AUTHORS’ INTRODUCTION

1.​ Md. Jarif Mahmud - Under Secretary General, Department of Academics.

-​ Email: jarifmahmudturjo2005@[Link]
-​ Contact: +8801307989797

2.​ Kazi Tahsin Umid - Assistant Under Secretary General, Department of Academics.
-​ Email: tahsinahrar5@[Link]
-​ Contact: +8801634443546

3.​ Tasnin Binta Arif - Senior Director, Department of Academics.

-​ Email: tasninanusha@[Link]
-​ Contact: 01711178086

4.​ Raiyana Onasis - Director, Department of Academics.

-​ Email: raiyanaonasis12@[Link]
-​ Contact: +8801568284967

5.​ Hasibul Hasan - Director, Department of Academics.

-​ Email: softwarrpc@[Link]
-​ Contact: +8801977005808

This paper has been approved and distributed by the Executive Board of the Disarmament and
International Security Committee (DISEC) of International Affairs Forum Model United Nations
(IAFMUN) Conference 2023. For further queries, please contact the individuals listed above or reach out
at tasveerislam89@[Link] (Tasveer Islam, Chairperson - DISEC)
 INDEX

Authors’ Introduction 2

Introduction To The Disarmament And International Security Committee​ 4

-​ Committee Mandate​ 5

A Brief Into The Agenda​ 6

-​ The Situation In Yemen​ 6

-​ Causes Of The Situation​ 7
-​ Involved Parties​ 8
-​ The Middle East And Al-Qaeda​ 10
-​ The Impacts Of This Conflict​ 10
-​ Solutions To This Crisis​ 11

Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMAS)​ 12

Citations​ 14
 INTRODUCTION TO THE DISARMAMENT AND
INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COMMITTEE

The First Committee deals with disarmament, global challenges and threats to peace that
affect the international community and seeks out solutions to the challenges in the
international security regime.

It considers all disarmament and international security matters within the scope of the
Charter or relating to the powers and functions of any other organ of the United Nations;
the general principles of cooperation in the maintenance of international peace and
security, as well as principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments;
promotion of cooperative arrangements and measures aimed at strengthening stability
through lower levels of armaments.

The Committee works in close cooperation with the United Nations Disarmament
Commission and the Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament. It is the only Main
Committee of the General Assembly entitled to verbatim records coverage.

COMMITTEE MANDATE

During the 48th session of the Assembly, in 1993, the item entitled “Rationalization of
the work and reform of the agenda of the First Committee” was included in the agenda
of the Assembly. Thereafter, the Assembly has focused on improving the effectiveness
of the methods of work of the First Committee (see resolutions 48/87 of 16 December
1993, 49/85 of 15 December 1994, 57/300 of 20 December 2002, 58/41 of 8 December
2003, 58/126 of 19 December 2003, 58/316 of 1 July 2004 and 59/95 of 3 December
2004). During the 59th session, in response to a request of the Secretary-General to
seek the views of Member States on improving the effectiveness of the methods of
work of the First Committee, a report compiling those views was submitted by the
Secretariat (see A/59/132 and addenda 1 to 6). Since the 60th session, under the item
“Revitalization of the work of the General Assembly”, the Committee has adopted its
programme of work and timetable for the forthcoming session. Please also see the note
by the Secretariat (A/C.1/68/INF/4).

The mandate of the Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC) is to

address issues related to disarmament, global security, and the prevention of armed
conflicts. DISEC is one of the six main committees of the United Nations General
Assembly, and its primary focus is on disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons.

DISEC aims to promote international cooperation and dialogue among member states in
order to achieve a world free from the threat of nuclear weapons, chemical and biological
weapons, and other conventional arms. It seeks to enhance global peace and security by
addressing the root causes of conflicts and promoting disarmament efforts.

The committee discusses a wide range of topics related to disarmament and international
security, such as arms control, nuclear disarmament, regional conflicts, illicit arms trade,
terrorism, cyber warfare, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. It
encourages member states to engage in constructive dialogue, negotiate arms control
agreements, and take measures to prevent the escalation of conflicts.

DISEC also works closely with other UN bodies, specialized agencies, and regional
organizations to coordinate efforts in disarmament, conflict prevention, and
peacekeeping. The committee provides a platform for member states to exchange views,
propose solutions, and draft resolutions to address the challenges and threats to global
security.

Overall, the mandate of DISEC is to foster international cooperation, promote

disarmament, and enhance global security through dialogue, negotiation, and the
development of multilateral agreements and frameworks.
 A BRIEF INTO THE AGENDA

AGENDA: DEVISING A REVITALIZED,

COMPREHENSIVE AND PROGRESSIVE RESOLUTION
FOR THE ESCALATING CONFLICT IN YEMEN.

THE SITUATION IN YEMEN

Yemen, a small country on the Arabian Peninsula, has become the site of horrific civilian
suffering as a result of an unending civil war. Many commentators believe the
seven-year-old conflict has devolved into a proxy war, with Iran-backed Houthi rebels set
against a multinational coalition commanded by Saudi Arabia. Other combatants,
including militant Islamist organizations and separatists sponsored by the United Arab
Emirates (UAE), have exacerbated matters.

More than four million people have been displaced as a result of the fighting, which has
also resulted in cholera epidemics, medication shortages, and famine concerns. In 2022,
the warring sides observed a months-long cease-fire, creating expectations for a political
solution to the conflict, but they failed to extend the truce that October.

Yemen has long grappled with religious and cultural divides, as well as the legacy of
European colonialism. The contemporary Yemeni state was founded in 1990 by the union
of the Yemeni Arab Republic, backed by the United States and Saudi Arabia, in the north,
and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, backed by the Soviet Union, in the
south. Ali Abdullah Saleh, a military colonel who had ruled North Yemen since 1978,
became the new country's president. However, just four years after unification, southern
separatists seceded for a few months before resurfacing in 2007 as the Southern
Movement, which has continued to advocate for more autonomy within Yemen. The
Islamist terrorist group Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), as well as the
affiliated Ansar al-Sharia insurgent group, have gained territory in the south and east.
Between 2004 and 2010, the Houthi movement, based among the Zaydi Shiites of
northern Yemen, rose up against Saleh's administration six times.

Beginning in the early 2000s, when counterterrorism cooperation against al-Qaeda and
affiliated groups became Washington's primary regional concern, the US lent its backing
to Saleh. In 2000, al-Qaeda in Yemen, subsequently known as AQAP, carried out a
suicide attack on the USS Cole in the Yemeni port of Aden. The bombing killed
seventeen American service personnel. According to the online database Security
Assistance Monitor, the United States has provided Yemen with more than $850 million
in military aid since [Link] groups have long claimed that Saleh led a corrupt and
autocratic regime. As the 2011 Arab Spring protests extended to Yemen, the president's
political and military opponents jockeyed to depose him. While Yemeni security forces
focused on putting down protests in cities, AQAP gained ground in rural areas.

Saleh resigned in 2012 in the face of mounting local and international criticism , after
getting assurances of immunity from prosecution. Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, his vice
president, took over as interim president in a transfer mediated by the Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC), a regional group based in Saudi Arabia and sponsored by the US. The
UN-sponsored National Dialogue Conference (NDC) convened 565 delegates in 2013 as
part of the GCC's transition plan to draft a new constitution acceptable to Yemen's diverse
groups. However, the NDC ended with delegates failing to address power-sharing
disagreements.

CAUSES OF THE SITUATION

Price increases for gasoline. Under pressure from the International Monetary Fund, which
had extended Yemen a $550 million loan on the condition that economic reforms be
implemented, Hadi's government eliminated fuel subsidies in 2014. The Houthi
movement, which had gained support beyond its core by criticizing the UN transition,
organized huge protests calling for lower fuel costs and a new administration.
Counter-rallies were held by supporters of Hadi and the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated
group al-Islah.

Takeover by the Houthis. By late 2014, the Houthis had taken over much of Sanaa. They
consolidated control of the city and continued their southerly push despite breaking a UN
peace treaty. Under pressure, Hadi's administration resigned in January 2015, and Hadi
later fled to Saudi Arabia.
Division of the military. Military units loyal to Saleh joined the Houthis on the battlefield,
helping to their victory. Other militias joined forces with those in the military who
remained loyal to the Hadi government to fight the Houthi-Saleh forces. Separatists in the
South increased their calls for separation.

Saudi intervention is required. With Hadi in exile, Riyadh launched a military assault,
largely from the air, in 2015, to oust the Houthis and return the Hadi administration to
Sanaa.

INVOLVED PARTIES
The Houthi movement, formally known as Ansar Allah and named after a religious leader
from the Houthi clan, began in the late 1980s as a vehicle for religious and cultural
revivalism among Zaydi Shiites in northern Yemen. The Zaydis are a minority in the
Sunni Muslim-majority country, but they are strong in the northern highlands bordering
Saudi Arabia. The Houthis became politically active in 2003, initially opposing Saleh for
supporting the US-led invasion of Iraq but subsequently allying with him after his
retirement as president. This was a tactical alliance: Saleh's adherents rejected Hadi's
UN-backed government and, feeling marginalized in the transition process, attempted to
reclaim leadership in Yemen. Saleh earned the support of some members of Yemen's
security forces, tribal networks, and political elite. However, after shifting his backing to
the Saudi-led coalition, Saleh was assassinated by Houthi troops in 2017.

Iran is the principal international supporter of the Houthis and has reportedly provided
them with military assistance, including weapons. Hadi's government also accused Iran's
Lebanese ally, Hezbollah, of assisting the Houthis. Saudi Arabia's military engagement
was motivated by Riyadh's depiction of the Houthis as an Iranian proxy rather than an
indigenous movement. Many regional experts, however, believe that Tehran's influence is
likely to be limited, especially considering that Iranians and Houthis follow distinct
schools of Shiite Islam. Experts also believe Iran's influence would wane as Saudi-Iranian
relations improve following a rapprochement facilitated by China in early 2023. Some
observers predict a decrease in Iranian arms supplies to the Houthis.

Saudi Arabia cobbled together a coalition of Sunni-majority Arab governments in 2015 at

Hadi's request: Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Qatar, Sudan, and the United
Arab Emirates (UAE). By 2018, the coalition had grown to include Eritrean and Pakistani
military. They initiated an air war against the Houthis in an attempt to restore Hadi's
administration. Accepting Houthi control of Yemen would entail permitting a hostile
neighbour to live on its southern border, which would be a setback in Riyadh's
long-running conflict with Tehran. Following Saudi Arabia, the UAE has played the most
major military role in the coalition, providing tens of thousands of ground troops,
primarily in Yemen's south. The UAE, however, removed the majority of them after
clashing with its coalition partners in 2019, when it backed the separatist Southern
Transitional Government (STC), which controlled Aden. That November, Hadi and the
president of the STC signed the Riyadh Agreement, which stated that the factions would
share power equally in a postwar Yemeni government. The separatists broke the
agreement for several months in 2020 but eventually agreed to join a unity government
with equal representation for northern and southerners. Though the establishment of a
government was a step forward in reconciling Yemen's internal conflicts, it accomplished
little to speed up peace talks. In April 2022, Hadi handed over control to a governing
council and removed a deputy despised by the Houthis in the hopes of resuming talks
with the rebels.

Despite a split Congress, the United States has backed the Saudi-led coalition, as have
France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. US objectives include the protection of Saudi
borders, unimpeded transit through the Bab al-Mandeb strait, a crucial artery for the
worldwide transport of oil, and a government in Sanaa that will assist with US
counterterrorism initiatives. However, outrage over civilian casualties in coalition air
campaigns, which frequently include US-made weaponry, and Saudi Arabia's role in the
2018 killing of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi prompted the US and other
Western nations to ban some arms deliveries and coalition aircraft refuelling. Lawmakers
have also expressed alarm that weapons developed in the United States are coming into
the hands of AQAP and Houthi fighters. Nonetheless, the United States is Saudi Arabia's
major arms supplier, and President Donald Trump has vetoed three pieces of legislation
aimed at halting arms deliveries to Saudi Arabia. President Joe Biden announced that the
United States would withdraw its assistance for the coalition's military offensive,
including the sale of weapons, and announced the appointment of a special envoy to
Yemen. Nonetheless, US defence contractors continue to monitor the maintenance of
Saudi planes used in offensive operations, and the administration has allowed the transfer
of weapons to Saudi Arabia for defence purposes. Shortly after assuming office, Biden
rescinded the Trump administration's last-minute designation of the Houthis as a terrorist
organisation, citing the potential impact on assistance delivery in Yemen.
 THE MIDDLE EAST AND AL-QAEDA

AQAP, which has been active in Yemen since the early 1990s, has benefited from the
present upheaval. It took the seaside city of Mukalla in 2015 and released 300 convicts
from the city's prison, many of whom were suspected to be AQAP members. Before
coalition forces reclaimed much of the territory in 2016, the terrorist group stretched its
influence westward to Aden and seized parts of the city. AQAP has also offered Yemenis
in some regions security and public services that the state has not provided, which has
increased support for the group. The United States State Department says that Yemen's
insecurity has damaged long-standing counterterrorism efforts, which rely primarily on
air attacks. Over an eight-year period, the Obama administration launched an estimated
185 attacks, while the Trump administration launched roughly 200 in four years. Several
high-level AQAP members have been killed in air strikes, including former commander
Nasser al-Wuhayshi and top official Jamal al-Badawi, who was allegedly implicated in
the USS Cole bombing. However, monitoring groups claim that the US strikes have
resulted in the deaths of over a hundred people. For years, AQAP battled the Houthis and
the self-proclaimed Islamic State for power, particularly in the central al-Bayda
Governorate. The Islamic State made its debut in Yemen in 2015 with suicide strikes on
two Zaydi mosques in Sanaa, killing almost 140 worshippers. Though the group has
claimed other high-profile acts, like as the assassination of Aden's governor in late 2015,
it has a smaller following than AQAP. The United Nations assessed that the Islamic State
had hundreds of fighters in Yemen in 2021, while AQAP had roughly 7,000 as of
mid-2020. Opposition from the Houthis is said to have paralyzed both organizations, but
experts warn against dismissing their potential resurrection.

THE IMPACTS OF THIS CONFLICT

Yemen has long been the poorest country in the Arab world, with nearly three-quarters of
its population living in poverty, and its humanitarian situation has been described as one
of the worst in the world. The disease is rife; suspected cholera cases surpassed 200,000
in 2020. Because there is no extensive caseload data, assessing the impact of the
COVID-19 pandemic is more difficult. The World Health Organization has documented
12,000 cases, but health experts believe the true number is significantly higher.
Furthermore, many countries reduced essential help to Yemen in the midst of the
pandemic, prompting the UN to lower food rations for around eight million Yemenis in
January 2022. According to the UN refugee agency, three out of every four Yemenis
require humanitarian aid and protection, and four million are internally displaced. The
situation has deteriorated as a result of a years-long de facto land, sea, and air blockade
enforced by coalition forces, which has impeded the flow of important supplies of food
and medicine and contributed to the rise in the price of necessary products. Prices fell
dramatically during the 2022 cease-fire, but with the truce's expiration, many Yemenis
fear that high prices would return. According to the UN Development Program, more
than 370,000 people have died as a result of the war, with indirect factors such as a lack
of food, water, and health care accounting for about 60% of deaths. Furthermore, the UN
has determined that both Houthi and coalition forces willfully attacked civilian targets in
violation of international law. This includes the 2015 destruction of a Doctors Without
Borders hospital. Other alleged war crimes committed by both sides include torture,
arbitrary arrests, and forced disappearances.

SOLUTIONS TO THIS CRISIS

Peace talks backed by the UN have made little progress. The 2018 Stockholm Agreement
averted a battle in the port city of Hodeidah, a vital aid hub; however, little progress has
been made in implementing the accord's provisions, which include the exchange of over
15,000 prisoners and the formation of a joint committee to de-escalate violence in Taiz.

Observers are concerned that tensions between regional actors such as Iran, Saudi Arabia,
and the United Arab Emirates are prolonging the war. In late 2019, the Houthis claimed
responsibility for a missile attack on Saudi oil infrastructure, worsening the situation. UN
monitors determined that the attack was not carried out by the Houthis, but the Saudi-led
coalition blamed Iran.

Peace efforts gained traction in April 2022, when Yemen's new governing council
assisted in the consolidation of anti-Houthi forces. Later that month, the Houthis and
coalition forces agreed to their first statewide cease-fire in years, allowing commercial
flights from Sanaa to restart and some petroleum shipments to dock in Hodeidah. The
sides prolonged the truce numerous times but failed to renew it after six months of
relative peace. Recent improvements in Saudi-Iranian relations, as well as ongoing talks
between Riyadh and the Houthis, have fuelled hopes for another extension of the
cease-fire, but the exclusion of the ruling council and STC from the talks has cast doubt
on the chances for peace.
 QUESTIONS A RESOLUTION MUST ANSWER
(QARMAs)

-​ Inclusive Peace Talks: Initiate inclusive peace talks involving all relevant parties
to the conflict, including the Houthi rebels, government representatives, regional
actors, and international mediators. The talks should aim to create an atmosphere
of trust and open dialogue.

-​ Ceasefire and Confidence-Building Measures: Agreements on immediate

ceasefires and confidence-building measures are essential to create a conducive
environment for dialogue. Temporary truces can allow for humanitarian aid access
and build trust between the conflicting parties.

-​ Humanitarian Corridors: Establish and secure humanitarian corridors to ensure the

safe and unimpeded flow of food, medicine, and aid to civilians trapped in conflict
zones. This should be a priority to address the severe humanitarian crisis in the
country.

-​ Power-sharing Arrangements: Explore power-sharing arrangements that

accommodate the interests of different factions and regional actors. This could
include the formation of a transitional government that represents diverse ethnic,
religious, and political groups.

-​ Disarmament and Demobilization: Develop a comprehensive plan for

disarmament and demobilization of armed groups, with a focus on reintegrating
former combatants into civilian life and providing them with viable alternatives.

-​ Security Sector Reform: Work towards a comprehensive security sector reform

that ensures the loyalty of armed forces to the state rather than individual factions.
This may include restructuring security forces and promoting inclusivity and
accountability.

-​ Decentralization and Local Governance: Consider a decentralized governance

system that empowers local communities to have greater control over their own
affairs while maintaining a unified state structure.
-​ Economic Development and Reconstruction: Prioritize economic development and
reconstruction efforts to address the root causes of the conflict, create job
opportunities, and improve living conditions for Yemeni citizens.

-​ Regional and International Support: Engage neighboring countries and the

international community to support the mediation efforts and provide assistance in
implementing the peace agreement. Regional actors should be encouraged to use
their influence positively.

-​ Long-term Monitoring and Support: Establish a robust mechanism for long-term

monitoring of the implementation of the peace agreement and provide support to
ensure its success. This could involve international peacekeeping forces,
diplomatic missions, and aid agencies.

-​ Reconciliation and Transitional Justice: Pursue a process of national reconciliation

and transitional justice to address past grievances and promote healing among the
Yemeni population.

-​ Public Awareness and Participation: Foster public awareness and encourage the
active participation of civil society, women, youth, and other stakeholders in the
peace process to ensure that the negotiated settlement reflects the aspirations of the
broader population
 CITATIONS

-​ UN General Assembly - First Committee - Disarmament and International

Security
-​ First Committee | UN Press
-​ Security Council Resolutions | OSESGY
-​ Remarks of the UN Special Envoy for Yemen at the meeting commemorating the
20th anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the Women, Peace
and Security Agenda. | OSESGY
-​ Yemen: Why is the war there getting more violent? - BBC News
-​ Yemen: The world’s largest humanitarian crisis
-​ Yemen’s Tragedy: War, Stalemate, and Suffering | Council on Foreign Relations
-​ A timeline of Yemen’s slide into conflict and war | Houthis News | Al Jazeera
-​ Funding shortages risk pushing Yemen’s humanitarian crisis from bad to worse |
ICRC
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