Capacity Development

The LoGIC Project aimed at improved and strengthened capacity of Local

Government Institutes (LGIs) for inclusive planning, budgeting and financing
resilient schemes, thus to promote financing mechanism for community
based climate change adaptation solutions. While the project’s core concern
is to strengthen capacity of LGIs, other community institutes and vulnerable
community people, this capacity building strategy is developed for the LoGIC
Project to systematic identify capacity assets and needs and implement
capacity development responses for cross section of stakeholders of the
project. Specific objectives of the capacity building strategy include:

 Identifying and listing stakeholders to define their desired capacity

following their expected roles and responsibilities to the project

 Designing and implementing capacity assessment process for

systematic gathering of critical knowledge and information on capacity
assets and needs

 Identifying and prioritizing capacity needs

 Identifying capacity development responses for implementation

following a priority list of capacity development

The LoGIC Project and Capacity Building:

The Local Government Initiative on Climate change (LOGIC) is a joint project

of United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and United Nations
Capital Development Fund (UNCDF). LoGIC is supported by the European
Union and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency
(SIDA). The project will be implemented in 72 Unions of 7 most climate
vulnerable districts (Kurigram, Sunamganj, Khulna, Bagerhat, Barguna,
Patuakhali, and Bhola) of Bangladesh to reduce vulnerability of the
community, enhancing their participation in local planning and budgeting for
climate actions, increasing capacity of stakeholders and improving the
governance of Local Government Institutes (LGIs) with regard to climate
change.

During the development phase, LoGIC banked on two participating UN

Agencies’ previous and ongoing initiatives to understand the opportunities
and gaps at national, local government, NGOs, CSOs and vulnerable
community levels and envisaged following priority areas of actions to
address identified gaps:
a) Building capacities of individuals and households with information,
knowledge, skills and technology to adapt to climate change as well as
leadership skills to influence the local planning process.

b) Build capacity of the local CSOs, local institutions, and LGIs in climate
change integrated planning, budgeting and implementation with high degree
of accountability and inclusive practice.

c) Provide funds to LGIs to plan and implement climate resilient activities and
interventions at community and household level.

d) Generate knowledge and mobilise opinion for shaping a local climate fiscal
framework and enhance readiness of both the LGIs and the Local
Government Division to utilise national and international climate finance in
an accountable way..

The Project planned to address above priorities through three sets of core
actions. These are: i) Capacity building;.
ii) Providing access to climate change funds; and
iii) Policy advocacy.
.
LoGIC also defined 3 outputs for the project to achieve those through
implementing numbers of diversified activities throughout the

i) Strengthened capacity of local governments, households and other local

stakeholders to develop local plans that integrate climate change adaptation
measures and disaster risk management
ii) Established financing mechanism to fund local governments and
communities for implementing climate change adaptation measures.
iii) Experience and evidence inform and contribute to further improvements
in policies and practices for UPs and national systems in relation to climate
change adaptation.

It is understood from the review of the LoGIC Project document that capacity
building has become a critical issue among others and it has been
emphasised in priority area of actions, core action and in outputs of the
Project. First two priority areas, the first core action and the output one of the
project specifically are dedicated to capacity building. Improving and
strengthening capacity of cross section of stakeholders of the LoGIC Project
has become one of the key concern of the project, thus a Capacity Building
Strategy for the project is a key priority and essential driver to achieve
defined outputs of the project. Following the urgency and key requirement of
the project, an attempt is taken to develop this document which will outline
and describe the capacity building strategies and implementation
methodology of capacity development responses of the LoGIC project
including key stakeholder engagement on capacity development, capacity
assessment process and monitoring and evaluation of capacity development
responses in the following sections.

Objectives of Capacity Building Strategy:

The LoGIC Project aimed at improved and strengthened capacity of Local

Government Institutes (LGIs) for inclusive planning, budgeting and financing
resilient schemes, thus to promote financing mechanism for community
based climate change adaptation solutions. While the project’s core concern
is to strengthen capacity of LGIs, other community institutes and vulnerable
community people, this capacity building strategy is developed for the LoGIC
Project to systematic identify capacity assets and needs and implement
capacity development responses for cross section of stakeholders of the
project. Specific objectives of the capacity building strategy include:

 Identifying and listing stakeholders to define their desired capacity

following their expected roles and responsibilities to the project

 Designing and implementing capacity assessment process for

systematic gathering of critical knowledge and information on capacity
assets and needs

 Identifying and prioritizing capacity needs

 Identifying capacity development responses for implementation

following a priority list of capacity development

Understanding Capacity Building:

Capacity refers to the ability of individuals, institutions and societies to

perform functions, solve problems, and set and achieve objectives in a
sustainable manner (UNDP definition of capacity). The term Capacity Building
emerged in the 1970s in the United States, in reference to the need to
improve the capacity of individuals and institutions in developing countries
and it appeared as a core concept of development policy since 1990s.

However, a new development paradigm came into discourse during the late
1990s based on local ownership and partnership between donors and
recipients. The debates encouraged to shift a new concept, that of ‘Capacity
Development’, which become the preferred choice of the development
community. These new trends were inspired by some major turning points in
development policy, such as the adoption in 2000 of the UN Millennium
Development Goals and 2005 Paris Declaration of Aid Effectiveness. Capacity
development is one of the essential preconditions for aid effectiveness – the
capacity to plan, manage, implement, and account for result of policies and
programmes, is critical for achieving development objectives – from analysis
and dialogue through implementation, monitoring and evaluation.

Although the term Capacity Development has become the favoured choice of
the development community, the term ‘Capacity Building’ is still widely used
in the development sector. Capacity Building suggests building something
new from the ground up, according to a pre-imposed design, while Capacity
Development is believed to better express an approach that builds on
existing skills and knowledge, driving a dynamic and flexible process of
change, borne by local actors.

UNDP’s strategy is strengthening and promoting capacity of stakeholders

through contributing to capacity needs (desired capacity) that builds on
capacity assets (existing capacity), thus, prefers to use the term ‘Capacity
Development’ since this best reflects its approach: starting from capacities
that exist locally and supporting efforts to enhance and retain these. The
organisation differentiated capacity building and capacity development by
providing with clear and specific definition as follows:

Capacity building: A process that support only the initial stages of building or
creating capacities and assume that there are no existing capacities to start
from.

Capacity building is generally used to refer to a process that is less

comprehensive than capacity development process and focus only on the
initial stages of building or creating capacities and assumes that there are no
existing capacities to start from.

Capacity development: The process through which individuals, organisations

and societies obtain, strengthen and maintain the capabilities to set and
achieve their own development objectives over time.
Capacity development is commonly used to describe the process not just of
creating and building capacities but also of the (subsequent) use,
management and retention of (such) capacities. This process is seen as
endogenous and recognise and builds on existing capacity (capacity assets).

The United Nations Development Groups (UNDG) uses the definition adopted
by the Development Assistance Committee of the Organisations for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD/DAC). This definition has
become the working definition for a large number of official development
agencies.

The definitions clearly described that capacity building does not recognise
existing capacity and operates with a pre-imposed design, while capacity
development suggests an endogenous process of change. UNDP’s support
for capacity development is a process that recognises that capacity issues
are context specific and that therefore resist blueprint. It is demand -not
supply- driven and goes beyond a focus on the individual to address the
organisational level and the enabling environment.

It is found that people often use the term capacity development and capacity
building interchangeably. However, the two terms have different
connotations and should not be used synonymously. As discussed earlier,
UNDP prefers to facilitate the process of Capacity Development as it start
with the capacity assets of the local stakeholders and supporting efforts to
enhance and retain those. Therefore, as a UNDP Project, LoGIC will follow the
UNDP Framework of Capacity Development and will use the term “Capacity
Development” from now throughout this document.

UNDP Framework of Capacity Development:

UNDP uses three questions to give meaning to the concept of Capacity

Development in different situations and to guide the development of an
appropriate response:

● Capacity for why? ● Capacity for whom? ● Capacity for what? ‘Capacity
for why?’ asks about priority capacity needs and provides the rationale for
support.

The answer will depend on the challenges and opportunities in a given

context or may be politically motivated. For example, a country emerging
from a political transition may wish to strengthen its electoral system, or an
organisation may wish to strengthen its ability to deliver services to its
clients. ‘Capacity for whom?’ asks whose capacities need to be developed to
address the priority capacity needs identified. This can range from the
enabling environment at the national or sub-national level, to organisations
in the public sector, such as a ministry, a department or a special office such
as the Auditor General’s. Or it can apply to private, non-profit or civil society
organisations. Since the different levels of capacity are interdependent, it will
generally not be enough to address capacities at just one level, or of a single
entity. ‘Capacity for what?’ asks which capacities need to be developed to
address the priority capacity needs identified. The answer to this question is
of course influenced by and in turn influences ‘capacity for whom?’ Is the
capacity need related to managerial capacities such as planning and
budgeting or is it a matter of specific technical capacities? These three
guiding questions run as a continuous thread throughout the capacity
development process and they help identify the rationale and scope of the
support required. The UNDP approach to supporting capacity development
brings together a value base, a conceptual framework and a methodological
approach:

● The UNDP approach makes the concept of national/local ownership

tangible. This is about the ability to make informed choices and decisions.

● It addresses power relations, mindsets and behaviour change. It therefore

emphasises the importance of motivation as a driver of change.

● Capacity development is a long-term process. It can be promoted through

a combination of shorter-term results that are driven from the outside and
more sustainable, longer-term ones that are driven from the inside.

● It requires sticking with the process under difficult circumstances.

● The UNDP approach links the enabling environment, as well as

organisations and individuals, and promotes a comprehensive approach.

● It looks beyond individual skills and a focus on training to address broader

questions of institutional change, leadership, empowerment and public
participation.

● It emphasises the use of national systems, not just national plans and
expertise. It discourages stand-alone project implementation units; if
national systems are not strong enough, they should be reformed and
strengthened, rather than bypassed.
● It requires adaptation to local conditions and starts from the specific
requirements and performance expectations of the sector or organisation it
supports. There are no blueprints.

● It should link to broader reforms, such as those in education, wage

structures and the civil service. There is little value in designing isolated,
one-off initiatives.

● It results in unplanned consequences that must be kept in mind during

the design phase. These should be valued, tracked and evaluated.

● It measures capacity development systematically, using good-practice

indicators, case evidence and analyses of quantitative and qualitative data,
to ensure that objective judgements are made about capacity assets and
needs, as well as the progress achieved. The capacity development process
is a way of bringing rigour and a systematic method to support capacity
development and of promoting the consistency, coherence and impact of
efforts. UNDP follows five steps to complete the capacity development
process. These are: 1. Engage stakeholders on capacity development; 2.
Assess capacity assets and needs; 3. Formulate a capacity development
response; 4. Implement a capacity development response; and 5. Evaluate
capacity development. This document will further elaborate and will describe
the detail of these five steps of capacity development process in the
following sections.

Participatory Approaches to Environmental Health Management

Abstract

Participatory approaches in environmental health have emerged as essential

strategies for effectively addressing the complexities of ecological challenges
through direct community involvement. This chapter examines the
theoretical underpinnings and practical applications of participatory
methods, emphasizing their ability to engage communities in meaningful
ways. By focusing on community-based participatory research,
environmental justice, and social-ecological systems theory, this chapter
highlights how these approaches provide frameworks for equitable,
community-driven health solutions. It also examines the benefits of
participatory methods, including improved health outcomes, increased
community empowerment, enhanced environmental literacy, and
strengthened social cohesion. Various engagement techniques, such as
workshops, focus groups, community mapping, and citizen science
initiatives, are discussed to illustrate how these methods can be tailored to
specific environmental health contexts. The discussion includes case studies
that showcase the successes and challenges of community engagement in
environmental health, emphasizing the need for inclusive and adaptive
approaches. The chapter concludes by presenting strategies for creating
effective participatory ecological health programs that promote
sustainability, build local capacity, and advocate for policy changes. By
integrating participatory methods with broader environmental health
initiatives, communities can enhance resilience, foster collaboration, and
improve ecological health outcomes.

Recommendations from civil society suggest several priorities: First, rivers

should be regularly excavated and connecting canals reopened to ensure
natural water flow. Second, a seasonal lockdown period should be
implemented in the Haor to allow fish and other species to breed and grow
properly. Third, infrastructure investment should prioritize embankments,
flood-resistant roads, and solar-powered water purification systems. Fourth,
education and vocational training tailored to the needs of the Haor
communities should be rolled out with urgency. Last but not least, awareness
campaigns among both the community and tourists are vital to protect the
biodiversity of the Haor.

International frameworks such as the UN Sustainable Development Goal 13,

which calls for urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts,
should guide Bangladesh’s national and local strategies. Tanguar Haor, as a
critical ecological and economic zone, deserves focused attention—not only
to save a wetland, but to secure the lives it supports.

The SDG Actions Platform is a global registry of voluntary policies,

commitments, multi-stakeholder partnerships and other initiatives made by
governments, the UN system and a broad range of stakeholders to support
acceleration of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Governments and other actors are encouraged to register their policies,

initiatives or commitments that accelerate the implementation of one or
multiple SDGs on the platform by filling out a form that seeks detailed
information about each policy/initiative, including details of implementation,
beneficiaries, budget and resources, timeline and evaluation.

Strengthening Local Governance in Bangladesh: A

Critical Analysis of Challenges, Opportunities,
and Policy Interventions
Local governance is central to democratic development, ensuring participatory,
transparent, and accountable decision-making while fostering inclusive service delivery.
This study critically examines the Union Parishad system in Bangladesh, focusing on its
effectiveness in promoting equitable governance, particularly for marginalized groups
and women. Using a mixed-methods approach—incorporating key informant interviews,
focus group discussions, and desk reviews—the research explores policy frameworks,
systemic challenges, and opportunities for strengthening local [Link]
reveal that bureaucratic inefficiencies, financial dependency, political interference, and
socio-cultural barriers significantly hinder governance effectiveness. While Union
Parishads play a pivotal role in local service delivery and development planning, their
impact remains constrained by weak institutional capacity, lack of financial autonomy,
and limited public engagement. The study highlights the urgent need for governance
reforms, emphasizing gender-responsive strategies, increased financial independence,
community participation, and digital governance solutions. Policy recommendations
include strengthening legal enforcement, enhancing financial decentralization,
promoting participatory governance, and leveraging digital platforms to improve
transparency and [Link] addressing these governance gaps, Union Parishads can
evolve into more effective and inclusive institutions, contributing to equitable local
development in Bangladesh. This study provides actionable insights for policymakers,
development practitioners, and local government stakeholders, paving the way for a
more resilient and participatory local governance system.

People's Participation in Ensuring Good Governance at Local Levels

in Bangladesh: A Study on Union Parishads

People's participation is a critical component of good governance, as it

strengthens effective decision-making and improves the efficiency of local
government practice. However, due to a variety of issues, people's
participation in terms of ensuring good governance has been hampered,
posing significant challenges to the effective service delivery of local
government. In this regard, the study's primary goal was to explore the issue
of people's participation in terms of ensuring good governance in
Bangladesh. The study was carried out using a quantitative approach, with
data gathered from primary sources. The findings of the study reveal that
most of the rural people had no idea about the UP-standing committee
(95%), open budget meeting (78%), and Union Parishad Act (83%). Similarly,
it was found that 98% of rural people did not participate in the pre-open
budget session and final open budget session, whereas 95% and 97% of
rural people did not participate in the Ward Shaba and UP standing
committees, respectively. Conversely, it was found that only 45% of rural
people participated in UP village court activities. These findings demonstrate
conclusively that individuals were less concerned in their engagement in
various local government avenues to ensure good governance. In this vein,
the research recommends that public education, awareness, and
government-relevant policies might be successful in arousing citizens'
concern about ensuring good governance at local government bodies,
especially in UPs in Bangladesh.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Good governance refers to a process of assuring government commitment
and
establishing a system that safeguards civil liberties and human rights,
reduces corruption,
considers the perspectives of all people, especially minorities, and increases
transparency as well as government accountability. This study sought to
explore how people’s participation strengthens good governance in the field
of administration in Bangladesh. In particular, the findings of the study
demonstrate the different avenues of people’s participation in the field
administrative units and the current status of people’s participation
regarding enhancing good governance at the grassroots level in Bangladesh.
According to the survey data, it has been observed that most of the rural
people were unaware of local government acts, UP standing committees, and
open budget meetings, which limit the scope of their participation in different
avenues of local government. Despite the fact that many rural residents
were aware of the UP's operations, those of the UP-village court, rights to
access information, and Ward Shaba activities, they were nevertheless
denied access to the basic services provided by the field administrative units
in Bangladesh. Since people’s participation is the
precondition of ensuring good governance, concerned authorities must
strengthen the local people’s participation in decision-making in the different
avenues through incorporating effective mechanisms, i.e., ensuring public
awareness, citizen charter, and the application of the rule of law. Based on
analyzing the findings, the authors makes a number of recommendations to
increase public engagement in local government organizations and advance
good governance in Bangladesh.
First and foremost, since most rural people are unaware of their participation
rights,
local government units should make the appropriate efforts to increase
public awareness of their participation rights in different local government
avenues. Secondly, based on the
findings and discussion, the researchers argue that to encourage people's
engagement in
different avenues of local government, local government officials should
restrict grouping,
nepotism, and rural provocative political activities. Thirdly, concerned
authorities should
provide a conducive environment for rural people's participation in Ward
Shaba, the UP-
standing committee, the financial budget session, and the village court.
Fourthly, in order to increase local government competency, central-local
ties, and effective people's participation in Bangladesh, current patron-client
relationships in local government institutions should be balanced. Fifthly,
local government authorities' collaboration, synchronization, and
professionalism should be strengthened to achieve good governance by
assuring people's participation in field administrative units. Last but not
least, Local government bodies should ensure the transparency of all their
activities so that people's trustworthiness can enhance on local
government's performance. In this regard, transparency of local government
activities would boost good governance practices in Bangladesh.

The “Community Development and Governance” sector program emphasizes

social cohesion and diminished social disparity. Centered on themes like
Gender Equality, and social inclusion (GESI), Pro-poor Governance, and
Community Mobilization (irrespective of ethnicity, race and religion), it aims
to boost socio-economic empowerment, especially for women and person
with disability/ special ability, empower grassroots organizations in decision-
making, and enhance local governance responsive to environmental and
climate concerns. Below are the program-specific objectives:

1. To strengthen the socio-economic empowerment of women,

ensuring their equal rights to participate in economic, intellectual,
and political activities across familial, societal, and political realms
without exclusion, discrimination or threat of violence.

2. To strengthen grassroots CSOs/CBOs, empowering them to

independently ensure the incorporation of community perspectives
in local decision-making processes related to food safety, food
security, climate justice, environment, and natural resources equity.

3. To reinforce local government institutions to address governance

challenges in rural and urban areas with an approach that is pro-
poor, environmentally conscious, and responsive to climate and
environment concerns.

4. To strengthen formal and informal community institutions to

promote democratic leadership practices.

Centre for Natural Resource Studies (CNRS) has been playing the role of the
secretariat of Haor Advocacy Platform (HAP) since 2010. HAP is a multi-
stakeholders’ national level advocacy platform of 42 INGOs and NGOs
working for the development of the haor areas. The platform aims to
coordinate and synchronize scattered advocacy initiatives for haor
development in a collective way.

Haor is a single cropped area that is highly susceptible to damage by

flashfloods. Therefore, timely completion of submergible embankments is of
utmost importance. However, newspaper reports suggest that the repairs of
the breaching points of the submergible embankments are being delayed. It
has increased the risk of failure; timely completion of the earthwork of
submergible embankments may result in the failure of embankments and
damage the standing crops. Therefore, there is an urgent need for
conducting a special advocacy intervention, viz. Social audit focusing on the
implementation status of submergible embankments and preparedness
measures for haors. Accordingly, a social audit committee (SAC) was
constituted by HAP with civil society members, and electronic and print
media members from both national and local levels. SAC members visited
haor areas under the Netrakona, Kishoreganj and Sunamganj districts during
23rd-26th March, 2021. The team observed the status of the selected
submersible embankments by visiting the sites, and facilitated focus group
discussions and key informant interviews with communities, PIC members,
Chairmen and Members of respective union parishads, and government
officials. Based on the findings, SAC organized a press conference in both
Sunamganj and Dhaka and circulated a press release.

The CNRS-TROSA project has been working to improve policies and practice
of governments, and the private and other sectors that protect the rights of
communities living along the Ganges, the Brahmaputra and the Salween
river basins to water resources. Under this project, 1 dialogue event was
conducted with the private sector of fisheries in Chandpur, a total of 120
Nodi Boithoks were conducted in this year, three basin dialogues were
conducted with community representatives from Meghna lower basin,
Meghna upper basin and Jinjiram basin, and a total of 3 public hearings were
conducted in 3 divisions of Bangladesh which are Barishal, Chattogram, and
Rangpur.

Implementation of the Hower Master Plan (2012-2032)

In order to improve the quality of life of the people of Haor area in the north-
eastern part of the country, with the aim of overall development including
preservation of the environment, the Haor Master Plan was formulated for a
period of 20 years from 2012 to 2032, the estimated cost of which was Tk
28,04,305 lakhs. In this master plan, 17 development sectors (water
resources, agriculture, fisheries, pearl farming, livestock, biodiversity and
wetland, 154 development project areas (transport, water supply and
sanitation, housing and settlement, education, health, tourism, social
services, industry, power and energy and mineral resources) have been
identified. 40 government departments/organizations of various ministries of
Bangladesh government in Haor area have taken up 175 projects for short,
medium and long term implementation. Currently, 73 development projects
are being implemented by various ministries, departments and organizations
in Haor area and 102 projects have already been completed.

A total of 68 projects are currently underway under the

Development Area/Sector wise Master Plan (2012-2032).

Water supply and sanitation, housing, fisheries, biodiversity and wetlands,

tourism, industry, mineral resources and settlements are more important in
taking up projects under the Haor Master Plan, so there are opportunities to
take up more projects in the mentioned areas. As Haor region is
impoverished and underprivileged, benefits of all projects need to reach all
areas equally. In this case, there is a need to determine the implementation
strategy of development activities by prioritizing the project areas of basic
needs. Taking into consideration the above issues, the Master Plan Update
Program has been undertaken in the light of Eighth Five Year Plan, SDG,
Delta Plan 2100.

Agriculture
The benefits which are expected from agriculture Development Area is based
on total cropped area, area and production of rice and non-rice production,
cropping intensity, extension of irrigated area by both surface and
groundwater. It has been estimated that the total cropped area will be
increased from 1.93 to 2.36 million ha though the net cultivated area will
decrease from 1.31 to 1.22 million ha. The cropping intensity will be
increased to 187% from the present value of 147% through use of HYV,
appropriate use of fertilizer, pesticides, and irrigation etc. The rice and non-
rice area will be increased from 1.74 to 1.93 million ha and from 0.19 to 0.43
million ha respectively. The total production of rice and non-rice will be
increased from 5.25 to 6.55 million ton and from 1.53 to 2.49 million ton
respectively. The total irrigated area will be increased from 0.817 to 0.957
million ha.

Forest

The benefit which is expected from the forest Development Area is based on
the increased fuelwood supply, restoration of environmental sustainability,
reduced exposure of uncovered lands like “Ijmali” lands etc. These benefits
can be brought through establishment of upazila forest nursery; afforestation
in “Ijmali” lands; creation of freshwater wetland forest; roadside plantation;
and community involvement in forest management. Implementation of the
plan will result in increased plantation for both hill and agro forest and strip
plantation. Additional 14,000 ha of hill and agro forest will be increased by
2030 involving local community. Similarly, additional 5,000 km of strip
plantation will be increased on side of the road, embankment and
homesteads by 2030. Restoration of the “Ijmali” land covering 4,180 ha and
establishment of a 2 hectare upazila nursery has been considered in the plan
to materialize the benefits in the forest Development Area

Haor is an eye-catching beauty of vast bodies of water all around. The

appearance and beauty of Haor changes with the seasons. In the dry season,
Howar has miles of cropland, dusty dirt roads, and silvery rivers. Haor water
swells during monsoon. Two banks overflowed and flooded the crop fields.
Haor then assumed the form of a raging sea. During the monsoons, the
villages located in the sea-like haors then appear almost like islands.

Such diversity of life and nature of Haor can become the center of attraction
for local and foreign tourists. Haor has been contributing for ages to meet
the demand of rice and fish in Bangladesh. There are large natural fish
stocks and large paddy production areas. One-fifth of the country's total rice
production comes from this region. Swarnagarbha is a golden crop field and
this haor of Ratœgarbha Jalmahal is a horizon of immense potential for
developing fisheries and agricultural projects.
If all kinds of facilities are created in our country, there will be a huge
demand for Haor-centric tourism. Tourists and visitors will be impressed by
the natural beauty of Haor-Baor's hijal, cane, karach, Nalkhagra forest,
various species of forest-aquatic animals and the natural beauty of the life
and livelihood of the people living in Haorpara. Due to the abundance of
water bodies in this country, a lot of snails and mussels are produced. Which
is a priceless resource of nature. Haor also has a unique contribution to our
cultural richness. Hasan Raja, Ukil Munshi, Baul Samrat Shah Abdul Karim
have reached a unique height of musical repertoire of Howran area. Ancient
arenas, temples and mosques are scattered with ancient and glorious
monuments of Haor. Tourism in the Haor area can play a significant role in
creating alternative employment opportunities for the water-bound Haor
people during monsoons.
The department's journey is not long, yet in this limited time, the information
and recommendations of the survey project implemented by the Bangladesh
Water and Wetland Development Department are playing a helpful role in the
adoption of development projects of various departments/organizations with
the aim of protecting the country's aquatic ecosystem and biodiversity and
improving the quality of life. In addition to this, initiatives are being taken to
undertake survey projects as well as investment projects to ensure
integrated sustainable management to protect the aquatic environment and
biodiversity and improve the quality of life of people centered on wetlands.

INCORPORATING CIVIL SOCIAL SOCIETY AND NGOs

NGOs and civil society play an important role in environmental studies and
protection. Now the government values the views of civil society and NGOs.
The Association of Development Agencies in Bangladesh (ADAB) is involved
in various environmental activities. ADAB’s grassroots network allows it to
engage the community in environmental activities.

Unlike other development programmes, NEMAP and its implementation

through SEMP are heavily influenced by NGOs and civil society. Several large
NGOs have established environmental cells. Several large non-governmental
organisations in Bangladesh have received worldwide acclaim for their work
in human resource development and poverty reduction in the communities
where they operate. In order to better coordinate and collaborate on
environmental challenges, NGOs (both specialised and non-specialised)
recently formed the Coalition of Environmental NGOs (CEN). The CEN
publishes newsletters to raise public awareness of environmental issues.
Other environmental organisations include the Bangladesh Environmental
Lawyers Association (BELA) and the Bangladesh Forum of Environmental
Journalists (BEJA) (FEJB). Several public environmental cases initiated by
BELA against the government resulted in better environmental protection.
‘Environmental pages’ are common in both national and local newspapers
and publications. There is a wide range of coverage of environmental issues
on television and radio.

In order to implement environmental programmes like training, workshops

and seminars, civil society and NGOs have collaborated successfully with
regional and international agencies, including United Nations agencies such
as ESCAP, UNEP and UNDP. Many organisations in the public sector rely on
environmental information and policy assistance from research and
educational institutes. Expat Bangladeshis working in academic research in
industrialised countries are also part of the Bangladesh Environment
Network (BEN)

Co-management Governance  The entire co-management governance

structure be revisited. This will include at a minimum but not limited to: o Re-
naming and re-organizing the VCCs, UCCs and the CCC under a user-group
federation rubric. o Making every effort to include the local elite and the local
government into the comanagement structure.  The location, level of
participation and the TOR of the co-management committees be
immediately reconsidered. This may include, but not be limited to: o
Rethinking whether it is effective to keep the THMC at the district level or
not. o Rethinking whether relocating the THMC (perhaps this will be the re-
constituted CCC) at the Upazila level would be more effective or not. The
Upazila level THMC can report to District Development Committee (DDC)
and/or the District Environmental Committee (DEC) where issues of the THE
will constitute a permanent agenda. The District administration can maintain
status quo in ensuring the law enforcing measures for THE protection. o
Rethinking how the PSC can include representation from the newly
conceptualized THMC, particularly the grassroots. Agree in principle to
revised governanc e structure, instruct CBSMTHP team to submit revised
proposal, approve new structure and location and, finally, publish gazette
notification . Provide guidance to and supervise the timeliness and quality of
the proposal, and coordinate with MOEF (and other GOB entities) and SDC
Coordinate with MOEF (and other GOB entities) and IUCN Legal Standing of
Co-management Organizations  Sign an interim memorandum of
understanding (MOU) with the CCC with the understanding that, for
safeguarding the communities rights over the resources and managing the
THE in a sustainable manner, the governance structure will be revisited,  Re-
defining the co-management governance structure to include all relevant
stakeholders, and Agreeing in principle and guide the CBSMTHP partners to
start negotiating and finalizing through stakeholde r consultatio n. Revising
the TOR of the reconstituted comanagemen t institutions to adequately
elaborate the roles and responsibilit ies of all stakeholder Keep close watch
of the process and coordinate with MOEF and IUCN. 38 s. Stakeholder
Commitment and Alliance Building  Alliance building efforts should be
strengthened.  The incentives for the communities should be revisited
during the preparation of the exit strategy. MOEF should reach out to other
similar GOB initiatives and other ministries, e.g., Ministry of Water Resources,
Ministry of Local Governme nt, Rural Developme nt and Cooperativ es, and
Ministry of Land. The CBSMTHP should strengthen the facilitation of alliance
building among all stakeholder s of the THE as well as other neighboring
initiatives such as the “Community -based Fisheries Managemen t Project”
funded by IFAD and implemente d jointly by the World Fish Center (WFC) and
the Local Government Engineering Department (LGED) and the “Climate
Resilient Ecosystems and Livelihoods (CREL) Project” funded by USAID and
implemente d by Winrock Internationa l. The CBSMTHP partner CNRS is also
a CREL subgrantee. Coordinate with other DPs. Conservation Incentive  The
wholesale idea of transferring the operation of the revolving fund to an
existing MFI is re-assessed. Hiring an MFI may be expensive. The transaction
cost may be too high for the community in absence of the other supports
they are now receiving from the project. Protection of the fund (currently
about BDT 6,240,287) is crucial. Other cost effective means, of course with
sound fiduciary safeguards, should be explored. For example, the MACH
project came up with an effective measure. o Oversee the process. The
CBSMTHP partner CNRS should advise the team to find a solution to this
issue. Oversee the process and coordinate with MOEF and IUCN. 39  The
tendering system for commercial fish marketing must stop now. The
CBSMTHP is an exceptional project that aims at empowering a vulnerable
community. The THMC should be able to negotiate with the policymakers to
make an exceptional mechanism to conserve a national heritage and a public
good in public interest. Some suggestions follow: o First and foremost, focus
on value protection. Even though the area is still out of the national
electricity grid, helping establish diesel operated ice factories may be a good
option. o Proactively reach out to the fish processors that are operating in
the area. The organized VCCs may be attractive as suppliers to the
processors. They may come up with some upfront investment as well. 
Examine the possibility of creating a branding for the THE fish to access a
special clientele. MOEF must influence now and make an exception because
of the fact that THE is a Ramsar site and an ECA. Coordinate with MOEF and
Ministry of Finance. Explore value protection and value enhanceme nt
options for fish and other produces. Coordinate with MOEF and IUCN. Conflict
Mitigation and Management  Expedite the CG revenue mainstreaming
process. A good contingent of the CGs with attractive benefit sharing process
will be able to defuse the future need to involve the formal law enforcers to
protect the THE.  The CCC should start dealing with the more influential
advantage takers and setting good examples of equitable disbursement of
funds.  The CCC should be aware of any future plan that the BHDB may
have. If there is a potential conflict, the issue should be raised at the THMC
meetings. MOEF must play a leadership role in working with the Ministry of
Finance once the project submits a proposal. The project must start working
with the CCC to prepare the CGs to abide by a code of conduct so that the
CGs themselves do not appear as a threat to conserving the resources.
Closely oversee the process. Ecological Restoration  The project should
intensify the supervision of the community M&E process to make sure it
works and continue to help the monitors refresh the training that they
received.  The project should make every effort to link the future SCM
management to resource M&E.  The CBSMTHP should look for other
initiatives (such as USAID’s CREL project) that have some presence in habitat
restoration now. The community M&E may be linked with those initiatives in
a formal manner.  The boundary marking must be completed and approved
not only to safeguard the beels from leasing, but also to help maintain the
ecosystem’s ecological integrity and productivity.  Ecological restoration is a
long-term process and monitoring plays a critical role. A time series of real
time data will be essential to determine the improvement of the ecosystem.
A long-term monitoring protocol should be established no matter whether
the project will be extended beyond the planned period of June 2015. The
community M&E may be a permanent agenda for the National Scientific
Body. The other option will be to link them with a university or research
institute.  The hydrological monitoring system deserves a very serious
attention. The monitoring protocol should be linked to an academic or
research organization. The MOEF may convene a meeting involving other
initiatives under the ministry to discuss the possibility of jointly work on
restoration . Bulk of the work should be done by the project team under a
close supervision and technical guidance of IUCN. Transbound ary issues
should be addressed on a priority basis by IUCN Country and Regional Office.
Keep a close watch on the process. 40 results shown in Figure 4 indicates a
clear trend that historical water flow in a major river that traverses through
the THE is decreasing steadily. This is alarming. If this trend continues, no
external intervention will prove good enough to maintain the vitality of the
ecosystem. This visible trend in decreased water flow into the THE indicates
another broader aspect. Control of the water flow into the THE exists outside
the geographical boundary of Bangladesh. This is; therefore, a transboundary
issue and this cannot be dealt with within the current scope of the project or
the current knowledge that exists on the THE. The CBSMTHP coordinating
partner IUCN Bangladesh Country Office should flag this issue and start
discussing with its India and Regional Offices to find a way to initiate a
dialogue with the Government of Meghalaya to commission, at the very
least, a transboundary study. This is perhaps well beyond the scope of the
project, but IUCN Bangladesh Country Office should make the long-term
monitoring of the THE a priority agenda under its core program, fund the
study from its own resources and approach other DPs (including SDC) for
support. Long-Term Sustainability  While establishing the THMA, it should be
kept in mind that the institution will have a unique mandate of managing
complex governance processes, science and art of biodiversity conservation
and natural resources management issues, communications to publicize the
importance and attraction of the system worldwide, and develop and
manage a community-centered ecotourism system that will attract the world.
A conventional institution will fall short in meeting these sophisticated
expectations, which are fitting to the comanagement needs of the THE.
There are experienced professionals at IUCN who understand the issue very
well. There are examples of autonomous institutes set up by the GOB (e.g.,
Center for Environment and Geographic Information System, CEGIS or
Institute for Water Modeling, IWM). The THMA may be a more open set up
with a more challenging mandate, but it must be a slim, corporate-smart
institute. The location of the THMA would also be important.  The approach
to developing a management framework also appears to be a ‘checking the
box’ one. The Consultant contradicts with the idea of developing a
management plan at haste. Rather, the Consultant recommends that the
CBSMTHP takes a step back and considers developing a “Tanguar Haor
Strategy and Action Plan” (THSAP) following the format of Bangladesh
Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan (BCCSAP) and identify some
strategic pillars such as fishery, forestry, adaptation, poor resource users’
alternative livelihoods options, resource marketing strategy, etc. for which
individual short-, medium- and long-term management plans will be
prepared. One may argue that the BCCSAP deals with the whole country’s
climate change challenges and a similar strategy for a small ecosystem may
be too much to embark on. But, the counter argument is that size does not
matter; it is the importance of the ecosystem that matters. The location of
the THE is crucial for the vitality of all the wetlands in the region. The
ecosystem services that the system is providing are too invaluable to ignore.
The THE has already received some long-term Agree in principle and lead the
process. IUCN and partners must work fast complete the tasks within the
Consolidatio n Phase. IUCN Bangladesh Country Office (and the entire
CBSMTHP team) should assemble a multidisciplinary team and assign it to
develop the THSAP. The Consultant is aware that the project is under budget
constraints to undertake such an exercise. (1) IUCN Bangladesh Country
Office and MOEF may Approach  The SDC proactively convenes a meeting
involving the Country Representative of IUCN Bangladesh Country Office and
the Steering Committee to discuss the MTR recommendations and strategize
priority actions.  The SDC convenes a meeting involving like-minded DPs,
preferably at the Heads of Agencies level, and have the CBSMTHP team
present the project highlighting the importance of the THE, achievements
thus far of the CBSMTHP and importance of continuing the process.  The
SDC Project Manager holds more frequent consultations with the CBSMTHP
team to oversee the implementation of the priority actions. 41 interventions,
a number of legal protection measures are in place and, more importantly,
the communities depending on the resources are now organized and, to a
great extent, sensitized. This is the time to go into the future with a strategic
framework. o  The CBSMTHP has done a disaster risk reduction (DRR)
analyses that recommended a number of actions. The project, however, did
not include a long-term adaptation approach for the THE even though the
improved management will make the ecosystem more resilient and improved
livelihood will make the communities more adaptive. The THE, however,
needs to give a special attention to climate change adaptation. the SDC to
provide a one-off funding for the THSAP developmen t. (2) Start a dialogue
with the UNESCO World Heritage Site Secretariat to provide a small grant, (3)
Approach the Ramsar Secretariat for a similar small grant. IUCN Bangladesh
Country Office should take a coordinating lead in preparing a full-fledged
climate change adaptation project proposal for continuing its involvement at
the THE and submit it to the Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund (BCCTF)
for consideratio n. IUCN Bangladesh Country Office should take a
coordinating lead in preparing a full-fledged climate change adaptation
project proposal for continuing 42 its involvement at the THE and submit it to
the Bangladesh Climate Change Trust Fund (BCCTF) for consideratio n.
Leveraging  Leveraging support from other DPs (e.g., USAID through its
CREL project and German Technical Cooperation who is facilitating a broader
process to improve wetland management policies) to co-finance some
priority areas identified in the exit strategy. Reach out to the Ministry of
Finance for internal resources and through ERD to DPs for external resources
Planned consultation , proposal developmen t and coordinatio n  Consider
adding a supplementary fund to CBSMTHP to develop a THSAP. o Alternately,
jointly with IUCN Bangladesh Country Office, approaching the Ramsar
Secretariat to fund the process.  Keeping a thematic focus based on the
CBSMTHP achievements on the THE communities and the comanagement
organizations through other projects in the region.

Master Plan for Haor Area

The haor region of Bangladesh has long been lagging behind the mainstream
of national development. There are about 373 haors/wetlands dispersed
around the districts of Sunamganj, Habiganj, Netrakona, Kishoreganj, Sylhet,
Maulvibazaar and Brahmanbaria. The Bangladesh Haor and Wetland
Development Board (BHWDB) in association with CEGIS has developed a 20-
year Master Plan which is being implemented on the short, medium and long
term basis. The overall objectives of this planning action are in line with the
Vision 2021, Five Year Plan and other relevant policies of the Government of
Bangladesh. This plan spells out the means for optimizing available
resources for future development by incorporating social and environmental
considerations. The planned investment portfolios of 154 projects were
prepared for 17 sectors. In line with, the Haor Master Plan some projects are
already being implemented by different agencies.

Local Government Initiative on Climate Change (LoGIC) is a multi-donor

collaborative initiative of GoB, UNDP, UNCDF, EU and SIDA. It aims to
enhance the capacity of vulnerable communities, Local Government
Institutions (LGIs) and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) for planning and
financing climate change adaptation solutions in selected climate vulnerable
areas. The Local Government Division (LGD) is the implementing lead of the
project in partnership with UNDP and UNCDF (for technical and management
support).

By achieving objectives and results, the project will contribute reduction of

climate change vulnerability and poverty in Bangladesh. The project is
expected to produce following results:

 Strengthened capacity of vulnerable people and local stakeholders for

accountable planning and financing on CCA/DRR actions for building
resilience.

 Enhanced access of LGIs and vulnerable households to climate funds

are in place for climate resilient infrastructures and adaptive
livelihoods.

 Established evidence based advocacy for a mechanism for ‘financing

local resilience’.

The LoGIC project is being implemented in 72 vulnerable Unions of 19

Upazilas in 7 districts.

One of the two major funding flows of LoGIC is Performance Based Climate
Resilient Grants (PBCRG) disbursed to 72 union parishads. The Project has
provided US$5.1 million as additional funding to 72 union parishads through
existing government-to-local fiscal transfer channels. This funding is
earmarked to fill gaps in existing union parishad plan financing for the public
service and infrastructure priorities identified in the Risk Reduction Action
Plan, i.e., ensuring that local infrastructures meet climate change related
national technical standards. The amount of PBCRG per union parishad is
determined by a formula-based grants allocation to UPs, weighted by climate
change vulnerability performance and other parameters.

The positive impact of performance-based grants to trigger actions by local

governments and produce targeted development results over the last two
decades has provided the technical framework to design Performance Based
Climate Resilience Grants (PBCRG), being piloted through the LoCAL pilot in
Bangladesh. Alongside, the role of performance based grants delivered by
UPGP to 564 Union Parishads across 7 targeted districts of Bangladesh has
been recognized by the Mid Term Evaluation of the UPGP for its positive
impact on MDG oriented development expenditure and results. The LoGIC
envisages the use of PBCRGs as part of the portfolio of activities that will be
implemented to achieve the core objectives of the project, in carefully
selected climate change vulnerable Union Parishads in Bangladesh.

The PBCRG to selected climate change vulnerable UPs will complement the
grant resources that are provided by the Government of Bangladesh through
their annual grants to all Union Parishads, as well as performance-based
grants from other projects supporting these UPs. In other words, the PBCRG
grants will top up the other grants received by Union Parishads for
development expenditure, and act as additional earmarked grants to support
expenditure that will improve the climate change responsiveness of public
goods in which the Union Parishad makes investments. This approach, where
the PBCRG grants complement and augment expenditures by Union
Parishads, ensures that priorities of the PBCRG are mainstreamed into the
development plans and investments being made by Union Parishads.

Three special roles of the local level in environmental

governance
Rather than raising the importance of one of the levels, improvement of the
interaction between the various levels appears to be of great importance to
an adequate system of environmental governance. This involves, among
other things, the stimulation of political modernisation to enable a better
handling of the environmental problems. Spaargaren (1997: 14) considers
the integrated area-oriented approach and the target group approach in
Dutch environmental policy as prime examples of a development towards
political modernisation. Following his lead, in this section some remarks will
be made about the interaction between the various levels, the spatial aspect
and the aspect of the relation with target groups.

Local authorities and organisations as strategic players between

the levels of governance
According to Von Weizsäcker (1994: 153), the city of the future cannot be
compared to what is nowadays considered a well-run Western city. He paints
a picture of the city as a parasite on the ecological capacity of the
surrounding countryside and the rest of the world. Local administrators
appear to profit from good transportation links to urban centres in the short
run, but will eventually find that this makes even more uncontrolled
expansion of these centres possible.

Local authorities participate in a game with other governmental actors,

both local authorities and other organisations (Tjallingii, 1995), and depend
on actors at other levels for a wide range of possibilities to protect the local
living environment. Interaction with these other levels is essential to put a
stop to locally undesirable developments. They may try to act strategically in
this respect to utilise opportunities for breakthroughs as well as possible. An
example of this is the protection of water resources. Some provinces choose
to take an active position in the fight against agricultural pollution by
implementing a policy in co-operation with the drinking water sector, which
stimulates preventive measures in the agricultural sector. This is not the case
in all Dutch provinces; in some cases interaction between the provincial
council and other actors is less productive. In these cases, the provinces
concerned are afraid that they will lose their administrative prestige if they
transfer some of their tasks to others, and so do not make use of the
opportunities to gain more extensive protection of the local environment
(Bressers, Huitema and Kuks, 1995).

One conclusion is that the pursuit of a certain level of ‘governmental

prestige’ can be a major stimulus to undertake action to protect the local
environment. And in fact, local authorities are often sensitive to their role of
providing an example to other local actors.

The other levels of government can, in turn, exert influence on the

local level. Such influence is present even at the global level in the form of
Agenda 21, of which it is sometimes said that of all the measures it mentions
to make world-wide sustainable development possible, two-thirds have to be
taken at the local level. Municipalities are often the first to be confronted by
NGOs about their actions. This is also true when environmental problems of
global importance are involved, such as the use of tropical hardwood.
Moreover UNICEF, UNEP and other aid agencies have many field offices in
developing countries where actual implementation of international
agreements takes place. This is sponsored and monitored by the Global
Environment Facility. Within the European Union there is increasing interest
in a direct relationship with local authorities, and the new European
guidelines for air pollution in cities calls for immediate action plans, whereas
the previous guidelines first had to be translated into national guidelines. An
evaluation has shown that these were largely ignored by the local authorities
in the Netherlands, in part because, in contrast to the rest of national policy,
the guidelines were based on ambient air standards and not emission
standards (Booy Liewes, Ligteringen and Bressers, 1992).

Turning now to influences on local authorities from the national level, in

a study on the acceptance of the Noise Nuisance Act, Potman (1989: 182-
183) concludes that the municipalities that had to implement the Act did not
fully accept it in several respects, and that this could be largely explained by
the perceptions of those involved of the significance and consequences of
the Act for the local situation. In other words, it was not the general objective
of the Act, but rather the ‘hindrance’ the administration would experience
when implementing it, that was the decisive factor determining its
acceptance.

Much of environmental policy started life in the form of individual local

initiatives. In a great many cases, though, these were considered insufficient
for an adequate or co-ordinated handling of environmental problems, and
environmental policy was withdrawn from the local level. Not only was there
insufficient confidence in the priority given to the handling of these
environmental problems at the local level, but arguments of specialisation,
capacity, independence of government and uniformity also lay behind this
decision. Very often, it is true, the (new) problem formulation and policy
formulation were raised to a higher level, but once again the local authorities
were charged with their implementation during which the real problems of
support for policy often emerge. In a sense, therefore, it is also the ‘most
difficult’ tasks that are left to the local authorities; subsequent stimulation
from the national level can be seen as a form of compensation for this.

In his study on the stimulation of local-authority environmental policy

by national government, Smits (1995: 357) arrived at the conclusion that
many subproblems or subareas of policy are not suitable for such control by
the national level. He argues that the financial stimulation schemes
employed use one central steering concept to realise a relatively wide range
of policy objectives. In his opinion, the diversity of the package, the
municipalities and the objective-means relations between stimulation and
behaviour make such an approach relatively ineffective. He also believes
that particularly the more innovative issues involving co-operation between
policies, such as ‘sustainable building’, local spatial planning, industrial
settlement policies and entering into open Local Agenda 21 processes, are
unsuitable for effective stimulation by the national level.

In this discussion about the extent to which the local level can be
stimulated by the national level to engage in ‘interpolicy co-operation’, it
should be realised that at the national level itself the (side) effects of other
policy fields have in the past had a negative rather than a positive influence
on environmental pollution (Ligteringen, 1996). Local authorities often claim
to have a more integrated vision of public policy than the highly specialised
branches of national government. Moreover, direct participation in local
policy processes can fulfil an important role because contributions made by
the public can be assumed to be less structured according to different policy
fields than government itself.

Local authorities and organisations and conflicts about space

The relationship with the spatial environment to a considerable extent
determines the degree to which all kinds of activities cause environmental
problems. It is not without reason that installations such as nuclear reactors
are so often located near national borders. This relationship is very important
to the local level because spatial aspects of environmental problems are felt
specifically in the local community.

In many countries, the main influence exerted by the local policy level
on society concerns the use of space. To illustrate his statement that virtually
all local decisions have an environmental dimension, Von Weizsäcker (1994:
158) mentions the siting of new industry, new roads, the operation of public
transport, energy supply, waste disposal, sewage and green spaces. These
are almost all matters where the spatial aspect is important or even
dominant.

At the local level, in addition to citizens and firms, the users of space in
general (both inside and outside the built-up area) are the main parties
which should be taken into account politically. This involves functions such as
agriculture, water use, traffic and transport, and nature conservation. The
degree of political organisation of the groups involved in these functions has
a great influence on the extent to which the local authorities dare to oppose
them or, alternatively, are able to co-operate with them if their objectives
coincide. In the Netherlands, special area-based projects have been started
(the so-called ROM areas) to organise processes of mutual consultation,
problem-definition and, if possible, problem solving between a broad array of
organisations.

In many cases, local authorities are faced with increasing and

conflicting claims on space, in which there are not only conflicts between
different local priorities but in many cases also clashes between local and
national authorities, the latter often dismissing objections as NIMBYism. In
such cases there is often a high level of mutual interdependence between
different layers of government. In principle, central government can force
local authorities to agree to major projects such as infrastructure facilities
that traverse the local area, but this is not an easy matter. Conversely, in a
number of cases, local authorities will need a national framework of legal or
policy rules to strengthen their own local spatial policy, for example when
imposing regulations for new farms in areas of intensive pig breeding. Again,
the pursuit of ‘governmental prestige’ may often interfere with productive
interaction between the various levels of governance.

The integration of spatial planning and environmental policy is a form

of external integration, ideally involving interpolicy co-operation. In the
Netherlands, with its strong tradition of spatial planning, the concept of the
integration of spatial and environmental policy planning at the various
administrative levels is now being given serious attention. Certain provinces
(Drenthe, Flevoland) are already implementing integrated plans; some have
decided not to strive for integration (Noord-Brabant, Noord-Holland) while
others are still considering it. At the present time, external integration
initiatives often take place at the national level through national policy
documents in the areas of spatial planning, traffic and transport and water
policy, after which they are translated into local plans and policies. The
external integration of the various policy fields involving spatial aspects with
environmental policy is of great importance. During the next few decades,
environmental pollution caused by living, working and recreation will to a
large extent be determined by the spatial structure and spatial measures,
according to Bouwer (1997: 17). But he does warn that one should keep a
close eye on what is being integrated and how this takes place. The question
of how interests and power are distributed is unavoidable. Otherwise, it is
doubtful whether the still relatively new environmental policy will remain
intact after this integration. Little Red Riding Hood and the wolf were also
integrated, but this also meant the end - fortunately temporary in this case -
of one of the partners.

Local authorities and organisations and the target groups of

environmental policy
Just as the local level is particularly relevant for the spatial aspect, it is also
close to individual citizens and households. In studies that stress the
importance of the local level in environmental governance, an important role
is frequently allotted to individual citizens and households as a basis. A
practical expression of this are Local Economic Trading Systems (LETS),
which operate in a number of places. In these systems, part of production
and consumption takes place outside the normal economic circuits and is a
system of direct exchange based on the hours worked. In 1994 there were at
least 486 LETS operating in Canada, the United States, Australia, and New
Zealand (Morrison, 1995: 261). The initiative has spread to other countries,
including the Netherlands.

When focusing on citizens and households, one can see a number of

aspects coming together which influence attitudes towards the everyday
environment. Hempel (1996: 233) distinguishes three ‘faces’ that are present
in most people at the same time: that of the ‘consumer’, who pursues mainly
individual preferences; that of the ‘parent’, who is mainly concerned with the
interests of his household and other relatives; and that of the ‘citizen’, who
holds opinions and preferences with respect to the collective level. These
orientations vie for priority in decisions that are relevant to the environment,
such as the purchase of an (extra) car. Hempel advocates renewing the
connection of human identity to a place. Apparently, he does not believe that
the developing ‘global village’ of telephone, television, mass tourism and the
Internet can provide people with a good alternative to being attached to, and
caring for, a familiar local living environment.

For local authorities, the connection between environmentally relevant

decisions taken by people and the places where they live and work implies a
special responsibility and an opportunity. A responsibility because it is felt
increasingly strongly that further improvement of the ecological efficiency of
society does not only depend on technological innovation and the co-
operation of large corporations, but also on the opinions and actions of
people in their everyday living and working situations. After all, the issue in
such cases is the environmental behaviour of people and groups of people in
what the target group approach to environmental policy calls the
‘inaccessible target groups’, such as consumers, car drivers and small
entrepreneurs (Kuks and Ligteringen, 1996). Accessibility and participation
are related concepts. The accessibility of target groups can be evaluated
from the perspective of the policy maker. If a target group is accessible to
the policy maker, it can be invited to participate in policy-making. Besides,
target groups might take the initiative to participate themselves. Therefore,
one may conclude that accessibility is viewed from the perspective of policy
makers, whereas participation is viewed from a target group perspective. The
issue of accessibility also provides local authorities with a special opportunity
to contribute: these groups are less inaccessible to local authorities than to
central government. Therefore, if in order to stimulate responsible
environmental behaviour it is expedient to use a policy style which involves
direct consultation, local authorities can play a major role in policy-making.
 Situations in which direct consultation with the target group can be
important occur, for example, in the following cases:

- policy-makers are insufficiently informed of the circumstances of the target

group to be able to think of an effective approach; conditions in the various
areas or subgroups may differ considerably, for example.

- a consensual approach is called for because the co-operation of the target

group is required, perhaps because environmentally relevant behaviour
cannot be verified or because such verification, or even the imposition of
certain rules itself, is seen as an unacceptable violation of privacy or basic
individual freedoms.

It is precisely at the national level that the problem of more or less

inaccessible target groups hardly being represented manifests itself. This
makes it impossible to involve these groups in policy-making in any
productive way. For instance, in many countries there are motoring
organisations, but the often large memberships of these organisations do not
reflect a legitimacy to negotiate with the government on behalf of all
motorists. It is true that national associations do sometimes assume this role
- for example, in reaction to an increase in petrol prices - but one thing they
cannot do is make promises on behalf of their members about their
behaviour. They cannot ‘deliver’.

Target groups that are difficult to reach are sometimes more accessible
at the local level than at any higher level, reflecting a lower number of
members and/or a better degree of organisation. Conversely, the local level
offers a better opportunity for target groups to participate in policy-making.
An example of smaller membership making target groups more accessible is
that of local contractors, who can be engaged in discussions about aspects of
energy-efficient construction (Kuks, 1992). Some local initiatives, for example
neighbourhood projects for the monitoring and reduction of energy
consumption in households, make use of local organisations such as
shopkeepers’ associations and neighbourhood groups. But this can also turn
out differently. In the Dutch town of Delft, the shopkeepers decided that the
attractive old town would benefit from being lit up in the evenings, and they
drew up a plan to illuminate the whole town centre with floodlights. This
would have meant an energy consumption equal to that of more than ten
families in this self-proclaimed energy-conscious town, so the municipality
turned the plan down. Two hundred or so shopkeepers then began to
‘romantically’ illuminate their own shop windows. Also, when the issue is
reducing car traffic in inner city areas, shopkeepers’ associations and local
Chambers of Commerce often enter the arena as opponents rather than as
supporters.

These examples might leave one with the impression that the
contribution of the local level to the reduction of environmental pollution can
best be compared to an Echternach procession (three steps forward and two
steps back). It is precisely this strong representation of interests that shows
that deals can be made in the other direction with these local organisations.
Where physical measures are involved as well, such as facilities to reduce
traffic, which basically do not require agreement on the part of the individual
parties involved, the existence of possibilities for entering into negotiations
with such parties is of great importance to the creation of a social support
base. Without such a support base, measures that are really effective would
in most cases not stand a chance in local policy-making processes.