SOCIOLOGY MODULE VI

Kerala Society

The culture of Kerala has developed over the past millennia, influences

from other parts of India and abroad. It is defined by its antiquity and the

organic continuity sustained by the Malayali people.[3] Modern Kerala

society took shape owing to migrations from different parts of India and

abroad throughout Classical Antiquity.

Kerala traces its non-prehistoric cultural genesis to its membership

(around the 3rd century AD) in a vaguely defined historical region known

as Thamizhagam — a land defined by a common Tamil culture and

encompassing the Chera, Chola, and Pandya kingdoms. At that time, the

music, dance, language (first Dravida Bhasha — "Dravidian language" —

then Tamil), and Sangam (a vast corpus of Tamil literature composed

between 1,500–2,000 years ago) found in Kerala were all similar to that

found in the rest of Thamizhagam (today's Tamil Nadu). The culture of

Kerala evolved through the Sanskritization of Dravidian ethos,

revivalism of religious movements and reform movements against

caste [Link] showcases a culture unique to itself

developed through accommodation, acculturation and assimilation of

various faculties of civilized lifestyle.

Historiographical Trends

The growth of colonialism and the introduction of modern education

helped for the emergence of modern historical writing in Kerala. Most of

the works written during the early phase were more describing and the

authors did not delve into the causes of the events.

While they wrote factual history of In the modern period, they relied more

upon the traditional sources and legends for reconstructing the history

of earlier periods.

However certain works of historiographical importance had been

produced in Kerala in the earlier period also. The two significant works of

the earlier period were :MooshakavamsaKavya and Tuhfat-ul-

Mujahideen.

Mooshakavamsa Kavya belongs to the ‘Kavya’ tradition of the Indian

historical writing; it was prepared by Atula in the 11th century and is

generally considered as the first historical chronicle of Kerala. Atula was

the court poet of Srikanta, the king of the Mushaka or Ezhimala kingdom

of North Malabar.

The work is a blend of legends and facts. The author relies upon legends

and traditions for recording the early history of the kingdom, but when it

comes to more recent and contemporary periods, the description

becomes more factual and historical. The author relates the origin of the

Mushaka dynasty to a traditional myth.

According to this, the pregnant queen of Mahishmati escaped to

Ezhimala to save herself from the massacre of the legendary hero,

Parasurama. She then gave birth to the son Ramaghata who eventually

became the founder of the Mushaka kingdom. As he was said to be born

in a mouse burrow, his dynasty got the name, Mushaka.

Ramaghata is said to have built the capital city,Kolapattanam.

According to the description of Atula, Srikanta is the 118th ruler of the

dynasty, and some other important rulers mentioned are Nandan,

Vikramaraman, Ugran etc. The name of the king Nandan of Ezhimala is

mentioned in the sangam work also. Nandan is characterized as the one

who is involved in worldly pleasures both inMushika Vamsa and in

Akananuru.

The most important king of the dynasty was Vallabhan II, who founded

the ports of Marathi (madayi) and Valapattanam (valapattanam).

He is also said to have helped the Cheras in their fight against Cholas.

The Mushakavamsa Kavya has more than one thousand songs divided

into fifteen cantos. The work provides information about the penetration

of the Cheras into the Ezhimala kingdom.

Atula had given the chronology of the Mushaka rulers from Ranaghata

to Srikanta. As he was the court poet, he naturally relates the genealogy

of his mentor king with the Yadukula, in order to legitimize the authority

of the King. The traditional historical writing initiated by Atula is not seen

continued by the succeeding generation for reasons not clear.

Tuhfat-ul-Mujahiddin, written by Sheik Zainuddin in the 16th century

marks a new stage in the tradition of historical writing in Kerala. The

book, in general, depicts the Portuguese atrocities on the natives of

Malabar, especially on the

Muslims. Following the Arab tradition of historical writing, Zainuddin gives

importance to the detailed chronology of the Portuguese domination in

Malabar during the 16th century.

The book was first written in Arabi and then translated into several

foreign and Indian languages.

For a very long period, This work was considered as an honest guide to

know about the history of Malabar by many.

Sheik Zainuddin was a native of Ponnani and belonged to a family of

religious scholars. He dedicated the book to the then Bijapur Sultan Adil

Shah I. The book, Tuhfat-ul- Mujahideen has an introduction and four

parts. In the

The author calls the Muslims of Malabar to fight against the Portuguese.

The first part also reminds the Muslims that it is their duty to fight against

Portuguese domination. The second part deals with the growth of

Islamin Kerala and has a detailed description about the ports in the

western coast.

The third part of the book is about the tolerant attitude of the Hindu

rulers in Malabar towards the Muslim and other religious communities. It

then discusses the prevailing custom, caste system, marriage system,

pollution, order of succession, practice of polyandry, dress, warfare etc.

of the

people of Malabar. In fact, this part provides a vivid picture of the socio-

cultural condition of Malabar in the 16th century.

The fourth and final part of the book discusses the growth of

Portuguese domination in Malabar from 1498 to 1583, the year in which

the work was completed.

According to Zainuddin, the position of the muslims in Malabar was far

better prior to the advent of the Portuguese.

He states that the Muslims were well treated by the Hindu rulers. He is

very much concerned about the loss of the Muslim dominance in the

foreign trade between the Middle East and India.

Till recently, history of ancient Kerala was written on the basis of

traditional sources made up of legends and fables, with occasional

peeks into its early history.

These traditional sources constructed by the blending of oral tradition

were put to writing only during the 17th and 18th centuries. In fact, all

these sources were conveniently prepared by upper sections of the

society to legitimate their ideological hegemony in the society.

The most popular traditional sources of Kerala history is the

‘Keralolpathi’ the oral tradition of the Namboothiri Brahmins of Kerala,

compiled in different versions, in the later times. The general assumption

among the historians is that the Keralolpathi was put in the written form

not earlier than the 17th century.

Thereafter several scholars like Herman Gundert, Chelanat Achutha

Menon, Manavikrania Raja etc. have prepared separate versions of the

book, but the basic theme remains the same. The various versions of the

Keralolpathi are known in different titles like KolathunaduVazhakkam,

Kozhikode Vazhakkom, Venad Vazhakkometc.

Keralolpathi states that the land of Kerala was created by the legendary

hero Parasurama, stretching from Gokarna in the north and

Kanyakumari in the south. Parasuram is said to have raised this land

from the Arabian sea with a fling of his legendary ax, as a part of his

repentance for killing all the Kshatriya kings. He then brought sixty four

Brahmin families

from north India and gave the newly created land to them. Thirty two

Brahmin families then settled in Tulu nadu and the remaining thirty two

in the present day Kerala.

Afterwards, the Brahmins are said to have brought a Perumal from

outside to rule the land and the people of Kerala, for a period of twelve

years.

Thirty six such perumaal converted to Islam, abducted his throne and

went on a pilgrimage to Mecca. On the eve of his pilgrimage he is said to

have

divided his country among his various chieftains.

The work, Keralolpathi is divided into three parts, the first part is called

the ‘Parasurama period’ stretching a period from time immemorial to

216 CE. The second part is called the ‘Perumal period’ covering the
period between 216 and 428 CE. The third and the last part is the

‘Thampuran period’

from 428 to the modern times. The different versions of Keralolpathi try

to legitimize the dominance of Brahmins over the land of Kerala, their

creation of the rulers and the ‘give and take policy’ between the rulers

and the Brahmins.

The ‘Janmam’ right of the Namboodiri Brahmins over the entire land of

Kerala during the medieval period was thus justified by a popular

tradition created by the Brahmins themselves and the other sections of

the society, were made to accept it.

‘Ballads’ are narrative poems, commonly known as the‘ Pattu literature’

which manifests the historical consciousness of the different sections of

the society of a period which had not produced any historical literature

as

Such.

They often depict the ideological hegemony of the elite classes as well.

It is not possible to consider the Pattu literature as the product of a

particular period as they are interpolated.

Still inferences could be drawn about family relations, interclass

relations, the status of gender and social and economic conditions of

the society in general.

The Ballads of Kerala are broadly divided into ‘Northern Ballads’ or

‘Vadakkan Pattukal’ and the ‘Southern Ballads Or the ‘Thekkan

Pattukal’. The ‘Payyannur Pattukal’ provides information about the

trading activities and the social conditions of North Malabar in the

medieval period.

The ‘puthuram pattukal’ and the ‘Thacholi pattukal’ comprise the main

corpse of the ‘Vadakkan pattu’ literature.

Though they deal with the heroic deeds of two important families of the

Kadathanad region, they throw ample light upon the rule of the then

Naduvazhis or the local chieftains and the social and cultural conditions

of the society during the 16th and 17th centuries.

The ‘iravi kutty Pillai Pattu’ and the ‘Valiya thampi Kunju thampi katha’

belong to the Thekkan pattukal. The former one is prepared in the

background of the ‘kaniyamkulamwar’ between the Venad ruler and

Tirumalai Naik of 1634.

The story of the latter one is woven around the conflict between

Marthanda Varma and the Thampis for capturing the rule of Venad.

Apart from these we have several other works of this genre like the

‘patapattu’ or the war songs of

the Mappilas, the ‘Rabban Pattu’ of the jews and the ‘Margam Kali

Pattu’ of the Syrian Christians, which provide useful historical insights

into the condition of the respective communities during the medieval

period.

Origin OF KERALA
Long long ago, Parasurama, a turbulent god like Thor of Norse myth,

flung his battle-ax far out into the heaving sea, the waters receded and

the land of Kerala emerged into the sun and air. This is the age-old

tradition about the origin of the land.

There is very good evidence that the land of Keralam has been shaped

by a geological upheaval. Queer things are even now happening along

the sea coast. Mud banks occur along the sea-board from the Kotta

river to Kanyakumari, the most remarkable being those of Pantalayini

Kollam, Kozhikode and Alappuzha. These banks have been known to

mariners from ancient times as smooth and safe anchorages even

when the sea is rough. When the sea is calm, the banks cannot be

discovered except by surroundings of mud. But , during the monsoons,

the bed of the mud at the bottom of the sea is stirred up, and the

anchorage calms down as if oil has been poured on the waters. The

mud is peculiar, dark green in color, fine in texture and oily to the touch.

The mud banks are mobile and are carried along the littoral currents. But
at times their smooth surface is disturbed by ‘mud volcanoes’ or huge

cones of mud and water which come bubbling up

from below often bringing with them dead fish, roots and trunks of trees.

The Western Ghats which form the eastern border of the state, show

definite evidence of such a cataclysm, in the gaping discontinuity of the

Palakkad gap which is about 30 kilometers broad.

The coastal belt of the Alappuzha district is like a sandy seashore which

has been extended inland.

Marine fossils including coral reefs have been unearthed near

Changanacherry. Geologists therefore feel that the Arabian

Sea must have once extended right up to the foot of the Western Ghats.

Many explanations have been offered for the name of the land, but the

most plausible is probably the one which refers to this origin. The

interpretation that Kerala means the land of Kera (coconut palm) is not

tenable. Plausible but not wholly convincing is the reading that Keralam

was originally

Cheralam means the land of the Cheras. But Cher can also mean

‘added’ and would give the meaning, ‘the land which was added by the

recession of the sea.

Kerala has a continuous chain of lagoons and backwaters. They are

never far from the sea, and at several places they have established a

permanent connection with it.

The backwaters, rivers and the canal system form a navigable inland

waterway of about 1,920 kilometers which is more than one-fifth of the

total length of India’s inland waterways.

The biggest of the backwaters is the Vembanad Lake which stretches

from Alappuzha to Kochi and covers an area of 79 square miles.

The Sasthamkotta Lake in the Kollam district is the only major

freshwater lake in Kerala. It is rather small, about 1.5 square miles, but is

situated in a picturesque setting with high heels on three sides. Along

the coast, the climate is equable, but slightly damp.

The mean temperature in the midland and lowland is about 90 degree F.

The high ranges have a cool and bracing climate throughout the year.

The state gets rainfall both from the south-west and the north-east

monsoons. The former, between May and August is very heavy and in

the highlands

as well as along the coast, it can alter the mood of the landscape in a

most dramatic way.

People
● The Negrito element seems to be the earliest racial strain in the

population of Kerala as of South India in general. The physical

characteristics are curly hair, black skin, round head and broad

nose.

● The Uralis are the primitive artisan tribe of Wayanad, being

blacksmith’s, carpenters, potters and basket makers.

● Their pot making technique is very primitive since the potter’s

wheel is not used. The pot is made by scooping up the inside of a

properly shaped lump of clay.

● They cultivate ragi and rice to a small extent. The Proto Australoids

who came long after the Negritos, are distinguished by their long

head and flat nose. They are represented today by the Kurichiyas

of Wayanad. Their chief occupation is agriculture, both shifting

and permanent

● cultivation of rice being practiced. The Dravidians who came still

later are represented by such communities as Nairs, Vellalas,

Ezhavas etc. It is quite possible that the last group represents a

staggered and later migration, possibly fromSrilanka.

 ● The word Ezhava has been derived from Sinhala

● and the other name of the community, Thiyya is derived by some

authorities from Dwipa which means an Island (Sri Lanka).

● Namputhiris represent the Aryan penetration to the deep south.

● There has been considerable mingling of Aryan and Dravidian

strains in the case of the Nair community because of the socially

sanctioned practice of Namputhiri males marrying Nair women.

● Though there has been an infusion of Syrian and Arabic blood in

the case of the Christian and Muslim communities, the basic stock

is indigeneous.

Cheras

● The proto history of Kerala is part of the history of trade and trade

routes in the ancient world.

 ● Spices, in the cultivation of which Kerala had a monopoly for

centuries were lifted first by the Phoenicians, the most enterprising

traders known to antiquity.

● But the monopoly in trade with Kerala changed hands

successively during the centuries.

● The earliest seat of the Cheras seems to have been Kuttanad, the

flat, low lying country of backwaters around present Alappuzha.

● This is why the Chera king always had the title of Kuttuvan. From

here, they extended their sway and shifted their capital ultimately

to Vanchi near Muziris in the north.

The period 825-1019 is the golden age of old Kerala.

The founder of the dynasty was and subsequent rulers used the title

Kulasekhara Perumal along with their names, the word Perumal

meaning Emperor.

The state language of the Chera domains continued to be Tamil for a

long while, even after the spoken language had undergone considerable

differential evolution.

The Tamil classic, Pathittipathu is a cycle of about a hundred poems

written by poets who were patronized by the Chera rulers.

The variety of grains, pulses and other food crops mentioned in this work,

as also of domestic utensils, agricultural implements and jewelry,

suggests an advanced and prosperous culture.

The degree to which arts and crafts and refined ways of living had

evolved is revealed by the 17thc Tamil classic Chilappatikaram, which

was written by Ilango Atikal, a Chera prince who was the younger

brother of the ruler, Cheran Chenguttuvan.

The second Chera Empire went down in the conflict with the Cholas

which began about 985 when Raja Raja ascended the Chola throne.

Both Raja Raja and his son Rajendra who came to the throne in 1012

launched massive attacks on the Chera realm, first overrunning its

southern region and then threatening the capital itself.

Mahodayapuram fell in the attack of 1019. This struggle, which lasted

over three decades brought about far reaching social transformations in

the land

of the Cheras.

Matriarchy

Matriarchy seems to have emerged in Kerala during this historical crisis.

The word Nair seems originally to have meant captaincy in the army. But
the protracted war led to the differentiation of the Nair community on

the basis of

military service.

Since it was very close to the ruling houses, the community steadily

gained in social status.

Brahmin (Namboothiri) youths who could marry Kshatriya women could

now marry Nair girls also.

The growth of this tradition was helped by the fact that, as is natural in

immigrant groups there were far more men than women in the Brahmin

groups that entered Kerala. This led to the practice of only the eldest

Nampoothiri male of the younger generation in the family marrying

within the community.

The younger brothers married Kshatriya or Nair girls. But they had no

property which their progeny could inherit, since inheritance in the

Namboothiri community was confined to the eldest sons through the

Namboothiri wives. As the holocaust of the war With the Cholas

consuming Kshatriya and Nair males in increasing numbers, the high

ratio of females in these groups worked identically like the low ratio of

males in Namboothiri groups to make the system of hypergamy’ more

pervasive.

The younger generations in such alliances could inherit property only

through their mother’s side. The depletion of the males also prompted

women to take over the administration of family properties with

increasing confidence and ability.

Anthropologists, especially from foreign lands, even today cherish a

great nostalgia for the matriarchy of old Kerala. But the institution was

clearly related to the feudal economy of the past, the big joint families

depending on their viability on extensive possessions of land. When the

winds of change

began to blow over the region and to change the pattern of economy at

a steadily accelerating tempo, the joint family became too unwieldy for

the times.

The Travancore Nair Regulation of 1912 established the patriarchal

pattern of the nuclear family. The very fact that about thirty four

thousand joint families in Travancore partitioned their properties within

two years of the passing of

The regulation shows that the changed social and economic conditions

had built up an imperative for the transformation.

The Nair Service Society actively and uncompromisingly campaigned for

this change.

The Cochin Nair Regulation Act of 1920 and the Madras act of 1993

extended the reform to Kochi and Malabar respectively. These

legislations also

severely discouraged ‘hypergamy’ by making it obligatory on the part

of the husband to maintain his wife and children.

As a basic economic pattern, the matriarchal system is a thing of the

past in Kerala. But from old traditions, the communities which once had

this system have inherited strong kinship bonds. Even today people of
these communities feel a sense of responsibility towards their nephews

and nieces in addition to their sons and daughters.

Kerala under Perumaal -Socio Political Structure

Once a king – a Cheraman Perumal – was walking on the balcony of his

palace when he spotted the moon splitting into two and joining back

again. Bewildered, he consulted a few astrologers, who confirmed that

such an event had indeed occurred and was not a mystical experience.

Few months

later, he got a few Arabic visitors on their way to Ceylon and from them,

the king learned that Prophet Muhammad was behind this miracle and

he was the founder of a new religion.

The king did something drastic. He abdicated the throne, divided up the

kingdom and set sail to Mecca to meet this man. He met the Prophet

and converted to Islam and lived in Arabia for a while. Then to spread

the religion in his homeland, the converted Perumal returned to Kerala,

but he

died somewhere along the way.

Later, few of his followers reach Cranganore and it is they who set up the

first mosques, including the one at Kodungallur. According to the legend,

Saraf Ibn Malik, Malik Ibn Dinar, Malik Ibn Habib, Ibn Malik and their wives

and friends were responsible for establishing the first mosques at

Kodungallur, Kollam (in north, not Quilon),Maravi (matayi), Fakanur,

Manjarur (Mangalore), Kanjirakkattu (Kasargod), Jarfattan

(Karippatt), Dahfattan (Dharmatam), Fandarina (panthalayani

Kollam) and Caliyath( Chaliyan near Beypore).

Cheraman was the name of the dynasty of Chera rulers and Perumal

meant, ‘the great one’. According to Keralolpathi, written in the 17th or

18th c, following various conflicts in the, the representativeness of 64

settlements in Kerala

brought the Perumals from outside Kerala and each one was

to rule for 12 years. This story is found in a Muslim account recorded by

Sheikh Zeinuddin as well as in the Brahmanical narrative, Keralolpathi.

The fascinating tale of a Kerala king meeting the Prophet was first

recorded in 1510 CE by the Portuguese writer Duarte Barbosa.

Barbosa who would later become Ferdinand Magellan’s brother in law

and would join him on his trip

around the world, reached Kerala in 1500 with his uncle and stayed there

for five decades. Quite conversant in the local language and based on

his familiarity with the traditions and customs , he wrote the story of this

Cheraman Perumal based on what he heard. His version was that,

around 600 years before Barbosa’s time, there was a mighty lord named

Chirimay Perumal, whose capital was a popular port for pepper trade.

The Moors who came for trade had numerous discussions with the King

and they converted him to Islam. He went to Mecca in their company

and died either there on the way back; the Malabar people never saw

their king again. Barbosa also wrote that the single kingdom which

Cheraman Perumal
ruled was partitioned into three – Cannanore, Calicut and Quilon- with

Calicut having the right of coinage.

Feudal Agrarian Structure, Nadu and Naduvazhi, Temple centered

administration

The Sangam works allude to the existence of private property but not to

anything like the complex Janmi system or landlordism that evolved

itself in later years. The traditional view that the Janmi system was

created by Parasurama who bestowed all the land on the Namboothiri

Brahmins is no

longer accepted. It was during the Chola- Chera war of the 11th century

A.D that the system had its origin. The war led to the total mobilization of

the resources of the state.

A new situation arose in which the Namboothiri came to acquire a

dominant position in economic and social life. In view of the

preoccupation of large sections of society with the conduct of the war

and the consequent decline in their interest in the administration of the

temples, those Namboothiris who were the trustees (Uralar) of the

temples mismanaged the temple properties and endowments and

misappropriated for themselves all the revenues there from. In the

meantime, it also happened that several ordinary tenants who owned

lands and properties transferred them into the Namboothiri Brahmins

and the temples. They did so because the lands and properties so

transferred came to be regarded as Devaswoms and Brahmaswoms

and enjoyed freedom from devastation by the enemy forces in times of

war as well as exemption for the payment of tax to the state. In the

above circumstances,

The Namboothiri Brahmins came to acquire the status of wealthy and

powerful landlords or Janmis.

The origin of the Janmi system is attributed to the above development

and it bears a resemblance to the circumstances that gave birth to

European feudalism in the 13th and 14th centuries. It should be noted

that continental feudalism was the product of the dual process of some

people surrendering their landed estates

to more powerful men in return for the guarantee of immunity from the

dangers of the times and of some others placing themselves and their

properties under similar protection as vassals liable to be called out for

active service in times of war or internal commotion.

Evolution of feudal polity

● While the Janmi system was thus evolving itself in the 11th century

A.D. The political unity of Kerala was also breaking up. In the 19th

century A.D the political unity of Kerala was also breaking up. In the
 9th and 10th centuries, Kerala was a homogeneous political unit

with a centralized administration

● under the Kulasekharas and the Naduvazhis or Viceroys exercised

their powers under the effective control of the central government.

During the later period of the Chera Chola war (11th century AD)

and after the central

● The government became weak and the Naduvazhis asserted their

independence. A number of small principalities arose on the ruins

of the Kulasekhara Empire.

● This situation persisted for several centuries.

● At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese Kerala presented the

picture of a feudal polity with its characteristic weaknesses. The

major political powers were Calicut and Venad and their ruler’s

possessed sovereign political rights.

● Most of the other chieftains or Naduvazhis had come within the

sphere of influence of the major powers. In addition to these

Naduvazhikal, there were a number of Desavazhis or local nair

chieftains (Madampis) and a few Namboothiri chieftains who

exercised effective authority in their domains.

● Like the feudal barons of medieval Europe

● , they provided the Naduvazhis with fighting forces in times of

need. Moreover, each of the principalities had also its suicide

squads (Chavers) comprised primarily of mercenaries. The

 activities of these elements created conditions of near anarchy in

the

● Land. Keralas feudal polity also had a religious character. As the

Devaswoms or temples served the purpose of sanctuaries or

Sanketams which enjoyed protection from the attacks of the

enemy in times of war, there was a regular scramble among the

rulers for the acquisition of the right of over-lordship

● (Melkoya) over temples, irrespective of the consideration whether

they were situated within their own domains or not.

● The Sanketam functioned almost ‘as a state within the state’ with

the ruling sovereign having no effective political control over it. The

Sanketams were also centers of political intrigues. The extra

territorial loyalty of the Namboothiris as a class was also a factor

which made the religious polity a reality.

● They owed allegiance not so much to any ruler as to their caste

chief, the Azhvanchery Thamprakkal, who alone had the authority

to punish them. The Namboothiri Janmis also enjoyed the

extraordinary power of inflicting death penalty on their tenants.

Thus on the threshold of the 16th century Kerala was in a

distracted political condition, with a number of petty chieftains

engaged in interminable quarrels and its religious polity provides

yet another cause for potential discord.

Feudal levies and Privileges

The accounts of the Portuguese and Dutch writers of the 16th and 17th

centuries throw further light on the state of feudal polity in Kerala.

Though the Naduvazhis had vast powers they were checked by Kuttams

or local assemblies.

The Naduvazhi was thus head of a feudal aristocracy with limited

authority. All the chieftains from the ruler to the Desavazhi possessed

their own landed properties which were either cultivated by them

through their slaves or leased to Kudiyans or tenants.

No regular taxes were levied in those days but the Naduvazhis had

several sources of revenue. Logan in his Malabar Manual gives a catalog

of such items or revenue and they may be reproduced here in order to

emphasize the ultra-feudal character of Kerala polity. Customs duties

on imports, exports and transports were levied by the chieftain. He could

usurp the estates of his decaying neighboring

chiefs. He had the right to force them to contribute supplies

in emergencies by having resources to violence, if need be.

Fines of various kinds were very common. A succession duty called

Purushantaram was levied from every person who

assumed charge of family property on the death of the owner.

When a person died without heirs, his property lapsed to the chieftain

(Attaladakkam). No one had the right of adoption without the prior

consent of the chief, which could be obtained on payment of a fee

(Dattukazhcha). The
Naduvazhi received presents from his subjects on such occasions as

weddings, births, funerals, opening of new palaces etc.

Women convicted of adultery were made over to the Naduvazhi and the

latter sold them to foreign merchants and made profit out of the

transaction. None could seek gold without paying a royalty to the chief.

Fees for protection were levied form all strangers and dependents e.g.

Changatam, Rakshabhogam etc. ships which came ashore could be

seized along with the cargo in order to enrich the coffers of the chieftain.

The Naduvazhi had also the monopoly of certain animals captured in his

territory under certain special circumstances.

A typical institution which enabled the chieftain to augment his revenue

was the ankam, a dual fight arranged between two parties, to settle an

unresolved dispute. A sum of 1000 panama had to be paid for getting

permission to conduct the ankam, with the chieftain himself acting as

umpire.

The chieftain had the power to settle marriage within his domain and

before the marriage was conducted the parties had to pay respects to

the chieftain with presents of money and other things. The construction

of two storeyed buildings or tiled could not be undertaken without

obtaining prior permission

which was granted only in rare cases. The use of palanquins and dholies

was allowed only for carrying feudal heads or chieftains. Yet another

feudal custom was to take the girl to the chieftains household with the
prescribed fee and other presents before the tali tying ceremony. The

chieftain also

conferred titles like ‘Menon’ on the members of the Nair community after

receiving presents of money and other articles. The chieftain could

dictate to his subjects in many matters of detail concerning their daily

routine or mode of living. Bracelets could be worn on both arms only by

those who were permitted to enjoy this privilege. The same applied in

regard to using the umbrellas with handles. Those who did not have

permission in this matter could only wear umbrellas without handles on

their heads. The wearing of certain ornaments like Mukkuthiby women

required permission. It was the sole privilege of the chieftain to cut in a

slanting manner plantains used for preparation of curries on festive

occasions. The chieftains enjoyed the power of life and death in some

places; this was delegated to select persons for a fixed period, usually

five years.

This institution was known as Talavettiparvathyamor authority obtained

by decapitation.

During the five year period the person concerned could exercise almost

despotic powers within his jurisdiction. In short, feudalism was its worst in

Kerala in the 17th and 18th centuries. A large number of slaves were

condemned to agrestic slavery with the result that they could be

brought and

sold like chattels by the landowning classes. They were not treated as

human beings entitled to rights and privileges. The janmi had the power
to put them to death without being called to account. This state of

affairs prevailed in Kerala even in the beginning of the 19th century when

the British had

begun to establish their political authority over the land.

Medieval Society: Christian, Jewish and Islamic

Presence, Colonial expansion

Christianity

● The story of the rise and spread of Christianity in Kerala is part of

the story of the blending of diverse cultural influences and ways of

life.

● Christianity is believed to have been introduced in Kerala in the

first century AD, ie, three centuries before it gained official

recognition in Rome.

● Local tradition ascribes its origin in Kerala to St Thomas, the

apostle, who is said to have landed at Maliankara, a place

 adjoining Muziris in 52 A.D., converted certain Brahmin families and

founded seven churches on the Malabar Coast.

● The belief in the St Thomas tradition is universal among the

Christians of Kerala, though many modern historians are inclined

to regard as unreliable the evidence on which the tradition rests.

● In view of the extensive trade relations that existed between

Kerala and the Mediterranean countries there seems to be nothing

improbable in the St Thomas tradition.

● Since its introduction, the Christian faith, though alien in its origin,

came to be accepted as an indigenous faith and it made steady

progress. The number of Christians seems to have been reinforced

in 345 A.D. by an influx of Syrian immigrants of 400 Christians from

72 families belonging to seven tribes from Baghdad, Nineveh and

Jerusalem.

● Cosmas indicopleustes the Byzantine monk (6th century A.D.)

testifies to the existence of a Christian church in Quilon. The

Christians of the age were prominent in trade and commerce and

they received several privileges and favors from the native rulers.

● During the age of the Second Chera Empire (800-1102 A.D.) the

Christians were a highly favored business community in the land.

The Teresappalli copper plate executed in 849 A.D. by Ayyan Adikal

Thiruvadikal, the Governor of Venad, during the reign of Emperor

Sthanu Ravi (844-855 A.D) is a

● historic document granting several rights and privileges to the

Christians of Quilon.

● It proclaims the spirit of religious toleration and catholicity of

outlook which characterized the contemporary rulers of Kerala.

The Christians were treated on a footing of equality with the

Hindus and assigned a place

● of honor in the economic and social life of Quilon.

● Another document of historical importance which bears similar

testimony to the tolerant outlook of the rulers is the Copper Plate

Grant (1225 A.D.) issued by Veera Raghava Chakravarthi, the ruler

of Mahodayapuram, to the Christian merchant, Iraivi Korthanan,

granting to the latter the office of

● Manigramam i.e., the headship of the merchants of the place in

addition to several other privileges and rights.

● Christianity made steady progress in Kerala and the church

became one of the well-established institutions in the course of

centuries. The liturgy and organizations of the church were also

subjected to diverse cultural influences during different stages of

its history. The early Christians were, in fact, called Syrian

Christians because they followed the Syriac liturgy.

● It may be mentioned that Syriac is a dialect of Aramaic, the

language of Jesus Christ and it became the language of the

Mother Church of Persia with which the Kerala church had

ecclesiastical communion from the 6th to 16th centuries.

● Consequently, Syriac became the sacred language of the Kerala

church as well. In course of time, Latin liturgy was also introduced

side by side with Syriac liturgy among the Christians.

● It was the Christian missionaries who visited Quilon in the

medieval period who introduced the Latin rite for the first time in

Kerala. When the Portuguese established their political influence in

Kerala after 1498 AD. Latin rite emerged as a more important and

permanent factor. A large community of Latin Christians sprang

up in Kerala particularly in the coastal areas. A section of the

Christians thus came under the jurisdiction of the Papacy.

● Towards the middle of the 17th century the power of the

Portuguese declined in Kerala and was replaced by the Dutch

power. A section of the Christian church owing allegiance to the

Pope freed itself from Roman influence and became independent

under local Bishops.

● Episcopal succession was secured through the Jacobite Patriarch

of Antioch and thus began the Antiochian connection of the

Kerala church.

● With the establishment of the British power the church mission

society of London began work in the Syrian church. In the initial

stages there was a high degree of cooperation between the Syrian

priests and the CMS missionaries but eventually there was friction

between the two.

● The CMS missionaries started working independently and on their

initiative the Anglican Church came into existence. They

concentrated

● their work among non-Christians, particularly among the lower

castes in the Hindu community.

● Meanwhile, some of the Syrian priests who had come under the

influence of the CMS advocated reform in the church. They

pleaded especially for the replacement of Syriac by Malayalam as

the language of worship in the church.

● This provoked opposition from the Bishops and clergy of the Syrian

church. The reformers who were led by Abraham Malpan of

Maramon

● formed a new church known as the Marthoma Syrian church as

distinct from the Jacobite Syrian Church and the Roman Catholic

church of Malabar.

● Thus in the course of the 19th centuries after the introduction of

Christianity in Kerala the one church founded by St Thomas

branched off into different streams as the result of the domination

of foreign churches. Eventually there came into existence five

distinct branches, viz,

● 1) the Nestorian church confined to Trichur and Ernakulam with a

● congregation in Trivandrum.
 ● 2) The Roman Catholic church spread out all over Kerala and

followed three different languages for their ceremonies. Viz.,

Syriac, Latin,Malayalam.

● 3) the Jacobite Syrian church also known as the orthodox Syrian

church.

● 4) The Anglican church which is now part of the church of South

India and

● 5) the Mar ThomaSyrian Church.

● There has recently been a schism in the Jacobite Syrian Church,

one section owing intelligence to the Catholics of the East and

another to the Patriarch of Antioch.

As a result of another split, the Mar Thoma Church recently gave birth to

a new denomination viz, the St Thomas Evangelical church. There are, in

addition, a number of minor missions and churches like the Salvation

Army,

Lutheran mission, brother mission, bible faith mission etc. each of which

seeks ideological inspirations from some foreign church. It may thus be

seen from the rise and growth of Christianity in Kerala that diverse

cultural influences have been at work in molding the organizations and

liturgy of the

various denominations of the church.

The Catholic Church has been in recent years in the forefront of a

movement for Indianization of the church and this is having its impact.
The Christians have identified themselves with the community in which

they lived by adopting the language, customs and dress of their Hindu

brethren. In fact, their social assimilation has become a fait accompli.

Jews

The Jews living in the Kerala coast from the 1st century A.D. Onwards

have also written another glorious chapter in the history of cultural

confluence in Kerala. The Jewish immigration to Kerala was the direct

effect of the early

commercial contacts with Israel.

According to tradition some 10,000 Jews and Jewesses came to Kerala

coast in 68 A.D. in order to escape from religious persecution at home.

They landed first at Muziris and founded a settlement. Later they moved

to such places as Parus, Mala and Pullut.

The Jewish

The population of Kerala was reinforced in course of time by fresh

arrivals of immigrants when, with the spread of Christianity, the Jews

had to face severe persecution at home.

The Jews, like the Christians, developed into a prosperous business

community with the generous patronage of the native rulers. The

famous Jewish Copper Plate Grant of Bhaskara Ravi Varman dated 1000

A.D. records the royal gift to Joseph Rabban, the Jewish chief, of certain

permanent

rights and privileges.

This document is yet another eloquent testimony to the policy of

religious toleration followed by the rulers of ancient Kerala. The Jews

enjoyed a high standing in society till the arrival of the Portuguese who

persecuted them and compelled them to leave Cranganore for Cochin

in 1565. The famous White Jew’s Synagogue was built in 1567.

For centuries thereafter the Jews formed an interesting and colorful

community in Central Kerala. But the birth of the Jewish State of Israel in

May 1948 stirred the imagination of the Kerala Jews too and the vast

majority of them migrated from the State. According to the census of

1991 there were

only more than a hundred Jews in Kerala.

Islam
Like Christianity and Judaism, Islam also found a home in Kerala during

the period immediately following the birth of the faith. The early

commercial relations between Kerala and the Arabs must have paved

the way for the foundation for the spread of Islam too.

The Arab traders seem to have introduced the Islamic faith at Muziris in

the 8th century itself.

The first mosque in Kerala, like the first church, was established at

Cranganore (Muziris).

The religion of the prophet made gradual progress, thanks to the

patronage of local rulers. According to a tradition current in Kerala, the

last of the

Chera employers, (Cheramam Perumal) became a convert to Islam and

left for Mecca and this event helped the spread of Islam in Kerala. It may,

however, be noted that there is no historical evidence in support of this

tradition.
In the course of centuries, Islam spread to other parts of Kerala, and

Muslims are today, next to the Hindus the most influential community in

the State. The patronage of the Zamorins (Rajas of Calicut) particularly

helped the Muslims

to become a major force in the public life of North Kerala.

A stone inscription in the Munchunti Mosque at Kuttichira in Kozhikode

records a permanent grant of property by a Zamorin to the mosque in

the 13th century and bears evidence of the Zamorin Raja’s patronage of

Islam. The Zamorin’s navy was manned by Muslims.

The Kunjali Marakkar, the admirals of the Zamorin’s fleet, have

immortalized

themselves in Kerala history by their heroic fight against Portuguese

colonialism. The services of the Muslimcommunity were so

indispensable to the Zamorins that they even issued an edict that, in

order to get sufficient number of Muslims to man their navy, one or more

male members of

The families of the Hindu fisherman should be brought up as Muslims.

Apart from providing proof of the tolerant policy pursued by the

Zamorins, this also accounts for the relatively high proportion of Muslims

in the population of the

Kozhikode and Malappuram Districts.

Colonial Expansions

The advent of the Europeans marked the beginning of a new epoch in

the history of [Link] put Kerala firmly on the political map of [Link]

arrival of Vasco-da Gama at Kappad near Calicut in May 1498

inaugurated the Da Gama Epoch in the history of Asia.

It was an epoch of European domination over Asiatic [Link] lasted

for more than five centuries (1498–1947). No event during the Middle

Ages had such a far-reaching repercussions on the civilized world as the

opening of a sea route of India, says the Cambridge History.

Portuguese
Portugal, though a small and insignificant country in the middle ages,

played a significant role in the medieval history of Kerala. Their

landing/anchoring at Kozhikode symbolized the beginning of a new

dawn in the commercial history of the land. The Portuguese advent to

Kerala was motivated by several factors.

Their main aim was to find a new route to India. The desire for Malabar

spices in general and Pepper in particular attracted the Portuguese to

Kerala. Pepper, the black gold was the cheapest and most useful of

spices and

Malabar as the land of pepper brought them to the Malabar Coast.

With this was added the desire of maritime exploration. However their

immediate objective was the extension of trade. Later they had the

imperialistic aim of building a Portuguese empire in India.

The political condition of Kerala suited their desire. There was bi central

authority in the land. Kerala was fragmented by a number of chieftains

who were fighting with one another for supremacy.

Vasco-da Gama was sent by Dom Manual the Portuguese king on July

8, 1496 at the head of an expedition. He reached Calicut on May 20, 1498

and was well received by the Zamorin and his subjects with traditional

[Link] met the Zamorin as the representative of the king of

Portugal,‘ the most powerful of the Christian sovereigns in the West’.He

expressed the king’s desire to enter into a commercial treaty with the

Zamorin to procure [Link] the Zamorin turned down the

request as he insisted on payment of customs duty.

There up on Gama left Calicut and reaching Kannur entered into a

commercial treaty with the [Link] returned to Lisbon in 1499 where

He was given a hero’s welcome.

Vasco-da Gama came for a second time to Kerala, this time to avenge

the [Link] Zamorin although agreed to pay compensation for the

Portuguese loss, refused to expel the Arabs from [Link]

Gama bombarded Calicut port and destroyed the Arab merchant

[Link] to

Kochi where his demands were met.

Gama sailed back to Portugal in [Link] Gama’s departure was followed

by a

bitter conflict between Kochi and Calicut.

The Zamorin emerged as the leader of the resistance to [Link]

this struggle, the Portuguese sided with the Cochin Raja and the Zamorin

was forced to [Link] Albuquerque came, he patched up the

differences with the Zamorin by the treaty of 1513.

The Portuguese were granted permission to erect a fort at Calicut. In the

meanwhile, the Portuguese headquarters in India was shifted from Kochi

to [Link] was the beginning of the end of Portuguese imperialism in

Kerala.

Albuquerque’s successors were weak and [Link] Vasco da

Gama came for a third time as Portuguese viceroy, and scored a victory

over Kolathiri and the Zamorin, he passed away at Kochi.

His successor Manezes and Sampaygo were not able to make any mark,

paving the way for Portuguese enterprise to decline.

Dutch

The Dutch were the first Protestant nation of Europe to establish trade

contacts with [Link] in 1592, the Dutch E.I. Company

dispatched missions to the local rulers to secure trade privileges.

Van Hagen the Dutch Admiral had concluded a treaty with the Zamorin

(November, 1604) to expel the Portuguese from India.

It also secured trade facilities at Calicut.

The treaty is important as the first political agreement entered into

between the Dutch and an Indian [Link] treaty was renewed in 1608

and the Dutch

were given freedom of trade in the Zamorin’s domain.

The treaty of 1610 stipulated to pay customs duty to the [Link] 1625

agreement gave the Dutch permission to build a factory in the Zamorin’s

domain.

Similar treaties were signed with Purakkad(1642), Kayamkulam and

Venad (1662) to have warehouses in the respective domains and

monopoly of pepper trade.

Thus by the early decades of the 17th Century the Dutch had emerged as

a serious rival to the Portuguese.

Like the Portuguese, the Dutch contact produced results beneficial to

[Link] revived Kerala [Link] products and scientific techniques

of cultivation were [Link] gave encouragement to coconut

cultivation on commercial basis.

They promoted indigo and paddy [Link] industries like salt

farming and dyeing were [Link] they never built

seminaries or colleges, the memoirs, letters and accounts left by the

Dutch men like Visschier, Nieuhoff and Van Rheede are of inestimable

value for the reconstruction of Kerala history.

The greatest achievement of the Dutch in the cultural field was the

compilation of HORTUS MALABARICUS, a monumental botanical work on

the medicinal plants of Kerala.

It was compiled under the patronage of the Dutch governor Van

[Link] this project were associated such stalwarts like Mathaeus

the Carmelite monk;

Appu Bhat, Ranga Bhat and Vinayak Bhatt, the three G.S. Brahmins and

Ithi Achan (Itti Achutan), an Ezhava physician. It took many years to

complete the work and it was finally published fromAmsterdam

between 1678 and 1703 in 12 volumes.

The English and The French

Following the footsteps of the Portuguese and the Dutch, the English and

the French came to Kerala mainly for commercial purposes, but later

had political [Link] built up and consolidated their rule in the

land and began to rule over an empire vaster than the American

colonies.

Ralph Fetch was the first Englishman to reach the shores of Kerala

(1583). Capt. Keeling who followed him concluded a treaty with the

Zamorin in 1615 in order to expel the Portuguese from [Link] the

last days of Portuguese rule (1635-35), the English secured access to all

Portuguese
Ports in Kerala and they began to export pepper to England from 1636. In

1644, the English obtained permission from the king of Venad to build a

factory at Vizhinjam.

In 1664, the Zamorin granted them permission to erect a factory at

[Link] 1684 the Rani of Attingal gave them permission to build a

factory at Anjengo substantially increased English [Link] Anjengo

soon became the most important English possessions on the West

Coast, next only to Mumbai.

Along with building their influence in South Kerala, the English took steps

to safeguard their interests in North [Link] the permission of the

Kolathiri,they set up a factory at Thalassery(1694).When the English

companies were united in 1702,Thalassery along with Karwar, Calicut

and Anjengo became the affiliated factories of Bombay.

When English had to face opposition from the natives who raided the

company’s warehouses and inflicted heavy damages (1704-05),the

English built a fort at Thalassery in 1708 and secured monopoly of trade

in pepper from Kolathiri.

The French too entered Kerala with the purpose of [Link] arrived

near Thalassery in 1725 and occupied [Link] had already

established their superiority over Pondicherry,and Mahe was captured

as per the directions of Pandy [Link] this a new European power

also came to the Kerala Coast to take part in the struggle for power –

The French East India Company

Caste and social reform movements

Caste and British Interventions

Prior to the coming of the British, caste had grown into a powerful social

institution, with the dominance of Brahmins at the top of its hierarchy.

The Hindu kings also upheld this institution with the help of their civil

power. With the advent of the British as the political head of the society,

the traditional form of the caste started taking a different shape. The

British brought with them their own traditional form of government which

was quite different from that of the Indian monarchical system. As

prudent foreigners, the British were

more interested in consolidating their power over a strange land and

people rather than initiating reformative changes in its peculiar

institutions such as ‘Caste’.

They introduced a system of education which did not demand of the

learners
any change of caste or religion. The policy of comparative non -

interferencefollowed by the British made the lower castes revolt against

the Brahmin supremacy.

Growth of modern industrial organization and the rapid spread of

urbanization further altered the social situation. This situation made it

inevitable for people of different castes, classes and religions to live in

close congregations in cities.

The East India Company of the British obtained from the Mughal rulers

some commercial privileges in the beginning of the 17th century. It

tightened its political hold over the whole of India within 7 to 8 decades.

After

consolidating their power the British introduced throughout India

uniform legal, legislative and judicial systems. The British transferred the

judicial powers of the caste councils to the civil and criminal courts

which affected the authority which the Panchayats had held over the

members.

Questions of assault, adultery, rape and the like were taken before the

British courts for decision. In civil matters such as marriage, divorce,

caste based occupational disputes, disputes between husband and

wife, parents and children etc, the intention of the British was to be

guided by the caste customs.

But in actual practice various decisions of the High court’s virtually set

aside the authority of the caste.

Some of the legislations which the British introduced shook the integrity
of the caste system are The Caste Disabilities Removal Act

of 1850, The Special marriage Act of 1872, and the Hindu

Widows Remarriage Act of 1856.

The spread of English education also exposed Indians for the first time

to the Western world.

The popular western ideas and values such as “liberty, equality and

fraternity”,

democracy, rationalism, individualism, women’s liberation, secularism,

humanitarianism etc made their inroads into India. These ideas had

deeply influenced the western educated Indians. The people who had

hitherto been the targets of atrocities, deprivation, exploitation and

humiliation could now voice their protest by asserting their rights.

Increasing influence of science and technology added greater strength

to the growing awareness of the masses.

Major Social Reform Movements in Kerala – SNDP

and Backward Class Movements

From 1812 until almost the close of the century, though political life was

characterized by inactivity and society presented an outward calmness,

subversive forces were forming and developing.

This current of social transformation gradually led Kerala into the

mainstream of political struggle for freedom and responsible

government in the 20th century. The important outcome of this ferment

was the awakening of the masses, especially the lower orders in the

Hindu society, against social injustice and evils.

This awakening found articulation in Kerala towards the last quarter of

the 19th century. A number of socio-religious reform movements, which

were also the earliest democratic mass movements in Kerala, took

shape.

On the whole, these movements were peaceful and non-violent, though

there was

an undercurrent of militancy in them. These movements were of the

utmost significance, because Kerala had, for centuries, tolerated the

caste system in its most oppressive form.

The rigid caste system and irrational caste taboos existed in such

a heinous way that the lower orders were not only 'untouchable' but

''unapproachable'' as well.
In Malabar, despite the advent of direct British rule and the resultant

separation of the caste system from the administrative machinery,

social status and economic competence of the individual was still

determined by his position in the caste hierarchy.

In the princely states of Kochi and Travancore, the hold of the caste

system was even more suffocating. Until the

In the 20th century, governmental positions were denied to lower castes

and non-Hindus.

One of the most important social reform movements was

spearheaded by Shri Narayana Guru, the great Hindu saint and social

reformer.
The Guru was born in 1856 in the Ezhava Community which had a status

far below that of the Namboodiris.

He fearlessly criticized and campaigned against the rigors of the caste

system, the Brahmin hegemony and the numerous social disabilities of

the

Ezhavas and other lower castes. Soon Shri Narayana Guru became the

rallying point for the Ezhavas and Thiyyas to unite and organize.

The Shri Narayana Dharma ParipalanaYogam (SNDP), literally the

society for the propagation of moral teaching of Shri Narayana came

into being on 15th May 1903.

Within a short period, the Guru and Yogam drew towards them a brilliant

band of dedicated workers, including the poet Kumaran Asan, whose

efforts constitute an eloquent testament to what a community,

submitted to centuries of tyranny, can do and achieve through unity,

realism and organism.

Shri Narayana was, however, no sectarian philosopher and leader. A

programme of action founded upon such sublime humanism and social

purpose was not destined to remain confined to one caste only; it soon

became the philosophy of Hindu reformation, encompassing all castes,

including the Brahmin.

The Nair’s also felt the need for reform.

Throughout the medieval period and until well into the 19th century, the

Nairs had a pre-eminent role in Kerala. By the middle of the 19th century,
however, this dominance started waning. Institutions like the

Sambandam (non-legal

marriage) and the matrilineal joint family system, which had ensured

the strength of the Nair community earlier, now became productive of

many evils. The impact of the market economy, the disappearance of

traditional military training, the absorption of new values through the

new system of education, the self-consciousness being generated

among the lower castes and their cry for equality and privileges - all

these factors brought about a decline of Nair dominance.

The sense of decline gave an impetus to the spirit of reform that

expressed itself in the work of religious men like Chattambi Swamikal, in

literature, in the press and later in legislative enactments in respect of

marriage, inheritance, property rights etc. Ultimately, the movements

crystallized in the foundation of the Nair Service Society in 1914.

The impulse to change was not confined to the Ezhavas and other

untouchables and the Nairs only. As a matter of fact in varying degrees,

it affected every caste in Hindu society as well as the Christians and the

Muslims.

Vaikom Satyagraha
A movement had set on foot to demand admission of certain sections of

the people, the so-called “unapproachable” banned from appearing in

public roads adjacent to the famous temple at Vaikom. Conservative

opposition was trotted out with obstinate determination.

The feeding of Brahmins inside the temple was regarded as an

important offering to the deity, and uninterrupted custom was pleaded

by those who opposed the movement. It was contended that if the

'Avarnas' were allowed to come into the approach roads the temple

priests would be polluted and the temple consequently defiled. The

forward section resolved to

try the methods of 'Satyagraha' and several individuals, a large number

of whom being Nayars and other caste Hindus, organized a "Jatha" to

lay their grievance before MaharaniSethu Lakshmi Bai, the Regent of

Travancore. A resolution was moved in the Legislative Council

demanding the opening of the temple roads to the 'Avarna' Hindus.

But it was thrown out by a majority of twenty-two against twenty- one

votes. A little after this Mahatma Gandhi visited Vaikom In Meenam

1100(Ch. era-1924), interviewed several orthodox Brahmins and others,

and explained the movement as one which was calculated to remove

social injustice and

to advance the cause of humanity.

Public opinion in the state was so favorable that the government threw

open the approach roads to the 'Avarnas'. "I call it a bed-rock of

freedom", said Mahatma Gandhi, "because the settlement is a

document between the people and the state constituting a big step in

the direction of liberty in one respect at least".

The course of events in Vaikom led to similar attempts in Suchindram

and Thiruvarppu.

Guruvayur Satyagraha

The famous Guruvayur Satyagraha is a memorable episode

in the history of the national movement. With the blessings of Mahatma

Gandhi the Kerala Provincial Congress Committee decided to begin

Satyagraha before the famous temple at Guruvayur with effect from 1st

November, 1931. It was a movement for temple entry and abolition of

untouchability. The Satyagraha began accordingly under the

leadership of Sri. K. Kelappan.

Among the Kerala leaders other than Kelappan were Mannath

Padmanabhan, A.K. Gopalan and N.P. Damodaran.

Guruvayur began to attract the attention of all India. There were certain

untoward incidents during the early period of the Satyagraha. They

served to heighten the tension in the minds of the people who were in

sympathy with the movement. After the movement had run its course

for about ten months, Kelappan entered on a fast before the temple on

September, 21, 1932.

The fast electrified the atmosphere. On October 2, 1932 Kelappan broke

his fast in response to Gandhi's wishes. There after a A referendum was

held among the Hindus to find out their views on the question of temple

entry. More than 77 percent of the Hindus expressed themselves in favor

of temple entry. The Guruvayur temple was thrown open to Harijans only

in 1946. Though the Satyagraha did not immediately

As a result of the opening of the Guruvayur temple to all Hindus, the

movement helped to create a strong public opinion in the country in

favor of temple entry and abolition of untouchability.

Temple Entry Proclamation

● In Travancore the movements for the mitigation of the severities of

caste, if not its total abolition, have been popular. The teachings of

Sree Narayana Guru gave a momentum to the forces which were

generated by the extension of western education among the

masses and the tolerant policy pursued by the State in

recognising the legitimate claims of the backward communities.

● The promulgation of the Temple Entry Proclamation was a

● reform of far-reaching importance, not only to the teeming

millions of Travancore but a momentous act of emancipation and

hope to the whole of India. The Proclamation runs as follows:

"Profoundly convinced of the truth and validity of our religion,

believing that it is based on divine guidance and

● on all-comprehending toleration, knowing that in its practice it

has throughout the centuries, adapted itself to the needs of

changing times, solicit that none of our Hindu subjects should,

by reason of birth or caste of community, be denied the

consolations and the solace of the Hindu faith. "His Highness the

Maharaja had earlier in his reign commanded

● the appointment of a committee to examine the question of

Temple Entry for the 'Avarnas' to find out the extent of the demand

for reforms, to ascertain the attitude of the Savarna castes, to

examine the question in the light of the Hindu scriptures and

formulate proposals as to the lines on which

● the reform might be affected. The committee expressed their

considered opinion that a Parishad of learned persons, well versed

in the theory and practice of Hinduism, should be summoned, and

that the reform might be affected by the ruler with their approval.

● They also suggested certain methods by which the rigor of the

custom excluding the Avarnas from the temple might be softened.

● But the Maharaja did not believe in half measures. With an outlook

which no Indian monarch had been able to entertain for a couple

of thousands of conservative years,

● His Highness the Maharaja Sree Chitra Thirunal affixed the Sign

Manual to the momentous Proclamation. It was on the eve of the

Maharaja's birth day in 1112(1936 A.D.) that the edict was

promulgated. The

● Proclamation was received throughout India with delight and

admiration. It was welcomed by the whole civilized world. To the

Hindus it was a matter of pride and fresh hope.

● The Repercussions of the Proclamation were so great that the

Christians and Muslims were so great that the Christians and

Muslims were equally warm in giving it a hearty reception.

 ● Dr. C. P. Ramaswami Aiyer referred to the day of the Proclamation

as a unique occasion in the history of India and specially of

Hinduism. Gandhiji expressed the hope that "all other Hindu

Princes will follow the noble example set by this far-off ancient

Hindu State." The Prime Minister of Madras described the

Proclamation as the "greatest religious reforms in India after the

time of Asoka ''.

● The Maharaja gave the biggest charity that any ruler could give to

his subjects in opening the doors to every class and creed.

Channar Revolt (1813-1859)

● Channar revolt is also known as Channar lahala or Maaru

marakkal Samaram, by Nadar women in Travancore Kingdom for

the right to wear upper body to clothes and cover their breasts.

● During that time, the lower caste women were not allowed to wear

clothes that covered their breasts and this uneasiness made a

large number of Nadar embraced Christianity and started to wear

‘long clothes’.
 ● In the year 1813 colonel John Munro issued an order granting

permission to women converted to Christianity to wear upper

cloth, yet they still denied.

● And in 1859, under pressure fromMadras governor Charles

Trevelyan, King of Travancore issued a proclamation the right for

all Nadar women to cover their breast, but they were not allowed

to cover in the style of higher class women. Later the challenge

was supported by Ayyankali during 1915 – 1916, and attained the

permission.

Aruvippuram Consecration by Sree Narayana Guru

[1888]

Aruvippuram is a village in the southern district of Thiruvannathapuram

in Kerala.

The lower caste people do not have the permission to worship gods, as

the idols were considered as the gods of upper caste people.

Sree Narayana Guru defied Brahmanical tradition of installation of deity

as it was the right of Brahmins, where he established a Shiva temple at

Aruvippuram by installing a rock from the Neyyar River. This represented

the self determination of the lower caste people to fight against caste

rigidity and upper caste

domination, which also paved the way for uprooting centuries old

system of Kerala.

In continuation of the Aruvippuram, Guru established several temples in

various parts of Kerala, where lower people were permitted. The

The incident also inspired the Guruvayur and Vaikomssatyagraha of the

20th century.

Villuvandi agitation by Ayyankali

● In 1865, Travancore saw a new order from the British government

which gave the right for all sections of society to ride in wheeled

vehicles. But avarnas/low castes were denied from traveling in

roads meant for kings and higher castes

● (rajaveethi).

● Ayyankali acted against this discrimination by purchasing Bullock

cart and he rode the bullock cart fromVenganoor. He chose the

road as a medium for his agitation as it represented the idea to

use public space.

● He emphasized the right to travel, right to trade and self-respect

which will eventually promote economic development and social

benefits.

● The Aruvippuram incident inspired Ayyankali to act against the

social evil, which discriminated against upper and lower castes.

 The idea of Villuvandi, as it was generally used by king and rich

people marked the protest of Ayyankali

● against the discrimination, and it represented the idea of freedom.

● Malayali Memorial (1891) – G.P Pillai & SankaraMenon)

● It was a petition submitted to the Maharaja of Travancore (Sree

Moolam Thirunal) which was signed by 10028 persons belonging

to all castes and creed (Hindu, Christian and Muslim) to draw the

attention to the exclusion of educated natives from the higher

grades of public services.

● The petition pleaded for a fair quota for the natives for

government appointments. But the government attitude was

unhelpful and outsiders continued to be appointed. Nevertheless

the agitation served its purpose namely to arouse political

● consciousness of the people. It also symbolized the emergence of

the new educated middle class as a force to be reckoned with.

Ezhava Memorial (1896)

Malayali memorial was mainly a high caste sponsored (especially nairs)

petition, which mainly focussed the plight of the educated upper class

people. This made the Ezhavas to take their own action to gain their

rights. Dr Palpu, who denied Medical services in Travancore undertook

mass petition strategy and it was signed by 13,176 members of Ezhava

community. This document was known as Ezhava memorial.

Kallumala Samaram/Perinad Lahala

It is an agitation that took place at Perinad and nearby villages by the

Pulayar community. The agitation was a sudden uprising against the

upper classes dictum to the minority castes to not use the public roads,

denying the right to

education, prohibiting centuries of temples and denying women to wear

gold or metal ornaments.

Ayyankali persuaded Pulaya women in south Travancore to wear

undergarments and throw away the bead necklaces which they

used for covering the breasts from time immemorial which was

considered as a symbol of slavery.

A public meeting was convened by Ayyankali in 1915 at Perinad, to throw

away their traditional ornaments and the meeting was attacked by

caste elites. This was a turning point in the history of Kerala reformation,

as the agitation marked the ability of downtrodden sections to act

against caste barriers.

Education and Social Transformation – Role of Christian

Missionaries
The beginning of western education in Kerala may be associated with

the work of Christian missionaries. It was the protestant missionaries

who took the initiative in this regard.

A Prussian missionary by name Ringletaube was active in Trivandrum-

Nagercoil area during the period 1806-16. He set up schools where free

instructions were given in reading, writing and arithmetic to all poor

children, irrespective of caste or creed. But the most illustrious name

connected with

educational work in this area was that of Dr. Mead of the London Mission

Society. From the time of his arrival in 1817 till his death in 1873 he

devoted his whole time to educational work. He established several

schools including

industrial schools and also encouraged female education. The Christian

missionaries were active in other parts of the state also. As early as 1813

the Syrian priests had set up a college or seminary in Kottayam for

training priests. The CMS missionaries who worked among the Syrians

introduced here several branches of secular instruction. They also set up

in Kottayam a Grammar School in 1821 and their wives set up a few Girls

school in Kottayam and adjoining areas to promote female education.

Among the early CMS

missionaries of Kottayam the names of Bailey, Baker and

Fenn deserves special mention.

In the Cochin area the first school was started at Mattancherry by the

English missionary [Link] in 1818 with the aid of a grant received

from the Government.

English education began in the Malabar area with the establishment of a

school each at Kallayi in Calicut in 1848 and at Tellicherry in 1856 by the

Basel Evangelical Mission.

The fine example set by the Christian missionaries in different parts of

the state gave the necessary incentive to the government to enter the

field of education.

In 1817, Rani Gouri Parvati Bai, with the assistance of her Diwan Col.

Munro introduced a system of free and compulsory education under

state control.

Malayalam primary schools were set up in all parts of the state and

guardians of children between the ages of 5 and 10 were enjoined under

law to send their children to school. Men with suitable qualifications were

appointed as teachers and paid salaries from the state treasury.

This was a clear recognition of the principle that the cost of education

was charged on state funds. In 1834 during the reign of Swati Tirunal the

first English school was started at Trivandrum with [Link] of the

CMS mission, Nagercoil as Headmaster. This was done at the invitation

of the Maharaja. In less than a year Robert’s School was taken over by

the Government and became “His Highness the Maharaja’ Free

School”.
In 1866 it was raised to the status of a college. In the Cochin and Malabar

areas also we find progress on similar lines. In 1845 was opened the

English

High school at Ernakulam, the nucleus of the Maharajas College of later

days. Dr. Gundert, the founder of the Basel Mission in Malabar, was also

the Government Inspector of Schools for Malabar and South Canara. The

Brennen School at Tellicherry started in 1862 under the auspices of the

Basel

mission with an endowment of Rs.12000 by [Link], the master

Attendant at Tellicherry, was later taken over by the Government and run

as the Government Brennen College.

The foundations of English education in Kerala were thus firmly laid. A

chain of colleges and schools came to be set up, in due course. Whereas

these institutions served the cause of general education, the need for

starting institutions offering courses of studies in specialized branches of

knowledge was also left. This led to the establishment of institutions

offering professional and technical courses as well as those devoted to

the promotion of oriental studies and fine arts. Among the

earliest of such institutions to be started in the respective fields mention

may be made of the Law college, Trivandrum(1874), the Ayurveda

college, Trivandrum (1889), the Sanskrit college, Trivandrum (1889),

the Engineering

college Trivandrum (1939), the Swati Tirunal Academy (now college of

Music-1939), the medieval college

Trivandrum (1951), the Agricultural college, Trivandrum(1955) and the

Veterinary college , Trichur (1955).

In later years more institutions came to be started in the above fields

in order to cater to the increasing demand for professionals and

specialists.

Caste and class transformation

The social composition of Kerala is significant since it has determined

the sociological foundation of Kerala politics. The traditional four-fold

division of society (Chaturvarnya) is not applicable to Kerala.

Numerous sub castes have grown around the major castes. Prominent

castes like the Nayars and Ezhavas do not fit into the traditional caste

division. Although the Scheduled Castes and tribes may have certain

common characteristics and on this basis can be demarcated from

other groups they lack the cultural homogeneity to be considered a

social unit. Inter-caste hostility is often greater among them since some

of them receive better opportunities of modernisation and earn greater

social mobility.

The members of the lower castes, unwilling to leave their caste, however

low it may be, tried to improve their status by adopting the cultural

patterns of the higher castes. In social change the caste association has

greater significance than the caste itself.

Castes and sub-Castes remain even now the basis of social and

political action. Kerala may be described as a communal museum.

Communities, advanced and backward as well as large and small have

made up the Kerala society.

Many factors such as religious revival and rivalry, economic compulsion,

spirit of modernisation, etc. contributed to mental turmoil which took the

form of social reform movements. The religion and society of Kerala has

also changed

greatly over the centuries. Here, over two thousand years ago, the Tamil

speaking people developed a fairly advanced civilization independently

of the Aryan north.

During this period, Kerala remained a part of an area sharing the same

language and cultural activities. The entire South India was referred to

as 'Tamilakam' by the Sangham works as well as contemporary foreign

accounts.

Gradually Keralites broke away from the Tamilians, a process

undoubtedly encouraged by their geographical situation. In the course

of centuries we developed our own culture, in the process extensively

absorbing Aryan elements from the north, as well as Araband European

elements from the west.

These influences affected the language and religion of the Keralites.

A silent revolution was taking place in the socio religious system of

Kerala during the last phase of the Sangam Age.

It was a landmark in the formation of the agrarian society of Kerala. The

simple tradition of the tribes became extremely complex as the people

migrated to the other parts and turned into settled agriculturalists.

The rapid increase of the new ideologies with the emergence of

Buddhism, Jainism, Brahmanism, Christianity and Islamshook their

tradition and became extremely complex.

In the wake of socio-economic transformation, the heterodox

religious ideologies themselves underwent major changes and got

reconstructed more or less in idioms of pre-existing tradition.

The formation of organized Brahmin settlements in Kerala in the ninth

century must have been the result of a slow process of migration from

time to time. Usually the whole of Kerala was covered by a network of

temple centered Brahmin settlements.

A combined administration of knowledge, institutional support, division

of labor and ideology was essential for the formation of such

settlements.

The Brahmins had great knowledge and this enabled them to be a

dominant community in Kerala.

People govern themselves and others through the production of

knowledge.

The Namboothiris (Kerala Brahmins) gradually gained dominance as

the advisory committees of the Kings.

The final stage of Brahmin domination coincides with the rise of

Kulasekharam. They were the patrons of Brahmanism in Kerala. Large

numbers of temples were constructed and Namboodiris became

powerful and influential. The

Brahmins attained a position of primacy in social and religious matters.

Manipravalam works testify to the dominant position of the Brahmins in

contemporary Kerala society.

The final stage in the development of society is marked by the

emergence of class and state. Initially, the state emerged from gross

inequality in the distribution of produce. Later it was dominated by those

who managed to obtain a greater portion of land, labor and other basic

sources of subsistence.

Unequal distribution culminated in unequal access to the sources of

livelihood.

At the beginning of the twelfth century, the land ofKerala was governed

by dozens of Naduvazhies under a feudal system which went by

Brahmanical codes of morality.

A self-regulating social system organized in terms of communities

prevailed and managed the affairs. The higher- ups in the hierarchy

monopolized the juridical-political matters by tradition. The juridical

conventions and the

Administration of justice was primarily based on Sastraic jurisprudence

institutionalized as ‘Desamaryada‘ or local conventions.

Since the Brahmins were the hegemonic group with enormous

economic and cultural control, their Vedic Sastric-Puranic adaptation

constituted the chief tradition of wisdom for representing the socio-

political processes. The

technologies that are derived from knowledge are used by various

institutions to exert power over people.

There is a link between knowledge and power.

An important characteristic of the Hindu society of Kerala was the

observance of the caste system which made the social life of the vast

majority of the people miserable. This social stratification is a particular

form of social

inequality.

The caste system that had stratified communities on the basis of

inequality was part and parcel of the economic pattern of Hindu society

in the pre-colonial period.

The Primitive communist society of Kerala was replaced by a system

which divided the society into castes. First into three or four then it

became dozens and scores.

Religion had been a central factor in the culture of Kerala since the

beginning

of its formation. As an ideology, religion played an important part where

the caste system progressively established here.

Caste based social order was the creation of the age-old Hindu religion.

Caste is not the growth of a single age or even a few centuries. It

assumes different characteristics at different times.

Caste structure goes out of inter-relationships between groups. The

institution of caste based social stratification was a major effect of the

sastric-puranic mode of representation of the hereditary social division

of labor.

In the division of labor, superior castes were specializing in honorable,

lucrative jobs and inferior castes in humble, menial jobs. Division of

means was done according to the status and need of each caste. In this

dispensation all caste groups received their portion of the material

benefits. Thus carpenters, smiths, barbers, washer men, plowmen all got

their share of the produce to help them stay alive, at a reduced rate.

Inter dependence was the essence of separateness in the caste system.

Here caste and occupation went together and a man was born not only

into his caste based profession but also into his employer's hands as

well.

The institution of caste evolved gradually during the post-Sangam

period. Though the caste system in Kerala had some peculiarities of

its own it was the version of Brahmin- centered Varna- caste system

that prevailed elsewhere in India. Kerala has its own peculiarities in the

evolution of class-caste society.

Only one of the four Varna - the Brahmins-had become part of Kerala

Hindu society. Many of the ruling families belong to the next one, the

Kshatriya caste.

But the bulk of the people who carried on the warfare, the professions of

Kshatriya were drawn from outside this caste. The traditional warriors of

Kerala, in historical times, are non-Kshatriyas.

The third caste Vaisya is totally absent from the caste

hierarchy of Kerala. The nonexistence of any caste whose traditional

occupation is trade in the Hindu society of Kerala is significant. The

people who perform the function of Vaisya caste-the Jews, the Muslims

and the Christians-were outside the Kerala Hindu society even in

historical times. At the same time there were minute divisions of caste

and sub-caste

for each minor occupation.

The caste rules operated in the most irrational manner. The triple

defilement practices of untouchability, unapproachability, unseeability

were observed by people at all levels of Hindu society. Though the

Savarnas did not permit the low caste Hindus to approach them without

feeling themselves polluted, no such distance pollution was associated

with the Christians and Muslims; but their touch was considered

polluting.

There were externally identifiable castes significant too. The style

(mode) of clothing, the shape and position of the tuft of hair and the

differing style and material of the ornaments functioned as the caste

marks of the bodies. The

clothing of Keralites even in the beginning of the twentieth century was

prescribed by customs with striking differences based on caste and

sub-caste identity.

Clothing functioned as a sign-system to signify the caste of the

individual. One would wear a cloth to one's waist strictly limiting the
lower end above the knee-joint or up to the knee-joint or above the

ankle or stretching down the ankle.

The nineteenth and early twentieth century was a great turning period

which changed the face of Kerala far more than did the preceding

thousand years. A new era set in Kerala which witnessed the emergence

of the society quite

Different.

Kerala experienced an intellectual revolution or renaissance during this

period which totally changed the outlook of the people. Religious,

cultural and ideological as well as economic issues lead to important

dimensions and

conflict in the social order. This period witnessed the formation of a

consciousness about the identity of Kerala in all areas of social

endeavor. The nature, direction and momentum of these changes

constitute the basis for the introduction of an alternative system of

beliefs and re- structure of social institutions.

Rise of the New Professional Classes

It would be interesting to assess the changes that have taken place in

the personal life of the Keralites in recent years. The disruption of old

social institutions like the joint family , the matrilineal system, the Janmi

system etc has helped the average Keralite to acquire a new dignity of

his own and

develop a fresh outlook.

He is no longer enamored of landed property or the unwieldy mansion

known as Nalukettu. He has come to have faith in the benefits of higher

education which opens up new avenues of employment. Even the young

men and women of the socially backward sections in

The community has taken to higher education and this has enabled

them to secure jobs in government service and public undertakings. The

learned professions have also attracted the new generation of educated

young men and women in large numbers.

This has led to the emergence of new professional classes who wield

considerable influence in public life. Their interests cut across the

conventional barriers based on caste and religion. They constitute the

new elite in Kerala society.

Caste in Contemporary Kerala

The Hindu society in Kerala is today organized on the basis of the caste

system. The caste system had its origin in Kerala by about the 8th

century A.D. when the influx of the Aryan immigrants reached its peak.
The social and economic changes brought about by the Chola-chera

war of the 11th century A.D. strengthened the basis of the caste system.

The Namboothiri Brahmins who were at the apex of the caste hierarchy

attained a position of primacy in social and religious matters.

Jainism and Buddhism had practically disappeared and Hindu society

came to be organized on the basis of castes and sub-castes.

The most striking feature of the society that emerged before long was

the predominance of the upper castes and the relatively subordinate

position occupied by the lower castes.

The works of the Portuguese, the Dutch and the British writers throw light

on the social organization of Kerala during the period from the 16th to

the 19th century. It may be seen that the Brahmins stood at the top of the

social hierarchy and among them the Namboothiris occupied the

highest rank.

There were also other Brahmin castes like the Tulu Brahmins

and the Goud Saraswath Brahmins who came from outside.

The Kshatriyas who constituted the ruling class were kept by the

Namboothiris under their effective control.

The Nairs and Tiyyas (Ezhavas) constituted powerful sections of the

Hindu

community. The Nairs being the martial class were the more influential

of the two. They moved about the land with sword in hand. Being famous

for their fidelity, they were employed by the Portuguese as Changatam

(suicide squads) for protecting their lives and properties. In the

Portuguese period

they were not addicted to drink but by the time of Buchanan’s visit in

1800-1801, the position had changed.

Kunjan Nambiar who composed his Thullal works in the preceding

century makes specific references to the drinking habit of the Nairs. The

Tiyyas had toddy tapping as their main occupation, but like the Nairs,

they too received military training.

The Kammalas (artisans), the Mukkuvas (fisher folk) and several other

castes like the Pulayas, the Parayas and the Kuravas occupied a low

position in society and were subjected to all kinds of social disabilities.

The caste rules operated with the utmost rigor. The upper castes like the

Brahmins, the Kshtariyas and the Nairs observed them strictly as

otherwise they would have been treated as outcasts and sold to

Christians or Muslims under royal orders.

The evils of untouchability, unapproachability and instability were

observed in the most irrational manner. The members of the lower

castes had to keep a distance from the higher castes according to a

prescribed schedule. Thus the Pulaya had to keep a distance of 60 ft.

from the Nair while the Namboothiri would consider himself polluted

even if he is seen by a pulaya or Nayadi. The failure on the party of the

members of the lower castes to make way for those of the higher would

have invited even the death penalty.

The upper castes (savarnas) like the Brahmins, the Kshatriyas, the nairs

etc. enjoyed several immunities and privileges which were denied to the

lower castes.

Political power and authority in the land lay concentrated in the hands

of the former. The existence of royal families who had matrimonial

connections with Kshatriyas, Nairs etc. and who eventually leaned

heavily on the Brahmin officers who were imported from outside for

assistance in the discharge of their duties, helped the upper castes to

get themselves entrenched in positions of authority.

It was the special privilege of the Brahmin judges, Vaidikar, as they were

called, to give judgements in all important cases.

The law administered by them was not equalitarian in any sense. While

the Brahmins enjoyed freedom from death penalty, the members of the

backward castes were given this punishment even for such ordinary

offences as theft, killing of cows etc.

The lower a person’s rank in the social scale, the more severe the

punishment meted out to him.

Trampling to death under an elephant, blowing from the mouth of a

cannon

and hanging (chithravadham) spread over three days were the

common punishments imposed on the members of the lower castes

even for ordinary offenses.

An Ezhava or Pulaya
● condemned to death for any crime was hanged while a Nair

placed in similar circumstances was beheaded. Trial by ordeal

(Satya Pariksha) was common in both criminal and civil cases.

The type of ordeal to which a person was

● The subject depended on his caste status. Ordeal by balance

(Tukku) was reserved for the Brahmins, fire for Kshatriyas and

poison for Sudras. A famous instance of trial by ordeal is the

Kaimukku or ordeal of boiling ghee in the Suchindramtemple

intended for Namboothiri women found guilty for sexual offences.

● This was the position in regard to administration of law at the time

of the British conquest of Kerala. Though British rule tended to

liberalize the penal

● Code to a certain extent, the Naduvazhis and the upper castes

continued to enjoy their position of predominance as the policy of

the British government was to sustain them as the props of their

power. The members of the lower castes (Avarnas) or backward

communities, as they came to be called, had no place in the

councils of the state. They could hold no office under the

Government either in Travancore or Cochin.

● There were also manifold restrictions in regard to their dress,

ornaments, mode of conveyance, use of domestic vessels,

manner of construction of houses etc. Individuals among

● Those who wanted to enjoy privileges in these matters had to

make payments to the Sarkar or to the Naduvazhi and obtain a

license.

● This arrangement led to a series of inequitable imposts which

imposed an intolerable burden on the members of the backward

communities. In fact, the dichotomy between the Savarnas and

the Avarnas continued to be the bane of Hindu society and stood

in the way of the advancement of the backward classes.

● Hindus of one caste lived in complete segregation from their

brethren belonging to other castes. The Varnas were denied

access to temples, schools and places of public resort and there

were even restrictions on their freedom to walk along the public

roads without fear.

● The practice of pollution was widely observed. Inter dining was

held in terror. It is also worth mentioning that much more than the

barriers of caste

● which stood in the way of social mobility, there were inter- sub-

caste barriers among the Nairs and also among each of the

backward communities like the Ezhavas which too prevented the

members of the various castes from acting in unison and

harmony as homogeneous communities. There was neither inter-

dining nor inter-marriage between the various sub-castes.

Moreover, some of the avarnas who were high in the social scale

practiced untouchability in relation to the Pulayas and other

 scheduled castes. Thus paradoxical as it may seem, the Harijans

were being denied entry into the

● temples owned by the Ezhavas who themselves had the grievance

that they were being denied entry into temples by the upper caste

Hindus.

● The social science in Kerala, in fact, presented many more such

paradoxes. One such glaring paradox was that while a non Hindu

like a Christian or Muslim was not barred entering into approach

roads to temples or admission to schools, those Hindus who by

accident of birth happened to be born in the low castes, were kept

out of these places and subjected to social humiliation.

● To make the irony complete, those Hindus who converted

themselves to Christianity or Islam immediately got these

privileges conferred on them without demur or protest from

among the upper caste Hindus.

● It is not surprising that under such circumstances a large number

of conversions took place in Kerala from among the backward

castes in the Hindu society to Christianity and Islam and the

prestige of Hinduism suffered heavily even among these who were

born within its fold. Swami

● Vivekananda who visited Kerala in 1892 observes as follows about

this phenomenon in a letter to one of his friends, “if a bhangi

comes on as a bhangi he would be shunned as the plague, but no

sooner he gets a cupful of water poured upon his head with some
 mutterings of mantras and gets on his back a coat, no matter how

threadbare he comes into the room of the most Orthodox Hindu – I

do not see tile man who then dares refuse him a chair and a

hearty shake of hands. Irony can go no further’. It is significant to

note that Swami

● Vivekananda felt so disgusted with the caste taboos of the Hindus

that he called Kerala the ‘mad house of India

Matriliny in Kerala and its changes, Transformations in family,

Marriage, Taravadu, Inheritance, Succession and descent. A distinctive

feature of the social organization of Kerala till recent times was the

prevalence of Marumakkathayam or the Matrilineal system

among certain castes and communities. It involved inheritance and

succession through the sister’s children in the female line. The antiquity

of the system has been a theme of controversy among scholars.

The traditional view propagated by the Brahmin aristocracy and

expounded by the authors of the Keralolpathiis that

Marumakkathayamis of hoary antiquity and Makkathayam or the

patrilineal system of inheritance was unknown to ancient Kerala.

As opposed to this is the view that Makkathayam was the system of

inheritance prevalent in ancient Kerala and that Marumakkathayam

came into vogue at a later period of Kerala history under the impact of

some compelling forces.

The fact that succession to the throne among the early Cheras and the

Kulasekharas of Mahodayapuram was from father to son is cited as

evidence in support of this view.

[Link] Iyengar, author of the History of the Tamils, is categorical

that Marumakkathayamwas unknown in Kerala till the tenth century AD.

K P Padmanabha Menon has expressed the view that the

Marumakkathayamsystem was nonexistent in Kerala till the thirteenth

century and that it came into vogue in the fourteenth century in

response to the challenge of certain compelling circumstances.

The fact that Friar Jordanus of Service (early fourteenth century) is the

first foreign traveler to mention the existence of the system and no other

foreign observer before him has alluded to it is adduced as evidence in

support of this contention. The observations of Friar Jordanus are as

follows.

“In this India, never do even the legitimate sons of great kings or

princes or barons inherit the goods of their parents but only the sons of

their sisters for they say that they have no surety that those are their

sons; but it is not so with the sister, for whatever man may be the

father, they are certain that the offspring is of their sister and is

consequently truly of their blood”.

Prof. ElamkulamKunjan Pillai who too believes in the later origin of

Marumakkathayam accepted the view of [Link] Iyengar that the

system was unknown in Kerala till the tenth century, but he agreed with

the substance of Padmanabha Menon’s view that it was the product of

certain compelling circumstances.

As distinct from the two extreme views given above, there is also a

compromise view which suggests that Marumakkathayam must have

been the system of inheritance and succession prevailing in ancient

Kerala and that it must have been in a state of suspended animation

during the period of the ascendancy of the patrilineal Brahmin caste till

it staged a revival at a later period.

[Link] has given expression to a similar view. He says, “In the early

days of the Chera Kingdom of Kerala inheritance was through the

male line but about the twelfth century a matrilineal system became

regular , according to which the heir to the throne was the son not of

the king, but of his eldest sister. This system called

Marumakkathayam,

continued in Cochin and Travancore until very recent times, both for

royal succession and the inheritance of estates. Perhaps it existed in

Kerala at an early period, but was dropped by the upper classes for a

while under Brahmanical influence, to be reviewed in the course of the

centuries. Family/Tarawad The family or tarawad in the matriarchal

society was a joint family consisting of all the descendants of a common

ancestress in the female line.

The mother and all her children, all grandchildren by the daughters, all

her brothers and sisters and the descendants on the sister’s side lived
together in the same home sharing a common kitchen and enjoying all

the property and after her death, they shared her property in common

with one another. Though every one of the members of the matriarchal

family had the right to maintenance from its property, none was entitled

to partition.

The consent of all the members of the tarawad is essential for effecting

partition.

Though the joint property belonged in law to the females, they were

considered as incapable of family management and hence the eldest

male member of the family called karanavan was vested with the right

of managing the family property.

The Karanavan could not, however, alienate the family property except

with the unanimous consent of the junior members or the

[Link] junior members had no property of their own and

they succeeded to the karanavasthanamor managership of the family

by seniority.

In case the Karanavanmismanaged the tarawad property, the junior

members could initiate legal proceedings and have him removed from

the management.

A disquieting aspect of the joint family under Marumakkathayam Was

the undue influence exercised by the Ammayi, that is, the

Karanavan’swife, in the affairs of the Tarawad. It should be noted that

her children, through her husband, namely, the Karanavan, had no legal
claim to his family property and still her will prevailed with the latter in

family matters.

This led to a lot of dissatisfaction among the junior members and the

Ammayi Came to be viewed with suspicion as the cause of all tensions

in the Tarawad.

Very often she appropriated for herself and her children whatever little

gain the Karanavar Gained from the management of the Tarawad

Property and the Anantaravans naturally presented this.

In addition, there was also the complaint that the Karanavar Incurred

the displeasure of several junior members of the family also because he

was partial to the members of his own Tavazhi(branch) , that is, the

children of his direct sisters. As a result of these factors the joint family

became a hotbed of troubles and intrigues.

In view of the internal tensions, the joint family system failed to work

harmoniously and there began the clamor for the reform of the

Marumakkathayam Law of inheritance.

Plural Traditions of Family in Kerala Regional variations of mutual power

rankings, Namboothiri and Nayar communities enjoyed dominance in

the Kerala School of Distance Education Kerala Society: Structure and

Change 64 social structure. Besides these two dominant communities,

Kerala had many Christian and Muslim communities and several

intermediate and lower ranking caste, as well as tribal communities

which were outside the caste system.

It was the concentration on the dominant Nayar caste and their

matriliny that contributed to the perception of Kerala society being

predominantly matrilineal was not restricted to Nayars;

It was practiced by a large number of castes and communities

covering more than half of the population .

While matriliny existed in many Hindu caste groups, several tribal groups

and some Christian and Muslim groups, the patrilineal family was the

norm among large Christian religious groups, while among Muslims both

patrilineal and matrilineal family norms existed.

Kurichiyan Kurichiyan, traditionally a matrilineal hunter gatherer group,

were agriculturists scattered over the Kannur, Wayanad and Kozhikode

districts of the state.

The traditional Kurichiyan joint family is referred to as ‘mittom’ with

reference to the large courtyard in front of a complex of buildings for

dwellings and other purposes, where all family ceremonies take place.

Each ‘mittom’ has its own Kulam, a grouping of people descended from

a common ancestress.

A Kulam is further divided into two segments known as bandhu and

panthi and kulams coming within the same segment being sister

kulams and forbidden to marry amongst themselves.

Thus moiety, exogamy and prescriptive marriage between panthi and

bandhu are crucial in the social organization of School of Distance

Education Kerala Society: Structure and Change 65 the Kurichiyan and

the shaping of its family norms.

When a family grows too large for joint living, or new property is acquired

new households came up but they were still attached to the ‘bottom for

all ritual and ceremonial purposes until these new dwellings installed all

deities and enshrined them.

Those dwellings that thus acquired independence became erupuras or

attara of the original ‘mittom’, although they may also be referred as

‘mittom’.Once a child reaches the age of five, she/he can be send by the

Karanavar To live in any of the erupuras and the adults too may be

circulated between erupuras to meet labor requirements.

A common pool of property for the members was maintained by

‘mittom’. The lands were held jointly by the members of the mittom, but

the legal rights were vested in the Karanavar.

The women’s role was mostly in the private domain, but their role in

production and men’s dependence on them to maintain the social

organization and conventions of their society was undeniable and

unchallenged.

Christianity and Muslim Family Traditions The modern beginnings of

most of the families are associated with a legendary patriarch, a sort of

founder of the family. It is noticed that most of the families in this phase

got associated with the Dutch or British in a peculiar way while being

under the suzerainty of the local king.

The Syrian Christians readily imbibed western traits more expeditiously

than the local Hindus. In North Malabar and in coastal towns of Malabar

generally, the Mappilas followed the Marumakkathayam system of

inheritance, though it was opposed to the precepts of Quran, but a

man’s self - acquisitions usually descended to his wife and family in

accordance with the Mohammedan Law of property.

This combination of two systems often led to much confusion and

troubles in Muslim Join families. This practice of matriliny was ascribed

to the orders or Raja of Chirakkal and seemed to have been further

encouraged by the example of the Bibi of Arakkal, the only Muslim royal

family and head of North Malabar Mappilas.

Reforms of the Laws of Inheritance and Marriage It has already been

mentioned that a movement for the reform of the law of inheritance had

been started by the junior members of the Marumakkathayamfamilies

who revolted against the autocratic powers exercised by the Karanavan

in the tarawad. In the Travancore area of the state the movement

received the staunch support of the Nair service society.

In 1083 Kollam era (1907-08) in response to the growing public opinion

the Government of Travancore appointed a committee of officials and

non-officials to go into the whole question. A bill was introduced in the

legislature by the government and passed into law as Act of 1912. This

measure is known as the first Nair Act.

It did not provide for partition of Nair Tarawads, the shares being

calculated per capita. On the other hand, it granted half of the self-

acquired property of a male to his sons and the other half to his

nephews.
The first Nair Act only embodied a compromise between two conflicting

views instead of meeting the demands of the agitationists in full. Hence

the agitation for the reform of the Marumakkathayam Law continued

unabated. A non-official motion introduced in the Travancore

Legislature in 1916 in order to amend the Nair Act (1912) by providing for

Tavazhi partition was lost owing to the opposition of the Government.

However, the second Nair Act passed in 1925 provided for the partition of

Nair tarawads, the share being calculated per capita and deprived the

nephews of all claims to the properties of their uncles. The Nair Act was

followed by the Ezhava Act and the Nanjanad Vellala Act providing for

similar changes in the law of inheritance in respect of the two

communities.

The Nair Act of 1925 and the other measures that followed prohibited the

practice of polygamy. Thus as a result of progressive legislation vast

sections of the Hindu community in Travancore became

Makkathayisand the old Hindu joint family system broke up.

Cochin was also powerfully influenced by this wind of change and

several pieces of legislation were passed with a view to amending the

laws of inheritance and marriage.

The Cochin Nair Regulation of 1095 Kollam Era (1919-20) imposed

restrictions on the powers of the Karanavar And facilitated partition of

joint families. It legalized customary marriage and declared the wife and

children as being entitled to maintenance by the husband or the father.

The provisions of the regulation applied to non – Nair husbands also.

The result was that all husbands including Namboothiri were now legally

bound to maintain their wives and children, if any. The Regulation also

prohibited polygamy and anticipated central legislation by several

decades. The measure has been hailed as a milestone in the annals of

Marumakkathayam as it fulfilled all the legitimate aspirations of the

progressive sections of the Nair community.

The Cochin Nair Act of Kollam Era 1113 (1937-38) which superseded the

Regulation of 1920 retained the main provisions of the latter and

introduced more progressive changes with a view to doing away with

the evils of the joint family system. The Act brought about the complete

disruption of Marumakkathayam as an institution and freed the

members of the joint family from the shackles of the autocratic Karavan.

The wife and children of a husband or father became the legal heirs of

his property.

Every member of a Nair family (tarawad) could now claim his share of

the properties by demanding individual partition.

The Act of 1113 repeated the earlier prohibition on polygamy and also

prohibited the marriage of a female less than 16 years of age and of a

male less than 21 years of age.

The Government of Madras also enacted legislative measures with a

view to changing the laws of inheritance and succession in Malabar in

response to public opinion.

The Madras Marumakkathayam Act of 1993 allowed partition of tarawa

property and legalized inheritance from father to son. The partition

could also be affected without the consent of the Karanavan, if the

majority of the members wanted partition.

The Act applied to all the Hindus of Malabar including the Namboothiri of

Payyannur Gramam who followed the Marumakkathayam system. An

amendment to the Act of 1933 which was passed in 1958 conferred the

right of individual partition on the members of the Marumakkathayam

families. Legislative measures were passed simultaneously to bring

about the change from Marumakkathayam to Makkathayam in the

case of the Mappilas of North Kerala.

The Mappila Marumakkathayam Act of 1933 conferred on the members

of the Mappila Marumakkathayam families the right to claim the

partition of their tarawads. The property which they acquired as a result

of the partition was thereafter to be governed by the Sharia law. It may

also be mentioned that the Sharia law passed by the Central legislature

in 1937 was made applicable in 1949 and with this the Muslims in

Malabar area who had followed Marumakkathayam also came to be

governed by the patrilineal law of inheritance which the Muslims

followed all over the world. An important piece of legislation which

affected the life of the Namboothiris also deserves mention.

The Madras Namboothiri Act of 1933 changed the law of inheritance

governing the Namboothiris of Malabar. Every member of a Namboothiri

Illam, whether male or female, could get an equal share in the family

property under its provisions.

The junior members of the Namboothiri families also got the right to

marry within the caste and thus the children of all junior members of an

illam became the legal heirs to the property.

Legislative measures passed by the Indian parliament after

independence have included those affecting the law of inheritance

among all classes of Hindus.

The Hindu Succession Act which came into force in 1956 provides for a

uniform system of succession for all Hindus with respect to intestate

succession (i.e., inheritance of property of persons who die without

having made a will).

The Act gives equal rights to man and woman in regard to inheritance of

property and it applies to all persons governed by the

Marumakkathayam law as well. It may also be mentioned that under

the same Act the law relating to Hindu marriage has also been modified

so as to make monogamy compulsory for all classes of Hindus. Mention

may also be made in this connection of the Kerala Joint Hindu Family

System (Abolition), Act 1975 passed by the Kerala Legislative Assembly.

legislative measures of its kind, it has ensured the disintegration of the

traditional matrilineal system of inheritance and ushered in the

patrilineal (Makkathayam) system which is in vogue among

progressive societies all over the world.

Demographic trends in Kerala-

Migration, Ageingand trends of Birth and death rates;Health care in

Kerala; Consumerism and new lifestyle.

Migration from Kerala to the other states in India and countries outside

has now become so rampant that its impact is felt in every aspect of life

in the state (Zachariah et al., 2001)

● Migration has brought in profound impact on the socio-

economic, political and cultural aspects of the state in the past 40

years. Though the state enjoyed a tradition of having trade

relations with the West and Arab world, dating back to periods

even before the birth of Christ, the population of the state had a

non-migrating nature.

● Literature indicates that the people of the state lead a contented

and peaceful life under the patronage of local rulers and this

factor

discouraged them from venturing out of their state boundaries.

● However, under the reign of Britishers, the situation began to

change and they permitted the emigration of Indian labor to

countries like Sri Lanka, Burma, Fiji, Malaya, Singapore etc. to work

in their plantations and factories. Until the beginning of World War

II, Kerala was a net-in-migration state, as it attracted labor force

and traders in large numbers from the neighboring area, mainly

the Madras Presidency. In earlier periods, migration of Keralites.

● to other parts of India were mostly confined to people

fromMalabar area, which was the part of Madras presidency and

where living conditions were less favorable than in the princely

 states of Travancore and Cochin (Joseph, 2001) After World War II,

followed by Indian independence in 1947, the educated natives

(Keralites) started to venture out to other parts of the country

especially to the cities like Delhi, Bombay, and Calcutta etc. in

search of new avenues. The lack of employment opportunities and

● expansion of education in the state compelled the educated to

move out in search of new horizons. So one can say that since 1947

the state became a major source of net out- [Link] on

the analysis of census reports, Joseph (2001) points out that till the

end of nineteenth century

● Keralites were basically home-bound people, following a simple

mode of life and following the social constraints imposed by the

society.

● But with the passage of time, the forces of constraints weakened

and the economy of the state entered into a new trajectory of

development and “migration also ensued as a concomitant to

the process of development” (ibid). Though the number was not

by and large high at the beginning, the upward social mobility and

the economic stability of these families became an element of

inspiration for others in molding their lives.

● As mentioned earlier, prior to independence, emigration from

Kerala was confined to countries like Malaya, Burma, Singapore

etc. But the oil boom that started in the Arab countries during the

early 1970s ended up in large-scale

● emigration of Keralites to these countries, which can be counted

as the beginning of a new saga in the history of the state. Kerala

entered into an age of extensive emigration during the 1970s and

“most sections and communities in Kerala, except the poorest, the

most educated, and yes, the most affluent, have participated in

the migration process” (Nair, 1986).

● The decline in growth rate during the 1970s was contributed to

partly by decline in fertility and partly by net out-migration. Kerala

has been a net out-migration State from the 1930s, and the rate of

net out-migration reached its peak during 1981-91 (Kerala

Development Report, 2005).

● At present, “Kerala is becoming too much dependent on

migration for employment, sustenance, housing, household

amenities, institution building and many other development

activities”
Demographic profile of Kerala

The state of Kerala, located in the south-west part of India in

its present form, was formed in 1956 as part of the linguistic

reorganization of the Indian States by merging the three

Malayalam Speaking regions. It has a land area of 38,863 sq.

km, stretching 580 km in length and 30-130 km in breadth.

While in terms of area, Kerala forms only 1.1 per cent of India, its

population (as of Census 2011) of 33.4 million accounts for 2.76 per

cent of India’s population. According to the recent census reports

the state ranks ninth position in terms of population in the country.

When it comes to population composition, about 52 per cent of

the state's population is constituted by females and the remaining

48 per cent by males. Population density in Kerala is 840 persons

per sq. km, one of the highest in the country.

One of the characteristic features of Kerala’s demographic

structure is the total fertility rate (1.8 per woman) which is below

the replacement level (2.1 per woman). State’s demography is also

skewed in favor of women, which according to the latest census

was measured as 1084 females per 1000 males. It can be observed

that throughout the census

period, the proportion of the population was always in favor of

females rather than to males.

Kerala’s unique settlement pattern and wider infrastructure

development makes it difficult to see the differences between

urban and rural areas and there is a strong rural-urban

continuum in all along the state. Of the total population, urban

dwellers figures to 15.9 million which is about 48 per cent of the

whole population

and rural populace constitute 17.5 million

Age wise distribution of Population in Kerala

The notable strives achieved by the state in demographic

parameters has brought in a number of concerns and

challenges along with it.

The changes in the fertility and mortality rate over the time has

significantly affected the age structure of the state

Table gives us a picture of the transitions across different age

groups over the last six decades. From the table, it is evident

that the decline in the birth rate has significantly reduced the

proportion of children to the total population. The proportion

of the children in the total population has reduced from 42.6

per cent in 1961 to 23.47 per cent in 2011.

Higher concentration of population in the working age group is

considered to be a stimulus for the economic growth and

financial gains and this scenario as termed as ‘windows of

opportunities’, which finally results in the demographic

dividend. Currently, the state holds a favorable situation

with a high proportion of working age population, but it is

evident that with decreasing fertility and increasing life

expectancy, the population is undergoing aging and its

repercussions are being experienced in the state. The share of

the 60+ population has also increased four times and the

projections show that in near future state is going to witness

similar demographic situations that of developed countries

like Japan, Germany etc.

Demographic Transition in Kerala

● It can be observed from the above graph (Figure 5) that all

● The three vital demographic parameters ([Link], CDR and

IMR) show a declining trend from 1951 to 2011, with IMR

experiencing a significant decrease.

● Infant mortality rates show a rapid decline from 120 deaths

in 1951 to 12 deaths as per the recent SRS reports (2015). This

can be attributed to

● improved health services, increase in institutional deliveries,

higher immunization coverage, greater awareness and

 technological advances. During the same period the death

rate decreased by 18 points from 25.1 in 1951 to 7 in 2011.

● The immediate or the proximate causes for the decline in

fertility

● were the increase in the age at marriage and the increased

adoption of family planning measures especially sterilization

. Various studies conducted indicate that female literacy,

socio-economic changes, increased preference and

performance of family planning programme

● etc. as the factors contributing to this decline (Pillai, 1983

&Zachariah and Kurup, 1984).

● With respect to Kerala, one of the striking features of the

state’s demographic transition is its achievement without

adequate economic backing (State Human Development

Report, 2005). It is interesting to note that most of the

European and other developed countries had achieved

maximum economic growth and development at the time

of their transition.

● The first glimpses into the demographic transition were

brought out by the study done by the Centre for

Development Studies, in 1975 for the U.N Department of

Economic & Social Affairs.

● The study revealed that in Kerala the high levels of literacy

and educational attainments along with the spread of

 health facilities in rural areas had resulted in a sharper

decline in the rates of infant mortality and mortality in

general.

The State Human Development Report (2005) remarked that the

State attained these remarkable achievements in demographic

transition within a short period.

The fact that in Kerala, social development had preceded

economic development drew the praise and attention of

researchers across the world and this pattern of development,

later on, came to be known as ‘Kerala Model’ of

Development.

Health Care in Kerala

● Kerala, the southernmost state of India, has attracted

international attention for its outstanding achievements in

population health despite its economic backwardness.

● This paradox, often referred to as the ‘Kerala Model of

Development’, has been studied since the 1970s, and has

become an ideal model of development for many poor

income countries in the world. Yet, since the 1990s, the

stagnant economy and a wave of globalization has affected

this once-praised state, and have forced Kerala to confront

new challenges.

● The health care system is considered to be the principal

factor

for attaining the high level of health status in Kerala.

From The formation of the state, health care provision was

one of the governments’ top priorities, and the system was

developed in a way that incorporated both western and

traditional medicine that was accessible to the people In

addition to the facilities run by the public sector, the private

sector plays a major role in health care provision in

● Kerala, providing the majority of allopathic facilities and

beds. Although the number of allopathic facilities run by the

private sector was 704 in 1978, it increased to 4,288 in 1995,

accounting for 75.8% of the allopathic facilities in the state.

● Between 1986 and 1996, the number of beds in the public

sector grew from 36,000 to 38,000, a 5.6% increase, while

● beds in the private sector grew from 49,000 to 67,500, a

37.8% increase. As for human resources, although Kerala has

 a relatively high number of allopathic doctors (30,318 in

2000, or approximately one doctor per 1,000 population),

86.4% of them work in the private sector.

● Historically, services were provided privately even before the

foundation of the state, in institutions such as mission

hospitals. However, the recent trend of the burgeoning

private sector is predominantly driven by for-profit

enterprises.

● Major factors for this trend may be described as the gap

between the needs of the people and the quality of

service the public sector can provide. Technology

development and the aging society have raised the cost for

health care, whereas the economic growth in Kerala has

lagged behind other states in India, causing a fiscal deficit in

the state budget.

● Until the late 1970s, the share of health expenditure in the

total state budget had been consistently higher than those

in

● the rest of India. For example, yearly average health

expenditure accounted for 10.45% of total revenue in Kerala

and 8.3% in all India in 1960-65. However, it became

9.07%and 9.54% respectively in 1985-90.

● Furthermore, although health expenditure on salaries for

health personnel increased in the 1990s, capital spending for

infrastructure of facilities decreased.

● An initial meeting on public and private cooperation in

health was held in January 2003 with the aim of creating a

better health care system in a reciprocally beneficial

manner.

● Until then, the private sector was very reluctant in

negotiating with the public sector because they were afraid

of being unfairly regulated.

● Under these circumstances, the government must carefully

craft a system with minimal, but necessary,

● regulations over the private sector. Such acceptable

regulations would include registrations of health care

facilities and the number of health personnel, and

accreditation of hospitals with a certain level of standard. In

addition, the government of Kerala has formed a task group

to create radical health policy changes and the result

● The Health Vision Kerala 2025, will be published in 2004. By

creating a new health care system incorporating the private

sector, the government may be able to choose an option to

gradually reduce its role as a health care provider, and

concentrate on providing preventive care and being

financially responsible for those in need.

 ● One strategy for this is to restructure the health insurance

system in a way that provides financial risk protection for all

or a large proportion of the population.

● Although several social or private insurance schemes

currently exist in India, they merely cover 3% of the

population, a majority of which is in high- or middle-income

brackets. Given this fact and the peculiar

● situation of Kerala, where people live longer, presumably

with costly chronic diseases along with relatively small

financial resources, an innovative process, including trials of

community-based health insurance programs in

collaboration with NGOs, will be necessary to achieve its

goal.

Consumerism and New Life style

● Kerala is one of the smallest states in the Indian union. Its

area 38,863 square kilometers is just 1 percent of the total

area of India. Kerala as a unique model of development

because it has been able to achieve exceptional social

development in such areas as health, education, and even

the demographic transition, despite low economic

development

● and low per capita income. The population distribution of

Kerala according to religion is about 56.20 per cent Hindu,

24.7 % Muslim and 19 % Christian.

● At present the state is administratively divided into 14

districts, which in turn are divided into 63 Taluks, 152 Blocks,

1532 Villages, 978 Grama(Village) Panchayats, 53

Municipalities and 5 Corporations.

● The preference of Kerala is changing. Changes in the

pattern and trends are striking and obvious and become so

prominent in the last two decades.

● Kerala’s high consumption and low economic growth

relative to the rest of India raises interesting questions about

the reasons behind increasing consumption in Kerala.

● The process of urbanization in Kerala has placed the state

among the most urbanized places in India. As markets

concentrate in and around urban centers, things are more

accessible to the urbanites.

 ● This in turn exercised its impact on the consumption habits

of the people.

● Kerala society received some unforeseen changes in its

socio-economic environment due to large scale migration

of gulf countries.

● The oil boom in the West Asian countries from the seventies

led to a massive boom in migration.

The economic consequences of migration and migrant

remittances have found an increase in the household

income of Keralites and changes in income distribution.

● Conspicuous consumption has become the hallmark of an

emigrant, especially a Kerala emigrant.

● The present Kerala economy is often described as a money

order economy. The total remittance in Kerala in 2011 was

estimated to be approximately 55,000 crore compared with

43,228 crore in 2008.

● The economy was unable to take full advantage of the

growth in consumption expenditures despite a potential

increase in productive

● capacity by way of savings generated from the remittance

Inflows.

Market led globalization indicates the emergence of the free

market . This produces consumers all over the world with an

extensive range of products and services that were not easily

available before .

Another reason for the growth of consumerism is government

policies. In the then socialist countries, for instance production of

consumer goods was restricted by the state.

In order to encourage industry the government of India initiated

liberalization policies. These policy measures had a bearing on the

advancement of consumer durable goods.

(social media and internet) and the transport facilities cause the

development of the society to a consumerist culture.

Apart from government policies, the role of advertisement

and the media is very important.

Consumerism is heavily dependent on advertising and

advertising is booming.

Media is not only the mirror of society but also an instrument

of social change.

The KSSP study reveals that the influence of TeleVision, Radio,

Newspapers and Journals on Kerala society is very high.

The unyielding use of advertisement of products compels the

consumers to buy them without paying much attention to the

absolute utilitarian aspects of the Product.

Television advertisements target women, youth and children, for

they are the prime decision makers when it comes to the

purchase of household items.

Aging population and frequent divorce have led to segmentation

of households into smaller units which lead to further structural

increase in

consumption. Exposure to the outer world, pressure from

neighbors and friends, credit card, social prestige, mad craze for

new products, growing middle class, influence of western culture

and style of living etc are other factors.

Kerala has been undergoing an unprecedented consumption

boom and increasing standard of living. The state ranks at the top

among Indian states in per capita

consumption expenditure though its rank in terms of per capita

Net State Domestic Product (NSDP) is relatively lower. With only

3.4% of the country’s population, it accounts for 10% of the total

consumption. The value of consumer articles flowing into the state

is estimated to be in

the range of 50-60 billion Indian rupees.

For the past two decades, Kerala’s market has been witnessing the

domination of Multinational Corporations with their branded

products and services compared to other states in the rural

sector.

There is a significant increase in the level of consumption of both

food and non-food commodities. During the last few increasing

use of packaged foods are seen in 2011. No wide rural urban

disparity in the consumption of food items.

Majority of the households in Kerala shifted their purchase from

the local market to super and Multinationals. Eating habits of the

people have also changed substantially.

The proportion of food expenditure was 21% in 2001 which

increased to 26% in 2010. The consumption of beef, mutton,

chicken and fish has increased during the last three decades.

The consumption of household goods and commodities are

growing and changing rapidly in India.

According to NSSO survey (2008-09), consumption of household

durable goods

In Kerala it is four times the national average. Changing lifestyle,

income, social prestige, better health and standard of living led to

the changing consumption pattern of non-food items.

The proportion of non-food expenditure was 39.8% in 2000 which

increased to 44.3% in 2010. The percentage increase in food and

non-food expenditure in rural area

remains more or less the same in both periods, but in urban areas

the increase is more in favor of non-food items.

Now Kerala is regarded as the hottest market for consumer

[Link] two thirds of homes have Mixer and gas connection

and nearly one third have a refrigerator.

But the effects of consumerism would be seen essentially in the

social and economic spheres of life. Demonstrative and luxurious

consumption has resulted in heavy financial commitment for the

people.

Unable to pay back the loan taken fromindividuals and financial

institutions, many are driven to suicide. Unlimited consumption

causes exploitation of natural resources and environmental

problems in the form of limited resources and in the form of

pollution.

THE CAUSES OF MARGINALIZATION

Frank Herbert remarked "All men are not created equal, and that

is the root of social evil". In this section we will discuss the causes

of marginalization.

Through marginalization, a majority of people are deprived across

the globe. It is a complex problem, and there are many factors

that cause marginalization. Some of the important factors that are

responsible for marginalization discussed below are: exclusion,

globalization, displacement, disaster - natural, and unnatural.

i) Exclusion

Marginalization is a process that denies opportunities and

outcomes to 'those 'living on the margins', while enhancing the

opportunities and outcomes for those who are 'at the center'.

Marginalization combines discrimination and social exclusion. It

offends human dignity, and it denies human rights, especially, the

right to live effectively, as equal citizens. Caste and class prejudice,

in [Link] across the globe, exclude many pups and

communities, and hinder their participation in economic and

social development. For further discussion on exclusion please

refer to the unit titled, Inclusive Development.

ii) Globalization
Globalization is a controversial and much debated topic, and the

responses are Marginalization both positive and negative, in the

context of development. As far as organization is concerned,

globalization played a certain role. Increased openness has

promoted

development at the cost of equity. It is viewed that it has

enhanced the gap between haves and have-nots and thus

boosted marginalization. Globalization in the post-1980 period has

marginalized much of the third world and low income, developing

countries.

Apart from East and South Asia, all the world's less developed

regions grew faster during the relatively less globalized era of the

1950s and 1960s. Yet, all regions have expanded their exposure to

international trade. While it is true that some middle income

developing countries, as well as the most populous countries,

India and China, are gaining out of globalization, yet the impact is

not equally universal for all nations of South Asia

The era of globalization is a cause of concern for many

underdeveloped countries. In the case of Africa, Latin America, and

some parts of Asia, the human development indicators have been

declining. Simultaneously, the gaps between the rich and poorer

nations have been also increasing

iii) Displacement

The forced population displacement is caused by development

programmes implemented by the governments of various nation

states. The government of India admits that there are 15.5 million

displaced persons when it drafted the National Rehabilitation

Policy in 1994. The increasing construction of development projects

 consistently displaced a massive number of tribal, poor, and

weaker sections.

This resulted in Wer marginalization of already marginaliized

people. The ultimate gainer are the contractors, businessmen,

industrialists, politically and economically well ups and the real

poor are the underdog. As a consequence, we find social

unrest, resistance, and disharmony in many parts of the globe.

More details about displacement and its impact are discussed in

the unit titled, "Inclusive Development".

iv) Disaster- Natural and Unnatural

Disasters are global phenomena and a serious challenge to

development (Table 2). Vulnerability is linked to broader social

issues: such as poverty, and to social exclusion, conflict, and

marginalization. There are three broad classification of disaster

and their combined impact on development is staggering

Categories
Natural: earthquake, volcanic eruption, hurricane, tornado, ice

storm, flood, flasMood, landslide, wildfire, insect infestation, and

disease outbreaks. These disasters may be further sub classified

as meteorological, oceanographic (tsunami or sea storm),

hydrological, or biological events,

Development Imperatives Technological: Associated with

technological advances, i.e., explosives, unexploded ordnance,

toxic spills, emissions of radio-isotopes, and transportation

accidents. It also includes hazmat (hazardous materials) incidents

involving carcinogens, mutagens, or heavy metals; dangers such

as structural failure of devices and machines or installations, and

plants, such as bridges, dams, mines, power plants, pipelines, high

rise buildings, vehicles, and trains.

Social: These include incidents primarily involving social unrest,

such as hijacking, riots, demonstrations, crowd rushes, and

stampedes, terrorist incidents, as well as bombings, shootings,

and hostage taking.

Problems of SC & ST in Kerala

Highest concentration of Scheduled Tribes in Kerala is seen in

Wayanad district (37.36 %) followed by Idukki (14 %) and

Palakkad (10.8 %). In Kerala, tribals constitute 1.1 percent of the

total population.

The tribals in Kerala are not only geographically concentrated, but

are overwhelmingly rural. The celebrated Kerala model of

development has not made much change for the socio-economic

life of the marginalized sections of Kerala.

Extreme levels of poverty, deprivation and vulnerability, High levels

of exclusion, both developmental and social, extremely low levels

of empowerment (political, social and economic), rapid

marginalization due to unfair, unequal and exploitative relations of

production, and exchange between tribal communities and

others, Low level of access to entitlements, Practically zero

participation in development matters with no autonomy in any

form of decision making, abnormally huge siphoning of

developmental resources and benefits meant for

tribal people by middlemen, Poor human development with low

levels of literacy and access to health care, rapid alienation of

assets like land, alarming depletion of social capital, especially

traditional forms of organization and leadership, quick

deterioration of traditional knowledge systems and cultural

attainments,

fast-increasing tendency to use tribal people as cats-paws in

criminal activities like illicit distillation, cultivation of narcotic

plants, stealing of forest wealth, etc.,

High levels of exploitation of women by outsiders, weak delivery

system of public services, dependency-inducing developmental

programmes relying on distribution of benefits, rather than

building up of capabilities, implementation of ad hoc and stereo-

typed developmental programmes in the absence of proper

planning, very weak monitoring systems etc are the problems

faced by the tribal community.

Unemployment, poverty, homelessness, and water scarcity

continue to plague the Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled

Tribe (ST) populations of the district, despite efforts undertaken as

part of decentralized planning, according to a report by the

Thiruvananthapuram district panchayat.

 Job security is the biggest concern for the Scheduled Castes, with

83,479 skilled workers, comprising 22.45% of the total SC

population, being unemployed. The district has over 3.27 lakh SC

residents, according to the 2011 Census.

Lack of sustainable livelihood opportunities has also made it

difficult for them to maintain personal assets acquired through

government financial aid and otherwise. For example, 11,143 homes

were found to be in deplorable conditions.

Almost half of the 2,978 settlements that house a majority of the SC

population were found to lack in basic infrastructure, with 992

settlements vulnerable to scarcity of potable water.

Homeless, landless

● A total of 8,605 SC persons are homeless, while 5,120 do not possess

any land. The picture is not rosy for those who have homes, with 998
 persons living in single-room houses. As many as 685 settlements

were found to be in need of soil conservation.

● The unavailability of public crematoriums was also mentioned as a

concern in the report, which outlines the challenges faced by the

civic body and their possible solutions, as part of the district

panchayat’s draft Annual Plan 2017-18.

● An evaluation of the civic body’s 12th Five-Year Plan (2012-17) shows

that a majority of the projects undertaken as part of the Special

Component Plan (SCP) for SCs were unsuccessful. For instance, a

project to provide auto rickshaws as well as training in driving them

to SC women failed to take off, says the report.

Tribal development

● The ST population, comprising 21,020 people, fares much worse, with

a majority below the poverty line. All 240 ST settlements face the

issue of potable water scarcity.

● Although all of them have access to electricity, some homes are

yet to be electrified.

● The report also points out the need for better infrastructure at the

pre-primary school level, the construction of tarred roads to

replace the existing mud paths in most settlements, and the

construction of more toilets and bathrooms.

The inability to utilize government benefits effectively, and

exploitation by intermediaries are factors that hamper their

development, according to the report.

PROBLEMS OF FISHERMAN

According to Thomas Kocherry in the paper “suggestion for

improvement of socio- economic status of traditional fisher folk”,

the traditional fisher folk are all those men, women and

children who earn a livelihood by involving in harvesting, handling,

processing and marketing of fish and fish products. Therefore

traditional fishermen folk include 1

1) Artisan fishermen, working on non mechanized and motorized

crafts in coastal waters

2) Fishermen working on mechanized boats in coastal waters

3) Workers at fish landing centers involved in unloading, sorting

and icing.

4) Workers involved in traditional methods of fish curing and

drying.

5) Workers involved in prawn peeling sheds.

6) Workers in fish processing firms.

7) Workers involved in marketing of fish inside the state.

They include men, women and children. They need not belong to

the fishing castes as well.

Even in the above stated definition, one could see anomalies if it is

analyzed in the context

what the present situation is offering. There are middlemen

proactive at the landing centers and markets and trade union -

again both at landing centers, harbors and markets and soon -

eating away the pie meant for traditional fishermen.

“ Traditional fish workers in Kerala are socially marginalized and

geographically isolated. They do not have any

share in the economic and political life of the state. In this sense

they are truly “subaltern” class in Kerala”

WHAT IS PRESENT?

The introduction of mechanized boats and advanced nets

changed the fishery sector altogether. The recent introduction of in

board engines in addition to out board engines changed the

situation into a more complex one.

The cost of operation for traditional, outboard and inboard are

varying. The market demands the frequency of fishing operation

using the mechanized vessels. The outboard engine consumes 45

liters of Kerosene per hour while the inboard consumes only 15

liters of diesel per hour during voyage.

The maintenance cost is also less for the inboard sector.

It is very difficult to separate the non-mechanised from

mechanized sectors.

At least most of the traditional fishermen have stepped into the

threshold of mechanization by and large.

This has been necessitated by various reasons.

1) The lack of fishing activities along the coastal line since the

fish wealth there is being over exploited. This compels the

fishermen to go deep-sea fishing.

2) Unparallel or mismatch among the fishermen with respect to

the mechanization.

Trawlers and large fishing vessels go for deep-sea fishing which

compels the ordinary fisherman also to strive for the same.

3) Fluctuating “price” mechanism prevailing everywhere. The

middlemen decide the price of the fish once the fishermen land

up after a heavy toll in the sea.

4) Mismatch in the market price of fish in relation to the increase

of fuel price.

But it does not permit the traditional fishermen to revert back to

the old style of fishing as it might only lead to poverty.

5) Increased activity of trade unions at the harbors and markets.

Earlier, if all the workers related with fisheries were done by the

community people, today the trade union has a claim under the

labor regulations
. Eventually the money has been taken out of the poor fisherman’

pocket.

The increased trade union activities in Kerala have attracted the

people from outside the fishermen community to embrace this job

at large. Though the fishermen are also a part of the trade unions,

there is a growing trend of outsiders to dominate this segment in

recent times.

The government gave emphasis to the foreign exchange earnings

through increase in production. Since then, the might of the larger

groups decided the course of action. In the increased competitive

environment, traditional fishermen also went after mechanization

at large. But this has been developed into new dimensions.

The conflicts between the trawler crews and the kattumaram

fishermen grew in intensity over the time.

Many incidents are reported on the fighting between traditional

fishermen vs boat crew away in the sea.

If trawling is carried out in the same area as kattumaram fishing

there is great risk of damage to the latter fishermen’s gear as well

as to their lives.

Moreover, since the catching capacity of the trawlers is very high,

it affects the catch of traditional fishermen.

Even though there is a law stipulating twenty-two kilometers

depth of sea only for traditional fishermen, the trawlers never kept

the rule.

Problems of old age

On record, the state has 620 registered old age homes--the

highest in the country—and these have more than 30,000 inmates.

But sources confirm that there would be at least another 1,000

homes which come under non-registered and paid categories.

"There is no data or any protocol in running these unregistered old

age homes. There are unpaid homes being run by charity

groups/NGOs and paid ones. We receive serious complaints of

cheating and financial misappropriation against paid homes.

Many senior citizens give their entire savings or write the will in the

names of the homes only to get cheated. There is zero

government intervention in this sector," a social justice (SJ)

department official said on condition of anonymity.

 Nineteen per cent of the state’s current total population are above

60 years and the number is projected to reach 23 per cent in 2025,

close to the present rate in the Organisation for Economic Co-

operation and Development (OECD) countries.

Even registered homes are in poor condition

The Kerala Development Report, published by the state planning

board in February this year says the standards of even registered

old age homes in Kerala are highly uneven.

"Most of them are managed on custodial lines and take care of

only the food and lodging of residents. It is important that such

homes are modernized and made resident friendly," it says.

"We know nothing about unregistered homes. The process of

admission, leaving, facilities, medical attention for the senior

people, staff who attend to them etc are not known.

There will be no surprise if any human trafficking or illegal kidney

sale takes place in any home," said a department district officer in

North Kerala.

Reacting to this, Jalaja K S, Joint Director of the department, said

guidelines were issued in 2016 to include paid old age homes also

under the supervision of the government. However, the process has

not been completed.

"Normally, we used to get information about the old age homes in

the annual survey conducted by Anganwadi staff. But after the

bifurcation of the department, the local bodies have the

responsibility to do the same," she added.

Sources say after the bifurcation of the social justice department in

2019 into Women and Child Development (WCD) and Social Justice

Departments, the latter has no working apparatus at the ground

level which has affected its functioning badly.

Residents in registered old age homes

2015-16---17,499
2016-17---19,149
2017-18---27,272
2018-19---28,029