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Impact of World Wars on Tamil Nadu

Chapter VI discusses the impact of world wars on Tamil Nadu, focusing on the administrative changes introduced by the British, particularly the Ryotwari System, which improved land rights for tenants and reduced zamindar domination. It also highlights the labor troubles during the war period, including strikes and demands for better wages, as well as the establishment of labor unions. The chapter emphasizes the socio-economic challenges faced by workers and the government's response to labor unrest and welfare measures.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
10 views27 pages

Impact of World Wars on Tamil Nadu

Chapter VI discusses the impact of world wars on Tamil Nadu, focusing on the administrative changes introduced by the British, particularly the Ryotwari System, which improved land rights for tenants and reduced zamindar domination. It also highlights the labor troubles during the war period, including strikes and demands for better wages, as well as the establishment of labor unions. The chapter emphasizes the socio-economic challenges faced by workers and the government's response to labor unrest and welfare measures.

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kanchan bhatt
Copyright
© All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Chapter - VI

IMPACT OF WORLD WARS


178

CHAPTER - VI

IMPACT OF WORLD WARS

The suppression of rebellions by natives and the subsequent success of


the British over the French enabled them to consolidate their position in Tamil
Nadu. As a part of it, they introduced various administrative systems. Among
them, the introduction of Ryotwari System, the spread of European education,
the decentralization of power, the enforcement of law and order and growth of
agriculture and industries, were noteworthy. These administrative changes
had telling effects on the society, which, in turn, put an end to the traditional
systems that prevailed in Tamil Nadu. Since these systems were found to be
good, Tamil Nadu adopted similar systems, even after Independence. During
the administration of the East India Company, the Ryotwari System was
adopted in Tamil Nadu, with a view to regularising and enhancing the land
revenue. This system was an improvement over the previous systems. This
system was appreciated on the grounds that for the first time, it maintained
direct contact between the Government and the tenants. They remitted the tax
directly to the Government. Hence an opportunity was given to the tenants to
rectify their grievances directly with the Government. 443

According to this system, the land rights of tenants were confirmed


permanently. It enhanced his attachment to the lands which ultimately
induced him to produce more from the land. This system also authorised the
tenants even to sell or lease or mortgage the land at will. It enhanced the
status of tenants. Prior to the introduction of the Ryotwari System, there
existed the domination of zamindars. They both exploited the Government

443
Varghese Jeyaraj, S., Zamindari System in Tamil Nadu-Madurai, Pavai Publications,
Chennai, 2009, pp.47-48.
179

and the tenants. The effective working of the new system gave satisfaction to
the Government and more profit to the tenants. Moreover, it put an end to the
traditional domination of the zamindars.444 Based on the system, lands were
brought under the direct control of the Government. The officials, appointed
to look after the land revenue administration, frequently visited the villages. It
enabled them to understand the socio-cultural habits of the people directly.
The illiteracy and the outdated traditional beliefs that existed in the villages,
prompted the Colonial Government to introduce various welfare schemes.
They also induced the natives to fight against social injustices.

The formation of various departments and the enforcement of various


rules and regulations indicated the attitude of the Government towards the
development of administration. Moreover, the introduction of Jamabandy and
inspection systems enabled the Government to regularize the state revenue
and to minimize corruption and mal-administration. Though the system was
appreciated, it was also criticised due to various reasons. Under the Ryotwari
System, the Government officials were entrusted with enormous powers.
They were empowered to classify and to assess the tax. In order to get the
favour of the officials, the tenants were forced to give bribes to them.
Moreover, utilizing the illiteracy of natives, the government officials such as
Karnam, Tahsildar, etc., exploited and even collected more money from them.
Such inhuman attitude paved the way for the establishment of autocracy of
the revenue officials.

Land Reforms

In Tamil Nadu which was predominantly agricultural, the


maximization of agricultural productivity and output was an essential

444
Ibid., p.45.
180

condition of economic growth and improvement of the masses. The system


under which the cultivator worked was of key importance to determining the
agricultural growth. Agricultural productivity per acre and per capita, was
often limited by the prevailing system of land tenure. Hence land reforms
occupied a central position in the programme of planned development of
communities engaged in agriculture. 445 “There is only one fundamental
method of improving village life, namely, the introduction of a system of
peasant proprietorship under which the tiller of the soil is himself the owner
of it and pays revenues direct to the Government without the intervention of
any zamindars or Taluqdar”.446 In the old Madras Province, the Zamindari
System took roots only in the northern parts while in the southern areas, lands
were held by a class of people known as Poligars who were confined to a few
villages.447Various economic and social factors were combined to produce an
inefficient and exploitative land system which hampered the economic
progress and let to inequitable distribution.

Labour Troubles

In 1908, the laborers of the Corel Mill struck work in Tuticorin. 448
Much of the problem that Rajaji was confronted with had been the result of
his own innovative measures. But problems came from other sources also.
The gravest problem that caused him considerable depression throughout his
tenure of two years and three months was that of labour. Though he was not
responsible for the labour troubles, his methods of tackling them were
denounced by his friends and foes alike. In 1918, the Madras Labour Union
was started by [Link], [Link] (Chettiyar),
445
Rajalakshmi, N., [Link], 1999, p.313.
446
[Link].1048, Labour Department, 6 July 1921.
447
Ibid.
448
Narayanasamy Naidu , B.V., Madras Finance Progress in Lard Reform, New
York,1954, p.57
181

Ramanuchalu (Naidu), Vadiya, [Link], etc., Congressmen and industrial


workers hopefully looked forward to a new era of labour relations when
police brutalities and intervention in industrial disputes would become things
of the past. This optimism, coupled with the improved economic conditions,
gave birth to a new type of labour militancy which found expression in wage
demands and strikes. To nip this trend in the bud and to bring about some
harmony between the labour and the capital, the Government issued a
communiqué in October 1937 to the effect that the Ministry would strongly
disapprove of any strike unless all other methods of representation had
failed.449

The first clash between strikers and police occurred in February 1938
when the workers of the Saroja Mill in Coimbatore went on a lightning strike
over the dismissal of fifteen employees. The second one occurred a few days
later in the Indian Leaf Tobacco Distributing Company’s Factory at Chirala in
Guntur District. It was a more serious and protracted dispute and it assumed
serious proportions on 14 February when nearly 6000 workers gathered
outside the factory, some wanted to go back to work and others prevented
them. Failing to subdue the crowd which indulged in heavy stone-throwing
even after a lathi charge, the police opened fire. The warning given by the
police was treated lightly by the crowd under the thought that a popular
Government would not resort to shooting. One person was killed in the
shooting incident and another was badly wounded. The crowd dispersed
thereafter. Justice Horwill, who conducted an enquiry into the incident, fully
exonerated the police. The Government accepted the Report, vindicating the
police, though reluctantly.450

449
Arnold, D., Police Power and Colonial Rule, 1859-1947, Madras, 1986, p.222.
450
Ibid., pp.224-225.
182

The establishment of War Industries generated employment


opportunities for workers and yet the soaring prices, low wages and rising
cost of living adversely affected the standard of living of labourers. Hence
the War Period was marked by labour unrest in Madras and under the
Defence of India Rules, the Government declared strikes illegal in many
essential industries.451 The rise in prices had an impact on the standard of
living of labourers and the organized labour agitated for dearness allowance
to meet the increased cost of living.452 Presided over by [Link], the third
annual conference of the Madras Labour Union was held on 1 September
1940. It passed resolutions, demanding the grant of dearness allowance to
workers and condemning the use of the Defence of India Rules against the
labour. The Government yielded to the demand but the dearness allowance
did not keep pace with the level of the cost of living index.453

The cost of living index, which started increasing during the War,
continued its upward trend even after the War. Wages and dearness
allowances were not proportionately increased to completely neutralize the
price rise. It caused much financial strain to the workers. Further, there was
delay in revising the working condition of the Pre-War Period to suit the Post-
War Period. This position was admitted at the Indian Labour Conference,
held in April 1947.454 Jagajivan Ram, the Labour Adviser to the Government
of India and the Chairman of the Conference, observed455 that the wage rates
and working conditions were far from satisfactory.456

451
The Hindu, 3 October 1939, p.8.
452
Madras Information 1942, Madras, 1942, p.13.
453
Chelladurai, P., Working Class Movement in Tamil Nadu, 1918-1947, Virudunagar,
2004, p.203.
454
[Link].2481, Development Department, 5 June 1947.
455
[Link].2345, Development Department, 27 June 1947.
456
[Link].2481, Development Department, 5 June 1947.
183

For the nutritious diet of the industrial workers in India in the 1940’s,
[Link] fixed a minimum living wage of Rs.35/- per month457 while the
Pay Commission recommended that the minimum wage of an Indian worker
should be at least Rs.30-8-6. 458 As against this minimum, even in the
comparatively well paid Buckingham and Carnatic Mills, the lowest pay was
Rs.19-8-0.459 But in a Memorandum of Grievances submitted to the Labour
Minister, it was stated that the wage of an unskilled textile worker was as low
as Rs.0-6-9 per day.460In the Buckingham and Carnatic Mills too, for boys and
waste picking women, the wages were Rs.7/to Rs.8/- per month. 461 In the
South Indian Railway, the wages of porters, cleaners and coolies were about
Rs.12/- 462 and the lowest pay of the cleaners in the motor transport was
between Rs.10/- and Rs.15/- per month.463 While in the foundries, the coolies
got less than ten annas daily,464 the oil companies paid fourteen and eleven
annas for ordinary workers and working boys respectively.465

In September 1946, the tanneries at Pallavaram discharged about forty


workers on the grounds of lack of work. The workers agitated against it since
10 September 1946 and to tackle it, an order, under section 144, was issued
prohibiting meetings and processions. 466 After a long period, the workers
resumed work in November 1946.467 The workers were discharged in large
number for want of work. Some factories made use of the Post-War problems
to discourage trade union activity. On 17 September 1947, the Gordon

457
[Link].2609, Development Department, 5 July 1946.
458
[Link].4681, Development Department, 1 October 1947.
459
[Link].4637, Development Department, 18 December 1946.
460
[Link].2609, Development Department, 5 July 1946.
461
[Link].4637, Development Department, 18 December 1946.
462
Ibid.
463
[Link].2304, Development Department, 26 May 1947.
464
[Link].1774, Development Department, 23 April 1947.
465
[Link].5874, Development Department, 19 December 1947.
466
[Link].323, Development Department, 28 January 1947.
467
[Link].315, Development Department, 27 January 1947.
184

Woodroffe Leather Manufacturing Company dismissed 101 workers without


assigning any reason. Ramakrishnan, the President of the Union, complained
that it was an offence the Union, to start Welfare Union for the frustrated and
the attempt of the management as to start it. However, after a rival union was
started with the patronage of the Company 468 On 12 November 1947, the
Company sent away about 200 workers out of a total of about 1000
workers.469

On 29 May 1947, the Government appointed an Adjudicator to


arbitrate over the dispute. The Company refused to take back the fifty six
strikers, but the Adjudicator persuaded the Company to allow the fifty six
workers to work from 7 June 1947. It recruited over 100 new workers to get
their work done in the factory under construction at Tondiarpet. Since the
parties arrived at a settlement, the Tribunal passed a compromise award.
Accordingly, the management agreed to take back all the workers, who were
on the rolls on 30 March 1947, at the Royapuram mills. 470 However, the
Union simply rejected the cases of the workers dismissed before 1 April 1947.
But their cases were similar to that of the workers retrenched from 1 April
1947. In 1947, on the direction of the Central Government, the State
Government advised the employers to pay compensation for involuntary
unemployment, resulting out of shortage of coal and raw material. 471
Nevertheless, problems of this kind caused disturbances in the labour front.

468
[Link].5374, Development Department, 20 November 1947.
469
Commissioner of Labour letter to Joint Secretary to the Government of Madras, 15
November 1947, in [Link].1507, Development Department, 3 April 1947, p.27.
470
[Link].4687, Development Department, 1 October 1947.
471
[Link].30, Development Department, 4 January 1947.
185

Labour Welfare Measures

The adoption of Quit India Resolution by the Congress in May-July


1942, forced the Government to seek the co-operation of the Communists. It
sought the support of All India Trade Union Congress and Indian Federation
of Labour, to maximize War time production and to minimize the labour
unrest. 472 In 1945, the weavers of the Buckingham and Carnatic Mills
informed the Adjudicator that they worked so very hard, in spite of the odds,
with a view to increasing production.473

The total number of unions registered up to the year 1939-1940 was


158 and of which 110 unions were actually on the rolls of the Register at the
end of the year in the Madras Presidency.474 The Communists were busy with
the organization of workers. As a result, the registered unions increased to
248 up to 31 March 1944 and of which 143 unions were on the Register at the
beginning of the year 1943-1944.475 The Movement made so much progress
during this year that thirty seven more unions were registered. Of them,
twenty six unions were in Tamil Nadu. For the same year, the number of
members in the registered trade unions was 1, 20,879 as against 92,915 for the
year 1942-1943.476 For the year 1945-1946, the number of members in the
registered trade unions increased to 1, 71,083.477

On 11 January 1943, the Salem Magnesite Company retrenched sixty


workers without notice. The workers agitated against it under the leadership
of the Communists. But the firm objected to the Communist interference and

472
[Link].2187, Public Works Department, 29 June 1942.
473
[Link].1927, Public Works Department, 19 July 1945.
474
[Link].169, Public Works Department, 21 January 1941.
475
[Link].313, Public Works Department, 2 February 1945.
476
Ibid.
477
[Link].5373, Development Department, 19 November 1947.
186

refused to reinstate the retrenched workers. 478 The Madras Beedi Workers
Union, controlled by the Communists, demanded the restoration of wages,
reduced in some factories. With the help of the Commissioner of Labour, the
wages of beedi workers were restored to eleven annas per day from January
1943.479 In 1943, the Madura Mills declared a bonus of two months wages to
their workers at Madurai and Papanasam. [Link] Naidu supported
the management and accepted the condition that fifty per cent of the two
months bonus would be deposited in the savings fund account of the
workers.480

In view of the rising cost of living index, the Communist Union


protested against it and insisted upon the payment of two months bonus in
lump sum. As the Company turned down their request, and the workers
struck work on 15 March 1943. The Communists, who organized the strike,
were arrested under Rule 129 of the Defence of India Rules, on 16 March
1943. [Link] and Guruswamy from Madras, who guided the strikers,
were also arrested on 17 March 1943.481

In Papanasam too, as a protest against the pro-management attitude of


[Link] Naidu, a rival union known as Vikramasingapuram Textile
Workers Union was formed, under the leadership of [Link] in
1939. 482 While the management encouraged the Papanasm Labour Union
under [Link] Naidu, it refused to negotiate with the Communist
Union.483 On 16 June 1944, the Sub-Divisional Magistrate, Cheranmadevi,
convicted [Link] Naidu in the defalcation case and sentenced him

478
[Link].998, Public Works Department, 9 June 1943.
479
Ibid.
480
[Link].1927, Public Works Department, 19 July 1945.
481
Ibid.
482
[Link].1646, Public Works Department, 15 June 1945.
483
[Link].2909, Public Works Department, 30 December 1943.
187

to eighteen months rigorous imprisonment and a fine of Rs.1,000/- or in the


event of default, a further period of four months rigorous imprisonment.484
His appeal to the Madras High Court did not get him any favourable verdict.
On 6 March 1945, the High Court confirmed the conviction and
485
[Link] Naidu was arrested on 25 March 1945. These
developments adversely affected the relationship between the workers in the
rival groups. From March 1943 to March 1945, the cases of abuse,
intimidation, assault, and rioting registered in the Vikramasingapuram police
station, exceeded 150 in number.486 However, the question of recognition of
the Vikramasingapuram Textile Workers Union continued to cause much
unrest. After repeated requests, on 5 July 1946, the Government referred the
disputes to the District and Session Judge, Ramnad, for adjudication.487

On 25 February 1946, the workers of the Perambur Railway


Workshop, numbering 6,629, struck work in sympathy with the Royal Indian
Navy strikers.488 Similarly, strikes and hartals were organized in Perambur,
Madurai and Vikramasingapuram. On 27 February 1946, in Madurai, the
Communists organized a hartal as a protest against the police firing in
Bombay. Except stone throwing at trains, there was no serious trouble.
Following these agitations on 28 February 1946, the workers at
Vikramasingapuram struck work under the leadership of the Communists.489
In fact, the Communists, by taking up popular causes and organizing strikes
extended their influence among the workers.

484
[Link].64, Public Works Department, 6 January 1945.
485
[Link].2066, Public Works Department, 2 August 1945.
486
[Link].1646, Public Works Department, 15 June 1945.
487
[Link].2609-10, Development Department, 5 July 1946.
488
Report on Labour Strickes and Lock-outs for 1946 in [Link].133, Development
Department, 10 January 1947, p.19.
489
[Link].2609-2610, Development Department, 5 July 1946.
188

The Post-War Period witnessed increased labour unrest. On the one


hand, workers agitated for improvement in their working conditions and on
the other hand, the Communists and the Congresses vied with each other for
trade union influence. At this juncture, the Congress Party came to power on
30 April 1946. It gave fresh hope to the working class in trade union
activity. 490 Hence the Factories Act of 1934 was amended in 1946. The
amended Act reduced the maximum daily and weekly hours of work of
persons employed in perennial factories. As per this legislation, those who
were employed in the non-seasonal factories had to work nine hours a day and
forty hours in a week. Similarly, the employees of the seasonal factories had
to work ten and fifty respectively, 491 However, the Factories Act was not
properly enforced. One of the reasons for not properly enforcing the
Factories Act was the inadequacy of the governmental machinery. Of the
3,761 registered factories in 1947, 1,433 factories were inspected only once in
a year, 1,249 were inspected twice, 528 were inspected thrice and 204 were
inspected more than three times and 347 factories were not at all inspected in
that year.492 As a result, the employers used to violate the factory legislations
and the workers had to suffer a lot.

The problems of workers formed the basic factor for labour unrest.
Yet it was the intervention of outside leaders that created complications.
Political parties made use of the workers for political purpose. However, the
instances of that kind were limited in number. Communal differences crept
into the rank and file of the movement. The leadership was not free from
defects. Some leaders misused the union funds and joined hands with the
management to suppress rival unions. Some others mixed communal

490
[Link].323, Development Department, 28 January 1947, p.39.
491
Labour Welfare in Madras State, Government of Madras, 1947, p.13.
492
[Link].5043, Development Department, 15 October 1948.
189

problems with union affairs so as to boost up their influence. One of the


popular acts of the Prakasam Ministry was the reintroduction of prohibition in
the already introduced prohibition Districts of Salem, Chittor, Cuddappah and
North Arcot and further extension of the measure to other Districts.493 This
was mainly due to the Temperance Movement which was a gain to the Indian
National Congress towards the beginning of the Twentieth Century.494 It also
became one of the most important principles of Gandhian Constructive
Programmes. Already there existed a move in the Presidency in favour of
total prohibition. 495 Arogyaswami Mudaliar, the Excise Minister in the
Ministry of Subbarayan, stood for the gradual introduction of total prohibition
in the State.496

The introduction of prohibition in the eight Districts was only an initial


step. The intention of the Government was to go ahead with the scheme and
to extend it to the whole Presidency in the course of the next three years. As
stated in its policy note, “When that has been done and the drink demon has
been effectively destroyed throughout the Province, we have accomplished
the biggest and the most important social reform that any Government has
achieved anywhere. We will then have the satisfaction of having introduced
light into thousands of homes where darkness prevailed before; we will have
the satisfaction of having spread joy into thousands of families where
destitution and poverty reigned supreme”. 497

493
Madras in 1946, (Outline of Administration) Madras, 1947, p.1.
494
Ibid., .p.2
495
Ganthi, M.K., .Panchayat Raj, Madras, 1984, p.44.
496
Ibid. p.1.
497
Ibid, p.2.
190

Reports of Surveys, Committees and Commissions

The plight of the coal miners was brought to light by the reports of
several surveys, committees and commissions. The first report on coal miners
was made by Luby 498 in 1917, when he investigated into the housing
conditions of colliery labour in Bihar and Orissa. In his Report, Luby stated
that the housing conditions of colliery labour in Bihar and Orissa were so
poor and needs immediate improvement. Later, the Report, submitted by the
499
Royal Commission on Labour, represented the first systematic and
comprehensive attempt in this field. But in view of its wide coverage, it could
not deal with the problems of coal miners properly. Hughes investigated into
the level of wages and the changes in the cost of living of labourers in the
Jharia coal field in the wake of Second World War. Indian Labour Office, in
its publication, “Approaches to Social Security”, stated that social security
relates to those services which provided the citizens with benefits, designed to
prevent or cure disease, to support him when unable to earn and to restore him
to gainful activity.58 The Labour Investigation Committee, while appointing
different Industrial sub-committees, entrusted the work on coal sector to
Deshpande who made an exhaustive investigation into the work life of coal
miners and brought out their miserable conditions in 1945.59

With a view to enlisting the support of public for the War efforts in the
Presidency, the Government of Madras undertook propaganda measures on a
large scale. As a first step, the Government set up War Committees, both at
the District and the Provincial levels.500 The purpose of these Committees was
to give full and accurate information to the public as to the causes of War, its

498
Luby, T., Report of Housing of Colliery Labour in Bihar and Orissa, Delhi, 1917,
pp.252-256.
499
Report of the Royal Commission on Labour, Calcutta, 1931, p. 339.
500
Madras Information 1941, Madras, 1941, p.48.
191

progress and its objects; to assist in such matters as recruitment and the care
of soldiers’ families and to stimulate and encourage the Indian Defence
Savings’ Scheme. Further, in order to sensitize the people of Madras City
about all the activities with regard to War efforts it established a War
Information Office at Mount Road, Madras. 501 Messrs Simpson and Co.,
Madras, presented motor vans equipped with film projectors, wireless sets,
microphones and speakers for relaying speeches made from the van for
publicity work.502 In order to co-ordinate the War related publicity activities
of all kinds throughout the Province, the Governor inaugurated the Madras
Provincial War Committee at Madras and named it ‘Victory House’.503 A big
map of Germany and four other maps were displayed there to inform the
public about the daily progress of the War.504 The Provincial War Committee
brought out its own journal called the, Madras War Review in English and its
counterpart, Yuddha Sanchika in Tamil.505

With a view to motivating the students of schools and colleges, the


Government thought of making War the subject of study and even suggested
to give grant-in-aid to educational institutions on the basis of their efficiency
in handling the subject of the Second World War. 506 Apart from all these
measures, the Government fully utilized the mass media for publicity work.
The All-India Radio arranged for a number of talks on War subjects in
English, Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada. 507 The Film Advisory
Board, Bombay, helped the cinemas in Madras City to screen documentaries
like War Time Factory, Children Overseas, Tools for the Job, Seaman of
501
[Link].77, Public Department, 15 January 1941.
502
Madras Administration Report, 1940-1941, Madras, 1941, p.173.
503
[Link].1978, Public Department, 11 September 1941.
504
Madras Information 1943, Madras, 1943, p.77.
505
Report on the Administration of Madras Presidency, 1940-1941, Madras, 1941,
p.173.
506
[Link].2229, War Publicity Department, 9 October 1941.
507
Madras Information, 1942, Madras, 1942, p.53.
192

India and Madras Must Not Burn The ballad singers and entertainment
troupes carried on propaganda through music. 508 The Government also
organized exhibitions to highlight the various aspects of War. The Air Raid
Precautions (A.R.P.) and the women’s A.R.P. jointly organized the War
Services Exhibition in Madras City.509

The beginning of the War in December 1947, with Japan, produced an


abrupt change in this position. Early in 1942, the rice areas of Burma and
Siam were overrun by the Japanese and imports from these areas stopped
completely. The problem was further aggravated when the adjacent areas of
Madras such as Ceylon, Travancore, Cochin and Bombay began to purchase
rice from Madras.510 Consequently, Madras which had been a rice importing
Province till then became a rice exporting area. The reason for the shortage of
food was the tendency of businessmen to hoard foodstuffs in order to make
quick money.511 The scarcity of food led to sharp rise in prices. On 13 June
1942, it issued a notification, prohibiting the export of rice outside the
Province except on Governmental permission. 512 To control the increase in
prices, the Government gave effect to the Food Grains Control Order of the
Government of India.513 According to its provisions, the obtaining of license
was made compulsory for the wholesale merchants of paddy, rice and wheat
and suspended the license of those who indulged in black marketing or
hoarding. Gradually, it extended control to other commodities like textiles,
iron, steel and other consumer goods.514 Besides, the Government set up a

508
Ibid. p.62.
509
Madras War Review, August 1943, p.11.
510
A Survey of Procurement and Rationing of Food in the Madras State, 1942-1949,
Madras, 1949, p.10.
511
Sundara Rajan, V.C., ‘Problem of Food Supply’ in Madras War Review, 21 May 1943.
512
A Survey of Procurement and Rationing of Food in the Madras State, 1942-1949,
[Link]., p.11.
513
Ibid, p.12.
514
Madras Information 1942, Madras, 1942, p.51.
193

Prices Advisory Committee for Madras City, with the Collector of Madras as
the Chairman, the Thashildar of Madras as the Secretary and the Mayor of
Madras, the Statistical Officer and two representatives of wholesale
merchants as members.515

In order to check malpractices, the Government made it necessary for


the holders of ration cards to get themselves registered the government also
rewarded those who supplied information relating to offences under the
Madras Rationing Order.516 For the supply of essential foodstuffs and milk to
the people, the Government sought the help of institutions like the Triplicane
Urban Co-operative Society (T.U.C.S.) and the Madras Co-operative Milk
Supply Ltd. (M.C.M.S.U.). 517 With regard to the supply of kerosene, the
Madras Kerosene Control Order introduced a new system of kerosene supply
in the City.518 Accordingly, tickets were issued to the heads of families and
each head was entitled to half a bottle of kerosene irrespective of the size of
the family. It also prohibited wholesale business in kerosene which led to the
withholding of stocks and profiteering by dealers.519

Challenges and Response of the Pre–Independence Period

The values of society are disseminated with the help of educational


institutions. A number of institutions were founded to impart education to
women like Mahila Vidyalaya in 1907. [Link] laid the foundation for the
Women’s University in [Link] Pantulu, the great pioneer of
social reform, took up the cause of unfortunate child widows. Despite
opposition, he arranged the first widow remarriage in Madras in June 1883. A

515
[Link].468, Development Department, 28 October 1942.
516
[Link].1971, Development Department, 23 August 1943.
517
[Link].583, Development Department, 2 August 1942.
518
[Link].470, Development Department, November 1943.
519
[Link].471, Development Department, November 1943.
194

Widow’s Home was founded in March 1902, with an initial strength of three
inmates. The widow of these days did not possess any property right. Because
of her economic condition, she was dependent upon men. The Hindu Law
generally denied her right of inheritance. In a few cases, she could inherit
property but such inheritance was only in the nature of limited rights. The
Married Women’s Property Act 1874, The Hindu Law of Inheritance
Amendment Act II of1937 etc. gave some limited privileges to them. The
Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929, popularly called the Sarda Act, after its
author, Harbilas Sarda, fixed the minimum marriageable age for boys and
girls at 18 and 14 respectively. This Act considered persons under the
stipulated age as children. It declared child marriages as criminal and
punishable with simple imprisonment up to one month and fine up to Rs.1000
or both. Women were exempted from imprisonment. 520

The Self-Respect Movement in Tamil Nadu, under the leadership of


Periyar E.V.R., had strongly advocated the necessity of inter-caste marriage
and widow marriages. The Movement severely attacked the evils of child
marriages and Devadasi system. It started propaganda for encouraging
marriage of widows.521 The Women’s Indian Association, which was formed
in 1917 in Adayar, Madras, was the pioneer organization for women in India
that had done great service to enhance the progress of women’s movement.
The torch bearers of this Association were Mrs. Annie Besant and Mrs.
Margaret Causins who dedicated themselves to the service of our country and
emancipated Indian women. Annie Besant was the very spirit behind the
Women’s Indian Association and became its first President. Due to her
efforts, branches of the Association spread out all over India. She took a
leading part in demanding franchise for women on the same terms as men.

520
Thangavelu, K., [Link], p.65.
521
Ibid, p.66.
195

The Avvai Home, Orphanage and a Home for Destitutes, was founded
by the great visionary, [Link] Reddi. She gave up her lucrative
practice in response to the request by the Women’s Indian Association and
entered the Legislative Council in 1917, as the First Woman Legislator in
British India. She was also unanimously elected the Deputy President of the
Madras Council. She was essentially responsible for the agitation for the
enforcement of Child Marriage Restraint Act, Suppression of Immoral Traffic
on Women and Girls in Madras and abolition of the Devadasi System in the
temples. 522 She took a leading part in the activities of Women’s Indian
Associations. When the reformers tried to abolish devadasi system, the
economic position of men and women of the community came in the way of
rapid progress of the reform movement. The devadasis got income from the
land of temples and hence they could not voluntarily dissociate themselves
from the temples. Hence [Link] Reddi sought Government’s
intervention. A resolution, introduced by her in 1928, recommended enacting
an Act to abolish this system. Having accepted the resolution, the Madras
Government legislated in 1929. The Hindu Religious Endowments Act
provided that women of the said community need not perform service in
temples and that the “inams” intended for the service be enfranchised and
made over to the families of the devadasis. After considering the various
opinions expressed in this connection, the Devadasi Act was passed in 1947,
with a view to stamping out the system.523

Subbulakshmi Ammal, the child widow of Tamil Nadu, participated in


the campaign for the abolition of child marriages and other evils. She founded
the Sarada Ladies Union, the Widows Home and the Sarada Vidyalaya. Thus

522
Chandasekaran, N.R., History of Economic Development in Tamilnadu -1947-1967,
Unpublished [Link] Dissertation, University of Madras, 2000,p.55.
523
Ibid. p.56.
196

the women of Tamil Nadu came out of the seclusion of their homes and
started expressing themselves in education, politics, and public service and
this was a process of self-education and self-development. Between 1917 and
1926, the history of the Women’s Association in Tamil Nadu was the history
of women’s movement in the State.

Moreover, the freedom fighters, during the freedom struggle, not only
fought for independence but also for women emancipation. Indian Poets,
especially Tamil Poets, wrote many poems and books regarding Indian
freedom as well as women’s freedom. Vedanayahampillai, Mahakavi
Subramaniya Bharathi, Thiru. Vi. Kalyanasundaranar, Bharathidasan etc.,
were important Tamil poets and social reformers who fought continuously
against the social injustice done to women. Vedanayahampillai provoked the
Tamil society to educate women, especially the widows. Subramaniya
Bharathi, the great poet of Tamil Nadu, considered women freedom as India’s
freedom. Bharathidasan, the follower of Bharathi, rendered his service to
women’s right. He pointed out that without women’s freedom, it would not be
possible to achieve India’s freedom. [Link], the famous
social reformer as well as an efficient Tamil Scholar, was against the slavery
of women. He praised women as the soul of society. He also encouraged
education to women.524

Multi-Cultural Groups in Tamil Nadu

The Indian social structure and cultural pattern are characterized by


unity as well as diversity. Within the State, the population is divided into
various castes and religious groups and each of them has its own subdivisions.
This presents a complex cultural trait of the Indian society. Historically,

524
Festschrift for Prof. [Link], [Link]., p.122.
197

Tamil Nadu has been hospitable to numerous groups of immigrants, with


varying degrees of civilization. Recognizing the ethnically diverse nature of
Tamil Nadu, Kalidos525 described the land as an ethnological and linguistic
museum. From the First Century A.D. to Seventeenth Century A.D., Tamil
Nadu was ruled by successive empires such as the Cholas, Pandyas, Cheras
and Vijayanagar. Later it came under the rule of Nayaks and the British till
India's freedom was achieved in 1947. This frequent change in political power
had exerted tremendous impact on the social and cultural life of the Tamil
society.526 In fact, large scale migration towards Tamil Nadu took place when
Tamil Nadu was absorbed into Vijayanagara Empire. During this time, many
Telugu and Kannada speaking people made their entry into the State. The
main factor responsible for the migration of the Telugus and the Kannadians
was the policy of the Emperors of Vijayanagar and the Nayaks in favouring
them for the various administrative and military positions. This undoubtedly
led to their influx into Tamil Nadu. On the other hand, the Maratha conquest
of the Carnatic and the establishment of Maratha rule at Tanjore, also resulted
in the influx of the Marathi-speaking people into the land. The Muslim
conquest (Madurai Sultanate), brought through forceful means, more people
to a different faith (Islam). The proselytizing zeal of the British and the
secular attitude of the Nayak kings allowed the growth of Christianity. And
each of these minority groups, besides living side by side and adjusting with
Tamils, strove to preserve its ethos through organised efforts. As a result,
noticeable changes occurred in Tamil Society.

525
Kalidos, R., History and Culture of the Tamils (From Pre-historic Times to the
President’s Rule), Dindugal, 1976, p. 11.
526
Ibid., p.13.
198

Prohibition

Though prohibition had not figured in the electoral Manifesto of the


Congress, its Ministries were instructed to impose prohibition throughout
their Provinces within three years, notwithstanding the serious loss of revenue
it would involve. According to Gandhi, “The Congress Ministries may
enforce immediate prohibition by making education self-supporting instead of
paying for it from the liquor revenue. This (may) appear a startling
proposition, but I hold it perfectly feasible and eminently reasonable”.527

In a conversation with Governor Erskine, Rajaji told him that if he


could have it entirely his own way, he deemed it possible that the whole
Presidency would go dry in ten years. However, in the context of his
colleagues asking for more funds for their departments, he feared it would
take longer than that.528 Within two months of assuming office, the Ministry
succeeded in enacting the Prohibition Act in September 1937. It sought to
penalize the manufacture, traffic in and consumption of liquor and
intoxicating drugs in the areas in which it was introduced. Its easy passage in
the legislature caused surprise to many. The Madras Mail was astonished that
so revolutionary a measure was passed without a division and attributed it to
the sense of impotency which had destroyed the virility of the
opposition.529The Governor had given orders that any European applying for
permit, should get one. In Salem, no difficulty was experienced in enforcing
prohibition. The Collector and the District Superintendent of Police, both
Europeans, had preferred not to take out foreign liquor permits.530 Griffith
I.C.S., whose very first posting was at Salem as Assistant Collector, felt it
527
Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, (herein after referred as C.W.M.G.), [Link],
p.406.
528
Erskine Letter to Viceroy, 10 Nov. 1937.
529
F.N.R., for the Second Half of September 1937.
530
Erskine Letter to Viceroy (Confidential), 7 June 1938.
199

would be very awkward if the officials tried and enforced laws on the people
which they did not obey themselves. Hence as a first sacrifice to the
Congress and the “New Spirit”, Griffith and a few more of the I.C.S. officers
of the Salem District turned teetotalers. “It will be good to my pocket too”,
wrote Griffith.531

The combined vigilance of the public and the police successfully


solved most of the difficulties in implementing this policy. Special mention
deserves to be made of Dixon and Thompson (both of the I.C.S.) who were
determined to make prohibition in the District a success. The public was
intrigued to see Dixon, a British, executing a very un-British policy. The
prestige of the Congress rose.532

In Madras, there was no such thing as a normal term of duty in any


District and officers were moved about throughout the year regardless of the
length of time they might have served in an area, if the exigency of the service
so required. There would, therefore, be no difficulty in altering the existing
postings. 533 But Brabourne was not amenable to reason. He conveyed the
directive of Zetland that the Governor should warn the Premier against
transfer of officers from the aforesaid two Districts merely because they were
not teetotalers.534 Rajaji emphasized that he would use no compulsion and
would merely appeal to the better nature of the District officers concerned.
But it was felt at higher circles that an appeal by a superior was tantamount to
an order and was generally so regarded. By his appeals, the Premier would
place conscientious officers in a very difficult position and the final result
would be almost the same as if he had given an order. Since the prohibition

531
Grifflth, letter to his mother, 22 Nov. 1937, Griffith Papers.
532
Rajmohan Gandhi, The Rajaji Story, 1937-1972, Bombay, 1984, p.12.
533
Erskine Letter to Viceroy, 19 July 1938.
534
Viceroy Brabourne, letter to Erskine, 30 July 1938.
200

law provided for the use of permits to certain persons, there was no reason
why an officer who scrupulously observed the law, though himself enjoying
the privilege it gave him, should not be able to enforce the law on others with
complete success.535

For the success of the scheme in the four Districts, Prohibition


Committees, consisting of non-officials, were formed in every Taluk. The
Taluk Committee gave information about violation of prohibition to the police
and reported every month to the Collector on the working of the Act in its
taluk, maintained contact with the Village Prohibition Committee, kept a
watch on places where breaches of the Act were likely to take place counter
attractions to drink like amusements were encouraged. Types of amusements
organized were bhajans, kathaprasangams (story action plays), folk dances,
street dramas, playing gramophones, etc. A campaign for the revival of rural
sports was inaugurated. Rural uplift and recreation schools were started in
various centers in the dry areas with a view to providing training for the
young men as “village guides” to carry on rural uplift work.536 In September
1938, when the Munich decision was announced, Rajaji was in Cuddappah,
witnessing the switch to dryness in a new District.537

Public Health

The scarcity of foodstuffs and other necessities of life affected the


health of the people. The Corporation Council came to their rescue. The
economic condition of the middle and lower income groups deteriorated
considerably due to the sharp rise in prices of essential commodities and

535
Brabourne letter to Erskine, 13 July 1938.
536
Two Years of Congress Rule in Madras, 1937-1939, Government Press, Madras 1439,
p.5.
537
Rajmohan Gandhi, [Link]., p.26.
201

consequently, people fell as easy victims to diseases. Further, the scarcity of


accommodation facilities led to overcrowding in the City and that also
seriously affected their health. In order to help the weaker sections, the
Corporation started a ‘Corporation Poor Fund’ and established a Special
Home for the Destitutes and the Infirm. It was feared that the acute shortage
of milk would increase the mortality rate, especially among children and
expectant and nursing mothers. Hence the Government approved a scheme
for the free supply of 1,500 measures of milk, at its cost, to poor children and
expectant and nursing mothers. The Corporation bore the cost of distribution.
In addition to this, the Government opened a nutrition laboratory which
undertook survey of diets in the City and examined the children for deficiency
prone diseases. The Poonamalle Health Unit served as a demonstration center
and as a training ground for public health workers. The King Institute,
Guindy, acted as the main bacteriological laboratory and center for the
manufacture of bacterial vaccines and serum.

Peasant Upliftment

Rajaji was the first to introduce the Debt Relief Act, to help poor
indebted agriculturists who were suffering under the stranglehold of usurious
money lenders. Originally, in 1937, an ordinance was contemplated to call a
moratorium regarding agricultural debts but this was abandoned later. Instead
a Debt Relief Act was passed on a comprehensive scale in March 1938, with
the following objectives: to scale down the debts of agriculturists, to reduce
the rate of interest on their future debts and to write off the arrears of rent due
to zamindars, janmis and other landlords.538 Up to the end of March 1939,
debts amounting to Rs.2, 86, 67,677-0-4 were scaled down by courts to Rs.1,

538
David Arnold , The Congress in Tamilnad, Nationalist Politics in South India, 1919-
1937, [Link], p.79.
202

52, 09,419-3-4. A sum of Rs.50 lakhs was set apart in the budget for 1939-40,
towards the grant of loans to agriculturists to pay off the scaled down debts.
To facilitate the debtors to pay off the debts, as scaled down in the
Agriculturalists Relief Act, Debts Conciliation Boards were setup for each
revenue division under the Debt Conciliation Act of 1936.539 Credit facilities
for the agriculturists were increased also by the reorganization of Co-
operative Credit Societies for securing reasonable price for agricultural
produce. The Government also increased the guarantee of the debentures of
the Central Land Mortgage Bank to Rs.200 lakhs.540

Other Notable Measures

Certain other notable measures of the Rajaji Ministry included:

a. Better arrangements for rural water supply for which an initial grant of
Rs.25 lakhs was provided, with a recurring annual provision of about
Rs.10 lakhs.

b. Organization of Honorary Medical Services Association of private


medical practitioners, with civil hospital work.

c. Collection of unemployment statistics by the Ministry of Labour with a


view to levying a tax on the educated employed, for the purpose of
bettering their lot.

d. Appointment of a Co-operative Committee which produced a


comprehensive report on reorganizing the whole movement.

539
Ibid, p.80.
540
Ibid. p.82.
203

e. A decision that public utility concerns should be run and owned by the
State.541

The special favours, extended to the poor, included land revenue


concession, mine, flood and cyclone relief, village reconstruction which
consisted of water supply, rural medical scheme and revival of rural games,
tenancy reform, public health measures, educational facilities and religious
and charitable endowments. The Ministry, however, could not fulfill its main
election pledge of reduction in land tax. 542 To find money for all the
expenditures, the Government resorted both to new taxation and to stabilize
the economy.

War disrupts normal activities and promotes only war related


industries. India during the War Period was no exception Development.
Activities suffered due to the diversion of funds to war efforts. Even a
constructive programme like prohibition could not be enforced during the
War Period. Soldiers demanded intoxicating drinks and they could not be
denied this privilege in the face of War.

541
Pattabhi Sitaramayya, B., A History of the Indian National Congress, 1935-1947,
[Link], New Delhi, 1969, p.698.
542
Erskine Letter to Viceroy, 30 May 1938.

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