Buddhist learning in India from the 9th to the 12th
centuries AD. SOMAPURA MAHAVIHARA at Paharpur is another monumental
architectural work of Dharmapala.

Devapala, the son and successor of Dharmapala, maintained the aggressive

policy of his father and during his reign the struggle for supremacy over northern
India continued. The reigns of Dharmapala and Devapala formed the period of
Pala ascendancy. These two rulers consolidated their empire in northern and
western Bengal and in Bihar. Under them Bengal, for the first time in her history,
came to be reckoned as a powerful force in north Indian politics. Bengal could
hold its own against powerful rivals. There were all round conquests. But with the
death of Devpala the period of glory and a period of stagnation followed which
gradually led to decline and disintegration until the Kingdom was rejuvenated by
Mahipala I.

The period of stagnation continued for more than a hundred years covering the
reigns of five generations of kings. In this period the energy and vigour which
were so manifest during the reigns of Dharmapala and Devapala were totally
absent. Hardly was there any attempt at expansion, and the Pala kings were not
even powerful enough to check incursions from outside or uprisings from inside.
The Kambojas rose to an independent position in parts of western and northern
Bengal in the middle of the 10th century AD and for a time the Pala Empire was
confined to parts of Bihar only. The existence of Kamboja Gaudapatis is known
from epigraphic records.

The reign of Mahipala I (c 995-1043 AD) brought back some vitality and gave a
second lease of life to the Pala Empire. He succeeded in bringing back the lost
territories in northern and western Bengal and restored the position of his dynasty
to a firmer footing. But during the reigns of his successors up to that of
Ramapala, the fortunes of the dynasty seem to have fallen to their lowest ebb.
The repeated invasions of north Indian powers (Kalachuris and Chandellas)
showed the apparent weakness of the Pala kings. But the weakness of the Pala
rulers was clearly exposed during the reign of MAHIPALA I (c 1075-1080 AD) when
the revolt of the Samantas succeeded in establishing the independent rule of the
Kaivarta chief Divya in Varendra (northern Bengal). When the central authority
becomes weak it is natural that the forces of disintegration should play their part.
The success of Divya in north Bengal is the most glaring example of this
tendency.

The vigour and energy of Ramapala (c 1082 - 1124 AD) was the last significant
flicker in the life of the Pala dynasty. He succeeded in restoring Pala authority in
northern Bengal and in demonstrating vigour in expansion programmes. But his
success was short-lived and his successors were too weak to check the gradual
decline. VIJAYASENA, possibly a feudatory ruler in the Pala empire, found an
opportunity to gather strength, and by the middle of the 12th century AD the
Palas were ousted from their possessions in Bengal. Bengal saw the emergence
of a new power, the Senas, under the leadership of Vijayasena, whose ancestors
were brahmakshatriya hailing from the Karnataka country in southern India.

The long rule of the Pala dynasty, spreading over about four centuries, gave
Bengal the blessings of a stable government, which bore rich fruits in the arts of
peace. The Palas could establish a sound administrative structure. Their
land-based empire was basically agrarian in nature. Trade and commerce was
not that important a factor in Pala economy. Trading activities were possibly
limited within the region or at best extended beyond the borders to the adjacent
territories. The decline of the port of TAMRALIPTI after the 8th century AD deprived
them of the outlet necessary to have a share of the sea-borne trade of Bengal.

The long Buddhist rule of the Palas generated an environment of religious

toleration in Bengal and we notice an atmosphere of Hindu-Buddhist amity and
co-existence. The socio-religious climate of the Pala period bred a spirit of
toleration and mutual coexistence and this spirit had a far-reaching impact in the
history of the land.

The Pala period is also significant for various achievements in the fields of arts.
Considering all these achievements the Pala period can rightly be considered the
most glorious period in the early history of Bengal. (For details see PALA DYNASTY)

Dynasties of Southeastern Bengal Southeastern Bengal seem to have preserved

an independent political entity for quite some time in the ancient period. From the
break-up of the Gupta empire down to the coming of the Senas the deltaic part of
Bengal was never assimilated in the political system of north and western
Bengal, though from time to time there were attempts to do so.

As early as the first half of the sixth century AD southeastern Bengal formed an
independent kingdom, the kingdom of Vanga, and the names of Gopal Chandra,
Dharmaditya and Samacharadeva are preserved in six copper plates. It cannot
be ascertained whether Sasanka's empire embraced southeastern Bengal.
Scholars theorise about the probable existence of a Bhadra dynasty in this
region.

In the second half of the 7th century AD when the Later Guptas captured power
in Gauda (western Bengal) southeastern Bengal saw the emergence of the
Khadga kings. We know about three generations of Khadga kings ruling
Samatata (Comilla-Noakhali area) with their capital at Karmanta-vasaka
(identified with Badkamta near Comilla). The names of two semi-independent
feudatory chiefs, Lokanatha and Shridharana Rata, are known from copper
plates; they ruled in parts of Samatata in the 7th century AD.

Southeastern Bengal emerged as a kingdom of considerable size and strength

under the DEVA DYNASTY in the 8th century AD with their capital at DEVAPARVATA (a
city in the Mainamati-Lalmai area, the exact location of which is not yet settled).
Four generations of rulers (Shantideva, Viradeva, Anandadeva and Bhavadeva)
ruled Samatata and they were contemporaries of the early Pala kings, who held
sway over northern and western Bengal and Bihar. The Devas were Buddhists
and under their patronage the MAINAMATI area rose into prominence as an
important Buddhist cultural centre.

In the 9th century AD southeastern Bengal saw the emergence of the kingdom of
Harikela, which may have embraced the area from Chittagong to Comilla. The
Chandras followed the Harikela rulers and from the beginning of the 10th century
AD five generations of Chandra rulers (TRAILOKYA CHANDRA,Basi,Kalyanachandra,
Ladahachandra and GOVINDA CHANDRA) ruled for about 150 years (c 900-1050 AD).
Their empire embraced a large area in Vanga and Samatata comprising the
whole of southern and southeastern Bangladesh and extending as far northeast
as Sylhet area. Their capital was at VIKRAMPURI. The Chandras were quite powerful
and could match the power of the contemporary Palas of northern and western
[Link] chandra was the greatest ruler of the dynasty and under his vigorous
rule the Chandra Empire witnessed widespread expansion in the territories
beyond the borders into KAMARUPA (Assam). His encounters against Gauda,
mentioned in his copper plates, may have been against the Kamboja rulers of the
area and this may have indirectly helped the Palas to recapture power in their
paternal kingdom (rajyam pitriyam) during the early years of Mahipala I.

In the last quarter of the eleventh century AD the Varman Dynasty, taking
advantage of the Kaivarta rebellion in the Pala empire, established their
independent rule in southeastern Bengal. Five generations of the Varmans
(Jatavarman, Harivarman, Samalavarman and Bhojavarman) ruled for less than
a century (c 1080- 1150 AD) before they were toppled by the Senas. The
Varmans were Hindus and their capital was also at Vikrampuri.

The rulers of southeastern Bengal commanded the sea trade through the vast
coastal area of the Chittagong ' Comilla region and this is attested to by the find
of a large number of silver coins in various places of their empire. The accounts
of the Arab merchants and navigators, written between 9th and 11th century AD,
contain evidence of flourishing sea trade in the coastal area of southeastern
Bengal, specially through the port, which the Arabs called 'Samandar', identified
with the area near present-day CHITTAGONG PORT. The rulers of southeastern
Bengal could earn the necessary bullion for the issue of silver coins. We also
have evidence of boat building industries in the records of the period. The picture
of a flourishing sea-trade emerges very clearly and the resultant economic
affluence of the area is beyond any doubt.

The Sena Dynasty' Towards the end of the 12th century AD Vijayasena founded
the Sena Empire. His forefathers hailed from the Karnata country of the Deccan,
but he emerged in the politics of Bengal as a feudatory ruler in West Bengal
during the rule of the Pale emperor Ramapala. During the period of decline of the
Palas after Ramapala, Vijayasena rose into prominence and gradually grabbed
power. He defeated the Varmans in southeastern Bengal and then ousted the
Palas from northern and western Bengal. He also attempted to expand his
empire in northern Bihar and adjacent territories. The Palas lingered on for some
time in southern Bihar until the Muslim occupation of the area in the beginning of
the 13th century AD.

The Senas held sway over Bengal for more than a century (c1097-1223 AD) in
which five generations of kings (Vijayasena, Vallalasena, Laksmanasena,
Vishvarupasena and Keshavasena) ruled. But it must be noted that the invasion
of Muhammad BAKHTIYAR KHALJI put an end to Sena rule in parts of western and
northern Bengal (in 1204 AD) and Laksmanasena had to fall back on his
possessions in southeastern Bengal where, after him, his two sons ruled for
some time. It should also be noted that Vijayasena, after having ousted the
Varmans and the Palas, succeeded in bringing the whole of Bengal under one
unified rule which continued up to 1204 AD. So in a sense, it can be said that it
was only under the Senas that the whole of Bengal came under a single rule. The
separate political entity of southeastern Bengal in the preceding four centuries
must have had deep-rooted socio-cultural consequences in the history of Bengal.
Vikramapura, which was the capital of the Chandras and the Varmans, continued
to be the capital of the Senas as well.

The first three kings of the dynasty-VIJAYASENA (c 1097-1160 AD), VALLALASENA (c

1160-1178 AD) and LAKSMANASENA (c 1178-1206 AD)-were important figures of the
dynasty. The last two (Vishvarupasena and Keshavasena) held on to power in a
very limited area in southeastern Bengal. The Sena rulers were Hindus and their
rule is considered to be a period of revival of Hinduism in Bengal. Vallalasena is
known to have attempted the establishment of an orthodox Hindu social order
with caste rigidity. It was an attempt to bring back Hindu orthodoxy in a society
that had long lived in a social milieu of religious toleration and Hindu-Buddhist
amity. The decline of Buddhism in Bengal may be ascribed to this change in
social order. It is not unlikely that Buddhism received a rude shock from this
revival of orthodox Hinduism by the Senas and it is rightly said that 'it was not
Islam which overcame Buddhism, but a more jealous rival of nearer origin and it
is clear that 'Buddhism had already been severely crippled before the Muslims
reached Bengal. This scenario of Hindu-Buddhist enmity in Bengal and the
attempt at bringing back Hindu orthodoxy in the Sena period may be said to have
had a far-reaching impact in the history of Bengal. The scenario may have
indirectly helped the cause of Islam in Bengal.

The Sena period is significant from another point of view. The period saw the
development of Sanskrit literature in Bengal. It was partly under the direct
patronage of the Sena kings and partly due the environment created by them that
literary activities in Sanskrit are distinctly visible in this period. By far the most
important contribution of Bengal to the poetic literature in Sanskrit is the Gita
Govinda of jayadev,who was one of the ornaments of the court of
Laksmanasena. Other luminaries of his court were poets DHOYI (author of
Pavanaduta), UMAPATI DHAR,govardhana (author of Arya-Sapta-Shati) and
Sharana, and these five may be regarded as the five ratnas (jewels) of the court
of Laksmanasena.

One anthology (SADUKTIKARNAMRTA) compiled by Sridharadasa during this period

stands out as a treasure house of poetical works of the period as also of earlier
periods. It contains 2370 poems composed by 485 poets whose dates range
from the 10th to 12th century AD. Bhavadeva Bhatta and JIMUTAVAHANA, two great
writers of Dharmashastra, belong to this period. Vallalasena and Laksmanasena
were royal authors of no mean merit. Halayudha's Brahmana-sarvasva was also
written in this period. There were other works too. It is really noteworthy that 12th
century Bengal under the Senas witnessed unprecedented flourish in literary
activities in Sanskrit.
Another arena of artistic achievements in the period was in the field of sculptural
art. The Bengal school of sculptural art reached its high-water mark in the Sena
period and in this phase its regional character marked by individualistic traits
became manifest. [AM Chowdhury]

Early Sultanate Period

The Muslim rule in Bengal had its beginning in the opening years of the thirteenth
century (1204 AD). Long before this, the Arab Muslims had contact with Bengal,
which was primarily commercial and religious in nature and limited to the coastal
regions.

The process of Muslim expansion in Bengal began with the military exploits of
BAKHTIYAR KHALJI, who made a sudden attack on Bengal in 1204-05 AD and
captured NADIA, the temporary capital of king Laksmanasena. He then captured
GAUR, the traditional capital of Bengal, made it his capital and spent there about
two years in making administrative settlement of his newly conquered territories.

He established a kind of clannish feudalism in his territory. He parcelled out the

conquered area into units and placed them in charge of his trusted generals.
Besides administrative settlements Bakhtiyar also found time to lay the
foundation of Muslim society in Bengal by establishing mosques for
congregation, madrasas for the schooling of Muslim children, and Khanqahs for
the Sufis to preach religion.

Bakhtiyar then embarked upon his Tibet Expedition, which met with a total
disaster and he, a broken man, either died of fever or was put to death by Ali
Mardan Khalji only three months after his return to DEVKOT.

On the basis of the contemporary and modern sources a fair idea of the
geographical extent of Bakhtiyar's dominion may be determined. It comprised,
besides his original jagir in the Mirzapur district of Oudh, southern Bihar and a
strip of northern Bihar along the northern bank of the Ganges. In Bengal proper it
included the districts of Rajmahal, Malda, Dinajpur, Rajshahi, Rangpur and Bogra
in the north. The Teesta-Brahmaputra-Karatoya river system is regarded as
setting the eastern limit of the Lakhnauti principality.

The Initial period (1206-1227 AD) The period from Bakhtiyar's death in 1206 to
Iwaz's death in 1227 may be regarded as the initial period of Muslim rule in
Bengal. Bakhtiyar's death was too sudden to enable him to pay any attention to
the question of succession. Ali Mardan, Husamuddin Iwaz and Muhammad
Shiran now fell out amongst themselves for the throne. The first six years of this
period were marked by struggles for succession among the generals of
Bakhtiyar. The period from 1212 to 1227 was covered by the rule of iwaz khalji,
the first notable ruler of Muslim Bengal who tried to expand and consolidate the
Muslim rule in Bengal in a planned way.

Giasuddin Iwaz Khalji' The reign of Iwaz was significant in a number of ways. It
marked the end of the struggle for succession that started after Bakhtiyar's death.
He was the first Muslim ruler in Bengal whose coins have come to light and he
too pioneered the expansion of Muslim territory in Bengal in a planned way giving
new orientation to the mode of warfare and strategy. His policy resulted in
appreciable expansion as well as consolidation of the Muslim dominion in
Bengal.

The Muslim dominion under Iwaz comprised, besides southern Bihar, a compact
and fairly extensive area in Bengal embracing the modern districts of Malda,
Dinajpur, Rangpur, Bogra and Rajshahi in the north, the districts of MURSHIDABAD,
Pabna, Nadia and northern Jessore in the south and those of Birbhum and
Burdwan in the south-west. [The districts shall be taken in the sense of their
pre-1947 position]

Lakhnauti under Delhi Sultanate (1227-1288-89) The period from Iwaz's death in
1227 till the establishment of Ilyas Shahi dynasty in 1342 was one of steady
expansion and consolidation. Prince Nasiruddin succeeded Iwaz to the
governorship of Lakhnauti territory. He united his original province of Oudh with
Bengal and Bihar, and fixed his capital at Lakhnauti. This enlargement of his
jurisdiction and the fact of his being the son of the Delhi Sultan naturally
increased the importance of his dominion in contemporary eyes. It was further
enhanced when Iltutmish bestowed upon him the title of 'Malik-us- Sharq' (king of
the East). He ruled the combined territory for a year and a half. He continued the
policy of consolidation started by Iwaz.
On his death in 1229 Malik Ikhtiyaruddin BALKA KHALJI, assumed power at
Lakhnauti. He issued coins in 1230 in the joint name of himself and Iltutmish. But
this could not satisfy the Delhi sultan. Iltutmish immediately led an expedition
against Balka Khalji and killed him. Then Malik Alauddin Masud Jani, governor of
Bihar, was put in charge of Lakhnauti. Bihar was placed under a separate
governor, Malik SAIFUDDIN AIBAK.

For some reasons, however, Alauddin Jani was transferred from Lakhnauti only
after one year and Saifuddin Aibak was placed over it. Tughral Tughan Khan,
governor of Badaun, was transferred to Bihar (1232). Saifuddin Aibak, who ruled
over Lakhnauti for a little more than three years, led an expedition to 'Bang',
captured a number of elephants and sent them to Iltutmish as presents. Saifuddin
died at Lakhnauti in 1236 shortly after Iltutmish.

On Saifuddin's death one of his companions, AUR KHAN AIBAK assumed power at
Lakhnauti. He was challenged in his position, however, by the Bihar governor
TUGHRAL TUGHAN KHAN who marched against him, defeated and killed him and
became the master of the united territory of Lakhnauti and Bihar. During his rule
of about ten years he, instead of seeking an expansion of territory towards the
east and southwest Bengal, sought to bring Oudh and the adjoining region of
north India under his control. Tughral successfully repulsed an Orissan invasion
under Raja Narasimhadeva I (son of Anangabhima III) with assistance from Delhi
(March 1245). Delhi's assistance came in the shape of the combined army of
Malik Qara Qash Khan, governor of Kara-Manikpur (Allahabad) and Malik Tamar
Khan, governor of Oudh. Immediately after the retreat of the Orissan invaders,
Malik Tamar Khan pressed Tughral Khan for relinquishing the charge of the
Lakhnauti province to him. Through the negotiation of Minhaj, the historian, an
agreement was reached between the two; Tughral surrendered Lakhnauti and
Bihar to Tamar Khan and in return he was allowed to depart unmolested with his
treasures and followers.

Tamar Khan died in 1247. He was followed by Malik Jalaluddin Masud Jani (1247
'1251) and Malik Ikhtiyaruddin Yuzbak (1251'-1257), both appointed by Delhi.
Yuzbak took up the task of extending the territory in the southwest. Through
repeated attempts he defeated Savantar, a son-in-law of Narasimhadeva of
Orissa, and captured Mandaran (in modern Hughli). Emboldened by this success
Yuzbak assumed independence and struck coins in his own name. He advanced
with his army and war-boats upon Oudh and captured it (1255). Thus he became
supreme over Lakhnauti, Bihar and Oudh.

Yuzbak next turned his attention towards the northeast and embarked upon a
disastrous expedition against Kamrup (Assam), then under one Koch Hajo, in
1257. Thus the second Muslim attempt to advance towards the northeast also
ended in failure.

After Yuzbak's death one of his fellow tribesmen, Malik Izzuddin Yuzbak,
assumed power at Lakhnauti and got the formal appointment from Delhi in 1259.
Izzuddin undertook an expedition against 'Bang' but suffered the same fate as
had befallen Iwaz a few years earlier. Taking advantage of his absence in eastern
Bengal Malik Tajuddin Arslan Khan, governor of Kara, marched upon Lakhnauti
and occupied it. In the ensuing fight with his adversary Izzuddin was defeated
and killed.
Perhaps Tajuddin Arslan ruled over Bihar and Lakhnauti from 1259 to1265. His
son Tatar Khan (1265-1268) succeeded him, and was followed by Sher Khan
(1268-1272), a member of Tajuddin Arslan Khan's family. Sultan Balban then
appointed Amin Khan, governor of Oudh to administer Lakhnauti in addition to his
original province, and associated with him Mughisuddin Tughral Khan as deputy
governor. This practice of having a deputy governor was an innovation. Balban
probably did it either to have a better administration or to ensure check and
balance. Amin Khan appears to have remained busy with Oudh affairs, and
Tughral did the real work at Lakhnauti.

Tughral's achievement was the conquest of east Bengal from the hands of the
lingering Sena dynasty. He led several expeditions to eastern Bengal and
reached very near to Sonargaon and built the Qila-i-Tughral at Narkilla identified
with Larikal about 25 miles due south of Dhaka. The only importantHindu
chieftain of east Bengal, who remained outside the realm of the Muslims, was
DANUJ RAI in CHANDRADIP (Barisal). Tughral also led a number of campaigns to the
southwestern areas. He aspired to become independent and the rumour of
Balban's death provoked him to declare independence openly in 1277; he
assumed the title of Sultan Mughisuddin Tughral, issued coins and had the
'khutba' read in his name. Balban, however, suppressed him in 1281 and meted
out severe retribution upon Tughral and his supporters

Balban placed princeBugra khan in charge of the province, and started for Delhi
in 1281. On the eve of his departure he instructed Bugra Khan to conquer
Diyar-i-Bangala, meaning the remaining portion of eastern Bengal. Balban died in
1287 and Bugra Khan immediately declared independence at Lakhnauti.

House of Balban (1287-1301) Bugra Khan and KAIKAUS ruled Bengal

independently from 1287 to 1301. At the end of Bugra Khan's rule (1282-1290)
the Muslim dominion in Bengal consisted of four distinct divisions: Bihar, the
Lakhnauti-Devkot region of north Bengal, the Satgaon-Hughli in southwest
Bengal and Sonargaon region in east Bengal. Bugra Khan was succeeded by his
younger son Ruknuddin Kaikaus (1290-1301), whose reign witnessed the
expansion of Muslim territory in Bengal in the eastern region and from the
revenue of 'Bang' he issued coins. His empire extended to Bihar in the west,
Devkot in the north and Satgaon in the south.

Kaikaus made important changes in the administration. Probably he divided his

empire into two provinces: the province of Bihar under its governor Firuz Aitigin
and the province of Lakhnauti, which extended from Devkot in the north to
Satgaon in the south, under its governor Jafar Khan Bahram Aitigin, both the
provincial governors took the title of Sikandar-i- Sani (second Alexander).
Kaikaus himself also assumed a pompous title. These titles imply the pomp and
power of Bengal.

Shamsuddin Firuz and his successors (1301-1324) Shamsuddin Firuz Shah

(1301-1322), who was erroneously thought to be connected with the Balbani
family, succeeded Kaikaus. After Bakhtiyar; it was under him that the Muslim
territories extended most. Till his time Lakhnauti dominion was confined within
Bihar, north and northwestern Bengal, and Lakhnor in southwestern Bengal.
Occupation of Satgaon in Hughli and Bang towards Sonargaon started in the
reign of Kaikaus and under Firuz the process was completed. He also conquered
Mymensingh and Sylhet.

Tughlaq intervention Firuz Shah's death was followed by a struggle for

succession among his sons. Firuz Shah left the throne to his son Shihabuddin
Bughda. However, his ruthless brother Giasuddin Bahadur, ousted him and
seized power. It seems he eliminated all his brothers except Nasiruddin Ibrahim
who escaped the slaughter and sent some of his chief men to Delhi for help. It
thus offered the much-desired opportunity to the Tughlaqs for intervention in
Bengal and Sultan GHIYASUDDIN TUGHLUQ marched towards Bengal with a large
army in 1324.

The Delhi Sultan sent a strong army under his adopted son Bahram Khan alias
Tatar Khan along with Nasiruddin Ibrahim; Ghiyasuddin Bahadur was defeated
and imprisoned. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq reorganised the administration of Muslim
dominion in Bengal; divided it into three administrative units of Lakhnauti,
Satgaon and Sonargaon. He confirmed Nasiruddin Ibrahim in the government of
Lakhnauti with special power of issuing coins in joint names. Bahram Khan was
made governor of Sonargaon and Satgaon. Bahadur was made a captive and
taken to Delhi

MUHAMMAD BIN TUGHLUQ, successor of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq, thoroughly re-arranged

the administration of Bengal. He freed Bahadur and made him joint-governor with
Bahram Khan in Sonargaon on conditions that the latter was to send his son as
hostage to Delhi; to strike coins in the joint names of himself and the sultan and
to read the Khutba in their joint names. Qadar Khan was appointed governor of
Lakhnauti. Nasiruddin Ibrahim was called to Delhi. Satgaon was constituted into
a separate governorship with Izzuddin Yahya as the governor.

Ghiyasuddin Bahadur carried out all the terms of the agreement except sending
his son to the Delhi court. He continued to issue coins from Sonargaon mint in
the joint names of himself and the Tughluq sultan till 1328. However, in 1328, he
attempted to shake off his allegiance. Bahram Khan, assisted by other amirs,
defeated and killed him, flayed his skin and sent it to Delhi where it was exhibited
as a warning to future rebels.

The three regions of Lakhnauti, Satgaon, and Sonargaon were governed for the
following ten years (1328-1338) respectively by Qadar Khan, Izzuddin Yahya,
and Bahram Khan. In 1338 Bahram Khan died. On his death at Sonargaon his
armour-bearer (Silhadar) Fakhruddin captured power, proclaimed independence
and assumed the title of Sultan Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah. This acted as a signal
for a new series of struggles for power which ultimately led to the establishment
of ilyas shahi rule in Bengal. It heralded the beginning of the Independent
Sultanate that continued for two hundred years' (1338-1538). [Delwar Hussain]

Iliyas Shahi Period

The dynasty founded by ILYAS SHAH ruled Bengal for nearly one hundred and fifty
years (1342-1487 AD) with an interruption of about twenty-three years
(1412-1435/36 AD). The period of Iliyas Shahi rule is important and significant.
The Independent Sultanate, inaugurated by FAKHRUDDIN MUBARAK SHAH, was
consolidated and witnessed widespread expansion. The Muslim administration
was given a distinct shape in this period. Arts and literature, particularly Babgla
literature, flourished. The Muslim rulers were obliged to take the local people into
confidence and opened the door for their participation in the administration of the
country. Thus the process of transformation of an alien Muslim rule into Bengali
Muslim rule was started during this period. Above all, the whole territory, which
was hitherto known not by any unitary name but by its different regional names
such as Vabga, Gauda etc, came to be designated as Babgalah.

Haji Iliyas, the founder of the dynasty and the real founder of the Independent
Sultanate of Bengal, rose at SATGAON to the position of Malik and, in 1338, after
the death of Izzuddin Yahya, became the master of Satgaon. Then Haji Iliyas,
after long-drawn hostilities (1339 ' 42) against Ali Mubarak ascended the throne
of Lakhnauti with the title of Sultan Shamsuddin Abul Muzaffar Iliyas Shah in
1342 AD and thereby laid the foundation of the Ilyas Shahi Sultanate in Bengal,
which lasted for nearly one hundred and fifty years (1342-1487 AD). By 1352 A D
Iliyas succeeded in defeating IKHTIYAR UDDIN GHAZI SHAH, son and successor of
Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah at Sonargaon, and thereby brought the whole of
Bengal under his authority. Iliyas Shah was a vigorous and efficient ruler and by
his sagacity and political acumen earned for himself the titles of Shah-i-Bangalah,
Shah-i-Bangaliyan and Sultan-i-Bangalah. He died at PANDUA in 1358 AD after a
reign of about sixteen years.

SIKANDAR SHAH, Iliyas' son and successor, enjoyed a long and prosperous reign of
about 33 years and died sometime around 1390 in the course of a fight with his
son Azam Shah at Goalpara near Pandua. On his death, Azam Shah ascended
the throne with the title of Sultan GHIYASUDDIN AZAM SHAH in 793 AH/ 1390-91 AD.
He was a capable ruler with a profound regard for the law. He died in 813
AH/1410-11 AD and was succeeded by his son saifuddin hamzah shah who ruled
Bengal for a short period of one year and a few months (813 AH/1410-11 814
AH/1411-12 AD). During his reign RAJA GANESHA, a Hindu ZAMINDAR of Bhaturiah in
Rajshahi District, became powerful and it was at his instigation that the sultan's
slave Shihabuddin killed his master and himself ascended the throne of Bengal.
When these things were happening, MUHAMMAD SHAH BIN HAMZAH SHAH probably
declared himself sultan somewhere in Bengal and issued coins. Possibly he
could not maintain his position and ultimately was defeated by Raja Ganesa and
Shihabuddin and, thus the rule of the Iliyas Shahi dynasty was interrupted.

Shihabuddin Bayazid Shah and Alauddin Firuz Shah Shihabuddin Bayazid Shah,
the slave of Sultan Saifuddin Hamzah Shah ruled Bengal from 814 AH/1411-12
AD to 817 AH/1414 AD. The cordial relations between Shihabuddin and Raja
Ganes did not last long. Shihabuddin led a revolt against Raja Ganesa and for a
time he succeeded in confining him and eclipsing his authority. He assumed the
title of Sultan Shihabuddin Bayazid Shah and issued coins in his own name.
Soon Ganesa hatched a conspiracy against the sultan, attacked him and killed
him in 817 AH/1414 AD. Alauddin Firuz, son of Shihabuddin Bayazid, somehow
escaped to southern or southeastern Bengal and tried to establish his authority
there. But Raja Ganesa attacked and killed him and himself ascended the throne
of Bengal in 817 AH/1414 AD.

House of Raja Ganesha' On becoming the ruler of Bengal Raja Ganesa began to
oppress the Muslims. At this stage, NUR QUTB ALAM, the saint of Pandua, sought
the intervention of Sultan Ibrahim Sharqi of Jaunpur. Raja Ganesa requested the
saint to exert his influence so that Ibrahim Sharqi withdrew from Bengal. The
saint conceded to the request of Ganesa when the latter agreed to convert his
son Jadu to Islam and to install him on the throne of Bengal. Ibrahim Sharqi left
Bengal in 818 AH/1415 AD.

Jadu, as Jalaluddin Abul Muzaffar Muhammad Shah, minted coins in 818 AH. He
ruled for a short period of one year and a few months when in 819 AH/1416-17
AD his father Raja Ganesa seized the throne and reconverted him (Jalaluddin) to
Hinduism. It appears that this time Raja Ganesa ruled Bengal up to 821 AH/1418
AD under the title of Danuj Mardan Dev. His younger son Mahendra succeeded
him. But within a very short time he was ousted by his brother Jadu in 821
AH/1418 AD who, after his reconversion to Islam, assumed the title of JALALUDDIN
MUHAMMAD SHAH. He had a peaceful reign of about fifteen years. He died in 837
AH/1433 AD and was succeeded by his son SHAMSUDDIN AHMAD SHAH who reigned
up to 839 AH/1435 AD. The tyranny of Ahmad Shah drove everybody to despair
and two of his slaves, Nasir Khan and Shadi Khan, conspired against him and
killed him. Nasir Khan and Shadi Khan soon quarrelled over the throne. The
former ascended the throne killing the latter, but was destined to rule only for a
few days. The nobles soon opposed his authority and slew him.

Later Iliyas Shahi dynasty Following the murder of Shamsuddin Ahmad Shah, the
Iliyas Shashi dynasty was restored when the nobles placed Nasiruddin, a
descendant of Sultan Shamsuddin Iliyas Shah, on the throne of Bengal in 839
AH/1435-36 AD. Assuming the title of Nasiruddin Abul Muzaffar MAHMUD SHAH, the
new sultan reigned peacefully for about twenty-four years. He died in 864
AH/1459-60 AD and was succeeded by his son RUKNUDDIN BARBAK SHAH, who was
just, liberal, learned and a wise sultan. He had a fancy for Abyssinian slaves, and
recruited them in large numbers. The Habshi slaves, consequently, became a
powerful factor in Bengal politics. Barbak Shah died in 879 AH/1474 AD and was
succeeded by his son SHAMSUDDIN YUSUF SHAH. The distinguishing feature of Yusuf
Shah's reign was that he strictly and impartially applied the Sharia laws in state
affairs and charged the Ulama to see that the laws of Islam were followed in all
spheres of life.

After Yusuf's death (probably in 886 AH/1481 AD), the nobles raised his son
Sikandar II to the throne. But the nobles deposed him after a nominal reign of a
few days and offered the throne to Fath Shah, son of Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah.
Fath Shah assumed the title of Jalaluddin Muzaffar fath shah. Towards the close
of his reign the Abyssinian slaves became very powerful in the court of Bengal
and occupied most of the important positions. Fath Shah was murdered in 893
AH/1487 AD by one of his slaves, named Barbak. With the death of Fath Shah
the rule of the Iliyas Shahi dynasty came to an end.

The period from 1342 to 1487 witnessed remarkable expansion of the territory of
the Bengal Sultanate under Ilyas Shah, Sikandar Shah, Jalaluddin Muhammad
Shah, Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah, Ruknuddin Barbak Shah, Yusuf Shah and
Jalaluddin Fath Shah. Practically the whole of Bengal and some adjacent
territories in the west and north-east came under the Bengal Sultanate.

The Iliyas Shahi dynasty, with remarkable consistency, produced a succession of

able rulers who were noted for their tolerance and enlightenment. To have ruled
over a people of an alien faith for nearly seventy years was in itself a great
achievement; to be restored was an even greater one. It was a singular proof of
their popularity.

Towards the close of the reign of Sultan Jalaluddin Fath Shah, the Abyssinian
(Ethiopian) slaves became a dangerously powerful element in the court of
Bengal. Shahzada, a Habshi eunuch and the leader of the Abyssinian slaves
usurped the throne by murdering Jalaluddin Fath Shah, the last ruler of the house
of Iliyas Shah in 893 AH/1487 AD.

The rule of the Habshis (Abyssinians) in Bengal lasted nearly six years (893 AH/
1487 AD to 899 AH /1493 AD), during which four rulers (Barbak Shah Shahzada,
Saifuddin Firuz Shah, Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah II and Shamsuddin Muzaffar
Shah ruled Bengal.

'The tyrannical rule of Muzaffar Shah alienated the people; Sayyid Husain, an
Arab by descent and the chief minister of Muzaffar Shah organised a revolt and
killed the sultan. With the murder of Muzaffar Shah, Habshi rule in Bengal came
to an end. [ABM Shamsuddin Ahmed]

Husain Shahi Rule (1494-1538 AD)

occupies a significant place in the mediaeval history of Bengal. The founder of

the dynasty, Alauddin HUSAIN SHAH, occupied the throne by assassinating the
Habshi Sultan Shamsuddin MUZAFFAR SHAH, under whom he had served as wazir.
He was elected sultan by the leading nobles in 1494 AD. His reign witnessed the
territorial expansion of the Sultanate of Bengal. Having conquered KAMARUPA and
KAMTA, his troops advanced further into the upper Brahmaputra valley of Assam.
He attained some temporary success in his hostilities against the king of Orissa
and inscribed the legend 'conqueror of Kamrup and Kamta, and Jajnagar and
Orissa' on his coins. He succeeded in annexing a part of Tippera to his kingdom.
Chittagong formed an integral part of his kingdom. Towards the end of Husain
Shah's reign a Portuguese mission came to Bengal to establish diplomatic links.
Husain's reign ended in 1519 AD. The country enjoyed undisturbed peace and
VIJAYA GUPTA, the contemporary poet mentioned him as nrpati-tilaka (the tilak-mark
of kings), jagat bhushan (the adornment of the universe) and Krsna-avatara (the
incarnation of Krsna).

Alauddin Husain Shah was succeeded in 1519 AD by his eldest son Nusrat, who
assumed the title of Sultan Nasiruddin NUSRAT SHAH. Taking advantage of the
significant political changes that were taking place in northern India Nusrat
extended his territory into tirhut (northern Bihar). Though he gave shelter to a few
defeated Afghans, he cleverly tried to avoid any confrontation with Babur, who
had appeared in the eastern Indian scene after his victory at Panipat(1526).
Nusrat professed neutrality and avoided having any connection with the
anti-Mughal confederacy that was formed by Mahmud Lodi with Afghan chiefs.
But in spite of these manoeuvrings, Nusrat could not avoid a direct conflict with
Babur.

Nusrat faced reverses in the battle of the Ghogra, concluded a peace with Babur
and saved Bengal from an impending cataclysm. Nusrat avoided joining the
Afghans in the battle of Daurah (1531) in which Humayun defeated the Afghans
headed by Mahmud Lodi. Bengal's hold on Kamarupa and Kamta was probably
unaffected till the end of Nusrat's reign. Due to his preoccupation with the affairs
of the northwestern frontier he had hardly any opportunity to pay attention to
Assam. Towards the end of 1521 two Portuguese missions came to the court of
Nusrat to establish diplomatic relations with Bengal. The PORTUGUESE were active
during his reign in the Bay of Bengal. His governors in Chittagong had to deal on
several occasions with the Portuguese 'menace' in the coastal area off
Chittagong. While visiting his father's tomb at Gaur, one of his slaves is said to
have killed him.

The process of disintegration of the Husain Shahi regime, which began in the
reign of Nusrat, found its culmination in the reign of his successors. Though
Nusrat had nominated his younger brother Mahmud to succeed him, a group of
nobles put his young son Firuz on the throne with the title Alauddin FIRUZ SHAH
(1532). Firuz had a brief reign of only about nine months (1532-33) and was
murdered by his uncle, Mahmud. GHIYASUDDIN MAHMUD SHAH, the last of the Husain
Shahi sultans, could hardly check the centrifugal forces operating in different
parts of his kingdom. The governors of outlying regions assumed virtual
independence. Khuda Baksh Khan, a governor in the southeastern part of his
empire, began to behave like a vassal ruler having extended his sway over the
region lying between the Karnaphuli and the mountains of ARAKAN. Tippera, taking
advantage of Mahmud's weak position on the northwestern frontier, had made a
daring bid for expanding her territories at the expense of Bengal.

The problems on the northwestern frontier of Mahmud's empire started with the
ascendency of Sher Khan Sur in Bihar. Mahmud had sent an army under Ibrahim
Khan to attack Bihar on behalf of Jalal Khan Lohani, the rival of Sher Khan in
Bihar. In the battle of Surajgarh (1534) Ibrahim was defeated; this forced Jalal to
fall back and paved the way for Sher Khan's ascendancy in Bihar. Taking
advantage of Humayun's preoccupations in Gujarat (1535), Sher Khan annexed
the territories up to Bhagalpur. In 1536 Sher Khan appeared before Teliagarhi
which was defended by Mahmud's army assisted by Portuguese soldiers. Sher
Khan appeared before Gaur via JHARKHAND. Mahmud was terrified and Sher Khan
extended his territories up to Teliagarhi. Mahmud had allowed the Portuguese to
build fortresses and factories at Chittagong and Satgaon and granted them the
right to collect rent from the local people. This greatly enhanced the power of the
Portuguese in Bengal.

In 1537 Sher Khan's position was secure in Bihar and he controlled the Teliagarhi
pass. Sher Khan appeared in Gaur for the second time and demanded a large
sum of money from Mahmud as an annual tribute. Mahmud's refusal led Sher
Khan to besiege Gaur, which fell into the hands of the Afghans in April 1538.
Mahmud made a last minute effort to join hands with Humayun against Sher
Khan. But at the execution of his two sons in Gaur by the Afghans Mahmud
suffered a mental breakdown and died. Thus the independent Sultanate of
Bengal came to an end in 1538. Mahmud had failed totally to have a grasp of the
precarious political situation that befell him. The year 1538 marks the end of a
significant period in the history of Bengal and the beginning of an era of chaos
and confusion which troubled her life down to the early seventeenth century. [AM
Chowdhury]
Afghan Rule, 1539-1576

started in Bengal in 1539 after the discomfiture of HUMAYUN at Chausa at the

hands of Sher Khan and ended in 1576 with the Mughal victory at RAJMAHAL over
DAUD KARRANI. But long before Sher Khan (who assumed the title of SHER SHAH after
his victory at Chausa) had wrested Bengal from Jahangir Quli Khan, the Mughal
deputy, in October 1539, the Afghans had entered the services of the Bengal
sultans. Like the Sharqi sultans of Jaunpur, the sultans of Bengal too used to
recruit Afghans in their services. So by the time Sher Shah conquered Bengal,
the Afghans were no strangers. They now found their own man on the throne,
first of Bengal and Bihar and ultimately of the Indian empire.

Bengal under the Sur governors (1539-53 AD) Realising justly the importance of
Bengal for his empire building, Sher Shah paid his utmost attention for its proper
administrative reorganisation. He deposed his first governor Khizir Khan for
treacherous activities within a span of two years and, as a novel scheme,
subdivided Bengal including Chittagong into a number of smaller units, each
under a separate MUQTA. He appointed Qazi Fadilat, a scholar of Agra, as the
supreme superintendent with a jurisdiction on all the subordinate muqtas. Sher
Shah's plan worked well and the Afghans became so permanently domiciled in
Bengal that its climate and culture had transformed them almost beyond
recognition vis-a-vis the non-Afghan Bengalis.

Islam Shah (1545-53 AD), son and successor of Sher Shah, wielded a very firm
control over the whole of Bengal. But in his bid to further centralise the
administration he removed Qazi Fadilat and appointed as governor his own
relative Muhammad Khan Sur in 1545 AD. The new governor retained his
position by successfully chastising a rebel named Sulaiman Khan alias Kali Das
Gajdani in 1546-48. Subsequently when the unworthy Adil Shah had usurped the
Afghan throne of Delhi by murdering Islam Shah's son and successor Firuz Shah,
Bengal governor Muhammad Sur deemed it below his dignity to acknowledge the
authority of the usurper and declared independence in 1553 AD with the title of
Sultan Shamsuddin Muhammad Shah Ghazi. His successors ruled Bengal up to
1563 AD, when his line was brought to an end with the ascendancy of the Karrani
Afghans in Bengal.

Karrani dynasty (1563-76 AD) The third quarter of the 16th century saw the rise
and fall of a new Afghan dynasty in eastern India. Son of Jamal Khan Karrani,
who was a Sahib-i-Jama and grandee of Afghan sultans like Sher Shah and
Islam Shah, Taj Khan had to his credit a long political career ever since the rise of
Sher Shah in the beginning of 1540. His steady rise to political eminence
culminated in his assumption of sovereign status with the capture of Gaur, capital
of Bengal from the usurper Ghiyasuddin III in 1563 AD. Badauni calls him the
wisest and most learned man among the Afghans.

Taj Khan was succeeded by his brother SULAIMAN KARRANI in 1563 AD. His skilful
discharge of sovereign authority till his death in 1572 AD/980 AH earned him
fame and glory. Sulaiman's initial measures included his shifting of the capital of
Bengal from Gaur to Tanda; the climate of Gaur being detrimental to the health of
both men and beasts.
Highly ambitious by nature Sulaiman Karrani was jealous of Fath Khan Batani
who was predominant in south Bihar with the famous fort of Rohtas as his
headquarters. Through diplomatic manoeuvres Sulaiman pacified Fath Khan,
who accepted service under Sulaiman until he was perfidiously put to death on
malicious charge of seditious correspondence with Sulaiman's enemies.

The conquest of Orissa by defeating Mukunda Deva in 1567 AD/975 AH was

another feat of Sulaiman's glorious and outstanding military career. Sulaiman
then captured Cooch Behar in 1568 AD. The Afghans advanced as far as Tezpur
and occupied a number of places in the environs and outskirts of the Kuch
capital.

Expediency and far-sightedness masked Sulaiman's relation with the Mughals.

He displayed unique statesmanship and skilful diplomacy by following the wise
policy of placating the Mughals with occasional gifts and presents as well as by
the lip service of outward submission with a promise to recite the khutba and
strike the coins in the name of Akbar.

Sulaiman Shah Karrani died perhaps in October 1572 AD/980 AH. His son
Bayazid Karrani succeeded him. Bayazid as a prince had previously held out
great promise for the future, but now as the sultan he initiated a policy of
harassment and persecution. The aggrieved party at court had him murdered in
less than a month's time and offered the throne to Bayazid's younger brother
Daud Khan Karrani.

Daud's accession witnessed dissension among the different factions of the

Afghan nobility. Daud inaugurated his rule by first avenging his brother's murder
and punishing the regicide Hansu, the son of his uncle Khwaja Iliyas Karrani. He
assumed absolute sovereignty by having the khutba read and coins struck in his
own name to the utter displeasure of Akbar. Daud's next step was to appoint the
leading noble Lodi Khan to the governorship of Bihar and pacification of another
potential noble Gujar Khan who was about to install Bayazid's son as a rival
claimant of the throne.

Daud had his general Lodi Khan murdered; Lodi's well wishers took his son
Ismail to MUNIM KHAN, the Mughal governor, in order to provide for his safety. This
dramatic turn of the situation offered Munim Khan the opportunity to besiege
Patna, which Daud immediately evacuated and reached Katak in the farthest
Orissa via Garhi, Tanda and Satgaon. The Mughals hotly pursued him there, and
war became inevitable. The battle of Tukaroi (3 March 1575) ended through
signing of the Peace Treaty of Katak whereby Daud is said to have agreed to
become a Mughal feudatory committing himself never to revolt.

Munim Khan's death brought Husain Quli Khan Jahan, nephew of the famous
Bairam Khan, in the Mughal war-front as the new governor. Both sides were in a
frenzy of battle cry. The battle of RAJMAHAL, fought on 12 July 1576 AD, sealed
Daud's fate. He was captured alive and taken before Khan-i-Jahan who ordered
his execution. [Mohammad Ibrahim]

Bibliography JN Sarkar (ed), History of Bengal, II, Dhaka, 1948; MA Rahim,

History of the Afghans in India, Karachi, 1961; M Ibrahim, Afghan Rule in Eastern
India (1535-1612), Unpublished PhD Thesis, Aligarh Muslim University, India,
1986.
Mughal period upto 1757

Mughal rule was established in Bengal after the defeat of the Karrani Afghan
Sultan Daud Khan in the battle of Rajmahal, 12 July 1576 at the hands of Khan
Jahan. With Khan Jahan's victory over Daud Khan, the Mughals made
determined and sustained efforts to establish their authority over Bengal, till
ultimately in 1612, Islam Khan Chishti, the subahdar of JAHANGIR, brought the
whole of Bengal (except Chittagong) under the Mughal control.

With Daud Khan's defeat ended the Sultanate rule in Bengal, but this in no way
meant the end of Bengali resistance to the imperial power. Different military
chieftains and bhuiyans, some of whom were powerful enough to be styled as
rajas (kings), controlled different pockets of Bengal. They tried to resist the
Mughal aggression as independent or semi-independent chieftains. Among those
who resisted the Mughals, some bhuiyans, known as BARA-BHUIYANS (twelve
territorial landholders) stand out prominent.

The rajas, bhuiyans and the zamindars who put up stubborn resistance to the
Mughals were many, about 36. The bara-bhuiyans resisted the Mughal aggresion
for several decades. The chief of the bara-bhuiyans was Isa Khan who assumed
the title of Masnad-i-Ala. He combined with other bhuiyans and led them in the
struggle against the Mughals till his death in 1599. Isa Khan's son MUSA KHAN took
the leadership of the bara-bhuiyans and put up a stubborn resistance to the
Mughals. But they were at last forced to submit to the imperial armies led by
Subahdar Islam Khan Chishti in the reign of Emperor Jahangir.

After Jahangir's accession, Islam Khan took up the task of subjugating the
remnant resisting elements. For political reason, he transferred the capital from
Rajmahal to Dhaka. The bara-bhuiyans were then finally defeated. As a political
strategy, the defeated bhuiyans and chiefs were not allowed to retain their
principalities under their control. Instead, they were motivated to work under the
Mughals. After conquering Bhulua and driving its ruler, Raja Ananta Manikya
across the Feni River towards Arakan, Islam Khan sent a large army against
Khwaja Usman Khan Afghan of Sylhet who was defeated and killed. With that
ended Bengal's resistance to Mughal expansion.

During the last two years of Jahangir's reign, the Bengal administration had to
face the Arakanese Magh raids into coastal Bengal. The first subahdar of
Emperor SHAHJAHAN, QASIM KHAN JWINI (husband of Manija Begum, Nurjahan's
sister), recovered Hughli from Portuguese occupation in 1632. Later, they were
allowed to return, but with the condition of respecting the Mughal authority.
Subahdar ISLAM KHAN MASHHADI met the challenge of the Ahom king in the
Kamarupa frontier and forced him to sign a treaty of non-aggression in 1639.
Then came Prince SHAH SHUJA, who was a subahdar for twenty years (1639-1658),
when the province enjoyed uninterrupted peace. But towards the end of
Shahjahan's reign, a war of succession flared up among his four sons'Dara,
Shuja, Aurangzeb and Murad. Each of them wanted the throne by denying the
claim of others. Shuja enthroned himself, but after long struggles, first against
Dara and then against Aurangzeb, was defeated in 1660, fled from Bengal and
took shelter with the king of Arakan. The king of Arakan brutally murdered him in
1661 to seize the treasure in his possession.

MIR JUMLA, who had come to Bengal at the heels of Shah Shuja, was appointed
subahdar. Taking his position in Dhaka, Mir Jumla went to suppress the rebellion
of Raja of Kuchbihar and punish the king of Assam, who had grabbed a part of
Kamarupa during the war of succession. He occupied the Kuch capital Kamtapur,
and drove out the Raja Pran Narayan and then proceeded to Assam. The Ahom
king could not resist him. The subahdar occupied his capital, Garhgaon and
pressed forward. He stayed at Garhgaon during the rains, but due to damp
climate, he fell seriously ill. The Mughals suffered due to shortage of ration, many
soldiers and horses were lost and during the rains the Ahom army also harassed
them. Mir Jumla thought it wise to make a treaty with the enemy. The treaty was
to his advantage, the Ahom king agreeing to surrender gold and silver and
portion of his territory. But Mir Jumla died on his way back, a little away from
Khizrpur (near Narayanganj) on 30 March 1663.

SHAISTA KHAN was appointed the next subahdar of Bengal who belonged to the
family of Nur Jahan. He was a son of Asaf Khan and a brother of Mumtaz Mahal,
queen of Shahjahan, i. e. he was a maternal uncle of the Emperor Aurangzeb.
He was not only of noble birth, but also an accomplished Persian poet and
scholar and a great general. He served in various parts of the empire before
taking the assignment in Bengal. Shaista Khan ruled Bengal for twenty-two years
with a break for a little more than one year during which time AZAM KHAN KOKA
(Fidai Khan) and Prince MUHAMMAD AZAM became subahdar one after another.
Shaista Khan first reached Bengal in March 1664 and completed his first term of
office in early 1678. His second term of office began on 13 October 1679 and
ended in June 1688. Shaista Khan was already 63 when he first came to Bengal,
after 24 years when he left Bengal for good he was 87. Though past 60, he ruled
Bengal with vigour, but the English merchant William Hadges who saw him in
1683 reports that he was very old and feeble. He was accompanied by a few
grown up and gifted sons who helped him in administering the country. His sons
were Buzurg Umed Khan, Aqidat Khan, Jafar Khan, Abu Nasr Khan and Iradat
Khan. They held charge of different sarkars or divisions, the father and the
children sharing the administration and they ruled the country worthily.

Shaista Kahn's greatest fame in Bengal lay in his conquest of Chittagong. The
Magh king of Arakan with the aid of Portuguese pirates attacked the Mughal
province of Bengal whenever he found an opportunity. Moreover, the Portuguese
pirates used to attack the coastal regions, looted property and enslaved men,
women and children. The Portuguese piracy was a regular menace. So Shaista
Khan's policy was to make the area safe by wresting Chittagong from the king of
Arakan and also to save the coastal area from the menace of the pirates and
making it a part of the empire. Soon he conquered Chittagong and made the
whole region free from the Arakanese raids.

Shaista Khan was succeeded by Mir Malik Husain entitled Khan Jahan Bahadur,
a foster brother of Aurangzeb. He was a man of weak character and was not
equal to the dignity of a subahdar. His tenure was less than a year and he was
replaced by IBRAHIM KHAN, son of the celebrated Amir-ul-Umara Ali Mardan Khan,
the grand noble of the time of Shahjahan. In his time SHOBHA SINGH of Benares
revolted and began plundering raids to the neighboring districts. In his plundering
Shobha Singh was joined by RAHIM KHAN, an Afghan chief of Orissa and both
plundered and looted an extensive area in Burdwan, Hugli and Murshidabad
districts up to Rajmahal. They attacked the Hugli fort and the faujdar of the place
fled for life. Ibrahim Khan was a man of mild disposition. He could do little to
subdue the rebels. However, the dutch company from CHINSURA first blocked the
path of the rebels and drove them away from Hughli. Zabardast Khan, son of
Ibrahim Khan took the field on the side of the Mughals. He cleared the whole
area up to Burdwan. The rebels fled towards the hills and jungles of Midnapore
and Chandrakona.

Aurangzeb removed Ibrahim Khan and appointed in his place Prince Muhammad
Azimuddin, his grandson. Azimuddin, later entitled AZIM-US-SHAN, was a son of
Prince Muhammad Muazzam, later emperor Shah Alam Bahadur Shah
(1707-1712). Azim-ush-Shan, on his way to Dhaka first visited Burdwan,
completely destroyed the rebels, consoled the affected people and rehabilitated
the displaced zamindars. Azim-ush-Shan utilised his tenure in Bengal in
amassing money, by whatever means he could, because he was sure about a
war of succession after the death of Auranzeb. In lieu of cash gift, he first
permitted the English EAST INDIA COMPANY to purchase from the owners, the three
villages of Sutanuti, Govindpur and Kalikata in 1698 and thus paving the way to
the ultimate establishment of British rule in India within half a century.

One very important event of Azim-us-Shan's subadari was his quarrel with the
diwan, MURSHID QULI KHAN. To avoid his presence, Murshid Quli Khan shifted his
diwani to Murshidabad, and the subahdar later shifted his nizamat to Patna.
Dhaka thus lost the glory of being the capital of Mughal Bengal. It is asserted by
many scholars that the prosperity of Dhaka and its hinterland Eastern Bengal
began to decline since the transfer of the government agencies to Murshidabad
and Patna.

Murshid Quli Khan, blessed by the support of Auranzeb, became the virtual ruler
of Bengal subah. He was appointed subahdar of Orissa, diwan of three
provinces, Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and faujdar of five districts Murshidabad,
Sylhet, Midnapur, Burdwan and Katak. After the death of Aurangzeb during the
reign of Shah Alam Bahadur Shah, he was transferred to south India, but he was
appointed diwan of Bengal again in 1710. From this time onward he remained in
Bengal till his death in 1727. He made the Bengal economy dynamic and paid
imperial dues regularly. So, in 1716, Murshid Quli Khan became the subahdar of
Bengal. During his subahdari Bengal flourished economically. The foreigners who
came to participate in Bengal export trade were forced to observe the law of the
land.

Murshid Quli Khan, though he paid tributes to the centre regularly, became
practically an independent nawab. So at the time of his death he nominated his
grandson (from daughter's side) SARFARAZ KHAN to succeed him. And accordingly
he became the nawab of Bengal in 1727. But soon he was ousted by his father,
SHUJAUDDIN MUHAMMAD KHAN, who became the nawab of Bengal in the same year.
Shujauddin Khan, at the time of his death, nominated his son Sharfaraz Khan to
the masnad in 1739. But Sarfaraz was a weak ruler and ALIVARDI KHAN ousted him
in 1740.
Alivardi Khan's rule was marked by annual MARATHA RAIDS. He had to buy peace
with the Marathas, by practically ceding Orissa to Mir Habib who was under the
influence of the Marathas and paying 12 lakhs of rupees to the Marathas
annually as chauth. Alivardi was a kind man and skilful ruler, he developed a
puritanical temperament and unlike others of the time he was not addicted to
debauchery or drunkenness. The rise of the banking family, the JAGAT SHETH, was
a remarkable feature of his regime. It was the Sheths who were mainly
responsible for the political change that occurred through the staged battle of
palashi in 1757. Alivardi Khan died on 10 April 1756 at the age of 80. Earlier he
nominated SIRAJUDDAULA, his grandson from daughter's side, to the throne.

Sirajuddaula, the new nawab was only 23 when he ascended the throne of
Bengal. Soon he found himself surrounded by enemies, local and foreign. In his
own house his greatest enemy was GHASETI BEGUM (Meherun-Nisa), the eldest
sister of his mother. shawkat jang, his cousin, living in Purnia, was another great
rival. Then there was MIR JAFAR ALI KHAN who was the commander-in-chief of
Alivardi's army. He also was the husband of a half-sister of Alivardi Khan. Most
dangerous was the Jagath Sheth family which controlled the Bengal money
market and who had many sympathisers in the Durbar. The greatest enemy was
the English East India Company, which was quite openly ignoring the nawab.
Without taking any permission from the nawab they were fortifying the FORT
WILLIAM of Calcutta and taking other military preparations. The Fort William was
made a safe haven for the criminals and violators of the law of the land.

To bring the English under law, Nawab Sirajuddaula attacked Calcutta. The
English left the city for Fulta wherefrom they came back being reinforced from
Madras. Colonel ROBERT CLIVE entered into a conspiracy with the disaffected
officials of the nawab, Mir Jafar, Jagat Sheth, RAJBALLABH and others. The Fort
William Council agreed to a secret treaty with Mir Jafar promising to place him on
the throne, and the latter agreeing to grant territorial, financial and trade facilities
to the English. Armed with this treaty and the treachery of Mir Jafar and others,
Clive arrived at Palashi and took position on 23 June 1757. Siraj also came to the
place to encounter the company's army. But to his dismay he found that the
larger part of his own army defied his command and stood silent. Siraj fled from
the field, but was captured and brought back to the capital and killed. Clive, in
accordance with the terms of the secret pact, placed Mir Jafar on the throne. The
Mughal sovereignty was virtually over with the event of Palashi though the
English took a decade more to assert real power.

Revenue administration Mughal revenue administration in Bengal was

elaborately chalked out. It was made separate from the general administration,
the latter was called nizamat while the former was designated as diwani. While
the general administration including defence and warfare and maintenance of
peace was in the hands of Nazim or subahdar, the revenue administration was
under the diwan. The latter was lower than the subahdar in rank, but he was
completely independent in financial and revenue matters, being under the control
of the Central diwan. The rule for separation of powers and duties was made to
safeguard imperial interests and those of the RAIYATS, ZAMINDARS, TALUQDARS, ie
those who were connected with land. The emperor from time to time embodying
these rules issued orders. The first example of revenue figures is found in what is
known as Todar Mal's bandobast or settlement. But this was nothing more than
paper for, in 1582, when Todar Mal made the settlement, the major portion of
Bengal was outside Mughal control. It is therefore presumed that Todar Mal just
copied the revenue figures prevailing in the pre-Mughal period.

Todar Mal divided Bengal (including Chittagong, which came under the Mughal
control 84 years later) into 19 Sarkars, and each Sarkar was divided into a
number of Parganas. The revenues were again divided into mal or land revenue
and sair or sayer, which included all kinds of collection, like custom duty and
other sundry duties, excluding the land revenue. In the Mughal system, lands
were also divided into Khalsa and jagir. Khalsa lands were directly administered
by the state through the diwan and his staff. Jagir lands were those which were
assigned to the officers, civil or military, in lieu of their services, i.e. they were
paid by jagirs. In the later period lands were assigned to establishments like the
Nawwara (navy), kheda (catching elephants), Amla-i-Asham (or military
establishment for guarding the eastern frontier). Lands were also endowed for
maintenance of religious institutions and were granted to religious persons like
saints, sufis etc as means of their subsistence. An important feature of the
revenue administration was the existence of zamindars, who acted as middlemen
between the rayats and the government.
The collection of revenues was no great problem for the government, the main
problem was fixation of the rate of revenue to be collected from the rayats and
the amount to be paid by the collectors/zamindars to the government exchequer.
The diwan and his staff remained busy in settling this issue keeping in view the
loss of crops due to weather condition, the land erosion caused by flood and
change of river course, change of agricultural lands to fallow lands etc. They also
decided cases where taqavi or agricultural loans had to be sanctioned. The
Mughal revenue system was designed to achieve the double purpose of
collecting as much revenue as possible and at the same time keeping the rayats
happy and content so that they might prosper and bring more and more land
under the plough.

In Todar Mal's settlement the total Bengal revenues was a little more than one
crore rupees from both Khalsa and Jagir lands. In Jahangir's time the whole of
Bengal (except Chittagong) and Kamarupa were brought under Mughal rule and
Todar Mal's settlement actually worked and necessary adjustments were made
determining the real worth of the land. In Shah Shuja's settlement of 1658, there
was an increase of revenue by about 15.5% in 76 years after Todar Mal's time.
Murshid Quli Khan made the next settlement in 1722, this time the increase was
by another 10%. Murshid Quli's system was know as Mal-Jamini which probably
meant that he made the zamindar stand security to realise and pay revenues
regularly and in time.

In the collection of revenues, Murshid Quli Khan was harsh, at times to the extent
of brutality. He divided Bengal into 13 Chaklas, but his chakla system did not
survive long. He also established PUNYA, i.e. at the end of the Bengali year on a
fixed day Punya was held and zamindars, taluqdars etc. were asked to clear their
payments on that day. The punya system survived and continued until the
abolition of zamindari in the early Pakistan days (1951). Murshid Quli Khan also
introduced a new cess, abwab-i-khashnavisi. The Mughal emperors always
prohibited the imposition of abwabs, because though they were imposed on the
zamindars, the latter realised the same from the rayats. Later Nazims followed
Murshid Quli Khan. Shujauddin, Alivardi and MIR QASIM, all imposed cesses and by
the time of Mir Qusim the total receipt of the government almost doubled.

With the coming of the Mughals Bengal witnessed the working of certain new
forces in her social, economic and cultural life. These forces transformed
Bengal's life and thought and as has been nicely put by one scholar, 'the outer
world came to Bengal and Bengal went out of herself to the outer world. Unlike
the previous period, when she enjoyed independence, free from outside control,
Bengal now became a part, a province of the centralised Mughal government,
under one administration, one law, one official language, a uniform official cadre
and uniform currency. Muslims from various countries came to Bengal from the
beginning, but with the introduction of Mughal rule and with the prospect of
peace, prospect of employment opportunities also increased. So scholarly
Muslims, i.e. those who pursued peaceful life, like the ulama, teachers, poets,
physicians and merchants came to Bengal in larger number. There also came the
Shia ulama and scholars in the train of Shia political leaders, subahdars, diwans
and others.

Some very prominent Mughal subahdars were Shias. Murshid Quli Khan had
practically established a Shia dynasty ever ready to welcome the talented and
pious Shias. Names of many Persian poets are found who either made Bengal
their permanent home or passed a part of their career in Bengal under the
patronage of the subahdars and other high officers. Persian became the official
language and not only Persian literature was produced in the country but also
Persian language influenced local Bengali language. Bengali poets borrowed
Persian themes and Persian words in large number have entered into the local
language. State revenue service was more elaborate than before and so the
zamindars, muqaddams, patwaris, i.e. all those locals connected with the
revenue service had to learn Persian language in which the accounts were
maintained. Unlike the Bengal sultans, Mughal subahdars came to Bengal for
particular terms. So they had neither the aptitude nor the time to learn local
language, and hence the agents of local zamindars stationed at the court had to
be masters of Persian language.

During early Mughal rule, higher posts in the revenue department were reserved
for Muslims and Hindus coming from upper India like the Khatirs, Lalas etc., but
later, particularly from the time of Murshid Quli Khan, these high posts passed
into the hands of the Hindus. In Murshid Quli's time the chief qanungos were
Darpa Narayan and Krishna Narayan, the chief of the mint was Raghunandan; in
the time of Shujauddin the diwan was Rai Raiyan Alam Chand, who was also a
member of the advisory council; in the time of Alivardi prominent Hindu officers
were Janakiram, Durlabhram, Ram Narain, Kirat Chand, Ummid Rai, Bira Dutta,
Ramram Singh and Gokul Chand; in the time of Sirajuddaula,nanda kumar and
Omi Chand etc. With the growth of trade and commerce came the Marwari
Banking families like the family of Jagat Sheth; some zamindars, for example the
zamindar of Burdwan also came from upper India. In trade and commerce also
Bengal's isolation was broken, she now took greater part in inter-provincial trade,
the inland trade carried Bengal goods to Patna, Agra, Delhi and to Multan, while
the sea-borne trade carried the goods to Balasore, Katak, Madras and so on.

In trade and commerce, Bengal came to limelight in history by her international

trade. During the early Muslim-period, Bengal's products could be sold for money
to a small extent. The foreign merchants buying the goods were Chinese,
Malayese, Arabs and Persians. Among the European traders, the Portuguese
came first and opened trade in the first quarter of the 16th century. They first
appeared at Chittagong, and after many vicissitudes, got permission to trade with
Bengal. But they prospered when, with the permission from the Mughal emperor
Akbar, they established a settlement at Hugli in 1580. The Portuguese
established their supremacy in the sea, and being unrivalled got enormous profits
out of their trade with Bengal. But soon the Portuguese degenerated, by the first
quarter of the 17th century their power and trade began to decline. Their
indulgence in piratical and proselytising activities invited retaliation from the
Mughals, but the main cause of their decline was the competition with other
European companies.

The Dutch East India Company started their trade with Bengal from their base at
Masaulipatam in the Coromandel coast in the beginning of the 17th century, the
English East India Company followed them. Both the companies prospered in
their trade with the privileges received from the Mughal government. They
established their factories near Hugli in the bank of river Bhagirathi, the Dutch at
Chinsura and the English at Hughli. Later the English moved to Calcutta, and
when the French company came, they established their factory at Chandernagar.
During the rebellion of Shobha Singh, all the companies fortified themselves
against possible attack, and with the permission of subahdar Azimuddin, the
English purchased from their owners the three villages of Sutanuti, Govindpur
and Kolkata and laid the foundation of the city of Calcutta. Later came the OSTEND
COMPANY and from 17th to 18th centuries Bengal's overseas trade increased by
leaps and bounds. The companies exported from Bengal salt-petre, ingredients
of making gunpowder, abundantly available in Lalganj, North-Bihar. Other goods
that were exported from Bengal were fine cotton goods, coarse cotton textiles,
silk and silk-textiles, indigo, Lac, rice (for Asiatic countries and to be used as
ballast).

Mughal rule thus saw enormous growth of Bengal's overseas trade. As against
exports, the import of foreign companies was negligible, because except rarities,
the imported goods of the foreign companies could not attract the local
consumers. The foreign companies, therefore brought in huge quantity of bullion,
thus giving coffers in the hands of Bengali producers and manufactures, and this
had far-reaching effects in the country's economy. First, the money circulation
rose to a great degree. Formerly, all over Orissa and in many parts of Bengal, the
land revenue could be collected only in kind, i.e. in grain, and it was very difficult
for the collectors to pay the government revenue in cash, because the conversion
was difficult, vexatious and sometimes involved heavy losses. From now on,
Bengal could purchase goods from other countries and other provinces of India
to an extent inconceivable in former times. Money prices and money wages also
rose sharply in Bengal. This did not mean increase in the real wage, but upper
class people certainly grew richer and possessed more articles of luxury and
government officials and revenue collecting middlemen made fortune.

And what is more important, as a result of greater export of local goods, there
was great rise in the production of industrial and manufactured goods. A vast
market was now opened for Bengal's cotton goods, silk and silk yarn, rice, sugar
etc. The agents of foreign companies as well as the individual buyers stood ready
with a hung amount of cash in hand for almost any quantity that Bengal
producers and manufacturers could offer. The foreign exporters also helped
organising industrial production in the country in an efficient manner and on
economic basis. They stationed agents at every mart, made advances to
workmen, and artisans; set up workshop at their factories where local labourers
could work under European expert supervision. They imported dyers and
twist-throwers from their home country to teach local artisans better methods and
thus raised Bengal's industrial productions both in quality and quantity.

The Mughals had been in peaceful possession of Bengal after its conquest had
been complete. Except the rebellion of Shobha Singh in the closing years of the
reign of Aurangzeb, which was crushed in a short time, there was no great
disturbance against the Mughal authority. The piratical activities of the
Portuguese in collusion with the Maghs of Arakan were also stopped after
Shaista Khan's conquest of Chittagong in 1666. Before the Mughals, however,
Bengal was notoriously famous as a rebel province. The then rulers of Delhi tried
to solve the problem by decentralising the administration but instead of following
that policy, the Mughals appointed the emperor's sons and relatives and other
very high and trusted civil servants. The emperors and central government
attached much importance to the administration of this province and if the post of
the governor fell vacant the governor of Bihar was sent to occupy the vacant
office.

Mughal rule in Bengal opened an era of peace and prosperity. The overseas
trade, the influx of gold and silver turned Bengal actually a Jannat-ul-Bilad, by
which name she had been designated by the upcountry Muslims. The foreign
travellers from Portugal, Italy, France, England and Holland started coming to
Bengal from the time she became open to the European ships. To name a few,
they were Duarte Barbosa, Varthema, Caesar Frederick, Sebastien Manrique,
Ralph Fitch, Thomas Bowrey, Niccolao Manucci, Francois Bernier, Tavernier,
Stavorinus etc. Almost all of them spoke very highly of Bengal's wealth, rich
products and highly prized manufactured goods. The rich exuberance of the
country, together with the beauty and amiable disposition of the native women,
has given rise to a proverb in common use among the Portuguese, English and
Dutch, that the Kingdom of Bengal has a hundred gates open for entrance, but
not one for departure. [Abdul Karim]

History 1757-1947

It is indeed unique that the East India Company which was in trading contact with
Bengal for about a century since 1650 and which sought extraction of wealth
through trade and commerce in conformity with the spirit of mercantilism, finally
turned itself into rulers. It may also be noted that the colonial state that the
company built in Bengal was, in fact, the first event of the kind in the age of
overseas expansions. Elaborating on this otherwise unique event many scholars
maintain that the British Empire in India was built in a fit of absentmindedness
and that it was never consciously planned by the traders who built it; on the
contrary, they were rather against it, and yet the colonial state came into being. It
is true that many company directors and also the government expressed
unwillingness in establishing political dominance in the east. But it is also true
that practical politics in the Bay of Bengal had shaped the course of the
company's history in the region more decisively than the adverse theories alluded
to in the Board meetings at the centre. The conquering initiatives taken by its field
servants like Robert Clive, Warren Hastings, Lord Wellesley and Lord Dalhousie
and other smaller imperialists always made their conquests a failed
accomplishment which the centre only accepted.

The establishment of the company's Bengal state was not, of course, the
consequence of one battle of Palashi or Buxar. It was a case of uneven
development spread over more than a century. For example, ever since the
company settled in Hughli in 1651, its only concern was to pursue trade and
commerce and secure maximum trade privileges whenever possible. Arrogant
and aggressive policy was pursued in the second phase between 1756 and
1765. In the third phase, between 1765 and 1784, came the idea of partial control
of the country with the intention of extracting its revenue for financing the
company's business in the 'East Indies'. The fourth and final phase, between
1784 and 1793, was marked by the positive and serious actions towards
establishing a sovereign colonial state.
Pursuit of Trade and commerce to 1756 The discovery of sea-lanes to the
eastern waters brought the western maritime people into direct contact with
Bengal. It was predominantly an exporting country from ancient times; but
curiously, its export trade was, for cultural reasons mainly, conducted by mostly
foreigners. Being encouraged by the Mughal government the Portuguese, the
Dutch, the French, the English and others came by sea to participate in the
Bengal export trade. In the competition among themselves in lifting Bengal goods
for foreign markets, the English East India Company had a decided advantage
over all others. While all other companies were required to pay 2.5 percent or
more customs duties to government, the English were exempted from paying any
duty at all. They secured a NISHAN (1651) or patent from the Bengal subahdar,
prince Shuja, which allowed the English to trade in Bengal without paying any
customs duties in return for an annual tribute of Rs 3000 only.

This extraordinary privilege was to become subsequently a major issue of conflict

between the country government and the company. Partly for chronic losses in
revenue and partly for pressure from other competing companies, subahdars
succeeding Shuja were not equally favourably disposed to the company. With the
steady growth of English trade in Bengal, the government was inclined to annul
the nishan or at least modify its terms. But the company would not agree to any
such proposal and considered the nishan as an irrevocable and inviolable charter
of right. The dispute often led to serious conflicts between the government and
the company. The protracted Anglo-Mughal war of 1686-1690 had originated
from this issue.

The peace treaty of 1690 recognised the nishan of 1651 and also of the
foundation of the company's Calcutta settlement. Sir JOSIA CHILD, the founder of
the Calcutta settlement had made it no secret to all that henceforth the company
would apply force, if necessary, in order to defend its rights. The company's
volume of trade had increased significantly since the foundation of the Calcutta
settlement. In 1698 the company became a country power by acquiring zamindari
right over three villages ' Calcutta, Sutanuti and Govindapur. In the same year
Calcutta was turned into a self-governed territory under the company. For
defence, the Fort William was erected in the same year. In 1700, the Fort William
was made a separate Presidency independent of Madras.

The English East India Company's road to dominance was, however, blocked for
the time being by the rise of the regionally powerful nawabi regime from the
beginning of the 18th century. The success of the three great rulers of
Bengal'Murshid Quli Khan (1701-1727), Shujauddin Khan (1727-1739) and
Alivardi Khan (1740-1756) in achieving political stability and relative economic
prosperity worked as an effective deterrent to the company's increasing
influence. Murshid Quli Khan had neither confirmed nor denied the company's
privilege of having duty-free trade in the country. The local chowkis (toll stations)
of the nawab always expressed their ignorance about any farman or parwanas
regarding the privilege and often forced the company's boats to pay tax on
merchandise according to the law of the land. The company, being unable to
persuade the nawab in implementing the nishan in full, sent a delegation headed
by John Surman to Delhi and obtained a farman (1717) from the Emperor
Farrukhshiyar. The farman not only confirmed the company's right to duty-free
commerce in the country but also made an additional grant of zamindari right
over thirty eight mouzas around the company's Calcutta zamindari.

FARRUKH SIYAR’S FARMAN of 1717 made the company a constitutionally recognised

political power in the region. It is true that a phantom monarch whose control over
the subah was more a fiction than a reality conferred the company's new rights.
The English were not unaware of the monarch's predicament. And yet they spent
money on obtaining the imperial farman. The purpose was only to create a legal
basis to put up pressure on the nawab. But the astute and tough Nawab Murshid
Quli Khan was able to sustain it and uphold his sovereign right. The succeeding
two nawabs (Shaujauddin Khan and Alivardi Khan) were equally successful in
maintaining the uneasy peace with the company. But the storm gathered
threateningly under Sirajuddaula who tried to contain the company in a
nonconventional way.

Road to dominance 1756-1765 Before his death Alivardi Khan, having no son of
his own, nominated his grandson Sirajuddaula (son of his daughter AMINA BEGUM)
to the masnad of the subah and accordingly he became the nawab in April 1756.
Sirajuddaula, a young man of independent spirit and dauntless character, was
not prepared to follow the appeasement policy of his predecessors. He found the
conduct of the English grotesque and unbearable. Immediately after his
accession to the masnad he issued to the company a peremptory parwana
proclaiming his readiness to take necessary action unless they were obliged to
comply with his three conditions immediately: that the unauthorised fortification
works in and around Calcutta must be demolished, that as aliens they must
pursue their legal trade strictly according to the law of the land and finally, they
must make over to government all outlaws now under the protective umbrellas of
the Fort William authorities. The company refused starkly to accept the nawab's
conditions and Siraj also refused to accept the company as bonafide traders in
the country. He dispatched troops and took over all the English trading factories;
and finally expelled the English from Calcutta in June 1756.

But he could not sustain the initial victory. From Madras soon came an expedition
headed by Robert Clive and recaptured the city in January 1756. The nawab
recognised the reality of confronting a naval force which he lacked and made
under the circumstance a formal peace treaty (ALINAGAR TREATY, 9 February 1757)
with the company to the effect that the company would enjoy all the privileges
accorded to the company by the imperial farman of 1717 and that the nawab
would give due compensation for the losses sustained by the company and
others consequent upon his Calcutta campaign.

Robert Clive, who established himself in the south as a soldier and a diplomat,
took the Alinagar Treaty as a truce rather than a durable peace accord. His next
step was to make necessary preparations for overthrowing Sirajuddaula who
seemed to him to be irreconcilably hostile to English. As he did it in dealing with
the princes in the south, he tried to identify and win over nawab's enemies to his
side. He set up secret contact with the amirs actually or potentially opposed to
the nawab. A conspiracy was hatched up against Sirajuddaula and a secret
treaty was concluded in May 1757 with the conspirators headed by Jagat Sheth
and Mir Jafar. Clive and the conspirators proceeded according to the secret
treaty and staged the battle of Palashi (23 June 1757) deposing Siraj and
inducting Mir Jafar into the masnad.
The event of Palashi and post-Palashi developments had established very firmly
the political dominance of the company. Yet, for various reasons, it chose to
remain a political arbiter without becoming the king of the country. Its manpower
was neither oriented to civil administration nor adequate enough to rule an
extensive kingdom like Bengal. Moreover, the COURT OF DIRECTORS was not
enthusiastic initially about establishing the company as a territorial power.

However, the company's domination ultimately ended up in a dominion. It was not

perhaps in the original scheme of Palashi to establish company's rule in Bengal
the way it was done, but the course of subsequent developments led the
company to move consciously to the goal of sovereignty. Mir Jafar, the puppet
nawab had failed to indemnify the company according to the secret treaty with
Clive. Nor was he found very quite serious about paying the compensations. In
1760, he was replaced by his son-in-law, MIR QASIM. The new nawab quickly
settled the indemnity affair by ceding to the company's control three large and
resourceful districts- Burdwan, Midnapur and Chittagong.

Mir Qasim had his own plan in his mind while he parted with three districts. He
wanted to get rid of Clive's constant pestering by disbursing to him all outstanding
dues and then assert himself as the real sovereign of the country. According to
the plan, the capital was shifted from Murshidabad to Mungher, a distant and not
easily accessible hill-fort in Bihar and far from the reach of the English marine
strike. He raised there a new army and a new bureaucracy. He dismissed the
faithless zamindars and made the loyal ones pay for the reformed army. Finally
he asserted his sovereign status and called upon the company and other private
traders to refrain themselves from resorting to unlawful trading activities and to
honour the laws of the land. The English paid scant regard to his call. The
abuses of DASTAK continued unabated.

The enraged nawab attacked Patna (July 1763) and captured all company
establishments there. Many resisting Europeans were killed including the chief of
the Patna factory. Mir Qasim's Patna action had triggered off a full-scale war
between the company and the nawab. Mir Qasim won a number of sporadic
battles. Finally, he could persuade the emperor and the nawab of Oudh to join
him in his war against the English. The combined forces met the British in a
decisive battle at Buxar (23 October 1764). The English army defeated the allied
troops comprehensively. Meanwhile the company had made a fresh treaty with
Mir Jafar and reinstated him as the nawab.

Road to sovereignty The battle of Buxar led to the company's acquisition of

Diwani in 1765, which in turn brought the company close to sovereignty. Clive's
strategic formulation was that since the emperor and the company were at war,
there must be an agreement between the belligerent powers to restore peaceful
relations. For Clive it was an opportune moment. It was a time when Mir Qasim
was deposed, Mir Jafar dead, and a boy-nawab, NAZMUDDAULA, on the throne of
Bengal. But he used the opportunity in a very unexpected way. He founded the
company's control in Bengal within the framework of the Mughal state. He
concluded a treaty with the phantom emperor imprisoned in the hands of the
Marathas at Allahabad. According to the terms of the treaty (12 August 1765)
Emperor Shah Alam conferred on the English East India Company the Diwani of
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa 'as a free gift and altamga'. The company would pay
under the agreement annually a fixed tribute of twenty six lakh rupees to the
emperor and fifty three lakh to the nawab and the balance of the revenue
collections from the three provinces would go to the coffer of the company.
Clive's Diwani treaty made the company the controller of the resources of the
country. Under the Diwani system the people were thus left with two masters to
serve: the company and the nawab.

While acquiring Diwani, Robert Clive did not mean to go, as Diwan, into all
villages with his revenue bowl in hand and collect tax from every household of
peasants and artisans. It was a job of an organised government, which the
company was yet to evolve. Clive rather looked for a kind of an intermediate
agency, like in the business world, to do the revenue collection job at
commission. Syed Muhammad REZA KHAN was selected to stand, so far as
revenue collection was concerned, between the company and the taxpayers. He
was given the title of Deputy Diwan. All the native establishments were kept
intact. Reza Khan, as deputy diwan, was to make settlements, collect revenue,
pay the officers and surrender the surplus revenue to the company. The company
got the revenue income at no cost of its own. This queer system of Clive which
gave him access to resources of the country without any corresponding
responsibility is known in history as the Double Government. The system had a
set purpose ' financing the company's eastern trade without importing any more
gold and silver from home. Bengal had been traditionally exporting more and
importing less. So the company had always to adjust in the past the chronic
unfavourable balance of trade with Bengal against bullion which it had to import
from London to the much criticism of the mercantilist public. Clive's acquisition of
the diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa solved the problem.

The Double Government was practically no government. Under this system the
company had power but no responsibility, and the nawab had responsibility, but
no power. Instead of pursuing peaceful trade and commerce, the company
people started amassing wealth for themselves by ruthless extortion and
plundering. Naib Diwan Reza Khan was constantly warning the Calcutta Council
about the imminent collapse of the economy and the state system if the predatory
traffic of the company servants was not stopped forthwith. The Calcutta Council
paid no heed to Reza Khan's anxieties. Instead of restraining the rampant
corruption of the officials, the company sent furthermore European supervisors to
every Bengal district in 1767 to keep watch on the affairs of the local officials and
also to see how the quantum of revenue could be increased. Appointing district
supervisors was, indeed, the first step towards assuming directly the
administration of the country.

The District Supervisors were sent out with an express direction to collect all
information about revenue administration and local government. Based on their
reports the Double Government was abolished in 1772 and the company had
directly assumed the responsibility of the diwani administration. Governor Warren
Hastings began his state building activities with the restructuring of revenue
administration and civil justice. For revenue and judicial administrations Hastings
divided Bengal into many districts. Every district was placed under a European
collector vested with unlimited powers.

The structure of the colonial state that Robert Clive and Warren Hastings had
built in phases received parliamentary sanction (1773) in the form of the
REGULATING ACT of that year. Parliament made Warren Hastings the governor
general of Fort William in Bengal and to assist him a four member council was
provided in the Act. The council was to act as the virtual cabinet as well as
legislature with the governor general as the head of the government. However,
the colonial state building was for the time being impeded by the negative stand
taken by the majority members of the council. According to the Regulating Act
the governor general had no power to supersede the majority resolution of the
council. Three out of four members of the council were prejudiced against
Hastings and had been consistently opposing his state building activities. The
council was in favour of allowing the Murshidabad nawab to govern his country
uninterfered by the company and to this policy the Court of Directors rendered
their support.

But the American Revolution had dramatically changed the British attitude to
India. For Britain, the Indian situation offered an opportunity to offset the loss of
power in the Western Hemisphere. Parliament for the first time took a positive
decision to establish political power in India. Pitt's india act (1784) provided for a
military member in the council and the governor general was empowered to
supersede the majority view of the council, if necessary, in the interest of the
company and the British nation. Parliament appointed LORD CORNWALLIS, a general
in the lost American War, as governor general with specific instructions to
consolidate the colonial state and establish a permanent system of administration
for it. Lord Cornwallis abolished the fiction of the nawabi rule by resuming all
powers of the nawab and reducing him to just a pensioner of the company. To
govern the state Cornwallis introduced many institutions in the realms of
administration, judiciary and revenue collection. He separated the company's civil
administration from trade and commerce and introduced a professional civil
service as a backbone of the new state. The most remarkable among his
state-building works was the PERMANENT SETTLEMENT that served as a symbiotic link
between the rulers and the ruled until the end of the colonial rule. An elaborate
judicial code and other institutions suitable for governing the colonial state were
established. He also introduced a highly paid and highly organised civil service to
administer the colonial state.

The fiction of the sovereignty of the Mughal emperor was, however, still
maintained though the company had established the colonial state in Bengal with
all the marks of sovereignty. The myth of Mughal sovereignty was upheld even
when parliament declared sovereignty over British India in 1813. The government
continued to mint coins in the name of the emperor, an ornate practice which was
abolished in 1833 when the Charter Act had asserted absolute sovereignty by
changing the constitutional title of the 'Governor General of Fort William in
Bengal' into 'Governor General of India'.

Reduction of Bengal to provinciality The rise of British India in the 19th century
was only the blown up form of the company's Bengal kingdom. The expansion
led to the absorption of Bengal into the imperial milieu. Even as a province,
Bengal lost its pre-eminence in that unlike Madras and Bombay provinces,
Bengal was not endowed with an autonomous Governor-in-Council. The
Governor General of India acted as the governor of Bengal. And because he was
to remain preoccupied with imperial affairs mainly, Bengal administration was
looked after on his behalf by a so-called deputy governor selected from one of
the Council members and whose tenure seldom exceeded more than a year. One
of the secretaries of the Central Secretariat remained in charge of Bengal
administration. Thus without a governor-in-Council and without a secretariat of its
own, Bengal was reduced to a second fiddle to the empire. In response to the
increasing public criticism about the step motherly treatment of Bengal, the
Dalhousie administration had at last created under the Charter Act of 1853 a post
of Lieutenant Governor for Bengal in 1854, a status it enjoyed until 1905 when
Bengal was partitioned into two provinces under separate Lt Governors. In 1912
when the partition was annulled and the imperial capital shifted to Delhi Bengal
got, like Madras and Bombay, the status of a Governor's province for the first
time.

Road to Partition and Pakistan Of the measures taken by the administration of

LORD CURZON (1899-1905), the most tumultuous was the PARTITION OF BENGAL
(1905). Making the Bengal administration more efficient was the apparent
intention of the decision. To achieve the same purpose, public opinion had been
demanding the introduction of Governor-in-Council for Bengal in the model of
Madras and Bombay. Why the government should divide the province into two
parts instead of introducing Governor-in-Council is not clear. Even many serious
historians suspect that the partition measure was actually aimed at weakening
nationalist politics by dividing the Bengal people communally. There are, of
course, critics of Divide and Rule theory. Whatever may be the purpose of the
action it did not receive popular support. The nationalist elements became violent
in its resistance to the measure. Faced with insurmountable nationalist opposition
Bengal was reunified under the new system of Governor-in-Council in 1912.

Bengal's partition first and then its annulment under pressure had embittered the
Hindu-Muslim relations beyond measure. Most educated Muslims of East Bengal
had supported the partition. Their frustrations were reflected in the subsequent
politics of Bengal.

In spite of many attempts made by nationalist Muslim and Hindu leaders to

restore the amity between the two communities, the gap caused by the event
was ever widening. The separatist parallelism between the two major
communities was institutionally fostered by the separate electorate system.
BENGAL PACT (1923) of CHITTA RANJAN DAS was, however, successful in bringing the
two communities together under a common platform. But with his death in 1925
the compact collapsed. All the Council and local bodies elections since then were
held on communal basis. The operation of the India Act of 1935, which had
further contributed to communalist politics by providing reserved seats for various
communities and professions, had led successively to the formation of the
Muslim dominated Ministries since elections of 1937.

The MUSLIM LEAGUE, which had small influence in Bengal until then, soon became
the sole spokesman by the 1940s. It is significant that the LAHORE RESOLUTION of
1940, which set out a new dream for the Muslims, was proposed by the premier
of Bengal. The election results of 1946, in which the League won all seats
reserved for Muslims except two, proved beyond doubt that the Muslims of
Bengal were set for Pakistan. But the Congress, which represented
predominantly the Hindus, was not initially prepared to accept the concept. The
result was continual communal tension and occasional riots that culminated in
the great Calcutta killing (August 15-20, 1946) followed by communal riots in
Noakhali and Bihar. All these developments had sealed the fate of united Bengal.
The Hindu Mahasabha, many leading members of which were activists in the
agitations against partition of Bengal in 1905, had first proposed and started
agitation for the partition of Bengal on communal lines. The idea under the
circumstance was finally accepted by the Congress and the League and
accordingly Bengal got partitioned and East Bengal (now Bangladesh) got
independence from Britain (14 August 1947) within the framework of Pakistan.

Impact of Colonial Rule It was a meet of two cultures, two civilisations when
British and Bengal peoples met politically through Palashi. And at the end of the
colonial rule we find many areas where the two cultures confirmed. Bengal under
colonial setting was made to receive all the governing institutions and practices of
the ruling race unmixed or insignificantly mixed with local traditions.

The Governor General-in-Council of the colonial state had no similarity with the
previous subahdar-in-darbar. The powers of the subahdars were limited by
tradition, customs, and religious injunctions. But the Governor General-in-Council
had enjoyed unlimited powers, at least up to the first quarter of the twentieth
century. The subahdar had maintained strong local government administered by
a long chain of officers from the lowest gram pradhan (village chief) and PANCHAYAT
of the village to the faujdar of the district supported by an intermediate class of
administrators called zamindar, taluqdar, thanadar, kazi, qanungo, amin, etc. But
the Governor General's local government was simple. Only two civilians (a judge
and a collector) armed with unlimited powers ruled a district having a size of
hundreds of sq. kilometres. The powers and privileges of the Mughal state were
shared between the Hindu and Muslim elites. But the bureaucracy of the colonial
state was an all-white affair until the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Only
the nominally paid jobs and services in the lower rung of the administrative
ladder, which were never to be sought by any European, were open to the
natives.

Whereas the justice in the Mughal times and before was rendered on the spot by
the qazi on the basis of local investigation, the colonial system of justice was
based on interrogating the witnesses by vakils. The vakils worked for fees and so
did the professional witnesses who were amply available in the court premise on
payment. Universal education was in vogue during the pre-colonial regimes when
the government gave land grants to all educational institutions (tols, pathshalas,
maktabs and madrasas) which gave free education to all students. The learned
men received madad-e-maash or subsistence grants (vritee,manhattan, millaki,
waqf). Consequently, literacy rate was then very high. Education became a
private affair and very expensive under the British and as a result literacy rate
came down to insignificant level in the mid-nineteenth century. Only 4% were
literate in 1872, according to Census data of that year, whereas it was above
80% a century earlier, according to Adam's Report on Education.

The most glaring example of British innovation was the transplantation of the
system of English landlordism coated with the nomenclature, Permanent
Settlement. There were zamindars before this system, but they were then merely
rent collecting state agents entrusted with other state responsibilities. The
zamindars under the Permanent Settlement were made the absolute owners of
the zamindaris that became their private estates like those of their counterparts in
Britain. But with a difference. A British landlord had productive participation in the
economy as a production partner, whereas a Bengal zamindar proved to be a
parasitic element in the production process. He collected from peasants his
unearned income (rent and selami) by virtue of his right in land, a property that
he got without any investment. The Permanent Settlement was the foundation of
the Bengal society on which rested the superstructure of the colonial state. The
secret of ruling a great territorial district by only two civilians lay in the ever loyal
zamindar class.

Bengal had been traditionally an exporting country. Within half a century of

company rule Bengal lost its predominance in the export market. Gradually it was
turned into a captive market for British industrial products and an agricultural
hinterland for the supply of agricultural raw materials to the metropolitan
manufactories. In the process, the former entrepreneurs became landowners by
and large and artisans joined cultivation and rural labours. In the mean time, the
development of communication and the rise of a consumer market (owing to the
growth of urbanisation and of a middle class), had created an environment for
modern industries. In the absence of Bengali entrepreneurs, the foreign elements
particularly the Europeans, armenians, MARWARIS, Parsees came to seize the new
opportunities. Until the last decade of British rule, almost all the modern
industries set up in Bengal including their labour force were almost entirely
dominated by the non-Bengali entrepreneurs. Even the industrial labour came
from outside of Bengal.

The most distinguishing feature of the colonial rule was its project to bring a
socio-cultural transformation with the object of westernising the country, a kind of
attempt which no previous regime had ever undertaken. With few passing
deviations, toleration of all faiths and cultures was the hallmark of all those
regimes. But the British rulers of the 19th century, imbued with the Utilitarian and
evangelical ideas of human progress and emancipation, felt it their moral
responsibility and obligation to 'civilise the fallen'. It was this moral and 'civilising'
outlook that had animated them to enact reform Acts like abolition of sati and
slavery, supressing the thugs, prohibiting child marriage, hooking in Charak Puja,
sacrificing child at birth, and so on. Educational reforms had the same object in
view' to make the people appreciate and adopt western values and institutions. In
administration, western system of bureaucracy and local government institutions
was established. Finally, attempts were made to introduce the Westminster
method of representative government in phases. The result of all these exercises
was that while the age-old native system of social organisation and governance
was allowed to go into disuse, the transplantation of western systems found the
native soil unfertile to take deep root. [Sirajul Islam]

Pakistan Period (1947-71)

India and Pakistan emerged as two independent dominions as per the India
Independence Act passed by the British Parliament on 18 July 1947. By the
same stroke the province of Bengal was divided into East Bengal and West
Bengal East Bengal became a part of Pakistan and West Bengal that of India.
The province of 'East Bengal' was born on 14 August 1947 and its nomenclature
was changed to 'East Pakistan' on 8 September 1955.
On 5 August KHWAJA NAZIMUDDIN defeated HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY by 75-39
votes and formed the first cabinet of East Bengal on 14 August 1947. Sir
Frederick Bourne was appointed the first Governor of East Bengal. None from
Suhrawardy's cabinet was inducted in the cabinet of Nazimuddin. It showed a
lack of understanding among the political leadership.

When MOHAMMAD ALI JINNAH died in September 1948, Nazimuddin became the
Governor General of Pakistan while NURUL AMIN was appointed the Chief Minister
of East Bengal. Nurul Amin continued as the Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2
April 1954. The abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal (1950) and the
LANGUAGE MOVEMENT were two most important events during his tenure.

During the provincial elections of East Bengal in 1954, the question of language
was incorporated in the 21-point election manifesto of UNITED FRONT. So, when the
United Front emerged victorious in the election, Bangla language subsequently
received constitutional recognition as the principal state language in the first
constitution of Pakistan framed in 1956. The language movement had a lasting
impact on the politics of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). The spirit and craving
for self-determination germinated in this land from the language movement.

The first election for East Bengal Provincial Assembly was held between 8 and
12 March 1954. Under the provision of reserved seats for non-Muslims in
separate electorate, the number of seats for the Assembly was fixed at 309. Of
these, 237 (including 9 for women) were Muslim seats, 69 (including 3 for
women) seats for Hindus, 2 for Buddhists and 1 for Christians. Those who had
attained the age of 21 years on 1 January 1953 were enlisted as voters. The total
number of voters was 1,97,39,086. The Awami Muslim League, KRISHAK SRAMIK
PARTY and NEZAM-E-ISLAM formed the United Front, on the basis of 21-points
agenda. Notable pledges contained in the 21-points were: making Bangla one of
the state languages, autonomy for the province, reforms in education,
independence of the judiciary, making the legislative assembly effective, etc.

The United Front bagged 215 out of 237 Muslim seats in the election. The ruling
Muslim League got only 9 seats. KHILAFAT-E-RABBANI PARTY got 1, while the
independents got 12 seats. Later, 7 independent members joined the United
Front while 1 joined the Muslim League. There were numerous reasons for the
debacle of the Muslim League. The party got detached from the people since
1947. Many dedicated leaders and workers of the party left it to form new parties.
As the party in power at the centre and the provinces, the Muslim League also
had to bear responsibility for the diverse disparity that cropped up between East
and West Pakistan from 1947 onwards. The economy of East Bengal
deteriorated during the period between 1947 and 1954, and the prices of
essential commodities rose sharply. Above all, the Muslim League regime
angered all sections of the people of Bengal by opposing the demand for
recognition of Bangla as one of the state languages and by ordering the
massacre of 1952. Voting for the United Front, the people of East Bengal had
implicitly expressed their support for the autonomy of East Bengal. The number
of Muslim League members in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly decreased due
to this reduction in their number in East Bengal Legislative Assembly. As a result,
a coalition government became inevitable at the centre.
The United Front got the opportunity to form the provincial government after
winning absolute majority in the 1954 election. Of the 222 United Front seats, the
Awami Muslim League had won 142, Krishak-Sramik Party 48, Nezam-i-Islam 19
and Ganatantri Dal 13. The major leaders of the United Front were Huseyn
Shaheed Suhrawardy and Maulana ABDUL HAMID KHAN BHASANI of Awami Muslim
League and AK FAZLUL HUQ of Krishak-Sramik Party. Suhrawardy and Bhasani did
not take part in the election and Fazlul Huq was invited to form the government.
But a rift surfaced at the very outset on the question of formation of the cabinet.
The unity and solidarity among the component parties of the United Front soon
evaporated. Finally, on 15 May, Fazlul Huq arrived at an understanding with the
Awami Muslim League and formed a 14-member cabinet with 5 members from
that party.

But this cabinet lasted for only 14 days. The Muslim League could not concede
defeat in the elections in good grace. So, they resorted to conspiracies to dismiss
the United Front government. In the third week of May, there were bloody riots
between Bengalee and non-Bengalee workers in different mills and factories of
East Bengal. The United Front government was blamed for failing to control the
law and order situation in the province. Fazlul Huq was then quoted in an
interview taken by the New York Times correspondent John P Callaghan and
published in a distorted form that he wanted the independence of East Bengal.
Finally, on 29 May 1954, the United Front government was dismissed by the
central government and Governor's rule was imposed in the province, which
lasted till 2 June 1955.

Curiously enough within two months of his sacking, Fazlul Huq was appointed
the central Home Minister. As Home Minister, Fazlul Huq utilised his influence to
bring his party to power in East Bengal. Naturally, the United Front broke up. The
Muslim members of the United Front split into two groups. In 1955 the Awami
Muslim League adopted the path of secularism and non-communalism, erased
the word 'Muslim' from its nomenclature and adopted the name of AWAMI LEAGUE.
On the other hand, the group led by Fazlul Huq became acceptable to the Muslim
League government and on 3 June 1955 ABU HOSSAIN SARKAR of Krishak-Sramik
Party was invited to form the government in East Bengal. The Awami League
demanded the government to prove its majority in the assembly but the demand
was ignored. No session of the legislative assembly was summoned during the
next eight months.

The position of Huq's party in the province got a boost when he was appointed
the Governor of East Bengal on 5 March 1956. He summoned the Assembly for
its budget session in May 1956, but on 24 May suspended the session in
apprehension that his party government would collapse if the budget were not
passed. Only seven days after Governor's rule was withdrawn and Abu Hossain
Sarkar ministry was reinstated. This ministry was also not directed to prove its
majority. In this way, the coalition government of Krishak-Sramik Party remained
in power in East Bengal through unconstitutional means until 30 August 1956. In
exchange for his Governorship and the installation of his party's government in
East Bengal, Fazlul Huq made two important promises to the central Muslim
League government, to which he remained committed. The pledges were ' first,
his party would support the draft Constitution placed in the Constituent Assembly,
and second, the party would not support the demand for regional autonomy and
joint electoral system proposed by the Awami League.

As the Krishak-Sramik Party opposed the joint electoral system, the minority
members of East Bengal Provincial Legislative Assembly withdrew their support
to the party and instead extended support to the Awami League. But the
Governor postponed the session on the advice of the Chief Minister just a few
hours before it was scheduled to commence. The cabinet headed by Abu
Hossain Sarkar collapsed on 30 August 1956 and in its place a coalition
government led by the Awami League was formed comprising of minorities and
left parties. Ataur Rahman Khan of the Awami League was elected the Chief
Minister of this new cabinet. On 12 September, a coalition cabinet of the Awami
League and the Republican Party was formed at the centre. Led by Huseyn
Shaheed Suhrawardy, the Awami League remained in power at the centre for 13
months (12 September 1956 to 18 October 1957) and in East Pakistan for 18
months (6 September 1956 to 31 March 1958).

As they were simultaneously in power at both the centre and the province, the
Awami League could initiate a number of development programmes in East
Pakistan. Notable among these initiatives of the Awami League government
were: construction of power station in East Pakistan, constitution of Jute Trading
Corporation, setting up of gas factory at Fenchuganj, establishment of dairy farm
at Savar, constitution of Water and Power Development Board (WAPDA) for the
purpose of flood control and irrigation, establishment of Dhaka Improvement
Trust (DIT) for development of Dhaka city, formulation of 'Greater Dhaka City
Master Plan', establishment of Film Development Corporation (FDC),
development of Dhaka's Ramna Park, setting up of Veterinary College at
Mymensingh, construction of Dhaka-Aricha, Nagarbari-Rajshahi and
Dhaka-Chittagong Highways for improving the communication system, setting up
of Planning Board for economic development of the province and framing of the
3-year development plan (1957-60). The Awami League government also
declared 21 February as an official holiday.

When Maulana Bhasani founded the National Awami Party (NAP) in 1957, twenty
eight Provincial Assembly members of the Awami League resigned from the
party and joined the NAP. They withdrew support from the Awami League
government and instead extended support to the Krishak-Sramik Party. A few
minority members also withdrew their support from the Awami League. In this
situation, when it became clear that it was impossible for the Awami League to
pass the budget in the upcoming budget session, the government requested the
Governor to postpone the budget session for a few days. But AK Fazlul Huq
dissolved the cabinet (31 March 1958) and invited Abu Hossain Sarkar to form a
new cabinet. At this juncture, the cabinet of Firoze Khan Noon's Republican Party
was in power at the centre with the support of the Awami League.

In order to keep the Awami League government in power in East Pakistan, the
central government dismissed Fazlul Huq from the post of Governor (1 April
1958) and gave the charge of Governorship to the Chief Secretary of East
Bengal. The new Governor reinstated the Awami League government (1 April
1958). The government won the vote of confidence by a margin of 182-117. But
one and a half months after this episode, the government lost in a motion on the
question of food situation on 18 June 1958. As a result, the Awami League
government collapsed on 19 June 1958 and a Krishak-Sramik Party government
headed by Abu Hossain Sarkar was again formed on 20 June 1958. With the
support of the NAP, the Awami League defeated the Abu Hossain Sarkar
government in a vote of no confidence (156-142) on 23 June 1958. But this time,
rule of the centre was imposed (25 June 1958) instead of inviting the Awami
League to form the government. Exactly two months after this, another Awami
League government headed by ATAUR RAHMAN KHAN was formed.

In this way, seven cabinets were formed in East Pakistan and Governor's rule
was imposed thrice between March 1954 and August 1958. Finally, an anarchic
situation developed in the Legislative Assembly on 23 September 1958 and the
Deputy Speaker SHAHED ALI died on 25 September after being hit by a group of
unruly members. After this episode, Martial Law was imposed throughout
Pakistan on 7 October 1958.

After the imposition of Martial Law on 7 October 1958, the constitution of 1956
was scrapped, the central and provincial governments were dismissed, the
national and provincial legislative assemblies were dissolved, all political parties
were banned and fundamental rights were suspended. Expelling Iskander Mirza,
AYUB KHAN seized all powers on 27 October. In this way, parliamentary democracy
in Pakistan died a premature death. Immediately after imposition of Martial Law,
Ayub Khan brought charges of corruption and nepotism against politicians, high
officials, rich businessmen, former central and provincial ministers, members of
national and provincial assemblies, and so on. On 7 October 1959, he
promulgated two Orders titled 'Election Bodies Disqualification Order, 1959'
(EBDO) and 'Public Offices Disqualification Order' (PODO). Under EBDO, 3978
politicians from East Pakistan and 3000 politicians from West Pakistan lost their
right to engage in politics. Under PODO, 13 officers from Pakistan Civil Service, 3
from Foreign Service, 15 from Police Service and 1662 officers from the
Provincial Service were dismissed or retired. Under PODO, those newspapers,
which wrote about provincial autonomy and rights (such as Ittefaq, Sangbad and
Pakistan Observer), were black-listed and deprived of government and
semi-government advertisements.

An innovation during Ayub Khan's autocratic military rule was basic democracy.
Framed through an Ordinance of 1959, basic democracy was a 4-tier system of
local autonomous governance. Apart from establishing local governments, Ayub
Khan built up a coterie of his supporters up to the village level. Through the basic
democracy system, arrangements were made to elect a total of 80,000 basic
democrats (40,000 each) from East and West Pakistan. They in turn acted as
voters in an electoral college for electing members to the provincial and national
assemblies as well as the President. In this way, people were deprived of their
right to vote for electing the President and members of the legislative assemblies,
the role of the political parties and the general masses in national politics became
secondary and the control and influence of the government on a limited number
of basic democrats became easy. Election of basic democrats took place
throughout the country on 11 January 1960. Ayub Khan promulgated the
'Presidential Election and Constitutional Order, 1960' on 13 January 1960. He
was elected President for five years with the powers to frame a constitution
through a referendum held under the Order on 14 February 1960. The
Constitution was declared on 1 March 1962 and it was made effective from 8
June. The basic democrats also elected members to the national and provincial
assemblies between 1 March and 8 June. Martial Law was lifted on 8 June.

When Suhrawardy was arrested on 30 January 1962, the student community

called a strike on 1 February in protest and brought out a militant procession on
the streets. The strike continued at a stretch up to 5 February. The Anti-Ayub
movement started from this episode. The student community of East Pakistan
held militant rallies and boycotted classes the moment Ayub Khan announced the
Constitution on 1 March 1962. Another movement started in September 1962,
which is known as 'education movement of sixty two'. A students-movement
commenced under the joint leadership of Chhatra League and Chhatra Union in
September 1962 as soon as the report of the Sharif Education Commission was
released. Protest rallies were held everyday between 15 August and 10
September. During the strike observed on 17 September, students such as
Babul, Golam Mostafa, Waziullah, etc died from police firing and around 250
were injured. The recommendations of the Sharif Commission were kept in
abeyance by the government as a result of this movement. The significance of
this movement was that the students became the driving-force in the Anti-Ayub
movement. Since then, the student community has been observing 17
September as the 'Education Day'.

The politicians got back their right to take part in party politics after the lifting of
Martial Law on 8 June 1962. Suhrawardy called for forging an Anti-Ayub Front
comprising of all parties. As a result of his initiative, a front styled National
Democratic Front or NDF led by the Awami League was formed on 4 October
1962, comprising of Jamaat-i-Islam, Nezam-i-Islam, National Awami Party,
Krishak-Sramik Party, Council Muslim League and the faction of Muslim League
led by Nurul Amin. The goal and objective of this Front was to build up a
movement to restore democracy and to democratise the Constitution. Another
strategy of Suhrawardy was at work behind the formation of the front. Although
politicians punished under EBDO were banned from participating in politics, there
was no such embargo on their taking part in activities of the Front. So he
attached much importance to the formation of the Front. And very soon, the Front
earned wide popularity.

After the death of Suhrawardy in December 1963, the Awami League came out in
the open the very next month on 25 January 1964. SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN was
nominated the General Secretary of East Pakistan Awami League. Prior to that,
parties like NAP, Jamaat-i-Islam, Nezam-i-Islam had come out of the Front. As a
result, the NDF became weak and inactive. An alliance styled Combined
Opposition Party (COP) was formed by parties like the Awami League, NAP,
Council Muslim League, Jamaat-i-Islam, Nezam-i- Islam, etc. to field a common
candidate against Ayub Khan in the presidential election slotted for 2 January
1965. COP made Fatima Jinnah (sister of Mohammad Ali Jinnah) their
presidential candidate. 80,000 basic democrats were the voters in the
presidential election and Ayub Khan was in control of those democrats. So,
although much enthusiasm was observed among the people in favour of Miss
Jinnah, in the election Ayub Khan polled 49,951 votes, whereas Miss Jinnah
could muster only 28,961. Elections to the national and provincial assemblies
were held after the presidential election. The Convention Muslim League won
absolute majority in those elections. The election results proved that it was not
possible to oust Ayub Khan as long as basic democracy was in operation.

Under the patronisation of Ayub Khan, the basic democrats became a class of
beneficiaries with special interests. So, cancellation of basic democratic system
became a major issue in the anti-Ayub movement. Demand for direct election
came to be articulated in East Pakistan. Then, before the dissatisfaction of the
people of East Pakistan emanating from the election results could subside, the
1965 Indo-Pak war started in September. It became clear during this war that the
defence of East Pakistan was not strong enough. Even administratively, this
province remained cut off from the centre during the 17 days of the war. Thus it
was proved once again that with two provinces 1600 kilometers apart, the
concept of the state of Pakistan was an absurdity. Meanwhile, the conscious
segments of population in East Pakistan became angry at the growing disparity
between East and West Pakistan in the fields of administration, economy and
society.

The bureaucrats were at the centre of all administrative power since the
emergence of Pakistan. The representation of East Pakistan in the bureaucracy
was very nominal. Out of 42,000 officers in the central government of Pakistan in
1956, the number of people from East Pakistan was a mere 2,900. As Islamabad
the capital of the country, the West Pakistanis got a monopoly of jobs in
government offices and courts. Due to the geographic distance, it was not
possible for the people of East Pakistan to appear at interviews to get those jobs.
Besides, it was not easy for the Bengalee students to achieve success in
different competitive examinations before Bangla was recognised as a state
language in 1956.

In this situation, the disparity between East and West Pakistan in administration
widened day by day. The proportion of East Pakistanis in the foreign service in
1962 was 20.8%; the proportion of East and West Pakistanis among the officers
of defence services was 10:90. It was observed in the field of education that
whereas West Pakistan was allocated a sum of Rupees 1530 crore during
1948-55, East Pakistan was sanctioned a mere 240 crore rupees (13.5%) during
that period. During the period 1947-55, only 10% of total expenditure of the
central government were spent in East Pakistan. Whereas Rupees 1496.2 million
were spent in the development sector in West Pakistan during the period, the
amount spent in East Pakistan was only Rupees 514.7 million. Three capital
cities were built in West Pakistan (Karachi, Rawalpindi and Islamabad) in phases
during the Pakistan era. An amount of Rupees 5700 million was spent till 1956
for Karachi alone in order to build it up as the capital city. This was 56.4% of the
total expenditure for East Pakistan, its share in the total expenditure during the
period being only 5.10%. Whereas Rupees 3,000 million were spent for the
development of Islamabad until 1967, the amount spent for development of
Dhaka was a meagre Rupees 250 million. Due to the location of the capital and
the head offices of different civil and military departments in West Pakistan, the
West Pakistanis got sweeping benefit in the fields of employment, outlays for
construction of buildings, furniture, residences for staff etc., and the employment
opportunities generated from construction and supplies.

In this way, the demand for autonomy of East Pakistan became stronger due to
discriminations it endured in different fields, failure to get desired results from
elections and the inadequate defence status of the province. When the Awami
League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman raised the 6-points charter of demands
for autonomy of East Pakistan at a convention of opposition leaders in Lahore on
5 and 6 February 1966, 735 out of 740 delegates present rejected it. In protest,
Sheikh Mujib walked out of the convention and returned to Dhaka. There was no
party decision regarding the SIX-POINT PROGRAMME that Sheikh Mujib declared at
Lahore. But the 6-point demands got approval of the Awami League working
committee on 13 March.

Sheikh Mujib and other leaders of the party then started a countrywide campaign
for realising the 6 points. There was unprecedented public backing in support of
the 6-points; apprehensive, the regime started to arrest the leaders and workers
of the Awami League. Sheikh Mujib was arrested under the security law of the
country on 8 May 1966. In protest the Awami League and Chhatra League
observed strike throughout the province on 7 June 1966. The working class also
responded to this strike. 10 people died in Dhaka and Narayanganj due to police
firing. After this strike of 7 June, the government became vindictive. The editor of
Ittefaq TOFAZZAL HOSSAIN (Manik Mia) was arrested on 15 June and Ittefaq was
banned on 16 June. 9330 workers and supporters of Awami League were
arrested within September. Newer onslaughts were carried out against Bengali
language and culture. The government banned the broadcast of Tagore songs
over radio and television in August 1967.

The Anti-Ayub political parties formed a political alliance called Pakistan

Democratic Movement or PDM on 2 May 1967. The PDM announced an 8-point
program. These 8-points were an extended form of 6-points. These 8-points of
PDM not only included the demand for provincial autonomy, they also included
programmes for removal of accumulated disparities between the two provinces
within a period of ten years. The Awami League's 6-points were the demands of
a regional party, whereas the PDM's 8-points became a national demand. As the
main demand in PDM's 8-points was the demand for provincial autonomy, the
wrath of the government fell on Sheikh Mujib. To detach Sheikh Mujib and the
Awami League from the general masses and to create divisions within the
opposition alliance, the government discovered a conspiracy on 6 January 1968.
This conspiracy was dubbed as the 'Agartala Conspiracy'. Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman and 29 others were arrested on charge of involvement in the conspiracy.
In protest, strike was observed throughout East Pakistan on 29 January. A new
phase of Anti-Ayub movement erupted. To invigorate this movement, Democratic
Action Committee or DAC was formed comprising of the alliances NDF, PDM,
parties like the pro-6-point Awami League, NAP (Wali), Council Muslim League,
Jamaate Islami, Nezame Islami, etc. But as it was formed by both leftist and
rightist parties, it became difficult for DAC to undertake united programmes.

A 'Students Action Committee' was formed jointly by the East Pakistan Chhatra
League and the East Pakistan Chhatra Union in January 1969. They announced
the 11-point demand as part of the movement. The 6-point demand of the Awami
League was incorporated in the 11-point demand of the 'Students Action
Committee'. Besides, other demands relevant for the Bengalee middle class and
the peasants and labourers were also included. As a result, the 11-points
received massive public support in East Pakistan. Anti-Ayub meetings,
processions and gatherings became a part of everyday life. The movement
intensified due to the participation of working class. The government failed to
contain the movement with the aid of police, EPR and the army. When student
leader M. Asaduzzaman embraced martyrdom in police firing on 20 January
1969, the situation went beyond the control of the government and the movement
assumed the form of a mass upsurge. Around 100 East Pakistanis were killed in
the movement of 1969. The movement reached its peak when the Proctor of
Rajshahi University DR. MOHAMMAD SHAMSUZZOHA was killed by a bullet fired by the
Pakistani military on 18 February 1969 while he was performing his duty.

The government withdrew the Agartala conspiracy case on 22 February 1969

and was forced to release Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Sheikh Mujib was accorded a
reception at Racecourse Maidan on 23 February attended by around 5 lakh
people where he was given the title of 'Bangabandhu'. The slogan 'Joy Bangla'
was also born there. Ayub Khan then took an initiative for dialogue and
compromise. He arranged a meeting of the opposition leaders at Rawalpindi on
10-13 March 1969. Although Bhasani NAP and People's Party boycotted that
meeting, Sheikh Mujib joined it and demanded full implementation of the 6 and
11-points. Resolutions were adopted at the meeting for establishment of a federal
form of parliamentary democracy under universal adult franchise. Although the
rightist parties were happy about this decision, the Awami League and NAP
(Wali) rejected it. These two parties withdrew from the DAC.

Meanwhile, the movement intensified in West Pakistan as well. In this situation,

Ayub Khan handed over power to the then Army Chief, General MOHAMMAD YAHYA
KHAN, on 24 March 1969 and Yahya Khan imposed Martial Law in the country on
25 March. Eight months after assumption of office, Yahya Khan declared on 28
November 1969 that elections to the National Assembly would be held on 5
October 1970 and to the Provincial Assembly on 22 October. The outline of that
election was announced on 28 March 1970 through the 'Legal Framework Order'.
Yahya cancelled the unitary status of West Pakistan and instead created four
provinces there. The policy of 'one person one vote' for the election was also
adopted. Under the Legal Framework Order, the number of seats in the Jatiya
Sangsad was fixed at 313 (including 13 for women); out of these, the share of
East Pakistan was 169, including 7 for women. The Order stipulated that the
National Assembly would have to frame a constitution by tabling a 'Constitution
Bill' within 120 days after its first session was summoned; the Assembly would
stand dissolved if it failed to do so. The National Assembly could also be
dissolved if the bill failed to get the assent of the President. It could therefore be
seen that the survival of the National Assembly was made subservient to the will
of the President through that Order.

Although critical of the Legal Framework Order, all parties except the Bhasani
NAP and the National League decided to participate in the election. The Awami
League termed the election as a 'referendum' for its 6-point and 11-point
demands. Around 11 political parties of Pakistan participated in this election, and
the powerful political parties (such as the Awami League and the Pakistan
People's Party) had regional base.

The dates for election to National and Provincial Assemblies were fixed for 7
December and 17 December 1970 respectively. But when 2 lakh people died
after a devastating cyclone that struck East Pakistan on 12 November, elections
to 9 National Assembly seats and 21 Provincial Assembly seats in the
cyclone-affected areas of the province took place after one month.

The election saw the Awami League winning absolute majority by capturing 167
out of 169 seats in East Pakistan. The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) won 88 out
of 144 National Assembly seats in West Pakistan. The Awami League failed to
win any seat in West Pakistan while the PPP could not win any in East Pakistan.
In the election for East Pakistan Provincial Assembly, the Awami League won
288 out of 300 seats. Immediately after declaration of the election results, the
PPP Chief Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto demanded that as the PPP represented the
provinces of Punjab and Sindh, so no government could be formed or
constitution framed without its support. In reply, the Awami League argued that
the representation of Punjab and Sindh was not essential as the election was
held under the 'one person one vote' policy. The Awami League Chief Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman declared that as the people of East Pakistan had given a
mandate in favour of the 6 and 11 points, it could not be bypassed while framing
the constitution. Amid this furore, Yahya Khan announced on 14 February that
the session of the National Assembly would commence in Dhaka on 3 March
1971 for the purpose of framing the constitution.

But Bhutto refused to join that session unless he was given assurance that his
views would be heeded. As a result, Yahya Khan postponed the session of the
National Assembly scheduled for 3 March through an announcement on 1 March
1971. The people of East Pakistan erupted in anger at this announcement of
Yahya Khan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called HARTAL in Dhaka on 2 March and
throughout the province the next day. All governmental activities came to a halt.
An announcement titled 'Declaration and programme for independent and
sovereign Bangladesh' was made by East Pakistan Chhatra League at Dhaka's
Paltan Maidan on 3 March 1971. Yahya Khan again summoned the session of
the National Assembly on 25 March through an announcement on 6 March. In his
speech delivered on 7 March at Dhaka Racecourse Maidan, Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman put forward four preconditions for joining the session of the National
Assembly on 25 March as announced by Yahya Khan ' (a) martial law would
have to be lifted immediately, (b) the military has to return to the barracks, (c)
investigations have to be made regarding loss of lives, (d) power has to be
handed over to the party having absolute majority before the commencement of
the National Assembly. The Awami League would consider joining the National
Assembly session only if those conditions were met.

Yahya Khan arrived in Dhaka on 15 March and held talks with Mujib up to 24
March. Bhutto arrived in Dhaka on 21 March to join the talks. Yahya khan was in
fact killing time in the name of talks; meanwhile, he was bringing in military
equipment and soldiers from West Pakistan. At last, after all preparations were
complete, the Pakistani Army carried out a genocide in Dhaka on the night of 25
March. In protest against these brutal killings, the liberation war of Bangladesh
was started. The armed liberation war that started on 26 March 1971 continued
for 9 months. [Md Mahbubar Rahman]

Bangladesh Period
On 10 April 1971, the leaders of Awami League (AL) formed the
government-in-exile headed by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the
President. syed Nazrul Islam and TAJUDDIN AHMED took the charge of
Vice-President and Prime Minister respectively. In the absence of the President
(who was in jail in Pakistan), the Vice-President took up the responsibilities of the
state. On 17 April 1971 the government-in-exile (also known as Mujibnagar
Sarkar) took oath at Baidyanathtala under Meherpur district. With the surrender
of the Pakistani army at the Dhaka Racecourse Maidan on 16 December 1971
ended the WAR OF LIBERATION.