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Privacy: A Historical Perspective

Anita L. Allen discusses the ongoing relevance and complexity of privacy in contemporary society, asserting that while privacy remains possible, it is increasingly challenged by societal trends and technological advancements. The article highlights a paradox where individuals express anxiety over privacy loss while simultaneously engaging in the voluntary sharing of personal information. Allen traces the historical evolution of privacy rights and the cultural obsession with privacy, questioning whether the current landscape allows for both privacy and accountability.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
21 views7 pages

Privacy: A Historical Perspective

Anita L. Allen discusses the ongoing relevance and complexity of privacy in contemporary society, asserting that while privacy remains possible, it is increasingly challenged by societal trends and technological advancements. The article highlights a paradox where individuals express anxiety over privacy loss while simultaneously engaging in the voluntary sharing of personal information. Allen traces the historical evolution of privacy rights and the cultural obsession with privacy, questioning whether the current landscape allows for both privacy and accountability.

Uploaded by

hasanovaasmer
Copyright
© All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

Is Privacy Now Possible?

A Brief History of an Obsession


Author(s): Anita L. Allen
Source: Social Research, Vol. 68, No. 1, Privacy (SPRING 2001), pp. 301-306
Published by: The New School
Stable URL: [Link]
Accessed: 21-03-2015 18:04 UTC

REFERENCES
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PANEL DISCUSSION 301

Is PrivacyNow Possible?
A BriefHistoryof an Obsession

AnitaL. Allen

The questionI am askedto addressis whetherprivacy is now


[Link] stillpossible,of [Link] is stillpossibleto
spendan houralone witha book behindcloseddoors,an hour
in a gardensecretedin thecornerofa backyard, an hourin bed
witha [Link] whether one can buy
a book or a garden;gendermaydetermine whetherone is nurs-
ing as one reads;and religionmaydeterminehowguiltlessthe
[Link] is stillpossible.
Privacy is also stillpossible,unfortunately,becausethesickdie
alone in hospitalroomscrowdedwithmachines;the seemingly
incorrigible languishin solitary prisoncells;thevulnerableare
harassedand abusedat workand in [Link] is
stillpossible,though,to someextent, must one wish thatprivacy
were less possible,accountability more [Link] who
injureand abuse shouldbe exposedand [Link]
need to reexamineinstitutions and practicesthatencourage
inhumanesocialisolation.
Although, forbetterand forworse,privacy is plainlystillpossi-
ble, thisis an age characterized by anxious discourse about"the
end ofprivacy" beingupon us. I findpeculiartwoaspectsofthis
end-of-privacy anxiety.
The first peculiarity is thattheanxiety sometimes seemsout of
proportion to the [Link] affluent occupy4,000-square-foot
homesnestledamongmaturetreesin bucolicsuburbs;theywork
in thosehomesand in spaciousprivateoffices; theydrivealone in
commodious sedans;they stroll
about anonymously in urbancen-
ters;theyvacationat remoteresorts; theydate,marry, and divorce
[Link]. To be
sure,theInternetcompromises informational and
privacy, there
are limitson certainimportant choices(tryto marry yourlesbian

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302 SOCIAL RESEARCH

lover in South Carolina). But in the United States,the affluent,


and a greatchunk of the middle and workingclasses,have con-
siderablephysicalprivacyand personal autonomy.
The second peculiarityabout the anxietyof the age is thatall
the talk about the involuntaryloss of privacycoincides with a
good deal of voluntarywaiver and alienation of [Link]
wonderssometimesifAmericansare losing the tastefor privacy
(Allen, 1999a). Scarcelyany topic,fromdiseases to divorces,can
be discussedat the watercooler. The familysecret,on behalfof
whichLouis Brandeis and Samuel Warreninventedthe rightof
privacy,is just another commodity,an eventualdisclosureawait-
ing a lucrativemedia contract(Warrenand Brandeis, 1890). A
hundredyearsago a woman mighthave sued to ease the shame
of a strangerwitnessingthe birthof her child; todayshe might
givebirthlive on the WorldWide Web (Allen,2000).
As a culture,we are obsessed withprivacy,and so we express
outrage when others invade our privacy;but we are equally
obsessedwiththe private,and so we are mass consumersof other
people's privatelivesand willingpurveyorsof our own. How did
we come to be thisway?
The obsessionwithprivacybegan in the 1960s (Westin,1967).
That decade saw the United StatesSupreme Courtpopularizethe
idea of legal rightsto [Link] courtrelied on the concept of
constitutionalrightsto privacyto set the standardsfor lawful
search and seizure (Katz v. UnitedStates,1967), and to overturn
laws criminalizingbirth control (Griswoldv. Connecticut, 1965),
interracialmarriage{Lovingv. Virginia, 1967), the use of pornog-
raphyin the home (Stanleyv. Georgia, 1969), and abortion (Roe v.
Wade,1972). These precedentsinspiredlater effortsto establish
sexual privacyrightsfor gays and lesbians, including Bowersv.
Hardwick(1986).
The escalation of the Cold War,the conflictin Vietnam,and
racial turmoilover civilrightsled Americansto expressconcern
about the government'stechniques of espionage, surveillance,
and social control. The surveillance technologies used for

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PANEL DISCUSSION 303

spying- whichcouldpotentially be used to monitorthebehavior


of ordinary citizens and suspectedcriminals - raised concern
aboutthefateoffreedomand democracy in a society inwhichthe
detailsofprivatelifecould be discernedwiththehelp of covert
wiretapping, and powerfullenses,microphones,and cameras
(Aldermanand Kennedy, 1995). CongressenactedtheOmnibus
CrimeControland SafeStreetsActin 1968,permitting - butset-
tinglimitson- wiretapping and certainotherformsof surveil-
lance. The problemof electronicsurveillancewas addressed
again in majorlegislation, the ElectronicCommunications Pri-
vacyAct,in the1980s.
By1970someAmericans had come to see high-speed comput-
ersas potentialthreats to informational privacy (Agre and Roten-
berg, 1997). Concernsover "data banks"containingpersonal
[Link] potentialforthe unfairuse of personal
information and misinformation storedin commercialand gov-
ernment databanksled to federallaws,includingthePrivacy Act
of 1974,theFamilyEducationalRightsand Privacy Actof 1974,
and theRightto FinancialPrivacy Actof 1978.A nationalcom-
missionformedbyfederallawmakers, theU.S. Privacy Protection
StudyCommission, published itstwo-volume report, PersonalPri-
vacyin an Information Society in [Link] reportrecommended
that"fairinformation practices"governthe collection,storage,
and use ofpersonalinformation aboutindividuals (Schwartzand
Reidenberg, 1996).
A furtherdevelopment in thedecadesof the 1960sand 1970s
increasedinterestin privacy: advancesin medicineand health
[Link] theseareasenabledphysicians to prolongthe
livesof terminallyill and critically injuredpatientsand fragile
newborns. The abilityto extendlifecreateddifficult bioethical
questionsregarding the allocation of decision-making authority
about mattersof life and death among patients,health care
providers,familymembers, and insurers. Conceptionsofprivacy
and autonomy wereadducedbysomeethicists as relevantto the
assignment of authority and responsibility. Medicaladvancesin

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304 SOCIAL RESEARCH

the 1960s and 1970s also enabled women and theirphysiciansto


preventand [Link] to birthcontrol
and abortionswas defended in the courts,legislatures,and on
college campuses,and championed as a matterof women's pri-
[Link] AIDS epidemic and the Human Genome Project
have also increasedinterestin the use and abuse ofmedical infor-
mation (Allen, 1997).
These developmentsput privacyon the radar screen. Further
changes have kept it [Link] is the popularityof the Internet
as a social and commercial settingthat exposes us to privacy
losses. Another developmentis the aggressive,sensational,and
confessionaltelevisionjournalism thatgained in popularityafter
1990 and thathas raised concernsabout the privacythatis stolen
and the privacythatis givenaway.
The sexual revolution,thefeministmovement,and the entryof
women into the workforceand the academyresultedin a greater
emphasisin public lifeand the media on whatwere traditionally
[Link]'s altercationwith
an exotic dancer in the Washington,D.C., tidal basin, the media
no longer turneda blind eye to the personal livesof public offi-
cials (Allen,1999b). The Watergatescandal had establishedinves-
tigativejournalismas a major politicalforcewithinAmericanlife.
AfterWatergate,however,the scope of investigative journalism
broadened and took on a more commercial [Link]
engaged in made-for-prime-time undercoverefforts to revealcor-
porate and [Link]-bearingjournalists
rode along withlaw enforcersand medical rescue personnel. In
addition, daily televisionshows aimed at women during which
guests reveal familyproblems,medical concerns, and personal
relationshipsgained in [Link] spawned evening pro-
grammingaimed at men and women in which ordinarypeople
confrontone anotherabout unresolvedinterpersonalconflicts.
Other popular televisionprogramsfeaturedthe personal chal-
lenges and conflictsof children at camp and adults living
togetherin communal houses. A number of programsbased on

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PANEL DISCUSSION 305

Europeanmodelsappearedin 2000,in whichpeoplelivedin iso-


latedsettingswithcamerastrainedon them24 hoursa dayfor
[Link] television,events,includingthe
ClarenceThomashearings,the O. J. Simpsonmurdertrial,the
impeachment trialofPresidentWilliam [Link],and thedeaths
of PrincessDiana and JohnF. Kennedy, Jr.,made the intimate
livesof publicfiguresand public officials everyone'sbusiness.
Important ethicalissuesaboutthevalueofprivacy and celebrity
wereraisedbythesedevelopments.
I beganteachingand writing aboutprivacy 15yearsago,before
theInternet wasin ourhomesand beforeprivacy wasa household
[Link] addressthe
unequal distribution of privacyand autonomyin our society.
Women,I thought, had toolittleoftheprivacy and privatechoice
theyneeded to liveup to theirpotentialas the equals of men
(Allen,1988).
The currentobsessionwithprivacy and itstwinobsessionwith
theprivatehaveled me to [Link],is thetaste
forprivacy decliningto intolerablelimits? Shouldtheliberaland
civillibertarian
evencare?Myviewis thatboththeunwanted gaze
lamentedbyJeffrey Rosen (2000) and thewantedgaze are prob-
lemsforanybrandof liberalismthattakesprivacy - the experi-
enceofit,notjustthechoicetoexperienceit- as essentialforthe
independenceof mindand spiritcalledforbya robustdemoc-
[Link],grantedthatprivacy is important, is accountability
notimportant too,as AmitaiEtzioni(1999) has stressed(though
on groundsand in contexts withwhichone mighttakeissue)?For
all the talkabout privacy, we are in factheld accountablefor
nearlyeveryaspect privatelife- ifnotbythegeneralpublicor
of
ouremployers, thenbyourfamilies, friends, and ethnicand reli-
[Link] foraccountability forpersonallife
meritfurther [Link] themeantimetheobsessionwithprivacy
and theprivatecontinues.

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306 SOCIAL RESEARCH

References
and Privacy:TheNew
Agre,PhilipE. and Marc Rotenberg,eds. Technology
[Link]:MIT Press,1997.
Alderman,Ellen and Caroline Kennedy. [Link] York:
Random House, 1995.
Allen, Anita L. UneasyAccess:Privacyfor Womenin a Free [Link],
N.J.:Rowmanand Littlefield, 1988.
. "Genetic Privacy:Emerging Concepts and Values." Genetic
Press,1997.
Ed. [Link] Haven: Yale University
Secrets.
. "Coercing Privacy."Williamand MaryLaw Review40:3 ( March
1999a): 723-57.
. "Privacyand the Public Official: Talking About Sex as a
Dilemma for Democracy." GeorgeWashington Law Review67:5/6
(June/August1999b): 1165-82 .
. "Gender, Privacyand Cyberspace." StanfordLaw Review52:2
(May 2000): 1175-1200.
Etzioni,[Link] York:Basic Books, 1999.
Rosen,Jeffrey. TheUnwanted [Link]:Random House, 2000.
Schwartz,Paul M., and Joel R. Reidenberg. Data PrivacyLaw. Char-
VA: Michie, 1996.
lottesville,
Warren,Samuel and Louis D. Brandeis."The Rightto Privacy."Harvard
Law Review4 (1890): 193-220.
Westin,Alan. Privacyand Freedom. NewYork:Atheneum,1967.

Is PrivacyStillPossible in the Twenty-first


Century?

JerryBermanand Paula Bruening

century?Will
Is privacya realisticpossibilityin the twenty-first
the "DigitalAge" be one in which individualsmaintain,lose, or
gain controlover informationabout themselves?Will it be possi-
ble to preservea protected sphere fromunreasonable govern-
mentand privatesectorintrusion?
Withoutquestion, the growthof governmentand commercial
transactionsand the increasein technologicaldevelopmentsover
the last 50 years have heightened threatsto [Link] the
Internetacceleratesthe trendtowardincreased informationcol-

This content downloaded from [Link] on Sat, 21 Mar 2015 18:04:22 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Common questions

Powered by AI

The perception of privacy has changed significantly from the 1960s to the present due to various social, legal, and technological factors. In the 1960s, privacy began to gain prominence with the U.S. Supreme Court recognizing legal rights to privacy in landmark cases such as Katz v. United States (1967) and Griswold v. Connecticut (1965). This trend continued with privacy issues being highlighted by social changes like the sexual revolution, and technological advancements that heightened public awareness of privacy risks . The advent of high-speed computers and concerns over data banks by the 1970s, along with the rise of the Internet and sensational media journalism, accelerated the discourse around privacy . Today, although informational privacy has improved legally through various acts and recommendations, the digital age's pervasive data sharing and surveillance have sparked debates on whether privacy is still achievable or desired .

The legal tradition of recognizing privacy in the United States has influenced global privacy norms and standards by providing a precedent for other nations to emulate, particularly through the articulation of privacy rights within constitutional and statutory frameworks. Landmark cases and legislative measures, such as those stemming from the Griswold v. Connecticut decision, have helped shape international discourse on privacy, emphasizing the protection of individual freedoms against intrusive surveillance . This U.S. legacy has informed global dialogues, contributing to the development of international agreements and guidelines that advocate for privacy safeguards amid technological advancements. Consequently, these U.S. practices have influenced the formulation of privacy standards in various international legal contexts, encouraging a more uniform approach to privacy protection worldwide .

The feminist movement played a crucial role in shaping the privacy discourse by highlighting and advocating for the privacy and autonomy rights of women. Feminists argued for privacy rights as fundamental to women's liberation, particularly in issues of reproductive rights and bodily autonomy . Legal battles such as those defending access to birth control and abortion were pivotal in framing privacy as a tool for advancing gender equality . The movement also emphasized the unequal distribution of privacy, focusing on how historical societal structures granted women less privacy and autonomy than men and advocated for changes that reshaped legal and social norms around privacy .

Court cases from the 1960s, such as Griswold v. Connecticut, which recognized marital privacy as fundamental and led to the decriminalization of birth control for married couples, set significant precedents for contemporary privacy laws. These cases established the concept of constitutional privacy rights, influencing the scope of lawful search and seizure, and promoting personal autonomy in domains such as marriage and sexuality . The legal groundwork laid by such cases influenced later decisions, such as Roe v. Wade, thereby reinforcing privacy as a vital component of personal liberties . These precedents have not only shaped subsequent legal interpretations of privacy but have also guided legislative measures aimed at protecting informational and personal privacy in modern contexts .

The tension between privacy and accountability in democratic societies creates ethical dilemmas centered on balancing individual privacy rights with communal transparency needs. Privacy is deemed essential for fostering independent thought and autonomous decision-making, critical to democratic ideals . However, accountability, also crucial for maintaining trust and integrity in public and private sectors, often necessitates some invasion of privacy to ensure transparency and prevent misconduct . This balance poses ethical challenges, as reconciling these conflicting interests requires careful consideration of the extent to which privacy can be compromised for the greater good, without undermining personal freedoms .

Digital advancements and the rise of the Internet have profoundly impacted contemporary views on privacy by introducing both unprecedented privacy challenges and new paradigms of information sharing. The Internet accelerates informational transactions, exposing individuals to increased risks of unauthorized data access and sharing . Consequently, there has been a heightened awareness and discourse on digital privacy, prompting legislative actions and technological solutions aimed at safeguarding personal data. At the same time, digital platforms have normalized voluntary disclosure of personal information, reflecting a shift towards a more open but vulnerable information landscape .

Technological advancements in surveillance played a significant role in shaping the privacy discourse during the 1960s and 1970s. Covert wiretapping, and advancements in lenses, microphones, and cameras raised considerable concerns about freedom and democracy, as these technologies made it possible to monitor both ordinary citizens and suspected criminals closely . Legislative responses such as the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 and the Electronic Communications Privacy Act addressed these issues by setting limits on surveillance, thus integrating privacy considerations into statutory law .

The apparent contradiction in American society's obsession with privacy, amid increasing voluntary exposure of private matters, reflects a complex cultural dynamic. While privacy is championed as fundamental, American society is simultaneously fascinated with and complicit in the public consumption of private details, evident in reality television and social media trends . This paradox is underscored by individuals willingly sharing intimate personal details for public consumption, driven by a cultural inclination towards self-expression and publicity . The contradiction highlights an evolving cultural ethos where privacy is both a deeply valued right and a negotiable commodity .

Historical concerns about governmental surveillance, notably during the Cold War era, have significantly influenced contemporary privacy legislation by embedding checks and balances into laws governing surveillance practices. For instance, public fears about privacy loss due to wiretapping and other surveillance led to the enactment of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, and later, the Electronic Communications Privacy Act . These laws set precedents for the regulatory frameworks that govern today’s complex digital surveillance activities, ensuring standards for lawful data collection and privacy .

The media has greatly influenced public perceptions of privacy since the 1960s by increasingly scrutinizing the private lives of public officials and ordinary individuals. Following events like the Watergate scandal, investigative journalism became prominent, blending public interest with sensationalism . This trend continued with television journalism that often invasively exposed personal issues, contributing to the public's fascination with and consumption of private information . Such media practices have fostered a culture where the once private domains are now publicly dissected, altering societal norms about privacy .

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