Questionable Multimedia Learning Principles
Questionable Multimedia Learning Principles
To be published in: Clark, R. E. & Feldon, D. F. (In press for 2005). Five common but
questionable principles of multimedia learning. In Mayer, R. (Ed.) Cambridge Handbook
of Multimedia Learning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Richard E. Clark
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
and
David F. Feldon
Graduate School of Education & Information Sciences
University of California at Los Angeles
1
Parts of the discussion in this chapter have been summarized from two previous
manuscripts including: Choi, S. and Clark, R. E. (April 2004) Five suggestions for the
design of experiments on the effects of animated pedagogical agents. Symposium paper
presented at the American Educational Research Association Annual Convention in San
Diego California; and Clark, R. E. (2003) Research on Web-based Learning: A half-full
glass. In Bruning, R. Horn, C. A., & PytlikZillig, L. M. (Eds.) Web-Based Learning:
What do we know? Where do we go? Greenwich, Conn: Information Age Publishers, 1-
22.
Five Principles 2
Principle: A basic generalization that is accepted as true and that can be used
as a basis for reasoning or conduct ([Link] Dictionary)
Abstract
This chapter describes five commonly held principles about multimedia learning that are
not supported by research and suggests alternative generalizations that are more firmly
based on existing studies. The questionable beliefs include the expectations that
multimedia instruction: 1) yields more learning than live instruction or older media; 2) is
more motivating than other instructional delivery options; 3) provides animated
pedagogical agents that aid learning; 4) accommodates different learning styles and so
maximizes learning for more students; and 5) facilitates student managed constructivist
and discovery approaches that are beneficial to learning.
Five Principles 3
Introduction
Multimedia instruction is one of the current examples of a new area of
instructional research and practice that has generated a considerable amount of
excitement. Like other new areas, its early advocates begin with a set of assumptions
about the learning and access problems it will solve and the opportunities it affords (see
for example a report by the American Society for Training and Development, 2001). The
goal of this chapter is to examine the early expectations about multimedia benefits that
seem so intuitively correct that advocates may not have carefully examined research
evidence for them. If these implicit assumptions are incorrect we may unintentionally be
using them as the basis for designing multimedia instruction that does not support
learning or enhance motivation. Even when easily available research findings contradict
widely shared beliefs about benefits, it is tempting to ignore the research by assuming,
without careful analysis, that the multimedia instruction has been poorly designed.
Definition of multimedia. So many different definitions of multimedia have been
offered (see for example Clark, 2001) that it is important at the start of this discussion to
clearly specify what is being discussed. “Instructional media” generally refers to any
vehicle for presenting or delivering instruction. Examples of these vehicles usually refer
to computers, books, television, radio, newspapers, and people. “Multimedia” usually
refers to the capacity of computers to provide real-time representations of nearly all
existing media and sensory modes of instruction. Sensory modes are distinguished from
media because they relate to the sensory format of information so that it is compatible
with one of the five senses. Visual and aural forms of information can be provided by a
variety of media whereas taste, smell, and texture representations in media are very
limited. Multimedia instruction is most often offered at a “distance” from live teachers
and so is occasionally referred to as “distance education”. One of the issues raised in this
chapter is that the impressive breadth of multimedia formats for instruction and learning
may invite a confounding of the specific factors that influence (or fail to influence)
learning and motivation for different people and different learning tasks.
Chapter goals. This chapter examines the research evidence for five of the
implicit assumptions one finds in much of the current literature on multimedia
instruction. Each of these assumptions seem to be so widely shared, that they have taken
on the mantle of “principles” that guide the design of instruction and research on
multimedia instruction. Yet each of these beliefs has been examined by a body of well-
designed research and found to either be incorrect or only to apply in a very limited set of
circumstances. The goal of this chapter is to provide a brief survey of some of the
research and related analysis that challenge each of the five mistaken principles. In each
case, the discussion will provide an alternative generalization that seems warranted, given
the current research. The discussion begins with the most dominant and perhaps the most
erroneous multimedia assumption, that learning benefits are greater from multimedia than
from other instructional media.
Principle #1: Multimedia Instruction Produces More Learning than “Live” Instruction or
Older Media.
There is no credible evidence of learning benefits from any medium or
combination of media that cannot be explained by other, non multimedia factors (Clark,
2001; Clark & Salomon, 1986; Mielke, 1968; Salomon, 1984; Schramm, 1977). Even the
critics of this conclusion, for example, Robert Kozma (1994), have acknowledged that no
Five Principles 4
evidence exists to support the argument that media has influenced learning in past
research. Critics of the “no learning from media” view who are familiar with the
research, hope that multimedia will provide unique forms of influence on learning in the
future. Yet it appears that this optimistic hope is swimming upstream against a
considerable body of evidence to the contrary extending back over 75 years (Mielke,
1968; Clark, 2001).
The capacity of multimedia is broad and inclusive. It even permits us to provide
presentations by human instructors that have been “recorded” on video and presented on
a computer screen as well as all instructional methods, including interactivity between
instruction and learner (for example, feedback to the learner on their progress or
answering questions posed by learners as they progress through instruction), the
providing of examples in the form of simulations or models, and other methods of
teaching that have been found to influence learning. In order to fully understand the
impact of multimedia on learning and motivation, it is important to separate it from the
instructional methods multimedia can present and the sensory modality (visual, aural,
olfactory, tactile and taste information) chosen to represent instructional methods.
Research and evaluation studies that provide evidence for more learning from multimedia
than from live instruction or other media have been challenged because of their failure to
separate media from method and sensory mode. A number of reviews have argued that
when experiments or evaluation studies report learning advantages for multimedia when
compared with other media, the learning benefits attributed to multimedia are more
plausibly due to the uncontrolled effects of instructional methods and/or sensory mode
influences (not media) and/or different test-relevant information being given to different
groups (Morrison, 2001; Clark & Salomon, 1986; Mielke, 1968; Salomon, 1984;
Schramm, 1977). Clark (2001) has argued that all instructional methods, sensory modes
and information components of instruction can be presented in a variety of media with
equal learning outcomes but with very different costs and access outcomes.
Method confounding. The most promising approach to learning is to assume that
it is influenced by instructional methods (Cronbach & Snow, 1977) that can be embedded
in instruction and presented by a variety of media and not only by multimedia per se.
Instructional methods are defined as “...any way to shape information that compensates
for or supplants the cognitive processes necessary for achievement or motivation. For
example, learners often need an example to connect new information in a learning task
with information in their prior experience. If students cannot (or will not) give themselves
an adequate example, an instructional (method) must provide it for them” (Clark, 2001, p.
208). Variations in interactivity can be provided to learners by a number of media,
including live instructors. If studies provide a necessary method of instruction in a
multimedia condition and do not provide an equivalent form of the method in a compared
instructional treatment, the results will appear to favor multimedia when in fact, the
method influenced the learning. The key issue here is whether any instructional method
can be presented in more than one medium. Clark (2001) has argued that all instructional
methods that are necessary for any kind of learning can be presented in a variety of
media. He claims therefore, that the benefits of media are economic or are to be found in
the increased access to instruction by disadvantaged groups in society, but that learning
benefits due to multimedia alone have not been found and cannot be claimed.
Five Principles 5
Time tolLearn. Equally interesting is that when the new methods were compared
with mastery methods (Bloom, 1984) they produced a 40 percent increase in learning.
The methods described were derived not from a study of multimedia but instead from
recent research on cognitive architecture and its influence on the learning of complex
knowledge (Anderson & Gluck, 2001). All methods were delivered by a computer but all
could have been provided also by human tutors though with much less efficiency. The
latter point is emphasized by Corbett’s (2001) finding that the computer delivered version
of the powerful methods resulted in a forty percent decrease in the time required to learn
when compared with human tutors.
If not “learning benefits”, what are the advantages of multimedia
instruction?Clark (2000) has described a number of strategies for evaluating multimedia
instructional programs that separate the benefits of the media from the benefits of the
instructional methods used. Multimedia benefits, he suggests, are to be found in the cost
of instruction, including time savings for students and instructors (when the investment in
instructional design and development are amortized across increasing numbers of
students) and increased access to quality instruction by disadvantaged or rural groups of
students. Evidence for cost and time savings can be found in the work of Corbett (2001)
described above and cost-benefit and cost-effectiveness studies conducted by Levin and
his colleagues (Levin, Glass & Meister, 1987; Levin & McEwan, 2001). Evidence for
access benefits is more difficult to locate and it is possible that this is a less explored area.
One example is a government report of increased access to instruction by people whose
educational alternatives are severely limited by geography or other handicapping
conditions such as economic, physical or social barriers (Office of Technology
Assessment, 1988).
In addition to learning benefits, advocates often implicitly and explicitly (e.g.
Abrahamson, 1998) claim that multimedia results in increased motivation to learn when
compared with more traditional instructional media. The discussion turns next to this
issue.
Principle #2: Multimedia Instruction Is More Motivating than Traditional Instructional
Media or Live Instructors
Abrahamson (1998) may represent the majority of multimedia advocates when he
states that “a primary function of the use of television, computers, and
telecommunications in distance learning is to motivate students rather than just to provide
information to them” (p. 2). However, evidence for the motivational qualities of
multimedia instruction has been elusive at best. The best conclusion at this point is that
overall, multimedia courses may be more attractive to students and so they tend to choose
them when offered options, but student interest does not result in more learning and
overall it appears to actually result in significantly less learning than would have occurred
in “instructor led” courses (Bernard, et al., in press). In order to explain this ironic twist
in empirical research, the discussion turns first to a definition of motivation.
What is motivation? Pintrich and Schunk (2002) in their review of research on
motivation to learn suggest that the existing research focuses on one or more of three
“indexes” or outcomes of motivation: 1) active choice (actively starting to do something
that one formerly “intended” to do but had not started), 2) persistence (continuing to
work towards a goal, despite distractions or competing goals), and 3) mental effort,
Five Principles 7
measures for mental effort (Gimino, 2000). In general, it seems that mental effort may be
influenced in large part by the amount of perceived difficulty in a multimedia course. It is
possible that when moderately challenging learning goals and tasks are presented, mental
effort increases. When learning tasks are too easy or impossibly difficult, mental effort
decreases radically. Students seem to be able to accurately report the amount of mental
effort they are investing in easy to moderately difficult tasks. Yet there is disturbing
evidence that they seem unaware when they stop investing mental effort as learning tasks
become extremely difficult or impossible. Designers must exercise caution not to
overwhelm multimedia students with extremely complex tasks or screen design features
that overload working memory. Meanwhile, researchers should continue to study how
specific tasks and design features impact mental effort.
Separating motivation to choose multimedia courses and motivation to learn.
Many of the currently measured motivation variables in multimedia studies seem to
reflect interest and enjoyment factors that influence access to instruction or choice of
instructional media rather than learning. Students appear to choose multimedia courses
based on expected flexibility and ease of learning, but those expectations may cause them
to reduce their effort and learn less. This is Bernard, et al.’s (in press) conclusion in their
review of empirical work. On the other hand, persistence and mental effort seem to be
very important learning-related motivation indexes for multimedia since the added
control computers allow students may make it more possible for them to become
distracted and avoid instruction. Imagine a scenario where students stop a multimedia
lesson when they are tired or bored, intending to restart soon, and yet become distracted
and allow a great deal of time pass before restarting the lesson. These gaps in time may
make recall of previously learned material more difficult and/or push students so close to
course or lesson completion deadlines that they must rush to finish on time. While
multimedia lessons do not have to permit this kind of flexibility because it is possible to
program required “milestone” completion schedules, the attractiveness of flexibility may
increase the probability that students will take multimedia courses if they have choices
and so increase access while at the same time placing considerable stress on motivational
processes that support persistence over time.
Persistence in multimedia coursesMultimedia courses may be chosen over other
forms of instruction because students expect that they will receive more individualized
instructor contact. While there appears to be no empirical work on this issue, in
Kennedy’s (2000) survey of a group of online students, 68 % of the 40 respondents said
they enrolled online rather than self-study because they wanted instructor feedback and
guidance through the course. Most students also believe that the heightened instructor
contact enhanced their learning in the course. The State University of New York students
who reported the highest levels of instructor interaction also reported the highest levels of
value for the course (Fredericksen, et al., 2000). The University of California at Los
Angeles has also reduced drop out with a system, in which course manager’s contact
“missing” students to prod them into persisting (Frankola, 2001). Thus, though it seems
clear that multimedia instruction can include (or be perceived to include) more instructor-
student contact, and that this increased interaction may enhance the value of the course
and student persistence, to the extent that such increased interaction is missing,
motivation to persist may be lacking as well. Additional studies concerning the factors
Five Principles 9
and strategies that would further enhance student persistence in multimedia courses
would be useful.
One issue that has been examined for a number of years is the extent to which
multimedia allows designers to accommodate learning styles and therefore enhance the
learning of a broader range of students.
Principle #3: Multimedia Shapes Instruction for Different Learning Styles
Quite understandably, individual differences between people that may impact the
efficacy of instruction have been a major focus of research for decades. If we were to
understand all of the factors that contributed to instructional outcome differences, it could
be expected that we would be able to optimally align pedagogical approaches with
learner profiles, thereby narrowing achievement gaps. While this goal is an important
one for the future of instructional research and multimedia design, to date researchers in
this area have found no evidence that tailoring multimedia instruction to different
learning styles results in learning benefits. This section briefly reviews the research on a
variety of individual differences investigated in the research literature (learning
preferences, cognitive styles, motivation, intelligence, and prior knowledge) and
identifies those that have consistently been found to be relevant factors in the success of
learning outcomes in most instructional environments, including multimedia courses, and
those that have not.
Cognitive styles and learning preferences. Cognitive styles and learning
preferences have been advocated by some researchers for a number of years as traits that
contribute to differential success in learning tasks on the basis of learners’ innate
approaches to learning or solving problems. By understanding these proclivities, it is
argued, multimedia instruction can be optimally matched to the learner in order to
maximize achievement. Unfortunately, these constructs have proven notoriously difficult
to validate for both the stable assessment of learner characteristics and the customization
of instruction to improve student outcomes (e.g. Duff & Duffy, 2002; Henson & Hwang,
2002; Kavale & Forness, 1987; Loo, 1997, Richardson, 2000, Stahl, 1999). In general,
cognitive style theories posit one or more linear scales on which learners can score closer
to one extreme or another. These descriptors typically have a global, integrative,
contextualized reasoning pattern at one extreme and a highly focused, isolative,
decontextualized pattern at the other (e.g. Cassidy, 2004). In similarly structured
dichotomies, some theories also include a visualizer/verbalizer differentiation for
sensory, rather than logical, cognition or other descriptive dimensions (e.g. Riding &
Cheema, 1991).
Classifying learners in these systems entails requiring each learner to complete a
self-report instrument that usually asks questions about their preferred learning modalities
and typical approaches to solving problems. However, in addition to persistent problems
achieving intraindividual score reliability over time and across domains, attempts to
validate these styles have also failed to yield consistent differentiation between cognitive
style and measures of intelligence (Richardson & Turner, 2000).
An additional problem with cognitive and learning styles lies in the self-report
method of identification wherein learners are asked to report their preferences for
approaches to learning and solving problems. Mayer and Massa (2003) tested 95
undergraduates using measures of visual and verbal reasoning ability and found no
significant relationship between subjects’ self-reported measures of style and their
Five Principles 10
performance on the reasoning tests. This finding is consistent with other investigations of
learners’ abilities to adequately select effective learning approaches. Clark (1982) found
in an extensive meta-analysis of studies that utilized learner preference or enjoyment for
particular instructional media or techniques that learner enjoyment was typically
uncorrelated or negatively correlated to performance outcomes. That is, subjects who
reported preferring a particular instructional technique typically did not derive any
instructional benefit from experiencing it. Salomon (1984) found similar results in an
experimental study of sixth grade learner preferences for learning from television or
print: The subjects who learned more of the material presented in instruction were those
who did not receive instruction via their preferred medium. More recently, these results
were replicated with adult distance learners by Li, O’Neil, & Feldon (in press).
Motivation/goal orientation. Another individual difference known to impact
achievement in instructional settings is goal orientation. Goal orientation refers to the
source of an individual’s motivation for learning. Those who are classified as having
mastery goal orientations pursue the acquisition of new knowledge for their own
satisfaction and are not motivated by the comparison of their performance to that of
others. In contrast, performance oriented learners invest effort in learning primarily for
the purpose of attaining public or comparative recognition for their accomplishments
(Pintrich & Schunk, 2002). Because mastery oriented students engage with the material
for the purpose of understanding, they have been consistently found to be more likely to
expend effort to learn the concepts presented and engage with the material more
strategically and at a deeper level. However, their internal focus may sometimes prove
maladaptive in the context of an evaluated course, because their focus may not have been
on the learning objectives on which they would be assessed (Barron & Harackiewicz,
2001). Likewise, performance oriented learners can manifest both adaptive and
maladaptive behaviors. Successful behaviors are referred to as “approach” strategies,
because they entail a proactive attempt to gain recognition for success by self-regulating
and scaffolding learning opportunities to ensure success. In contrast, “avoidance”
behaviors are those by which performance oriented learners seek to dissociate their
performance in the learning environment from negative evaluations of their abilities
through self-handicapping behaviors that prevent their best efforts from being
demonstrated (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002).
Intelligence. One of the first traits found to account for stable differences
between learners is intelligence. Fluid reasoning ability has been found to reliably
predict performance on novel problem solving tasks (Cattell, 1987). However, as
instruction familiarizes learners with a given set of skills and problems over time, such
advantages diminish when criterion-referenced performance is evaluated (e.g. Ackerman,
1987, 1988, 1990, 1992). Indeed, studies of experts in a variety of fields have found no
correlation between fluid ability and performance (e.g. Ceci & Liker, 1986; Doll & Mayr,
1987; Ericsson & Lehmann, 1996; Hulin, Henry, & Noon, 1990; Masunaga & Horn,
2001), precisely because the high levels of deliberate practice that are necessary to excel
in a domain entail the development of skills that are applied to problems whose qualities
are known. Although individuals can acquire new knowledge and problem solving
strategies and apply them to improve their performance within a particular domain, there
is not yet any evidence that such improvements can impact the general problem solving
skills associated with fluid ability (Perkins & Grotzer, 1997).
Five Principles 11
multimedia computer animation and user interface design. Advocates suggest that they
have great potential for aiding human learning (e.g., Sampson et. al., 2002). The use of
agents is a recent, welcome and visible attempt to insert pedagogical support into
multimedia instruction yet initial empirical studies suggest that they may distract and
interfere with learning more than aid it.
Agent research results are mixed. In some studies, agent-based instruction results
in more learning and/or more positive attitudes towards lessons (e.g. Bosseler & Massaro,
2003; Mitrovic & Suraweera, 2000; Moundridou & Virvou, 2002; Ryokai, Vaucelle, &
Cassell, 2003), whereas in others agents produce no learning or motivational benefits
(e.g. Andre et. al, 1999; Baylor, 2002; Craig, Driscoll, & Gholson, 2004; Mayer, Dow, &
Mayer, 2002). However, in other experiments, results are mixed and somewhat confusing
(e.g. Atkinson, 2002; Moreno et. al., 2001) and many studies that demonstrate learning
benefits from agents have been criticized for design errors (Choi & Clark, 2004). Our
review of these studies suggests that positive learning results most often come from
studies where the method being used by the agent to “teach” are not compared with
conditions where the method is provided to students without the agent.
Design problems. Very few agent studies control for the type of hypothesized
learning and/or motivational support the agent is providing in a balanced, alternative
condition where the same type of learning support is provided by a lower technology,
non-agent condition. If the agent is providing a specific type of instructional support,
study designs should include a “low technology” alternative method of providing the
same type of support to a comparison or control group. Any pedagogical support
provided by an agent can also be provided in a ‘lean’ format. Dehn & van Mulken (2000)
explain that without this type of design control, “...differences between the two
conditions cannot be attributed exclusively to [the agent]” (p. 18). An adequate test
requires that the non-agent or control condition provide all of the learning and
motivational support available from the agent condition, otherwise a comparison will be
potentially confounded by the uncontrolled effects of the instructional methods the agent
provides and the agent itself.
Confusion about the source of measured benefits. For example, Atkinson (2002)
compared a “voice plus agent” group with “voice only” and “text only” groups
(Experiment 2). In the voice plus agent group, participants listened to the agent’s verbal
explanations and saw the agent highlighting relevant information on the screen
simultaneously by using pointing gestures. Alternatively, participants in the voice only
and text only conditions only received explanations delivered either in voice or text,
respectively. In other words, participants in the voice only and text only groups did not
have the benefit of a visual, highlighting indicator for important information, which
might have forced the participants to use their scarce cognitive resources to connect
verbal explanation with related visual information on the screen. Therefore, although the
voice plus agent group outperformed the other two groups in far-transfer performance, it
is problematic to attribute the obtained learning benefit exclusively to the presence of the
agent. The critical learning support provided by the agent--directing learner’s attention to
the key information in the screen display, was not available to the two comparison
groups. A leaner version of the agent’s pointing gesture would be to simply use an
animated arrow and/or to underline the same information selected by the agent in the
comparison conditions. Other studies which also failed to control the types of
Five Principles 13
instructional and motivation supports provided in agent and alternative conditions include
Moundridou & Virvou (2002) and Ryokai, et al. (2002).
Adequately designed studies provide consistent results. André and colleagues
(1999) conducted a well- controlled study that avoided this design pitfall. To find
empirical support for the affective and cognitive benefits of their “PPP Persona” agent,
they exposed participants to two different memory tasks--a technical description (the
operation of pulley systems) and an informational presentation that included the names,
pictures, and office locations of fictitious employees. Both experiment and control
versions provided the same treatments except that the control groups did not have the
PPP Persona agent. The control group heard a voice conveying the same explanations as
the agent provided to the experimental group. The agent’s pointing gesture was replaced
with an arrow that pointed to important information in the control condition. Following
the presentations, participants’ affective reaction to the agent and control condition was
measured through a questionnaire whereas the cognitive impact was measured by
comprehension and recall questions. The results showed significant differences only in
the affective measures. Participants interacting with the PPP Persona agent for the
technical description found the presentation less difficult and more entertaining. The
positive effects, however, disappeared for the informational presentation about the
fictitious employees. Participants reported that the PPP Persona agent was less
appropriate for employee information and less helpful as an attention direction aid. No
significant achievement differences were found between the experimental and control
groups for either the technical description or information presentation tasks on
comprehension or recall measures. Thus, in this well-designed study, the agent did not
provide learning or motivational benefits that translated to greater learning. Yet, because
of the adequate design, there is the serendipitous finding that learners may believe that
agents are more appropriate and likeable in some learning tasks but not in others.
Craig, et al. (2002) also employed an adequate design where participants learned
the process by which lightning occurs presented through an agent and through alternative
multimedia (i.e., picture, narration, or animation). An animated agent that pointed to
important instructional elements on a computer screen was contrasted with a sudden
onset highlighting (i.e., color singleton or electronic flashing) and animation of the same
information (without the agent) for comparison groups. The narrative information was
synchronized simultaneously with the agent’s pointing gestures, separated and provided
prior to the agent’s pointing, or in a third condition, with a sudden onset of highlighting
and animation of relevant parts of an instructional picture. Craig, et al.’s results indicated
that the agent made no difference in learners’ performance both in cognitive load
assessment and performance tests (i.e., retention, matching, and transfer). Rather, they
reported a significant benefit from both a sudden onset and animation of parts of the
pictures for focusing learners’ attention. This may be an example of an effect that van
Merrienboer (1997) calls “just in time” learning support.
Conclusion – animated agents do not increase learning. These results provide
evidence that in multimedia studies of agents, measured differences in student learning
may not be due to the agent by itself or any increased motivation or attention caused by
the agent, but rather due to the pedagogical method provided by the agent. Thus we
should ask a question: Is the animated pedagogical agent the only way to deliver these
types of instructional methods in a multimedia learning environment? If alternative ways
Five Principles 14
can deliver the same instruction with the same learning and motivation, but with less cost,
shouldn’t we choose the least expensive option?
Erickson (1997) argued that the adaptive functionality of an instructional system
is often enough for learners to perform a task and achieve the same outcome without the
guidance of an agent. He further suggested that when including an agent, instructional
designers should think about what benefits and costs the agent would bring, and far more
research should be conducted on how people experience agents. Furthermore, Nass and
Steuer (1993) found that simply using a human voice without the image of an agent was
sufficient to induce learners to use social rules when interacting with a computer. Moreno
and colleagues (2001) also noted that learners may form a social relationship with a
computer itself without the help of an agent and thus, the image of an agent might not be
necessary to invoke a social agency metaphor in a computer-based learning environment.
Baylor (2002), Craig, et al. (2004) and Mayer, et al. (2003) found no effect of agent
image on learning outcomes. This research is also reviewed in Chapter 13 of this volume
by Mayer.
Principle #5: Multimedia Instruction Provides Learner Control and Discovery Pedagogy
to Enhance Learning
There is a persistent belief among some segments of the education and training
communities that the most effective learning experiences are those in which learners
navigate unstructured multimedia learning environments or solve novel problems
presented without instructional supports (Land & Hannafin, 1996). However, this
assumption about pure discovery learning has been tested repeatedly over forty years of
research and found to lack empirical validation when its efficacy, efficiency, and impact
on successful transfer of skills have been compared to well-structured, guided instruction
(Mayer, 2004). Several factors have been found to play key roles in enactive learning
environments that have significant impacts on student success, specifically cognitive
load, instructional supports, and prior knowledge.
Cognitive load theory. Developed by John Sweller and his colleagues, cognitive
load theory reliably predicts instructional learning outcomes by analyzing the
pedagogical materials and features of the learning environment to determine the amounts
of relevant and irrelevant load placed on working memory (Sweller, 1988, 1989, 1999;
Sweller, van Merriënboer, & Paas, 1998; Chapter 2 of this volume by Sweller). Because
working memory capacity is limited, unnecessary features function as artificial
constraints on the amount of mental resources that can be directed toward the necessary
semantic elements for new knowledge to be successfully acquired. As novice learners
develop skills and organizational schemas within the domain of instruction, the
information occupies significantly less “space,” which allows for the processing of more
advanced (i.e. higher load) elements and complex problem solving. Because adaptive
organizational schemas are difficult to acquire, resources that could otherwise be
dedicated to conceptual understanding must be dedicated to imposing meaningful
structure on the material presented if external supports and carefully controlled
presentation of material is not utilized. If these supports are not used, fewer cognitive
resources are available to be focused on the mastery of conceptual content (Chandler &
Sweller, 1991; Sweller, Chandler, Tierney, & Cooper, 1990).
Instructional support. As learners gain mastery of basic knowledge and
organizational structures, their need for external supports to optimize their learning
Five Principles 15
efforts decreases. Because the schemas organize the information presented effectively, it
becomes redundant for those frameworks to be provided externally within the learning
environment. Thus, providing more structure than is appropriate to the level of the
learner can impose extraneous cognitive load and redirect working memory resources
away from the target material. Known as the expertise reversal effect, it has been
demonstrated that optimal instruction utilizes instructional supports that fade in
proportion to the learner’s level of expertise for a particular skill or concept (Kalyuga,
Ayres, Chandler, & Sweller, 2003).
These findings present a complex picture for the appropriate use of discovery
learning environments. Because by definition, pure discovery learning does not use
instructional supports, it imposes large amounts of extraneous cognitive load on novice
and intermediate learners, thereby increasing the amount of time and mental effort
expended on learning while decreasing post-learning performance relative to more
structured approaches (Tuovinen & Sweller, 1999). However, learners with high levels
of expertise in the material presented have been found to perform better after learning in
unstructured environments that do not impose unnecessary scaffolding. As such, pure
discovery learning is maximally beneficial only to those learners who require additional
training least.
Types of support. The specific nature of the instructional supports that have been
used to guide discovery learning processes also plays a major role in the efficacy of the
instruction (see also Chapter 14 by de Jong). De Jong and van Joolingen (1998) reviewed
a variety of tools that were used in computer-based discovery learning environments and
concluded that providing enhanced task structure for learners consistently improved
learner outcomes. For example, a number of studies found that up to four times as many
students were able to grasp concepts central to a simulation-based discovery program
when instructions specifying how to proceed in solving the problem were provided when
compared with subjects who experienced the pure discovery mode (e.g. Gruber, Graf,
Mandl, Renkl, & Stark, 1995; Linn & Songer, 1991). Even when overall results did not
indicate a significant difference in subsequent student performance between guided and
pure discovery learning environments, deeper analyses indicated that students with lower
levels of ability in the target domain who received guidance did attain posttest scores
significantly higher than their unguided counterparts, providing a replication of the
expertise reversal effect discussed above (Veenman & Elshout, 1995). Further, several
studies demonstrated high correlations between intelligence and success in discovery
learning environments across a number of domains, suggesting that such forms of
instruction are less able to generate strong results for all learners (Veenman, 1993).
Indeed, Funke (1991) reported that correlations between intelligence and achievement
linked to discovery learning simulations increase as the level of guidance offered by the
environment falls. Similarly, Shute and Glaser (1990) found that embedding guidance
tools into the learning environment resulted in only a very low correlation between
achievement and intelligence.
Thrashing. One of the problems that learners frequently encounter in pure
discovery learning environments is that of “thrashing” (Lewis, Bishay, & McArthur,
1993) or “floundering” (Goodyear, Njoo, Hijne, & van Berkum, 1991), in which learners
lack an effective and/or systematic approach to interacting with the learning environment
and consequently are unable to draw valid or helpful inferences from simulation
Five Principles 16
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