1

CHAPTER – 1
INTRODUCTION

Acculturation:
With a more interconnected world brought about by globalization, migration, and cross-

cultural exchange, the idea of acculturation now stands as a keystone to understanding

individuals' and groups' acculture negotiation of cultural change. Acculturation is the cultural

and psychological change that takes place when individuals or groups of different cultural

backgrounds have continuous first-hand contact (Gibson, 2001; Berry, 2006b). They typically

entail changes in identity, values, behaviour, and integration into society, and they take place

in many different contexts, including voluntary migration, forced displacement, and sojourning

of a temporary kind, such as international education or international labour migration.

The history of the acculturation concept has its roots in late 19th-century North

American anthropology, where it was originally applied to explain the products of contact

between colonized and colonizing societies (Boas, 1888; Rudmin, 2003). The concept over

time, from the 1960s on, has developed in psychology to focus on the subjective experience of

the individual going through cultural change. One of the most influential models in this field

is Berry's (1997) acculturation strategy model, which classifies people's strategies for cultural

adaptation into four groups: assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalization. These

strategies vary according to how much people adhere to their heritage culture and how much

they embrace the host culture.

Acculturation is particularly salient in the case of international migration, which has

grown dramatically over the last few decades. From Portes and Rumbaut (2006), this new wave

of global migration—differently from previous waves in the 19th and early 20th centuries—is

marked by its scale and diversity. Today's migrants largely hail from collectivist cultures in
 2

Latin America, Asia, Africa, the Caribbean, and the Middle East and are moving into largely

individualistic cultures like the United States, Canada, Australia, and Western European

countries (Triandis, 1995). Such cultural value divergence tends to create value conflicts and

challenges of adaptation for migrants as they move between collectivist and individualist

expectations.

Migration is motivated by the interaction of macro, meso, and micro-level drivers.

Macro-level drivers involve political instability, civil war, and environmental deterioration—

drivers that tend to produce forced migration, such as the Venezuela and climate-related

migrations from Bangladesh and Lake Chad basin nations. Meso-level drivers involve the

power of social media, transnational family networks, and diasporic networks that produce a

perceived attractiveness of host countries' ways of life. Micro-level drivers are more personal

and could involve wishes for education, work, self-improvement, or reunification with family.

With ongoing global migration reshaping demographic profiles, academic study of

acculturation has increased. The discipline has moved beyond anthropology and psychology to

fields like public health, medicine, and epidemiology, where acculturation is understood as a

fundamental factor in the explanation of health disparities and outcomes among immigrant

groups (Abraido-Lanza et al., 2006; Palinkas & Pickwell, 1995). For example, the volume of

peer-reviewed literature considering acculturation has increased exponentially—from a mere

18 in 1960 to almost 8,000 by 2018 (PubMed/MEDLINE), demonstrating the application's

increasing salience across fields.

While it has gained common usage, the acculturation theory has also been subject to

theoretical and methodological critique. Researchers such as Rudmin (2003) have contended

that dominant models, such as Berry's, oversimplify the multifaceted and dynamic dynamics
 3

of cultural adaptation and do not take into account systemic elements like discrimination,

power relations, and economic disparity.

However, acculturation is an important framework for studying how people resolve the

dilemma of cultural maintenance and adaptation. By studying how voluntary and forced

migrants adjust to new sociocultural milieus, scholars gain a better insight into both the

individual psychological consequences of acculturation and social and policy implications for

multicultural nations.

Acculturation is a dynamic and complex process that goes beyond one-dimensional cultural

acquisition or loss. While immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers have traditionally been the

focus of much of the earlier literature, recent academic focus has expanded conceptualizations

of acculturation to incorporate multidimensional, bidirectional, and contextual thinking. These

expansions serve to further define how individuals and groups move between their culture of

origin and host culture under complicated and shifting conditions.

1. Multidimensionality of Acculturation

Acculturation is not a monolithic or one-dimensionally process; it involves many

different areas such as language ability, values, identity, behavior, and even health practices.

Contemporary research underscores the importance of measuring acculturation in a

multidimensional manner instead of viewing it as a one-dimensional phenomenon (Schwartz,

Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapocznik, 2010). This strategy recognizes that people can choose to

adopt some elements of the host culture (e.g., mode of language use or clothing) whilst keeping

others from their home culture (e.g., religious rituals or family traditions).

In addition, researchers have discovered that only using proxy measures like host

country years, generational status, or language preference can be insufficient in describing the

intricacies of acculturation (Lara et al., 2005). As an alternative, measures such as the

 4

Acculturation, Habits, and Interests Multicultural Scale for Adolescents (AHIMSA) and the

East Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM) have been created to more accurately gauge

individuals' orientation between cultures.

2. Acculturation Strategies Revisited

Berry's (1997) model is still the most dominant in acculturation scholarship; yet, its

dichotomous nature has been faulted for simplifying the lived experiences of migrants

(Rudmin, 2003). More recent studies suggest greater or dynamic models that consider fluidity

in acculturation strategies across time. For example, people can change between strategies

depending on life stage, context, or life-defining events like losing a job, getting married, or

facing discrimination.

Acculturation is also more and more considered a two-way process—not just do migrants

acculturate to the host society, but host societies also adapt due to cultural diversity (Bourhis

et al., 1997). This is a departure from the earlier assimilationist model and encourages wider

models of cultural exchange

3. Acculturative Stress and Mental Health

A significant body of research has linked acculturation with mental health outcomes,

particularly through the mediating factor of acculturative stress. This refers to the psychological

difficulties experienced during cultural adaptation, including identity confusion,

intergenerational conflict, discrimination, and cultural isolation (Berry, 2006b; Cervantes,

Padilla, & Salgado de Snyder, 1991). Acculturative stress has been associated with higher rates

of depression, anxiety, and substance use among immigrant populations.

Notably, integration—upholding one's native culture while interacting with the host

country—has been found to go hand in hand with improved psychological well-being, while

marginalization and separation tend to be related to adverse outcomes (Nguyen & Benet-
 5

Martínez, 2013). Whether or not social support is available, language skills, and culturally

adapted mental health care can affect these outcomes.

4. Socio-Cultural Distance and Structural Barriers

One important acculturation factor is socio-cultural distance between host and heritage

cultures. The wider the divergence in values, norms, language, and practices, the more difficult

the acculturation process becomes (Babiker, Cox, & Miller, 1980). Immigrants from

collectivist cultures can find it very hard to adapt to the individualistic values of Western host

nations, resulting in internal conflict of values and interpersonal problems.

Structural barriers like discrimination, immigration law, socio-economic disparity, and

legal status add to acculturation complexities. They can severely curtail the extent to which one

is able to access and feel accepted by the host culture (Zhou, 1997). For example, illegal

immigrants live in perpetual fear of expulsion, hampering their integration, no matter how

willing they are personally.

5. Acculturation in Broader Domains: Education, Health, and Media

In addition to psychology and sociology, acculturation is also researched in education,

public health, and media studies. Acculturation influences academic achievement, classroom

participation, and teacher-student relationships, particularly among second-generation youth

(Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008). Acculturation also affects health behaviors like diet, smoking,

alcohol use, and healthcare use in public health. Research has indicated that greater

acculturation to Western standards can contribute to greater health hazards like obesity and

cardiovascular illnesses, yet enhance preventive healthy5y service access (Abraído-Lanza et

al., 2006).

The acculturation role of media and technology is also increasingly gaining attention.

Social media websites allow migrants to keep up contacts with their home country while at the
 6

same time consuming host-culture content, thus fostering what have been termed "transnational

digital identities" (Georgiou, 2006). Such two-way engagements can facilitate cultural

adjustment and extend emotional commitment to the homeland, thereby steering acculturation

orientations.

6. Emerging Theoretical Perspectives and Critiques

Later theoretical advances have demanded the incorporation of intersectionality,

contextual specificity, and temporal dynamics in acculturation studies. For instance, gender,

religion, social class, and migration status intersect with cultural adaptation processes in

profound manners. Women, for instance, may encounter specific gender-role expectations in

both the host and heritage cultures, making their acculturative options and experiences more

complex (Espín, 1997).6

Acculturation is now also more viewed as a6y dynamic and lifelong process,

particularly for migrants facing multiple moves or for second-generation persons balancing

double identities. The focus is turning towards "acculturative learning" and away from static

adaptation, encouraging ongoing negotiation and meaning-making throughout life stages

(Ward & Geeraert, 2016).

Learned helplessness

Learned helplessness is a pattern of behavior that arises when a person is consistently

subjected to aversive and uncontrollable stimuli, and they eventually assume they have no

control over their surroundings. This assumption can lead to the absence of motivation to act,

even when chances for modification or escape exist (Seligman & Maier, 1967). Learned

helplessness in human psychology has been strongly associated with self-efficacy, or the

perception of one's ability to exercise control and produce desired results (Bandura, 1997).
 7

The learned helplessness model suggests that psychological states like clinical

depression and anxiety might result from the absence of true or perceived control over

troublesome life events (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978). Those who feel they are

unable to exert influence over events that are adverse will discontinue efforts to alter their

situation, even if they can do so. This is a learned anticipation of futility and failure.

Initially, the theory suggested that helplessness resulted from acquired acceptance of

powerlessness. When subjects (both human and animal) could not escape or avoid adverse

consequences even when they tried several times, they lost the inclination to try at all, even in

novel situations where avoidance or escape was unmistakably possible (Seligman & Maier,

1967).

Learned Helplessness and Depression

To explain the suggested link between learned helplessness and depression, we should

know about the two types of learned helplessness, as described by Seligman and his associates.

Universal helplessness is an attitude of helplessness in which the subject feels nothing can be

done regarding the situation she finds herself in. She feels no one can remove the pain or

discomfort.

Conversely, personal helplessness is a more limited sense of helplessness. The

individual might think others might discover an alternative or escape the pain or distress, but

he thinks that he himself cannot find an alternative (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978).

Both varieties of helplessness have the potential for bringing on depression, but the

nature of that depression will be different. People who feel universally helpless will attribute

external causes both for their difficulties and for the fact that they are unable to solve them,

whereas people who feel personally helpless will attribute internal causes.
 8

Also, people who are personally helpless will be more likely to have low self-esteem

because they think that people around them might most likely manage the issues they think

they cannot. While the cognitive and motivational deficits remain the same for individuals who

are helpless both personally and universally, individuals who experience personal helplessness

will have a larger and more intense emotional deficit. Apart from this differentiation of types

of helplessness, learned helplessness can on two additional dimensions: generality (global vs.

specific) and stability (chronic vs. transient).When one is afflicted with global helplessness,

one is negatively affected in multiple spheres of life, rather than merely the most pertinent

sphere. One is more prone to undergoing severe depression than people who undergo specific

helplessness.

In addition, individuals with chronic helplessness (those who have been feeling helpless

for an extended duration) are more susceptible to the impact of depressive symptoms compared

to individuals who exhibit transient helplessness (a temporary and nonrecurring feeling of

helplessness).This learned helplessness model is significant for depression. It suggests that

when extremely desirable outcomes are expected to be unlikely and/or extremely aversive

consequences are thought likely, and the person has no chance at all that anything she might

do will make a difference, depression occurs.

But the depression will differ depending on the helplessness type. The extent of

depressive symptoms will be influenced by the stability and generality of the helplessness, and

what effect it has on self-esteem will depend on how the individual explains or ascribes their

experience (externally vs. internally).

This suggested model is the source of the etiology of at least one form of depression—

helplessness-induced depression—and offers the treatment pathway for its cure. The authors
 9

listed four treatment strategies for helplessness-induced depression (Abramson, Seligman, &

Teasdale, 1978):

Alter the probability of the outcome. Alter the environment through manipulating the

probability of desirable events and undesirable events to decrease. Decrease the preference for

desired results. This can be achieved through either decreasing the undesirable nature of events

that one cannot control or through decreasing the desirability of events that are very unlikely

to occur;

Alter the person's expectation from uncontrollability to controllability when desired

results are achievable. That is, make the depressed individual see when results they want are

indeed within their control. Alter unrealistic attributions for failure to those that are external

(not caused by some underlying flaw in the depressed individual himself), transient (not

chronic), and specific (caused by one particular problem rather than a general pattern of

problems). Similarly, alter unrealistic attributions for success to those that are internal (caused

by some underlying strength in the depressed individual), stable (chronic), and global (caused

by a general competence rather than a general area of competence).

Later research in neuroscience has further developed this. In contradiction to the

original hypothesis, the brain's default mode might be to take the lack of control. It is now

thought that the perception of control is something that has to be learned from experience with

the environment. When people are exposed to chronic or long-lasting aversive stimulation

without termination, they can "unlearn" this control, becoming passive and helpless again

(Maier & Seligman, 2016).

Attributional Style and the Reformulation of Learned Helplessness

It has been found that people react to uncontrollable or negative events in different ways

based not just on personality, but also on the situation. In a few situations, learned helplessness
 10

is limited to a single situation, while in others it generalizes across situations (Abramson,

Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978; Peterson et al., 1993). This heterogeneity was not fully accounted

for by the initial model of learned helplessness and led to the refinement of a more sophisticated

theoretical model.

A major development was the addition of attribution theory to the explanation of

helplessness. Based on this theory, people perceive or "attribute" the origins of bad things that

happen to them differently, and this greatly affects their psychological fate. The attributional

style—a cognitive personality trait—coordinates one's explanation of the causes of events in

life and is significantly related to both learned helplessness and depression (Sweeney,

Anderson, & Bailey, 1986).

Persons with a pessimistic explanatory style are likely to attribute negative occurrences

to causes that are internal ("It's myr fault"), stable ("It will always be this way"), and global

("This affects everything in my life"). They are likely to develop symptoms of depression and

helplessness (Peterson & Seligman, 1984). Conversely, optimistically explanatory individuals

will be more prone to explain negative results in terms of external, unstable, and specific

causes, making the onset of helplessness less likely.

Abramson, Seligman, and Teasdale suggested a reformulated learned helplessness

model in 1978, incorporating attribution theory in order to explain how individuals internalize

and react to failure or adversity. Their model highlighted three key causal attribution

dimensions:

1. Internal vs. External – Is the cause something about me or something outside of my control?

2. Stable vs. Unstable – Is the cause likely to persist over time or was it a temporary situation?

3. Global vs. Specific – Does the cause affect many areas of life or just this one situation?
 11

(Abramson et al., 1978)

Expanding on this, Bernard Weiner formulated an even more elaborate attributional

model in 1986 that provided further explanation of how these cognitive judgments impact

emotional and behavioral reactions. He kept the internal/external and stable/unstable axes and

highlighted how these interact with perceived situational controllability to determine

motivational outcomes (Weiner, 1986).

A global attribution presumes the cause will impact much of life.

A specific attribution confines the cause to a specific setting.

A stable attribution views the cause as enduring across time.

An unstable attribution presumes the cause is transient.

An internal attribution attributes responsibility to the individual personally.

An external attribution lays blame on external factors.

This extended model is commonly applied in clinical psychology and educational

psychology to measure susceptibility to depression, academic disengagement, and motivation

issues, particularly in people experiencing repeated failure or discrimination.

Key Experiments

Dogs were given electric shocks in early experiments. Some had the ability to terminate

the shock by doing something (escapable group), and others received the same type of shocks

without termination control (inescapable group). The third group received no shocks.

Upon later testing in a new situation (shuttlebox), the majority of dogs in the

inescapable group could not escape, whereas dogs from the other two groups learned to avoid
 12

the shock. This validated the theory that perceived lack of control hindered subsequent learning

(Seligman & Maier, 1967).

Attribution and Cognition

Early behaviorist accounts explained learned helplessness in terms of stimulus-

response associations. But Seligman and his colleagues suggested a cognitive account—that

helplessness arises from the expectation that responses have no causal effect. This evolved

further through attribution theory, which demonstrated that the way people attribute negative

events (e.g., internal, stable, global blame) influences helplessness and depression

susceptibility (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978; Weiner, 1986).

Neuroscientific Insights

Current neuroscience has established that helplessness is not acquired but rather a

default response to chronic uncontrollable stress. To recover, learning control is needed, which

engages the medial prefrontal cortex, suppressing the dorsal raphe nucleus and reinstating

escape behavior. If control is never available, the brain "learns" that control is not possible,

strengthening passivity (Maier & Seligman, 2016).

Application in Torture

Learned helplessness has been used, unfortunately, in immoral situations. CIA

interrogation manuals outline how sustained coercion could produce indifference, establishing

a condition of "debility-dependency-dread" among detainees, making them passive and

submissive. This psychological condition corresponds with learned helplessness, wherein

people desist from an attempt to alter their circumstances based on perceived futility (CIA,

1963; Maier & Seligman, 2016).

 13

CHAPTER – 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Title: A Correlational Study of Learned Helplessness and Irrational Beliefs on

Depression Among Students

Satonkar and Raypure (2025) conducted a study to examine the relationship between

learned helplessness, irrational beliefs, and depression among college students. the research

involved a sample of 100 participanta (50 males and 50 females) within the age range of 18 –

24 years. Data were collected using the Learned Helplessness Scale, the Irrational Beliefs

Inventory, and the Beck Depression Inventory. The results revealed a strong positive

correlation between learned helplessness and depression (r = .780, p < .01) and a moderate

positive correlation between irrational beliefs and depression (r = .469, p < .01), indicating

that both helplessness and maladaptive beliefs are significant predictors of depressive

symptoms.

Title: Migration Stress and the vicarious acquisition of learned helplessness

through media exposure in Vietnamese refugees

Christine Hang Duong (2001), at the California School of Professional Psychology –

San Diego, conducted a study on Vietnamese refugees to examine whether helplessness can

be acquired vicariously through meida exposure. The sample included 56 Vietnamese men

and women, who were randomly assigned to view news clips with high helplessness content,

low helplessness content, or neutral content. Premigration stress was measured using the

Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ), while postmigration stress was assessed with the

Acculturation Stress Index – revised (ASI – R). cognitive and motivational deficits were

evaluated through an anagram task, and emotional deficits were measured using the Positive
 14

and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS). The findings revealed that viewing helplessness

content did not significantly predict cognitive or motivational deficits; however, high

helplessness content combined with elevated acculturation stress predicted increased negative

affect, highlighting the emotional vulnerability of this population.

Title: Is level of acculturation related to locus-of-control and explanatory style?

A study of biculturalism and its relationship to locus-of-control orientation and

vulnerability to learned helplessness among native American students.

Avelino Mills – Novoa (1991), at the University of Minnesota, investigated the

relationship between level of acculturation, locus of control, and explanatory style among

Native American undergraduate students. From a population of 837 at Northern Arizona

University, 102 students formed the sample after random selection and invitation. Participants

were administered the Bicultural Involvement Questionnaire (BIQ), Attributional Style

Questionnaire (ASQ), and the Intellectual Achievement Responsibility Questionnaire

(IARQ). Variables considered included acculturation (bicultural vs monocultural), gender,

and family income (above vs below $10,000). The results of three-way ANOVAs indicated no

significant main or interaction effects on locus of control orientation and explanatory style,

though a near-significant interaction emerged between locus of control, gender, and income.

The findings suggest that the broad definition of acculturation and limited representation of

traditional Native American students may have constrained results, highlighting the need for

future research with more nuanced acculturation categories.

Title: Socio-Psychological Predictors of Acculturative Stress among Latino Adults

The study by Alexis O. Miranda and Kenneth B. Matheney examined predictors of

acculturative stress among Latino adults, using a random sample of 197 participants from two

social service agencies. Data were gathered through a demographic questionnaire along with
 15

standardized instruments such as the American-International Relations Scales (AIRS), the

Family Adaptation and Cohesion Scale–III (FACES-III), the Coping Resources Inventory for

Stress (CRIS), and the short version of the SAFE scale. Results showed that acculturative

stress was significantly linked to coping resource effectiveness, level of acculturation, family

cohesion, language use, and length of residence in the United States, with these factors

explaining 48% of the variance in stress levels. The findings highlight the complex and

multifaceted nature of acculturative stress among Latino populations.

 16

CHAPTER – 3
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Aim

To study the impact of acculturative stress on helplessness among migrated adults.

3.2 Objectives

- To study the relationship between acculturative stress and helplessness among migrated

adults.

- To investigate whether acculturative stress predict greater feelings of helplessness.

- To compare the differences in acculturative stress and helplessness between male and

female participants.

3.3 Hypothesis

- There will be no significant relationship between acculturative stress and helplessness

among migrated adults.

- There will be no significant gender difference in the levels of acculturative stress among

migrated adults.

- There will be no significant gender difference in the levels of helplessness among

migrated adults.

3.4 Variables

The variables selected for the study were,

- Independent variable: Acculturative stress

- Dependent variable: Helplessness

 17

3.5 Operational definition

3.5.1 Acculturative stress:

Acculturative stress is a reaction to adapting to a host culture (e.g., learning a new

language) (Berry, 1980).

3.5.2 Helplessness:

Helplessness is a mental state where an individual perceives that they cannot control

outcomes, leading them to a belief that nothing they do will improve a bad situation (Seligman,

1967).

3.6. Research Design

The research study used an online quantitative survey to examine the impact of

acculturative stress and helplessness among migrated adults aged between 18-40. This research

adopts a correlational research design to investigate the associations between acculturative

stress and helplessness. The data was collected using the questionnaire designed to measure

the acculturative stress and helplessness. Participants responded to a series of structured items

aimed at capturing these constructs. Ethical considerations were rigorously upheld, with

participants providing informed consent, and their responses were treated with confidentiality.

The responses were interpreted with the help of a scoring key. The data was analyzed using

statistical techniques, including correlation coefficients to assess the strength and direction of

relationships between variables, and t-tests to examine gender differences.

The samples chosen for this study are adults who have recently migrated to a new place

for work/education/marriage. A sample of 34 participants (17 female and 17 male participants).

 18

Convenience sampling was initially used to collect the data from the college students

who have agreed to take part in this research. Snowball sampling was also employed in this

study where the participants referred others who met the study’ criteria.

3.7 Socio Demographic Data

[Link] DEMOGRAPHIC SUB- FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE

VARIABLES VARIABLES
1. Gender Male 17 50%
Female 17 50%
2. Age 10 – 20 10 29.4%
20 – 30 12 35.3
30 – 40 12 35.3%
3. Residential Rural 14 41.2%
Information Urban 20 58.8%
4. Birth Order First Born 10 29.4%
Second Born 10 29.4%
Third Born 7 20.5%
Single Child 7 20.5%
5. Religion Hindu 15 44.1%
Muslim 10 29.4%
Christian 9 26.5%
6. Socio-Economic- Lower 0 -
Status Middle 34 100%
High 0 -

3.7 Inclusive Criteria

- The participants must be between 18-40 years old.

- The participants must have been newly migrated for work, education, or marriage).

- The participants must have been new to the location for atleast 6 months.

- Both female and male participants included.

 19

- The participation of the client must be voluntary.

3.8 Exclusive Criteria

- The participants below the age of 18 or above the age of 40 will be excluded.

- People who are local residents will be excluded.

- Individuals who are diagnosed with psychiatric disorders or under psychiatric

medication will be excluded, as it may confound the stress and helplessness levels.

- Incomplete or invalid responses to the questionnaires will be excluded.

3.9 Tools

The tools used in this study were,

▪ Acculturative Stress Scale by Anju Mehta and Nimisha Beri - 2018

▪ Learned Helplessness Scale by Frances Ward - 2020

3.9.1 Acculturative Stress Scale

Tool Description

The Acculturative Stess Scale, developed by Anju Mehta and Nimisha Beri in 2018.

The scale consists of 24 items which evaluates 11 domains (Discrimination, Isolation,

Homesickness, Cultural Shock, Hate, Guilt, Sad, Social Support, Poor self image, safety,

Academic/Occupational Challenges).

Reliability: Cronbach’ alpha’ reliability was calculated and was found to be 0.896. For the test-

retest reliability the same test was given to the same respondents after 10 days. The Pearson’

correlation coefficient was calculated and it was found to be 0.834. The split-half reliability

was found to be 0.814.

 20

Validity: Pearson’s Product Movement Correlation was calculated and it was found to be 0.824

which provided sound reliability for both the measures.

Scoring: This scale is intended to assess one’s level of stress due to acculturation. The scoring

of Acculturative Stress Scale involves assigning numerical values to each response and then

calculating a total score. Each item is rated on a five-point likert scale, with Strongly Agree,

Agree, Neutral, Disagree, and Strongly Disagree as options.

After scoring all the 24 items, the individual’s scores are summed to generate a total score

ranging from 24-120. Higher scores indicate high level of acculturative scales and lower scores

indicate low level of acculturative scales.

Interpretation:

▪ 24-41: Low level of acculturative stress.

▪ 42-58: Average level of acculturative stress.

▪ 59 & above: High level of acculturative stress.

3.9.2 Learned Helplessness Scale

Tool Description

The learned helplessness scale was developed by Frances Ward in 2020. The scale

consists of 20 items.

Reliability: The internal consistency was calculated and found to be 0.93. The correlation

coefficient ranging between 0.63 – 0.79. Cronbach’ alpha’ relatability was calculated and was

found to be 0.792.

Validity: Pearson’ Product Movement Correlation was calculated and it was found to be 0.754.

which provided reliability for both the measures.

 21

Scoring: This scale is intended to assess how helpless a person feels when he/she is in a new

situation. Scale involves assigning numerical values to each response and then calculating a

total score. Each item is rated on a four-point likert scale, with Strongly Agree, Agree, Disagree,

and Strongly Disagree as options.

After scoring all the 20 items, the individual’ scores are summed to generate a total score

ranging from 20-80.

Interpretation:

▪ 20-50: Low level of helplessness.

▪ 51-80: High level of helplessness.

3.10 Procedure

The study employed standardized procedures to administer the Acculturative Stress

Scale and Learned Helplessness Scale. Participants were informed about the study’s

purpose and provided informed consent form before participation. People who have

migrated newly to a place due to education, or occupation were selected for the research.

The questionnaires were administered individually, with an estimated completion time of

10-15 minutes. The data was analysed statistically to examine the correlations between

acculturation and helplessness. Findings were interpreted transparently, respecting

participants’ rights and ensuring ethical standards throughout the research process.

3.11 Analysis of the Results

The analysis for the impact of acculturative stress on helplessness among migrated adults

involved two statistical techniques: 1. Pearson’s correlation coefficient and 2. Independent

sample t-test. Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) was employed to analyse the data.

1. Pearson’s correlation coefficient:

 22

The Pearson’s correlatio coefficient was used to assess the relationship between

acculturative stress and helplessness among migrated adults.

2. Independent Sample t-test:

Independent sample t-test was employed to assess:

▪ Gender differences in the levels of acculturative stress among migrated adults.

▪ Gender differences in the levels of helplessness among migrated adults.

3.12 Ethical Consideration;

▪ Informed consent: The participants were provided with detailed information about the

study.

▪ Voluntary participation: The participants voluntarily agreed to participate by giving the

consent form.

▪ Confidentiality: Personal information and the responses of the participants were kept

confidential and stored securely.

▪ Anonymity: The data were anonymised to protect the identity of the participants.
 23

CHAPTER – 4
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Table 4.1 shows the relationship between Acculturative Stress and Helplessness among

migrated adults.

Variables Mean SD r p N

Acculturative 70.03 18.031

Stress 0.492** 0.002 36

Helplessness 45.81 7.348

Stated hypothesis: H0: There will be no significant relationship between acculturative stress

and helplessness among migrated adults.

The table 4.1 indicates that there is a significant relationship between acculturative

stress (Mean = 70.03, SD = 18.031) amd helplessness (Mean = 45.81, SD = 7.348) among

migrated adults. The p-value of 0.002 suggests that the observed correlation is significant at

0.01 level. The r value of 0.492 suggests moderate correlation. This indicates that

acculturative stress are associated with feelings of helplessness. Migrated adults who

experience challenges in adapting to new cultural, social, and environmental conditions may

also experience heightened feelings of powerlessness and lack of control over their

circumstances.

Status of the hypothesis: “There will be no significant relationship between acculturative

stress and helplessness among migrated adults” is not verified.

Thus, null hypothesis got rejected.

 24

Table 4.2 shows the gender difference in the levels of acculturative stress among migrated

adults.

Variable Gender N Mean SD t Sig.

(2-tailed)

Male 18 67.39 18.731

Acculturation -0.875 0.388
Stress
Female 18 72.67 17.429

Stated hypothesis: H0: There will be no significant gender difference in the levels of

acculturative stress among migrated adults.

The table 4.2 indicates the gender differences in the levels of acculturative stress among

migrated adults. A mean of 67.39 and standard deviation of 18.731 is found among male

migrants. A mean of 72.67 and standard deviation of 17.429 is found among female migrants.

The t-test is found to be as -0.875 and the p-value is found to be as 0.388, which indicates that

both male and female migrants experience comparable challenges in adapting to new cultural

environment. The lack of significant difference could be explained by the fact that both genders

are exposed to similar cultural, social, and economic stressors during migration, such as

language barriers, discrimination, changes in lifestyle, and loss of social support systems

Status of the hypothesis: “There will be no significant gender difference in the levels of

acculturative stress among migrated adults” is verified.

Thus, null hypothesis got accepted.

 25

Table 4.3 shows the gender difference in the levels of helplessness among migrated adults.

Variable Gender N Mean SD t Sig.

(2-tailed)

Male 18 45.28 7.917

Helplessness -0.426 0.673

Female 18 46.33 6.920

Stated hypothesis: H0: There will be no significant gender difference in the levels of

helplessness among migrated adults.

The table 4.3 indicates the gender differences in the levels of helplessness among

migrated adults. A mean of 45.28 and standard deviation of 7.917 is found among male

migrants. A mean of 46.33 and standard deviation of 6.920 is found among female migrants.

The t-test is found to be as -0.426 and the p-value is found to be as 0.673, which indicates that

there is no significant gender difference in the levels of helplessness among migrated adults.

This indicates that feelings of helplessness, which often stem from limited resources,

uncertainty about the future, and difficulties in gaining stability in a new environment, affect

both genders almost equally.

Status of the hypothesis: “There will be no significant gender difference in the levels of

helplessness among migrated adults” is verified.

Thus, null hypothesis got accepted.

 26

CHAPTER – 5
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

5.1 Summary

The present study title “The Impact of Acculturative Stress on Helplessness Among

Migrated Adults”. This research aimed to investigate the relationships between acculturative

stress and helplessness among migrated adults and the gender difference that exists in the levels

of acculturative stress and helplessness. The study involved a sample of 36 adults with 18 males

and 18 females. The research focuses on how acculturative stress influences the feelings of

helpless, gender differences that exist in the levels of acculturative stress and helplessness. The

tools used to test these hypotheses were Pearson’ Correlation Coefficient test and Independent

Sample t-tests.

5.2 Aim

To study the impact of acculturative stress on helplessness among migrated adults.

5.3 Objectives

- To study the relationship between acculturative stress and helplessness among migrated

adults.

- To investigate whether acculturative stress predict greater feelings of helplessness.

- To compare the differences in acculturative stress and helplessness between male and

female participants
 27

5.4 Hypotheses

- There will be no significant relationship between acculturative stress and helplessness

among migrated adults.

- There will be no significant gender difference in the levels of acculturative stress among

migrated adults.

- There will be no significant gender difference in the levels of helplessness among

migrated adults.

5.5 Tools used

- The tools used for this study were 1. Acculturative Stress Scale by Anju Mehta and

Nimisha Beri in 2018, and 2. Learned Helplessness Scale by Frances Ward in 2020.

- The data for this study was analysed using SPSS (version 25). Pearson’ Correlation test

and Independent Sample t-test were used to analysis the data.

5.6 Major Findings

• The study found that, there is a moderate correlation between acculturative stress and

helplessness among migrated adults. The Pearson’ correlation coefficient of 0.002

confirms that the statistical significance at the levels of 0.01 level, with an r-value of

0.492 indicating moderate relationship.

• The study revealed no significant gender difference in the levels of acculturative stress.

The results show that both male and female migrated individuals exhibits similar levels

of acculturative stress. The t-test value of -0.875 and p-value of 0.388 (p>0.05) indicate

that this difference is not statistically significant.

 28

• The findings revealed no significant gender difference in the levels of helplessness. The

results show that both male and female migrated individuals exhibits similar levels of

helplessness. The t-test value of -0.426 and p-value of 0.673 (p>0.05) indicate that this

difference is not statistically significant.

5.7 Limitations

• The study relies on self-reported questionnaires, which may introduce social

desirability bias, or inaccurate self-assessments. Future studies include qualitative

methods, interviews or observational data to gain deeper understanding on acculturative

stress and feeling helplessness.

• The study does not account for external factors such as socio-economic-status,

Religion, Social support, Cultural context.

5.8 Conclusion

This study explored the impact of acculturative stress on helplessness among migrated

adults. The findings demonstrated a moderate correlation between acculturative stress and

helplessness. Additionally, no significant gender differences were observed. These results show

that acculturative stress may not necessarily leads to helplessness.

 29

REFERENCES

Abraído-Lanza, A. F., Armbrister, A. N., Flórez, K. R., & Aguirre, A. N. (2006). Toward a theory-

driven model of acculturation in public health research. American Journal of Public Health,

96(8), 1342–1346. [Link]

Abramson, L. Y., Seligman, M. E. P., & Teasdale, J. D. (1978). Learned helplessness in humans:

Critique and reformulation. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 87(1), 49–74.

[Link]

Abramson, L. Y., Seligman, M. E. P., & Teasdale, J. D. (1978). Learned helplessness in humans:

Critique and reformulation. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 87(1), 49–74.

[Link]

Alexis O. (2000). Socio-Psychological Predictors of Acculturative Stress among Latino Adults.

Journal of Mental Health Counselling, 22, 306-317

Babiker, I. E., Cox, J. L., & Miller, P. (1980). The measurement of cultural distance and its

relationship to medical consultations, symptomatology and examination performance of

overseas students at Edinburgh University. Social Psychiatry, 15, 109–116.

[Link]

Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy: The exercise of control. W.H. Freeman.

Berry, J. W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. Applied Psychology, 46(1), 5–34.

[Link]

Berry, J. W. (2006). Contexts of acculturation. In D. L. Sam & J. W. Berry (Eds.), The Cambridge

handbook of acculturation psychology (pp. 27–42). Cambridge University Press.

 30

Bourhis, R. Y., Moïse, L. C., Perreault, S., & Senécal, S. (1997). Towards an interactive acculturation

model: A social psychological approach. International Journal of Psychology, 32(6), 369–386.

[Link]

Cervantes, R. C., Padilla, A. M., & Salgado de Snyder, N. (1991). The Hispanic Stress Inventory: A

culturally relevant approach to psychosocial assessment. Psychological Assessment: A

Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 3(3), 438–447. [Link]

3590.3.3.438

CIA. (1963). KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation Manual. Declassified. Retrieved from:

[Link]

Duong, Christine Hang. California School of Professional Psychology - San Diego ProQuest

Dissertations & Theses,2001. 9996454

Espín, O. M. (1997). Women crossing boundaries: A psychology of immigration and transformations

of sexuality. Routledge.

Georgiou, M. (2006). Diaspora, identity and the media: Diasporic transnationalism and mediated

spatialities. Hampton Press.

Lara, M., Gamboa, C., Kahramanian, M. I., Morales, L. S., & Bautista, D. E. H. (2005).

Acculturation and Latino health in the United States: A review of the literature and its

sociopolitical context. Annual Review of Public Health, 26, 367–397.

[Link]

Maier, S. F., & Seligman, M. E. P. (2016). Learned helplessness at fifty: Insights from neuroscience.

Psychological Review, 123(4), 349–367. [Link]

Maier, S. F., & Seligman, M. E. P. (2016). Learned helplessness at fifty: Insights from neuroscience.

Psychological Review, 123(4), 349–367. [Link]

 31

Mills-Novoa, Avelino. University of Minnesota ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 1991. 9134525.

Nguyen, A.-M. D., & Benet-Martínez, V. (2013). Biculturalism and adjustment: A meta-analysis.

Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 44(1), 122–159.

[Link]

Overmier, J. B., & Leaf, R. C. (1965). Effects of discriminative stimuli on shock-elicited responses in

dogs. Journal of Comparative and Physiological Psychology, 60(3), 416–421.

[Link]

Rudmin, F. W. (2003). Critical history of the acculturation psychology of assimilation, separation,

integration, and marginalization. Review of General Psychology, 7(1), 3–37.

[Link]

Satonkar, S.D. & Raypure, S.E. (2025). A Correlational Study of Learned Helplessness and Irrational

Beliefs on Depression Among Students. International Journal of Indian Psychology, 13(1),

3353-3362. DIP:18.01.328.20251301, DOI:10.25215/1301.328

Schwartz, S. J., Unger, J. B., Zamboanga, B. L., & Szapocznik, J. (2010). Rethinking the concept of

acculturation: Implications for theory and research. American Psychologist, 65(4), 237–251.

[Link]

Seligman, M. E. P., & Maier, S. F. (1967). Failure to escape traumatic shock. Journal of Experimental

Psychology, 74(1), 1–9. [Link]

Seligman, M. E. P., & Maier, S. F. (1967). Failure to escape traumatic shock. Journal of Experimental

Psychology, 74(1), 1–9. [Link]

Suárez-Orozco, C., Pimentel, A., & Martin, M. (2009). The significance of relationships: Academic

engagement and achievement among newcomer immigrant youth. Teachers College Record,

111(3), 712–749. [Link]

 32

Ward, C., & Geeraert, N. (2016). Advancing acculturation theory and research: The acculturation

process in its ecological context. Current Opinion in Psychology, 8, 98–104.

[Link]

Weiner, B. (1986). An attributional theory of motivation and emotion. New York: Springer-Verlag.

Zhou, M. (1997). Segmented assimilation: Issues, controversies, and recent research on the new

second generation. International Migration Review, 31(4), 975–1008.

[Link]