Chapter I11

Agricultural Production

The evidences available in different forms reconstruct

the history of a society. With regard to the economic history, one
has limitations of having the evidences directly related to the
economy of Manipur. We have the written sources dealing with the
early history of Manipur but these sources provide us mostly the
political history of the kings and the officials. We come across little
information dealing with agricultural production and its related
aspects i.e., land revenue. This is not a unique situation in regard to
the reconstruction of the economic history of Manipur as
difficulties were also encountered while reconstructing the
economic history of the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal India. The
economic history of ancient and medieval India was written by a
perusal of sources. We shall similarly attempt to reconstruct
.,. the
history of the Manipur economy. Our sources on this aspect would
be in the form of hard evidences gleaned from the written sources
and soft sources found in the forrri of popular literatures of the
time.!

For agncultural production, the kind of soil was very

important. Generally, because of the geographical location of
Manipur, the region seemed to be reasonably good for agricultural
output. The valley was the most fertile area, since it had good, rich
alluvial soil and plenty of water for irrigation. 'This was so because
the rivers flowing towards the valley brought soil along with them.
Other helpful factors were the intermittent monsoon rains conbined
with sunshine. This natural situation was good for the valley region.
The production of the valley yielded surplus, which helped to create
the monarchy and the ruling class, in a hierarchical society.

1 There were various works like 1,oirta [Link], Tharon and Phoukaron stating
the stages involved in ploughing, seed sowing and harvesting. Louta
b h e i , as the name signifies, was sung on the eve of ploughing the field
when the new season set in. It began with effisive outbrusts of incantory
syllables followed by a racy enumeration of the glories of the everbright
sun, the recounting of the first turninp-up of the earth for sowing bv the
divine hands and the concluding lines drawing up a long spirited prayer
for bountiful blessing. Thar011mentions the 12 months of the year. It
states that in the cold month of Poinu, the crops were heaped, on bamboo
mats by the women folk, to be threshed and winnowed by able-bodied
young men. Soon after, the grains were collected to the Royal Keis
(granaries). I'houkaron was sung at the time of harvesting. Singh, Ch.
Manihar. A History of Manipuri I,rteratrrrc?, pp.22-23, 100- 101,Delhi,
1996
Extent of Cultivation

According to a nineteenth century estimate, out of a

total of five lakh acres of cultivable land available, only 1.25 lakh
acres of land was fit for cultivation i.e., for agricultural production.2
This suggested that the whole of Manipur was not being cultivated.
The reason can be conjectured convincingly. At that time, the
population of Manipur was small and they cultivated only that
much lands which was sufficient to meet their needs. But due to the
increasing population and the demands of the State, the peasants
were forced to bring more land under cultivation 3 It shows that the
amount of cultivable land increases between the period from the
early nineteenth century to the second half of the twentieth century.
'l'hus, this increasing extent of cultivation indicates an enhancing
~cquirement of the agricultural production. And to meet this
demand. the uncultivable land or wasteland was reclaimed for
cultivation. 4 A large tract of swampy land covered by jungles and

2. Singh. M. Kriti, Religious Developmenf of Manipur in the 18'~and 19'~

('cntirry, p.5, Imphal, 1980.
.i According to a recent estimate of 1977-78, out of the total 5.510 lakhs acres
of land, 3.91 lakhs acres of land are under cultivation. Laiba. M.T, The
(?[Link],p. 137, Imphal, 1992
(ico~'1~7phy
'1 KabuiG, History of ManIpur-I, p.227, Delhi, 1991; The Manipuri work
Strlkuo (Male ox) describes the main pursuit of the then ruler- to prepare
lands from the hills and doles. Singh.C:h. Manihar, A History of ManipurI
/,ilrrafirre,pp. 87-91, Delhi, 1991
jungles and tall grasses was also brought under plough. The
contemporary works in which this agricultural expansion was
recorded in the years 1524, 1644, 1697 and 1783 corroborate this. s

Means of Cultivation and Irrigation

The agricultural implements used were simple and

indigenous- langol (plough), utkai samjet (toothed harrow), utkar
analha (smooth harrow), chairong (paddy thresher), ihangol
(sickle). lhangchow (large dao), yot (spade) and yeina phak
(threshing inat). 6 The fields were ploughed by the oxen and
huffilocs The poorer ones cultivate with spade.8

5 In 153-1. .Afcilri 1,rima Taipomhi (Tai princess [Link] to the Meitei king)
the cultivation of a new field. In 1644, another Meitei [Link]
i~~augurated
7bipomh1 inaugurated the cultivation of a new field Singh LI&
Singh N K, ('heitharolKtrrnbaba, pp.37,41, 2"d edition, Imphal, 1989.
: 7' C. :':11c .\fci/lici.~,pp.42-43, reprint, De!!?i,
5 . !:L I'..... InqQ

7 ihi~l.p 4 l
8. Thc ~ i r i g ~ h o u r 1,ambuba
ol recorded that Thanbi Langthaba (1302-1 324) in
one {IT his campaigns, met Karorig Yumlenihomchn, where the latter
pleatied to the king that he was a poor farmer who cultivate his land with a
spttiic. ;tiid asked the king to spare his life. Singh. 0 Bhogeshwar. ed.
Nit(y/hor~rolLnmhuhn, p 186, lmphal, 1967.
 We also find the system of 'foot plough' similar to the
one used in northeni India and in England.9 The mode of
cultivation in Manipur varies according to the condition of the soil.
In kanglou (dryland), the cultivation is practised with irrigation and
in patlou (wetland) which is marshy land, the cultivation is done
before [Link] In this type of wetland, a special type of grain
called Taothahi was sown. In Manipur three methods were adopted
for agricultural production, namely punghool, pamphel and lmgha.
Punghool was adopted in kanglou (dryland). In this type, the land
was first to be tilled and after that the seed sown ovcr it. After the
sowing, the land was tilled again, to enable the seed to germinate
quickly with lnoistu~zfrom the ground. This type of cultivation was
usually done in the months of May and June. I'amphcl was suitable
for the wetland. Land was first tilled to make it muddy. After the
tield was properly lcvclled the seeds were sown. This type was
usually done in ihe ~ ~ ~ o nof
t hJune
s and July. 1,in~b~ha.
Incans the
transplanting of !lie seedlings from the nurseries to the well-
prepared field. / I Weeding was necessary; otherwise weeds would

9. Irfan Habib says that the Indian plough was similar to the one used in
Europe. Habib. 11-till. Agrarian System of Mughal lirditr, p 24. Aligarh,
1963; Terry mentioris that foot ploughs were in used in England Terry
Edwards, Ek~rlv7i.(i1,?/.~it? India, p. 298, London, 1927
10. The (;eographv (4A krt~r~~irr,
p. 138
1 1. Dun. E. W. (;azet/ec,rr?f Manir~rrr,pp.61-62, reprint, Delhi, 1992
grow up with paddy simultaneously, as such it would be difficult
to kill them. It was therefore necessary to carry out weeding before
the transplantation of crops. Sometimes it was carried out thrice
but not after the crop was sworn. 12 Thus transplanting not only
encouraged tilling but also facilitate weeds and pest controlled
management.13 The straw was used as manure, as it was left behind
in the field after the hawesting.14 The fields were open as it is now.
I5 They were to be protected from of birds and animals. 16

However, there were no scientific methods to protect the fields

from pests and insects.I 7 People generally believed in supernatural

12 lhid 61
13. Needham, Joseph, Science and Civilisatior~ rri Chzna. Vol-v:2, p.278,
Cambridge University Press,1992.
14. '/heMeitheis, p.42.
15. (;azelteer of M a r i i p ~ ~p.60
r,
16. In one of the Manipuri folktale (lennawa 011khibngi Wari), a young girl
was tending the fields, protecting it from birds. Singh. 0 . Bhogeshwar,
ed. Mar~ipitriI,ok-Snhityn, p.214. Imphal, 1985; Singh. Ksh Brajatnohon,
ed. Yaikeirot~,p. 26, Kakching, 199 1
17. 'l'he Ko.v~rlC'hrot~iclerecorded the destruction of crops by locust in 1590
AD
powers of incantations when such occasions arose and also during
the time of other adversities like [Link] These practices were
also followed in other parts of north-eastern India.19

Like in other parts of India, in Manipm too there were

mainly two methods of irrigation, i) natural and ii) artificial. I n the
former category, we notlced the rivers, namely the rivers Imphal,
Nambul, Iril, Kongba and Thoubal were used. The agricultural
lands, which fell beyond the access of the rivers, were under the
process of irrigation. In method this we include i ) canals, ii) lakes,
iii) tanks and iv) hund.7 and dams. Another interesting thing to point
out is that the canals in Manipur, unlike the canals in the
northwestern parts of India were constructed not only for fetching
water fiom the rivers to irrigate the dryland, but also for removing
extra water from the fields to save the crops.2o

18. In 1694, an oblation was offered to Lai Puthiba. to end the drought
Cheitharol Kumbaba, p 57; Mount Koubru was worshipped annually by
the kings of Manipur, with the sacrifice of goat and sheep in ordcr lo
avoid famines and other calamities. Singh. R.K. Jhalajit, A Short Htslory
ofManrptrr, p . 4 8 2"*edition, Imphal, 1992.
19. This is mentioned in the verse 194 of Krisapada Choudhury. Abhay Ka~it,
I k r l y Mcc/~eval V11lage.c I I I North Eastern I i ~ d i a(600-1200 A l ) ) , 1) 158,
Calcutta, 1971.
20 ('he~fhurolKrrmhaha, p. 365,
 The construction of an irrigation system usually was
beyond the labour resources of a single household and hence
undertaken by the state or at times by the village community. Till
the 17th century, the valley of Manipur was swampy, which needed
constant drainlng of water from the marshes to the river systems.
Kings llke Khagemba (1597-1652 A D) took great interest in
prov~dingirrigation facilities to the people. Rivers and streams
were dredged; canals, bunds and dams were constructed to control
the flood from the rivers.21 The reason behind the kings of Manipur
taklng keen interest in construction of canals and dams arose out of
the fact that agriculture was their main source of income. We do
find that canals were constructed during the reign of almost every
king 22 For instance, The Royal C'hronrcle recorded that lakhen
Khong (canal) was dug in 1534 during the reign of Kabomba
I, 1524-1542 A D), to mark the victories over the Tripuris.23
I,ershan~Khong was constructed in 1555 A I> during the relgn of

21 Htslorv of Manipttr-I, p.219.

22. Sadiq Khan while referring to Belgana, writes that they have brought into
every town and village, thousands of canals cut from the river for the
benetit of cultivation. Habib, lrfan. Foot note 38, ihe Agrarian System oj
M~ighull i ~ d ~p.3
a.1
33 Ktrmhaha,
( 'hrilh~rr.01 p.24.
Chala~nba( 1 545-1 562 AD), to mark the victories over the Chirus.
2.1 The Kokchar Khong was constructed by Mungyamba (1562-1 597
AD).25 Khagemba (1597-1652 AD) was credited with the
construction of Maronkhong and 'Kyangkhong in 1613 AD. 26

I'rasad Khong was constructed in 1699 AD during the reign of

Charairongba ( 1697-1707 AD). 27 Garibniwaz's (1707-1748 AD)
reign was also marked by his contribution to the irrigation system.
Ije dug a number of canals like Yarankhong in 1742 AD,
I'airoukhong in 1744 AD, and Sadankhong in 1748 AD; repaired
old ones like the Kyangkhong in 1723 AD. 28 Marjit (1813-
1819AD) dug a canal from Kyamgei, a suburb of Irnphal to Heiyen
a village to the south of Imphal of about 16 kms, long in 1819 AD.
It was also used for drawing away excess water from the rice fields.
11 was known as the Mairenkhong. This canal passed through
Chajing, another suburb in the south of Imphal.2~A canal known as
N~tlgenKl7oiig was dug in the reign of Jai Singh (1 763-1 798 AD)
by Khwairakpa Ananta Sai in 1781 AD.30 There were special
officers in charge of irrigation. In the reign of Garibniwaz, the duty
of the Phanzdou Khullakpam was to irrigate the fields.31
24 1h1d 20
25. /hid. 30.
26 /hid 3 5 , 3 8 .
27 / / J I ~62
/
28 i h ~ d83. 107.109.1 10.
29 Ihlcl 216
-30 117lcI 1 ~ 3 )
31 S i n ~ hN Khelchandra, Phnmloon, p. 1 I , lmphal, 1987.
'l'iie Crops and Other Agricultural Productions

The agricult~ualproduce consisted primarily

of rice, which was the staple food. Nineteen varieties of rice were
known to have grown in Manipur, which may be divided into early
and late varieties. The varieties of rice were Sajiphou, 7'umai.
Kahow phou and Phourel Anganha. The late varieties were
Moirang photr, Kakching phou, ffaitup pholc, Phoungnan~,
I'hourel, ('hahow Poreiton. (:hahow Sempak, ('hahow Masalpabi,
('hahow Erikole, Phoukok ( 'hahow, Yenrhik, Sagolyangba, Luining
and Yaofhabi. 32 The early varieties of crops would ripen in three
months and were reaped by September. The late varieties took six
months were reaped by November. In the swampy land, a coarse
kind of rice known as Taothahi (a red tail rice), a quick growing
species was cultivated.33 Apart from paddy, the peasants of
Maniyur also cultivated a number of other crops. This shows that
they were not orthodox in cultivating only traditional crops and
readily accepted the introduction of new crops.

Not much information is available about the extent of

the cult~vatronof sugarcane, but the lact that the sugarcane grown
in Manipur was of a superior quality can be inferred from Francis

2 Hrow11R, Slnlislical Arcoitnf o f M ~ l t i l / ~ tp.83,

/r. reprint. Delhi, 1975
33 iltslorv .
. ofhlmt~prrr-1, p. 2 19.
F3uclianan's writing in the late eighteenth century, ' The sugarcane
in Manipur &TOWS to the size of the thickness of a man's leg.' 34

Frarichis Ruchanan's description might have been used as a figure

of speech to emphasize the quality of the sugarcane. Maize known
as chuchak in Manipur, was mentioned for the first time in the
/loyal (~'hroniclein the seventeenth century, when Paikhomba
(1666-1697 A D) went to Mangsamkei, for eating chuchak. Maize
seems to have been introduced in Manipur by the emigrants.35
C'otton was another important yam-producing crop. Cotton clothes
made fiom cotton was the common attire for the people. And the
quality produced within the country was sufficient for the entire
population. 36 Tobacco seems to have been introduced in Manipur
i n the seventeenth century, during the reign of Khagemba (1597-
1652 A [I).37 1,ethak Leikharon, a Manipuri literary work believed
to have been written in the reign of Khagemba, mentions of tobacco
along w ~ t hguns, bullets and Muslims. x 7'hus this crop also seems

:I4 Schendel William Van. 1~[Link] irr Sotr~heustRet~gal,p 13 5,

[Link].
ij ( '/7~,ithorol
Ktimhaha, p.5 1
3 0 , ,-.S/tort
I Hislory o f Mnrriptrr, p.3 0
i 7 , i(~.li~rorrs
l)ci~c~lol,metil
?f A~I~zrti/)tr,.
i ~ /hi
r cnn/ IY'"c~~~rIriries,
p.40
38. A Short History c?fMat?ilnrr,pp. 1 17- 1 18
to l~avcbeen introduced in Manipur from Hindustan. 3~ Betel nits
(Kwa) seem to have been kr~ownbefore the period under study. 'The
practice of chewing betel came started in the eight century. rt was
introduced by Shamlungfa, a Shan prince, from the kingdom of
Pong of Upper Burma. 40 Plantation of betel nuts was patronized by
the kings of Manipur.41 Some of the important betel nut-growing
areas were the Thanga, Kwakta and Noneh. 42 Subsequently betel
nuts became intrinsically linked with custolns and even today play
an important part in all religious rituals and ceremonies.
39 Regarding the introduction of tobacco in M~ighalIndia, 1rfa11Habib says
that it is not mentioned anywhere in the Ain-I-Akhari, but within a decade
of its compilation, pious pilgrims returning from Mecca had brought the
novelty to the court and an imperial returning fiom Bijapur was able to
present to Akbar a hookah The Agrarian-Studies of Mughal b~dtcr.p 45.
Looking between the timing of its introduction in the North India arltl in
Manipur, it can be assumed that it was introduced in Manipur from Nt)rth
India.
40. Saml~mgFaduring his stav in Manipur stopped the people from the habbit
of chewing dry fish, which to him made them look very dirty. In its placed
he introduced betel nuts. ffistotyofManipur-I, p. 110.
41. History ofManIpur-I, p.2 I 1; Kyamba is said to have established Kwatha, a
betel growine villaae whirh was a strategic point on the way to R ~ l n n a
Garibniwaz (1707-1748 A D) planted betel nuts at Thanga and visited the
sites even after he retired fiom the throne. (Jheitharol Ktrmhahrr, pp 108,
120.
42 In the folktale Loibi'
' L ~ ~ k h r ~.S/larnrn~t
lh! (Widow owner of the Elephant),
a farmer after harvesting her crops went to Noneh to collect betel les,~es.
Manipuri Lok-Sah~tycr,p 354
 The vegetahlzs grown in Manipur were not very different
from those in other parts of lndia. Among the vegetables known in
Manipur, were hang-gani (mustard leaf), khan~en(bengan), karol
(sweet gourd), sehot (sponge gourd), pumpkin, chillies, peas,
cabbage, cauliflower, pulses, yongchak, ainseed, u-yen (mushroom)
and ginger. 43 Some new crops, like chilli were introduced in
Manipur in the seventeenth century. During the reign of Khagemba
( 1597-1652 A D), we came across a reference to chil1i.r-l 1,eithak
l,eikharon, believed to have been written after 1610 A D mentions
chilli, making it certain that it was known in Manipw in the reign
of Khagemba.45 But, we are yet to ascertain the exact date of its
introduction in Manipur. In northern India, chilli was brought by
tlie Marathas in the eighteenth century. Perhaps it came to South
Asia fiom the South-east Asian countries. 46 Therefore it is vcry
likely that chilli came to Manipur fiom B m a .

pp, 49,119; A literary work yen lot^ mentions

43. A Short History ofMu~,i[)r~t.,
that ginger was used as medicine in the reign of Pakhangba (33-1 54 A D)
This shows that eineer WPC knnwn in Manip~irin the first centor). * '
H~[Link]. 96-99.
44. A Short History ~ f M a t ~ ~ [ ~p.i r1 r18.
..
2"" edition, Imphal, 1987.
$ 5 A History ofManiptrri I,i/~,,~ri~o.e-l,
40 Regarding the introduction of chilli in northern India, lrfan Habib savs

that, ' Capsicum or cl~illi. now so widely grown and indispen\;ible

ingredients of every Indian meal was unknown to Mughal lndia. It was
y about the middle of the eightccnll~
acclimatised into our c o u ~ ~ t ronly
century.' 7he Agrariart LSv.s~c,m
ofM11gha1Itldia, p.46.
 Pulses were believed to have been introduced in
Manipur during the reign of Khagemba. 47 But, among the
pulses, hawai mangal, sago1 hawai and mung were mentioned for
the first time in the Royal Chronicle in 1796 A D in the reign of Jai
Singh (176-1798 A D). 48 The word mung is used obviously by the
people of northern India. Thus, there is a strong possibility of munx
coming to Manipur fiom northern India.

Regarding fruits, apart from traditional fruits like heikrtr

(amla), jam, lemon, mango and thamcher (Nel~uhumspeciosurn)
which were grown in Manipur, many new fruits were introduced in
the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, such as pineapple. parlcl,
and Khaki heitup. Mango seems to be a fruit liked by everyone.
Instances of the royal entourage going to specific areas for the
purpose of tasting, eating mangoes find repeated mention in the
Royal Chronicle../!,

47. Khan. M A Jannb, Mtotrprrri Mirslims, p.19, Imphal, 1971

48. These pulses are anlong the items being offered to the king by Pangan-
Maganmayurn Tonnanba to the king. Cheitharol Kirmhohtr, p. 170
49. Ihid. p 62, 87. 100, 102, 108, 134, 156,210.
 Pineapple also seems to have been introduced ill

Manipur ffom other parts of India. In the western coast of India,

pineapple cultivation started around the fifteenth century. SO its

cultivation was noted in Assam by 1663 A D. 51 The Royal

Chronicle mentions it for the first time in 1732 A D. 52 The
pineapple that grown in Manipur was of excellent quality; this can
be gauged ffom the account of Pemberton.53 Guava was introduced
in Manipur during the reign of Khagemba (1597-1 652 A D). .id it
was believed that it was introduced into the Irrawady valley in
Burma by the Portuguese and from there it spread to Shan kingdom

50. The Agrarian &stem of Mughal India, p.50.

51. Arnalendu Guha says that, ' By 1663, both pineapple and tobacco
contributed from the new world were under the cultivation in the region
(Assam) and both had potentialities as cash crops.' Amalendu Guha, 7hr
Medieval Fxonc,my of Assam, in Cambridge Economic Hislot:)'of Indiu-1,
ed. Habib, Irfan and Raychaudhuri, Tapan, p.485, reprint, Delhi, 1992
52. The Royal Chronicle recorded that in 1732, Garibniwaz (1 707-1 748 .4 D)
went on a pleasure trip to eat pineapples. Cheitharol Kumbaba , p. 92
53. Pemberton, writing in the early nineteenth century, highlighted that ' The
pineapples of Manipur attained a degree of excellence not surnassed in anv
part of the world.' Pemberton.R.B, Report on the hsferenr [Link]/rrr of

British India, p.2 18, reprint, Guwahati, 1966.

54. However, a Pandit Achouba (Chief scholar of the Royal palace) in 1933
mentions to J.C. Higgins that it was given by the king of Pong, Khekhomba
to the Manipuri king Kyamba (1467-1 508 AD). Higgins. JC,ed Not,ts or1
the Meitei (Matrijnrrr) He1ieJ:sand (~rrstoms,p, 139, Imphal, 1999
of Pong of northern [Link] Pong king presented a sapling to
Khagemba, as a cure for dysentery. 55 Khaki Heitup was
mentioned in the Royal Chronicle as being brought from China by
one Salam Chaoba in 1803, who offered it to Chaujit (1803-1813
AD).56

Natural Calamities

Famines and natural calamities have always had a bad

effect on the economy and particularly on the agro-based
economy.57 With the development of the market and cash-nexus, an
abundant harvest and the resulting h l l in prices could equally
appear as a calamity. So, not only climate but also monetary
phenemenon had caused economic dislocation. There were factors
both artificial and natural, which created serious interruptions or
violent setbacks in agricultural life. The monsoon upon which the
farmers depended for their harvest, were not always constant in

55 ill rvlal~ipurthe tender buds of llie guava weic edicll ai the first sigli~oC
dyserlte~y.
56. ('ltvr/harol K~rmhabn,p.200; The Chinese were known by the Manipuri as
Klwrk~
57 Moreland, W H , From Akbar to Atrrangzeb London, 1923, pp. 205-220;
tlahib. Irfan, The Agrarian System of the Mughall.,in/,ire, pp. 100-1 10
showering their bounty. All would be lost if the rain failed at the
crucial time or poured down in such excess as to drown the crops.
An idea of the frequency and the violence of the calamities in the
period under review can be known, fiom following the famines and
scarcities recorded in the contemporary sources.

In medieval India, the state also used to open langars

(fiee kitchen) at the times of scarcity. Besides, the well placed
officials also used to run the free kitchens. 58 In this light if we
look into the economy of Manipur, we do find that here too,
peasants were at the mercy of the monsoon like in other parts of
India, so famines and natural calamities were part of life.

One of the major causes of famine was

intermittent floods.5~In 161 1 A D, during the reign of Khagemba
(1597-1652 A D) a severe flood occurred and destroyed the
ripening crop, 60 The Royal Chronicle however recorded that no

58. Moosvi, Shireen, 'Scarcities, Prices and Exploitation-the Agrariarl O i s i s

1658-70' Paper presented to the 42"* session of the Indian History
Ccngrcsi., C::?C G:j.a, 1 OQ 1
59 Flood occul-ed intermittently in Manipur in 161 1, 1633, 1634, 1699, 1713,
1775, 1800 and 1821Most of these floods have not caused severe
darnages The reasons may be low magnitude, existence of a proper
drainage systeni and the availability of buffer stock in the form of the
[Link] K o s (granaries).
60. ('he, thorn1 Klrrrrhaha, p. 34.
faminc broke out as there was normal crop production. 61 But the
subsequent occurrences of drought in 1634 A D caused a severe
famine in the valley. 62 111 1699, the river Chakpi, a tributary of the
river lmphal caused flood in the northern extremity of the valk:y,
resulting in great loss of property. 63 However, no breakout of
fatnine was recorded in the Royal Chronicle. It instead recorded
that because of the availability of a buffer stock, no famine broke
out in the flood of 1713 AD. 64 Paddy was sold at the rate of 3000
.vl?eipcr .snngba~,
65

61. In Manipur, numerous Royal Keis and those maintained by the individual
came in good stead during such floods. The Paddy were kept in such keis,
which were erected on a raised platform. During famine, the kings
distributed these tothe needy.
6 2 The /t(!wrl('hrotiicle recorded that during the flood of 1633 A D, the level
of water was so high that the duck were caring the standing crops by
swimming in the water. C%eitharol Kurnbah,.~,p34
63. 1b1d p62
64 i n the flood of 1713 A D, it was recorded in the [Link] Chronicle that
liouses, which were never flooded eariier, were flooded this time This
allows rne magnanimity ot'the flood of 17 i j ti i) t ' i ~ e i ~ i i u rAd~ i t t ~ l ' ~ c ~ b u ,
1) 74
65 A famine broke out in this flood, because even the krir which were
erected on a raised platform, were swept away. The ltoyal chronick? also
sccordcd that many houses were swept away upto the Loktak lake, in the
south-eastern parts of the valley. People were recorded to have stayed on
the roof of their houses or on trees. ('heilhczrol Kirrnhuha, p. 128.
 The delayed monsoons also seem to be onc of the
causes of the occurences of famine which occurred in 1634 A D
and 1760 A D due to drought.66

Apart from famine arising due to bountiful or delayed

monsoon, there were also other factor like cattle epidemic,
destruction of crops by locusts, etc., that resulted in scarcity of
food. 67 Another important cause of famine was artificial in nature-
external aggression. The repeated invasions by the Burmese since
the late eighteenth century often resulted in famines. 68

At a time when scientific reasoning of the causes of

calamities were bleak, belief in supernatural power is but natural.
Oblations were offered to various deities and rituals conducted to

66. Ibid p 39, 144.

67. The Royal chrot~iclt!recorded occurrences of the epidemics in 1534, 1535,
1574, 1633, 1660 and 1661 A D. These epidemics have afiected
agricultural operations like tilling, harrowing a d weeding. It has also
, {Lcdi;) dcdroyed the crops,
tc;xc!cL ::,A ,,;,,L';, Cr;,c,L;,ur W' ;<u~II;,L&u,

p. 24, 30, 3 8 , 43, 44

68. In 1821 A I>, a severe famine stalked Manipur. The Burmese invasion led
to the neglect of cultivation as the people were fleeing Manipur
end such rniseries.c;v In some instances, nobles were also punished
for their laxity that resulted in the decimation of cattle, which was
also a cause of farnine.70

During such calamities, the existence of the royal keis

(granaries) in various places became significant. Because it was
from these keis that the kings doled out grains to the needy during
such calamities.71

The Land Revenue system In Manipur

The central feature of the agrarian system was the

extraction of the peasants surplus produce in the form of the land
revenue by the state. Numerous sources were found which defined
land revenue as amounting to a particular portion of the total
produce. These are of great value, since they enable us to judge
what part of produce was contributed by the peasant to the state's
economy.

69. Korrhri~was worshipped annually by the king of Manipur with a sacrifice

of goat in order to avoid calamities. Singh, M. Kriti, Helipmrs
I~e~~~lopm
qf eManiptrr
~rt in the 18"' atid 19'" [Link], p.48, In~phal,
1980. the Royal C'hronicle recorded the oblation to farPirthiha to end the
drouplit of 1694. Cheifharol Kirmhohcr, p . 57
70 1h1d p 33
71 This is also discussed in the topic. Keis in the same chapter.
 For the purpose of revenue collection, land ivas
classified into revenue-free land and revenue paying land. In
Manipur, there were four kinds of revenue free lands, which were
known as, ningthem lou, lai lou, lugun lou and land assigned to the
favourites of the king. 72 TO this category, one can further add the
land granted to the soldiers etc., for their bravery which were
known as siphai lozr, mana lou and pangal lou.73 Ningthem lou as
the name implies, was the crown land. It is similar to the khalisa of
the Sultanate and Mughal states. The income derived from this land
was used for the maintenance of the royal family. Lar lou was k:ept
for the maintaining some deities or temples. 1,ugun 1,ou was the
land endowed by the kings to the brahmins at the time of initiation.
All brahmins were entitled one pari (about 2.5 acres) each of
land.7~The grantees could not sell the land, but it could be
inherited by descendants. But the land was liable to be forfeited if
the gantees had no survivors (i.e., if he died without any children
or wife). 75 This is similar to the Madad-I-mash grant, given by the

72. Singh, L I , in/rodi~ctionTo ManIpir, p.99, lmphal, 1986

73. Sanajaoba, N, ed. ManIpur Past andPreset11-I,p.339, Delhi, 1986.
I4 Uurcng the coronation of Chaurjit (1803- 18 13 A D), Kunjadas brought
water t'rom Radhakundh in Uttar Pradesh for the coronation ceremony
For this, hc was granted one pari of revenue free land. This shows that
~ was not only granted at the time of the initiation of the
I r r p ~ t /ou
Hrah~nins(%eitharol Kumhaba, p. 187
75 A~l~rt~i~~rrr
rittd l'resenl-I, p.339
I'(LY/
Mughal Emperors, where the land could not be sold but inherited
by descendents.76 There were also lands granted to the favourites
and relatives of the king and also to the officials who were known
as khoropos or tolob lous. 77 Every princess was given 25 paris
(62.5 acres) of land at the time of her marriage, which are also
known as khoropos lou. 78

S~phal lou as the name signifies, was the land

granted to the military personnel. The grant of land varied
according to the rank of the personnel. In this type of grant, every
military personnel got one pari of lou free of revenue around his
village. If the sepoy died, without an issue, the lou was confiscated
by the king. But, if there was a surviving male issue, one lourak
(1.25 acres) was left for h ~ mthe
; wife and the daughter had no such
rights. By law, a filly-grown up son of the sepoy had to become a
sepoy on the hereditary principle. By this principle the sepoy was

76. Jhaveri Docs mentions that the land grant issued by the Mughal emperors
like Akbar and Shah Jahan to religious persons were enjoyed by their
descendants. Habib, Irfan, footnote. 62 fie Agrarian [Link] of Mtlghal
India, 3 12.
77. Introductiori to Manipur, p.99.
78. Thawanthaba's (1 195-1231 A D) daughter on the eve of her marriage in
1195 A D, asked for a strip of land at Awang Keiriuu Sadti Kholor Ching
to be given to her. Chei~harolKumbaba, p. 12.
entitled to enjoy the prescribed IOU during the tenure of service as
his salary. Such conditional grants existed in northern India during
the time of Sher Shah, the Mughals and the Rajputs. 79 Mana lou
were granted to persons who rendered meritorious services.80 The
lou could be inherited by the descendants of the grantees, subject to
the payments of 12 Sangbai (basket equivalent to 32 seers per
basket) of paddy per part of lou. The granted land thus became a
revenue paying land after the death of the grantees. Pang02 IOU was
also a kind of Mana lou which was given for gallantry services
performed by military personnel.81

In contrast to the revenue free

grant, there was revenue paying Lou known by the name of
phamlou and the touna lou. Phamlou was the land belonging to the

79. Sher Shah granted land to the archer under the obligation of assisting the
state whenever required. fn 57, The Agrarran System ofMughal India, p,
311; Badauni was granted 1000 h i g h by Akbar on condition of
providing military obligation. fn 58. lhe Agrarian System of Mugha1
India, p.312.
80. Sagolsem Soipana was granted five p i of maria Lotr in 1822 A D for
bringing the statue of Sanamahi from Chenang village in Burma,
(:heitharol Kumbaba, p. 221. The Muslim leaders during the reign of
Khagemba (1597-1652 A D) were given mana l m . These lous were
named after their respective commanders such as m ~ p m b al m , kusun IOU.
punom lou, sapera IOU, b a IOU, abtrg IOU, arupo lou, sulei [Link]
IOU, J'zeidengIOU, tumya IOU, khamya 1011, aman lotr, khendou lou and akya
IOU. Manipuri Mislims, pp.7-8.
81. C:heitharol Kumbaba, p. 252.
the nobles for which they paid a nominal revenue at the rate of two
Sangbars per pan. 82 Touna lou was of two types; one was the
purchased paddy field that was already in use for cultivation and
the other, the virgin lou that was brought under plough for the first
time. For the latter, permission had to be obtained from the king
and it was subject to a payment of 500 shels (copper coins). For the
first three years of its cultivation, the lou was granted revenue free.
83 Apart from these categories of lous, every villager owned a purr
of lou in his vicinity.
The peasants were of two categories. Loupu were the
owner of the land and they tilled the land themselves;
Imgonyanba, were the agricultural labourers.84 Some Loupu tilled
their own IOU, while some like those who were from far-off
places or wealthy, leased out their lou to Langonyanba. The

82. Sangbai is a standard measuring basket in Manipur, used especially for

measuring paddy. It is still in used in Manipur. The weight of which is
equivalent to 32 seers or 64 uiongs (cups). Two Sangbai equals to a paddy
bag known as Phoupot in Manipur.
83. The reclamation of land was also encouraged in northern India in the 1 7 ~
century, and only nominal rates were charged upto the first five years of
cultivation.
84. The Loupus were also known as the Khutkhast and the Langonyanha as
the Muzmain in northern in the 1? century.
Langonyanba tilled the crown land and those lands granted by !he
king. If the contract with the Langonyanba was to be absolved, it
would have to be done before the fifth of Fhairen (the 5'h day of the
1 month of the Manipuri calendar) of every year. This date
signifies the beginning of the new crop season. And once the
Langonyanba started to till the land, he could not be evicted until
the harvest.

Method of Measurement (Lousal)

Lousal is the rent paid in paddy by the Langonyanba

(tenant) to the Loupu (landlord). The rent of apari (i.e. 2.5 acres) of
lou was 12 phoupots (or twenty four sangbais) of paddy. There
were three methods of levying lousal according to the time
(months) of its payment. The long standing custom was that if the
lousal was taken just after threshing, which takes place in the
month of Poinu (the ninth month of the Manipuri calendar i.e.,
November-December), the lousal was realized in terms of the
lousal sangbai, which contains 64 utongs. 85 If it was collected in
the month of Kale1 ( the second month of the Manipuri calelldar
i.e., May-June) or in the subsequent months, Ilchikhang i.e., the
cultivator paid lousal afier deducting loss amount incurred due to

85. Introduction to Manipur, p.99.

the damages caused by the rats to the paddy. The amount was fixed
according to an agreement with the landlord. If the lousal was
realized after the month of Wakching (tenth month of the
Manipuri calendar, i.e., January-February) and before Kale1 firom
the kot (barn) of the tenant, the lousal was paid in the standard
sangbai containing 64 utongs. From this, 20 utongs was deducted.
Three methods of sangbai were used while levying lousal, because
at the time of harvesting, the paddy woulds not be sufficiently dry,
so there arose a need for a bigger sangbai than the standard size.

Mode of Payment

The collection of revenue usually took place at the time

of harvesting. Land revenue was collected in the form of cash and
kind, but more in the form of kind. Cash payment system was
introduced by Khagemba (1597-1652 A D). Still the payment of
revenue in kind was in vogue in his reign, as he established a
number of royal keis (granaries) in different parts of the state. This
system of paying revenue both in cash and kind continued upto
1892 A D after which it was solely enforced in cash after the
British conquest of Manipur.

The amount of revenue collected increased with the

passage of time. During the time of Garibniwaz (1708-1748 A D),
the rent was two sangbai per pan. It did not mention whether the
rent was fixed for all the cultivators or whether for a particular
~ ~ o uIn
p .the nineteenth century, the tax seemed to vary from lwo
sangbais to thirteenth sangbai per pari. The rate was fixed at two
sangbai per pari from the persons close to the king and it was
realized from the ningthem lou (Crown land) at the rates of twelve
sangbais per pari, with the provision of increasing it at the time of
emergencies like war. 86 The land revenue from the common
masses was fixed as high as 20 sangbais per pari. Considering the
average yield of 150 sangbais per pari of IOU, the revenue which
amounts to 1 1 7 of
~ the produce was not considered very severe.67
.As already mentioned, virgin lou (uncultivated land),
claims for ,cultivationwere subject to a payment of 500 shels, at the
time of its reclamation.88 The first yield of such fields was revenue
free. But after the lapse of three years the cultivators had to pay an
annual revenue.89
The village pasturage was also free from revenue.
Every village had a fixed boundary of pasturage. The custom
recognized village rights to grazing and grass cutting-extending
over the wasteland adjoining the cultivated areas.90

86. Gazetteer of Manipur, pp. 59-60

87. The worst land yield recorded about 100 sangbais per paddy pari and that
of the best one 200 sangbai paddy perpari.
88. In the reign of Garibniwaz (1708-1748 A D), the recorder of the fields of
plots known as Loukok Eba, charged a sum of 500 shels from those who
made a fresh [Link] of Manipur-I, p.261
89. ManrpMr Past and Present-I, p.339.
90. The Meitheis, p.42.
Kei (Royal Granary)

A noticeable feature of the agrarian system of Manipur

was the existence of numerous Keis (granaries) in various parts of
the state. Such keis were used to store grains for meeting the
requirement during calamities like famine, drought and lean season.
The villagers had to contribute a certain amount of paddy to the
state granaries. This ensued exemption from military services under
the Lallup system.91 The collected paddy were kept in different
k e ~ sThe
. chiefs of a village were appointed as the keepers of these
keu, called and they were known as Keirakpa.

The construction and the maintenance of these h i s

were accorded extreme importance. At times, even the kings took
part in the construction. This can be ascertained from the fact that
once Khagemba was injured while s u p e ~ s i n gthe construction of a
kei at Larnphel. 92 He established xrmy granaries at Kakyo,
Langpok, Leihao, Tingri, Koirengkei, Mongsamkei, Kiyamkei,
Wangoo and Yiharai Kei. In 1770 A D, Charairongba (1697-1708

9 1 . History of Manipur-I, p.219

92. Cheitharol Kumbaba, p.32.
A 1)) was believed to have gone for an inspection of all kers,
when a heavy downpour took place.93 The Hoyul ('lronicle further
recorded that Garibniwaz (1708-1748 A D) in 1742 A D went to
hlung.~umkci,to inspect the paddy. YJ Apart from the royal keis,
individuals in their own houses also maintained small granaries
known as the Kot. It was a grevious crime to burn other barns, and
violators irrespectives of their status, had to pay compensation
demanded by the [Link]

The Land Revenue Administration

The land revenue administration was looked after by

the I,ourungshung (Revenue Department). Its function was to
assess the produce and collect land revenue. 96 The f,[Link]
was under the charge of an official called Lourrtnx I'urel Achouhu
(Head of the Revenue Department), who supervized the work of the

93. /hid. p.67.

94 Ihid p 107.
95 In the ' Khtiyol Haoba Arnasrrr~gYcritl~itrgKonrr. ' on a hunting expedition,
Huiningsumba, the king of Moirang, burned a bush to drive out the
animals. The fire spread and burned the barns of Kaoba Hingamba, a
Khu~nanwarrior. As compensation, Huiningsumha offered his daughter to
Kaoba Hingamba, which was accepted by the latter A Hision, ofManip~rr;
I'utlu t'urel and l,ol~runghIud~cr.~-
'Hie duty of the 1,ozirung I'rrrcl
was to record the land rights of the cultivators. The surveyors of
the land were kown as the 1,otrkok Eha, who apart from the
assessing of the land were also responsible for the collection of the
revenue. The officials of the Lourungshang were paid in kind i.e.,
in paddy. During the reign of Khagemba (1597-1652 A D), the
Lourung Pure1 was paid two kot.v (barns), 98 which consisted of 120
pholrpots (paddy bags); the Pana Purcl, one kot i.e., 60 pholipots
and the Lopurunghahalf a kot or thirty phoupots. 99 The salary of
[Link] was increased to one kot and that of his assistants, were
given thirty phoupots, in the reign of Garibniwaz (1708-1748 A D).
100

97 In the reign of Garibniwaz (1708-1748 A D), the post of Loitrirtig fl'rtrel

was held by three prlnces, Harlcharan S h a ~ ,Ljurlabh S h a ~and badadllar
Shai respectively
08. One kot consisted of 60 @hoirpot.c)paddy bags or 120 Sanghar (basket) of