UNIVERSITY OF DELHI

DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
HANSRAJ COLLEGE
TOPIC
LISTENING TO TIME : VOICES OF THE AGED IN
NALGARHA

SUBMITTED TO- SUBMITTED BY-

PROF. MITASHREE SRIVASTAVA DHARMITA SRIMALI

PROF . MURRI BSC(HONS)ANTHROPOLOGY

DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY 3 YEAR(6 SEMESTER)

RD TH

UNIVERSITY OF DELHI ROLL NO- 8001

1
 DECLARATION

I Dharmita Srimali, student of 3rd year, 6th semester, B. Sc (H) Anthropology

hereby declare that the Work, which is being presented in this research paper
“Ethnographic Study of Nalgarha Village” based on the Fieldwork conducted
from 11th April to 14th April in Nalgarha, Uttar Pradesh.

We declare that this written submission represents my ideas in my own words

and where others’ Ideas or words have been included, I have adequately cited
and referenced the original sources. I also declare that we have adhered to all
principles of academic honesty and integrity and have not misrepresented or
fabricated or falsified any idea/data/fact/source in our submission. I have not
submitted the matter presented in this research paper anywhere. I understand
that academic Integrity is essential, and I take full responsibility for the
originality of my work.

Date: 9-05-2025.
Student’s Name & Signature

2
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I, Dharmita Srimali, a student of the Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi,

would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to all those who supported and guided me
throughout the course of this study titled “Listening to Time :Voices of the Aged in Nalgarha”

First and foremost, I extend my sincere thanks to Professor S.M. Patnaik, Head of the
Department, for providing me with the opportunity to undertake this research. I am also
deeply grateful to my faculty mentors—Prof. Murry, Dr. Mitashree, and Dr. Sahani—for their
constant encouragement, valuable guidance, and constructive feedback at every stage of this
study. Their academic insight and mentorship were crucial to the development and
completion of this report.

I wish to express my deep appreciation to the warm and welcoming community of Nalgadha
village for their cooperation and kindness during my fieldwork. I am especially thankful to
the members of Gurudwara Sri Sangatsar Sahib, whose generosity and support made my field
visits both smooth and enriching.

I am equally indebted to the many scholars and researchers whose work laid the foundation
for this study. The secondary literature reviewed proved to be invaluable in shaping the
analytical and conceptual dimensions of this report.

I also acknowledge the continuous support of the Department of Anthropology, University of

Delhi, for providing the necessary academic resources and an enabling environment for field-
based research.

Lastly, I extend my deepest gratitude to my peers, family, and friends for their unwavering
support, encouragement, and patience throughout this journey. Their belief in me was a
source of strength that kept me motivated during the most challenging phases of this research.

Dharmita Srimali

Department of Anthropology,

University of Delhi

3
 Preface
This dissertation is the outcome of an ethnographic field study conducted in Nalgarha, a
semi-urban village in the Delhi NCR region. The research was undertaken as part of my
academic training in anthropology, with a deep interest in understanding how history,
religion, power, and ageing intersect in contemporary rural India.

The idea for this study emerged from Nalgarha’s unique historical position—reportedly a safe
haven for revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh during India’s freedom movement—juxtaposed
with its present-day marginalization. This contrast between remembered glory and present
neglect offered a compelling site for anthropological inquiry.

Through participant observation, interviews, and community engagement, this study attempts
to document the lived realities of the village’s residents—particularly its ageing population—
while exploring how social structures, religious institutions, and historical narratives continue
to shape everyday life. The Gurudwara Sri Sangatsar Sahib, in particular, emerged as a
central institution around which community, memory, and authority revolve.

This research is grounded in the anthropological commitment to understanding human

experiences in their full cultural and social context. It reflects an effort not only to analyze
village life academically, but also to give voice to a community negotiating between tradition
and modernity, pride and invisibility, resilience and vulnerability.

It is my hope that this report contributes meaningfully to the broader discourse on Indian
village studies, ageing, and cultural memory in a changing world.

Dharmita Srimali

Department of Anthropology

4
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter TOPIC PAGE NO.

1 INTRODUCTION-
1. Research Background 7-8
2. Relevance of Fieldwork 9-13
3. Subject Matter and Scope of
Study 13-18
4. Research Purpose 18 - 36

2 1. Research Meaning, Primary and 37-38

Secondary Data 39-40
2. Research Methodology
3. [Link] Tradition 40-43
[Link] Studies 43-45
46-47
[Link] Studies
[Link] Experience 48-57

3 ETHNOGRAPHIC PROFILE
1. Field: Area and People 58-65
2. Important Public Places and 65-67
Institutions
3. Description of Village 67-73

5
4 Special Topic- 74-103
LISTENING TO TIME:VOICES OF
THE AGED IN NALGARHA

5 1. Findings 104-107
108-109
2. Conclusion

5 BIBLIOGRAPHY 110

6 APPENDIX 111-126

6
 .
1 INTRODUCTION

[Link] BACKGROUND-
Anthropology is a social science, which studies mankind in its entirety. The word
“anthropology” is derived from two roots: ánthropos (the Greek term for “human”) and logos
(the Greek term for “word,” now used to refer to a field of study). As its very name indicates,
anthropology is the scholarly discipline that studies humans.

Anthropology is considered as the most comprehensive of all the Sciences dealing with man
and inherent curiosity of man about himself was the prime factor influencing the emergence
of a discipline that systematically studies mankind.

Anthropology can well be defined as the ”Study of Man in Time and Space”. The definition
has two components [Link] time and space .In time Anthropology deals with the evolution of
man while in a space refers to the variation at a particular moment of time.

We emphasize on two aspects of man namely biological and social cultural. Therefore,
anthropology should be aptly defined as ” the study of biological as well as social-cultural
evolution and variation” .We study biological evolution through various theories and
processes (micro and micro). Biological variation is studied through the study of race,
genetics, human physical growth and development, human adaptability etc. We study social
cultural variation of all human societies while social-cultural evolution of material culture is
studied.

Anthropological explanations are not limited to any particular group of human beings or to
any single period of history. An anthropologist is as interested in the earliest forms of
humanity as in contemporary forms. The biological evolution of human species and the
development of human ways of life are studied from the earliest times for which any record
survives to the present. In studying the contemporary humanity, an anthropologist is as
interested in small distant human populations as in those that are large and close. Solutions to
such problems require intensive study and comparison of many kinds of human beings and
human cultures. The world of today and the fragmentary remains of its past are the sources of
data for anthropological research.

7
A great many different approaches are required for the understanding of humanity in culture.
Each of these approaches requires the development of its own specific methods.
Anthropology therefore, like many other disciplines, is divided into branches and sub-
branches, most important of them being Physical or Biological Anthropology, Socio-cultural
Anthropology and Archeological Anthropology.

We can conclude that anthropology is the study of everything human - from our biological
origins to how our cultural systems influence our human behavior.

Importance of Anthropology

In the modern world, anthropology holds immense significance in a variety of fields and
contexts. Its importance can be understood in the following ways:

1. Promotes Cross-cultural Understanding

Anthropology plays a vital role in promoting mutual respect, tolerance, and appreciation for
cultural diversity. It helps people understand and value cultural practices and beliefs that may
be very different from their own.

2. Addresses Global Challenges

Many global issues — such as migration, public health, gender inequality, religious conflict,
and environmental crises — are deeply shaped by culture. Anthropology provides culturally
sensitive approaches to understanding and addressing these issues, ensuring that solutions are
relevant and effective in different cultural contexts.

3. Insights into Human Evolution and Biological Diversity

Through biological anthropology, the discipline sheds light on how humans have evolved
over millions of years and how different populations have biologically adapted to diverse
environments. This helps us understand both the unity and diversity of the human species.

4. Contributes to Social Justice and Human Rights

Anthropology often works with marginalized and indigenous communities, documenting

their struggles, advocating for their rights, and highlighting their unique ways of life. It
contributes to debates on social justice, human rights, identity, and cultural preservation in a
rapidly globalizing world.

8
RELEVANCE OF FIELDWORK IN ANTHROPOLOGY
INITIATION OF FIELDWORK-

The evolutionary approach came up in the anthropological studies mainly concerning

evolution of societies, institutions and their forms, how societies moved from the stages of
barbarism, hunting gathering and finally reached the stage of civilisation. The information for
such data mainly came from the travelers’ accounts. It would be a misnomer at this juncture
to state that the classical anthropologists did not venture out to the field. Attempts were made
to carry out fieldwork, however, these were amateur attempts and they heavily relied more on
traveler accounts and historical assumptions than on studying the communities and societies
first-hand. Edward Burnette Tylor (1832-1917) a British anthropologist and an advocate of
the theory of human development (evolutionism) assisted an amateur archaeologist in his
field expedition to Mexico in the mid 1850s. In 1861, Tylor published his first work Anahuac,
or Mexico and the Mexicans, Ancient and Modern based on this fieldwork. However, Tylor is
reckoned more with giving the anthropological world one of the most well-known definition
of culture in his work Primitive Culture (1891). The work was based on information gathered
through secondary sources. Lewis Henry Morgan (1818-1881), an American anthropologist
working on evolutionism and a contemporary of Tylor, gave us the concept of kinship and
social structure. He worked among the Iroquois, while working on their legal matters, who
were practically living in his backyard, and published his findings in the book called League
of the Iroquois in 1851. Morgan a lawyer by profession, later carried out field studies among
many other North American tribes and their kinship systems. Based on his findings Morgan
was one of the first to propose that the earliest domestic institutions were matrilineal clans
and not the patrilineal families. Morgan’s work on kinship housed kinship studies within the
domain of anthropological purview, that was later borrowed by sociology and other social
sciences.

The reckoning of fieldwork within the discipline of anthropology came with the famous
Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to the Torres Strait Islands in the Pacific, Australia,
that went up to New Guinea and Borneo in 1898. The team was led by Alfred Cort Haddon
(1855-1940) who started his career as a biologist and finally moved on to anthropology and
ethnology. W.H.R. Rivers, William McDougall, C.S. Myers, Sidney H. Ray, Anthony Wilkin,
and C. G. Seligman were the scholars who made the team. The aim of the expedition was to

9
record the societies and their belief structures. This field expedition is also reckoned for
recording of audio data in terms of music and songs, still photography. and filming. Haddon’s
contribution to Haptic cinematography emanates from this expedition which has left a mark
in anthropology. William Halse Rivers Rivers trained as a physician, moved on to psychology
and finally became rooted to anthropology with the Torres Strait expedition. He later went on
to study the Todas of Southern India. His work gave the genealogical method to
anthropology, which is still reflected upon by the present generations of anthropologists.

Franz Boas (1858-1942) an American anthropologist around the same time carried out his
first fieldwork among the Inuit of the Baffin Island, Canada in 1883. Boas owing to his strong
belief in first hand data collection, denounced and strongly criticised the methods used by the
armchair anthropologists. He propagated the study of a society for its relevance in the present
meaning ‘here and now’. This concept of looking at a society through its own lens rather than
judging it on the basis of a comparison with other societies came to be known as cultural
relativism. Boas emphasised on understanding the culture of a society in relevance to its
present context and thereby reconstruct the history. He accentuated that cultures cannot be
ranked on a scale, and vehemently opposed the idea of the objective notion of one society
being superior or inferior to another. Boas argued that the history along with its growth and
evolution of a society needed to be investigated in its present relevance to interpret and
complete the picture. Boas argued that historical particularism took into account the growth
of ideas with much greater accuracy than the generalisation of the comparative method that
was being used by the classical anthropologists (Hyatt 990:43). Boas accentuated that
archaeological, physical, cultural and linguistic aspects need to be taken into account
simultaneously while studying a culture. He was the first one to work on all the four branches
of anthropology that later became popular in the 20th century. Boas was a visionary who also
worked with images. During his study of the Kwakiutl’s Winter ceremony at Tsaxis he
collected visual data and the publication ‘The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island’ 1909 included
173 figures and 26 plates. Boas with his insight on fieldwork for anthropological
investigations was reckoned as the Father of American anthropology.

Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown’s work on the Andaman Islanders was also based on field
study. He spent almost two years in the field (1906-08) for his Master’s dissertation which he
submitted in 1910. Brown’s work concentrated largely on the everyday functioning of the
activities in the field and looked at it from a functional point of view. However, as a student
of W.H.R. Rivers he also looked into the aspects of diffusion of cultural traits. Though his

10
work could not leave a mark in the academic world in terms of fieldwork, yet he showed the
importance of fieldwork in understanding a society. The reckoning of fieldwork as a method
in anthropology is credited to Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942). A Polish anthropologist
Malinowski studied social anthropology in Britain under the tutelage of C.G. Seligman. He is
known for his intensive fieldwork carried out in Trobriand Island. He pitched his tent right in
the middle of the village and lived in the midst of the people for nearly thirty-one months
from August 1914-March 1915, again May 1915-May 1916 and finally from October 1917 to
October 1918. Malinowski laid the foundation for extended stay in the field. Malinowski not
only set a bench mark with his long-extended stay in the field, but also laid emphasis on the
importance for the use of local language to communicate with the informants. He learned the
language to communicate with the people and participated in the day to day activities of the
people under study to become a part of the community. Communicating in the local language
and participating in the everyday activities of the community helped in creating an
understanding of the field situation that led to the insider’s eye. In Argonauts of the Western
Pacific, Malinowski has vividly described that the objective of the anthropological
investigation is to, ‘grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, realize his vision of
his world’ (1922:25). The role of the anthropologist is to present an emic (insider) rather than
an etic (outsider) view, as Malinowski the researcher experienced the life of the informants
first hand through participation. His work also directed at the importance of rapport building,
how a researcher can gain inroads to the community through sharing and gaining trust among
the respondents. From Malinowski’s work three premises were deduced for strengthening
anthropological fieldwork, which today is its hallmark: a. long extended stay in the field, b.
communicating in the native language and c. participant observation. Malinowski in his work
The Argonauts of the Western Pacific had stated that “one has to cut oneself off from the
company of other white men, … camping right in their villages” (Malinowski, 1922: 6). This
statement presumes that fieldwork was a men’s prerogative where women did not have a
space. However, women did enter the field and have been working way before World War I,
with Elsie Clews Parsons as one of the few women of her time who did fieldwork in the
American Southwest in 1910. It was gradually held that women have more access to women
respondents’ lives, a point which was advocated by E. B. Tylor in the 19th century itself who
suggested that wives should assist their husbands for fieldwork to assist in such areas
(Visweswaran, 1997). Boas too advocated this sentiment as he believed that “women had
access to areas of social life men did not have; he considered women more intuitive and
skilled in interpersonal relationships and urged them to collect data on the emotional
11
expressive sides of life” (Modell, 1984: 181). A legacy that was carried forward by Boas’
students, Ruth Benedict, Margaret Mead, Cora Du Bois etc. all women who did their
fieldwork in the 1920s and 30s and became leading anthropologists of their time. Mead’s
work in Samoa was a breakthrough in the understanding of coming of age. Her work
reflected on the culture that has an impact on teenagers and how the society has a role to play
in growing up. Mary Douglas in the 1940s came to be reckoned for her fieldwork in the
Congo on ritual purity and impurity and symbolism. Annette Weiner’s work on the Trobriand
Islanders is quite remarkable as she brought out the women’s role and contribution in the
economy that was widely missing in Malinowski’s work. Leela Dube’s work that brings to
light the relationship between ‘women and kinship’ is recommendable as it presented the
women’s perspective in a patriarchal society. Women anthropologists through their research
have been able to bring out the notions of feminism and sexuality which has taken
anthropological studies to a new realm.

RELEVANCE OF FIELDWORK IN ANTHROPOLOGY-

Anthropology today in many ways have become synonym with ‘going to the field’ and
‘writing cultures/ethnography’. The authority and rhetoric have spread to many fields where
‘culture’ is a newly problematic object of description and critique (Clifford 1984:3) in the
present era. Ethnography which stems from fieldwork, as a method, is now being widely
borrowed by not only social sciences but also natural and biological sciences. The
significance of fieldwork lies in the fact that it is conducted in a natural setting, data is
collected first hand by a researcher who is continuously in touch with the informants, most
times speaking the local language and through participant observation. “Anthropology is the
naturalist’s trade: you sit and watch and learn from the species in its natural setting”
(Luhrmann 1989:15).

The information thus gathered reflects on the views that give a first-hand description of an
event or phenomena making it the insiders view (emic). This emic view gives authentication
to data collected through fieldwork. It is a method that helps in distinguishing between; ‘what
people think’, ‘what people say’, ‘what people do’, and ‘what people say they ought to have
done’ (Srivastava 2004:11 and 2020: 149). Many a times people respond in a way that they
feel is normatively correct and socially acceptable. A researcher staying in the field and
working alongside the informants, observing their behaviour gets a clear picture of what
people say they do and what in reality they do. Reality is only exposed when a researcher is

12
in close contact with the informants to investigate, validate and interpret the actual way of life
which maybe is quite different from the ‘ideal’ or what one may think as the ideal way of
living.

1.2. Subject Matter and Scope of Study-

INTRODUCTION TO VILLAGE STUDIES / VILLAGE ETHNOGRAPHY

Study of small scale, isolated, primitive tribal communities have been the dominant field for
social cultural anthropologists upto 1930s or so. Credit goes to Robert Redfield and his
students from Chicago (Later prominent anthropologists) for making a significant departure
from the past. Redfield initiated the study of civilization and with this the anthropologists
turned their attention towards peasant society and villages and urban centres or cities.
Redfield provided a model for village study through his own work a systematic study of a
village in Mexico by the name of Topoztalan. It was followed by anthropologists all over the
world.

In village study, a village is chosen as a unit of investigation. It is an ethnographic account of

a village written on the basis of data collected, largely, through participant observation. In this
way anthropologists utilized their experience and expertise achieved over a century of study
of tribal societies through this method.

By the turn of 20th Century in India, being the first among social scientists, some economist
had begun village studies. But obviously, their work and orientation were different. In 1930s
William Wiser, though not a trained anthropologist, did two remarkable and pioneering
works. His Hindu Jajmani System, study of village of Karimpur in north India came in 1930
followed by Behind the Mud Walls in 1936. These were pioneering work of anthropological
tradition as these were based on intensive field work . By 1950s a sudden explosion of
interest in village studies was witnessed.

In post-independence period rural reconstruction and development occupied a high priority.

The American anthropologists were also attracted to village studies andwith them
anthropologically oriented village studies gained momentum. Morris Opler, Oscar Lewis,
Mickim Mariot, David Mandelbaum, Bernard Cohn, Allan Beals (alongwith British
anthropologists such as F.G. Bailey, A.C. Meyer, Scarlett Epstein etc. did excellent village

13
studies. They used high levels of scientific method. Now entered India anthropologists in a
big way. In late 1950s M.N. Srinivas published Indias' Villages, S.C. Dube did Indian Village,
D.N. Majumdar published Rural Profiles in two volumes, Village India, an edited volume by
Mickim Marriot, and some others heralded a new beginning. S.C. Dubes Indian Village, a
study of Shamirpet village near Hyderabad is considered a classic in village studies. It
provided a complete picture of village life. D.N. Majumdars' Caste and Communication in an
Indian Village (1958) showed how the introduction of new means of transport and
communication impacted caste mobility Life in a North Indian Village by Oscar Lewis and
Caste and the Economic Frontier by F.G. Bailey was a path breaking work on the interface of
caste and economic pursuit whileK.S. Mathurs' Caste and Ritual in Malwa Village looked
into the dynamics of caste and religious rituals.

The Significance of village studies may be understood at two levels- theoretical and practical
or applied. In depth ethnography of village resulted in the emergence of concepts such as
Sanskritization and Dominant Caste developed by M.N. Srinivas on the basis of his study of
religion and society of Rampur village. Great and Little Tradition were developed by Robert
Redfield on the basis of his study in Mexican villages while the Concepts of Universalisation
and Parochialization have been given by Mickim Marriot to understand the cultural process
of Indian Civilization.

On the practical/applied level village studies helped the planners involved in rural
reconstruction and development. Village studies provided, for the first time, first hand
knowledge of villages in an objective manner) It not only helped in planning - at micro and
macro level both but also helped other disciplines in social science think of village
objectively It also negated the colonial outlook of villages and in the post independence
period negated the stereotype and image of villages developed by urban people. It helped the
government to locate the channels of social change and barriers to change. It also helped to
understand the role of communication in the development of new economic pursuit and
breakdown ofcaste prejudices and practices besides understanding the emerging new power
structure and leadership Thus, one can see that the village studies are not merely an academic
pursuits of anthropologists and sociologists but may go long way in its contribution to the
nation building process.

14
STUDYING CULTURAL AND BIOLOGICAL VARIABLES-

Through ethnographic fieldwork in Nalgarha—a semi-urban village in Noida with deep

historical roots—this section explores how biological and cultural aspects co-shape the lives
of its residents within a folk-urban continuum

BIOLOGICAL VARIABLES

Biological variables are shaped by environmental, nutritional, and genetic factors, but in
Nalgarha, they are also mediated by access to resources and socio-political structures.

1. Population Composition and Demography

The population is a mix of Sardars (mainly of Sandhu lineage) and Gujjars, with
intergenerational families forming the basic kinship units. The average household comprises
5–7 members, with an observable nuclearization trend among younger generations. Despite
infrastructural limitations, there is no recorded evidence of high infant mortality or significant
age-related morbidity, suggesting a relatively stable demographic profile.

2. Nutrition and Diet

Villagers rely on agriculture for staple crops like wheat and rice, which meet their basic
caloric needs. Additionally, there are local shops that sell packaged foods, such as snacks and
bottled beverages, indicating exposure to urban consumption patterns. This dual diet—
traditional grains supplemented by market goods—creates a hybrid nutritional ecology. There
is no reported nutritional deficiency, though reliance on high-carb packaged food could, over
time, influence non-communicable disease trends, such as diabetes or hypertension.

3. Environmental Health and Disease Ecology

Poor infrastructure—absence of proper sewerage and intermittent water supply—creates a

vulnerable environment for vector-borne and waterborne diseases, though no outbreaks were
reported. The presence of local clinics and a few traditional healers reflects medical
pluralism, while serious illnesses prompt villagers to seek care in urban hospitals,
highlighting a functional reliance on biomedical systems.

15
4. Gendered Biological Workload

Both men and women contribute to agricultural and domestic labor. Women’s participation in
unpaid care and farming work increases their physical workload, influencing reproductive
and musculoskeletal health. However, access to health care is not gender-discriminated,
which is uncommon in many rural setups and marks a positive deviation from patriarchal
norms.

5. Physical Health and Adaptation

Villagers exhibit strong physical endurance due to daily labor-intensive activities like
farming, commuting long distances, and water collection. These biological adaptations to
environmental and social demands underscore the biocultural resilience of the community.
While few formal fitness indicators exist, anecdotal evidence of strength, stamina, and
functionality was observed in both elderly and working-age groups.

[Link] Ecology and Ethnomedicine:

In the absence of formal healthcare facilities within the village, residents often rely on
hakims, herbalists, and local clinics like the “Bengali Clinic” for everyday ailments—
illustrating a functional system of ethnomedicine rooted in cultural familiarity and
accessibility. However, this does not imply rejection of modern biomedicine. For serious
illnesses or emergencies, villagers willingly travel to hospitals in nearby urban centers like
Noida and Delhi. This pattern reflects a pluralistic medical system, where traditional healing
and modern medicine coexist, and health-seeking behavior is shaped more by structural
accessibility than ideological opposition. Such adaptability is characteristic of rural
communities positioned along the folk-urban continuum, where cultural traditions persist
alongside pragmatic engagement with urban resources.

16
CULTURAL VARIABLES

1. Historical Consciuosness and Collective Memory:

The village’s deep-rooted association with the Indian freedom struggle, particularly
figures like Bhagat Singh and INA revolutionaries, fosters a strong sense of historical
pride and collective identity, though lacking formal institutional recognition.

2. Religion and Ritual Practice:

The Gurudwara "Sangatsar Sahib" serves as a ritual center in the sacred complex of
the village. It acts as a sacred public space where daily rituals, langar services, and
community interactions take place. The inclusive participation of women in langar
preparation and service reflects gendered religiosity and highlights egalitarian Sikh
values at the local level. Coexistence of Hindu temples and Sikh institutions
demonstrates religious pluralism and syncretic traditions.

3. Social Stratification and Power Dynamics:

The coexistence of Sardars and Gujjars indicates a dual social structure with
contesting claims to symbolic and economic capital—demonstrating a shift from
traditional ascribed status to achieved status among the Gujjars

4. Education and Social Reproduction:

Education is valued as a means of social mobility, with no gender stratification
observed in access. Yet, structural constraints like distance and cost reflect broader
inequalities in access to resources.

5. Urban Influence and Folk-Urban Continuum:

While exhibiting features of an urbanizing village (pakka roads, shops with packaged
food), villagers’ dissatisfaction reflects their position on the folk-urban continuum,
where material modernity coexists with traditional worldviews.

17
 6. Economic Life and Subsistence:
The reliance on agriculture with growing frustration due to crop damage and
infrastructural neglect represents subsistence stress and changing agrarian relations
influenced by land commodification and market penetration.

7. Governance and Political Culture:

The absence of a Panchayat system and the connection to a larger municipal body has
created a governance vacuum, producing a cultural dichotomy in how power and
justice are perceived. While dominant groups feel no need for local governance due to
peace and cohesion, marginal voices express political exclusion. This tension reflects
differentiated access to participatory decision-making.

1.3. Research Purpose

RATIONALE OF STUDY-

The rationale for this ethnographic fieldwork arises from the need to understand the lived
realities of a historically significant yet presently marginalized village, Nalgarha, within the
rapidly transforming socio-political landscape of peri-urban India. Nalgarha offers a unique
case for anthropological inquiry, positioned at the intersection of historical memory, religious
identity, and contested power dynamics.

This study seeks to examine how narratives of resistance and freedom—embedded in the
village’s association with revolutionary figures like Bhagat Singh—continue to shape
communal pride and identity, despite the absence of state recognition or memorialization.

Moreover, the shifting power structure—marked by the declining numerical strength yet
enduring symbolic authority of the Sikh Sardar families and the increasing demographic and
landholding dominance of the Gujjars—reflects a case of dual authority and contestation.
This dynamic offers insight into how informal governance, religious institutions (like the
Gurudwara Sangatsar Sahib), and local hierarchies mediate everyday life in the absence of
formal political structures such as a Panchayat.

18
The study also aims to explore the role of religion not only as a spiritual domain but as a
critical site of community organization, inter-religious interaction, and gendered participation
and also as a source of power.

By situating Nalgarha within the folk-urban continuum, the research reflects on the paradoxes
of urban proximity and infrastructural neglect, the coexistence of modern aspirations with
traditional loyalties, and the impact of state disengagement on marginal communities. The
village’s dual experience of pride and neglect, of memory and marginality, makes it an
important site for anthropological reflection on identity, resilience, and everyday resistance in
postcolonial India.

STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

Nalgarha village in Noida presents a complex field of inquiry where historical legacy, socio-
religious institutions, and power asymmetries intersect with processes of marginalization.
Despite its deep association with India’s freedom struggle—particularly through figures like
Bhagat Singh—the village today grapples with infrastructural neglect, political invisibility,
and contested claims of dominance between communities such as Sardars and Gujjars. The
absence of formal governance structures like a functioning panchayat and reliance on urban
centers for health and education highlight critical gaps in state-citizen engagement.

Anthropologically, Nalgarha occupies a transitional space along the folk-urban continuum,

where markers of modernity (pakka roads, packaged food shops, mobile health services)
coexist with traditional institutions such as the Gurudwara, which functions as a center of
spiritual authority and social cohesion. Religious participation, especially in langar services,
reflects embedded moral economies and gendered roles, particularly the active contribution
of women in upholding communal values.

Within this broader context, the ageing population—though not the central focus—offers a
lens to examine how changing kinship structures, reduced agrarian reliability, and the
breakdown of extended family support influence intergenerational relationships and the lived
experience of older adults. Their wellbeing is tied not only to biological ageing but also to
shifts in the village’s power structure, resource distribution, and religious life.

19
This study seeks to explore these intersecting layers to understand how history, power,
religion, and development—or the lack thereof—shape everyday life in a village negotiating
its identity between past glory and present neglect.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS-

1. How does the legacy of Nalgarha’s association with the freedom struggle influence
the collective memory and identity of its present-day residents?

2. What role does the Gurudwara play in shaping social cohesion, authority, and
religious life in the absence of formal political governance?

3. How do power relations between Sardars and Gujjars reflect shifting dynamics of land
ownership, leadership, and social dominance?

4. In what ways do women participate in religious and communal activities such as

langar, and how does this reflect broader gender roles in the village’s social structure?

5. How do elderly villagers experience ageing in terms of social support, health-seeking

behavior, and respect within intergenerational family structures?

AIM-

To holistically examine the socio-cultural, historical, and political life of Nalgarha village
through anthropological fieldwork, with attention to ageing, power dynamics, religious
institutions, and patterns of rural-urban transition.

20
OBJECTIVES-

1. To analyze the historical legacy of Nalgarha's role in the Indian freedom movement
and its influence on collective memory and identity.

2. To study the functioning of religious institutions like the Gurudwara as centers of

social cohesion, cultural reproduction, and informal power.

3. To investigate the internal power structures of the village, focusing on caste, land
ownership, and community leadership between dominant communities like Sardars
and Gujjars.

4. To assess the village’s position along the folk-urban continuum by examining

infrastructural development, occupational shifts, and exposure to urban institutions.

5. To explore the experiences of the aged population in relation to care systems, medical
access, and class dynamics.

UNIVERSE OF STUDY-

The universe of this study comprises the residents of Nalgarha village, situated in the Noida
region of Delhi NCR. The population includes Sikh Sandhu households, Gujjar landholders,
and various migrant groups, representing a complex social structure. The study engages with
individuals from different age groups, economic classes, and religious affiliations, providing
insight into everyday life, power relations, and the socio-cultural transformations experienced
in an urbanizing rural setting.

21
LIMITATIONS OF THE RESEARCH-

1. Time Constraints: The limited duration of fieldwork restricted prolonged engagement with
the community, which may have affected the depth of rapport and insights into long-term
changes or subtle dynamics.

2. Sample Size: While 39 households make up the village, only a selected few could be
studied in detail due to feasibility concerns, which might limit the generalizability of the
findings.

3. Observer Bias: As with all participant observation, the presence of the researcher may have
influenced the behavior or responses of participants, especially concerning sensitive topics
like caste or power relations.

4. Lack of Secondary Data: The absence of detailed official records on health, economy, and
demographics of ageing individuals in the village posed challenges in validating primary
data.

5. Language and Cultural Nuances: Though efforts were made to understand local dialects
and cultural references, some nuances could have been lost in interpretation, especially
during translation of narratives.

22
ORGANIZATION OF THE THESIS-

Chapter I INTRODUCTION

1 Introduction

1. 1 Research Background :

Introduction to Anthropology

- Relevance of Fieldwork in Anthropology

1.2 Subject Matter and Scope of Study

- Introduction to Village studies / Village ethnography

- Studying cultural and biological variables

1.2 Research Purpose

- Rationale of the Study

- Statement of Problem

- Research Questions

- Aim and Objectives

- Universe of Study

- Limitations of the research

- Organization of the thesis

1. 3 Literature Review

- Theoretical Foundations

- Review of existing studies

- Conceptual framework

- And research gap

2. Research Methodology and Field Experience

23
2.1 Research : Meaning, Primary and secondary data.

2.2 Methodology in Research

2.3. Ethnographic Approach : - Fieldwork tradition in Anthropology, - Ethnographic studies

in Anthropology, Indian village ethnographies.

2.4 Field work Experiences

Selection of Field.

Universe of study ( and sampling: inclusion and exclusion criterion)

Entering the field

Journey to Field

Our camp/ Home base

Starting Fieldwork

Rapport building

First day Impression

Research Methods and techniques employed in field

Emic and Etic perspectives

Team Ethnography

Reflexivity

Inter-subjectivity

Ethics

Problems and Limitations in the field.

3. The Setting: Ethnographic Profile

3.1 The Field : Area and People

24
1. A short description of field

2. History of Village

3. Location of Village

4. Topography

5. Hydrography

6. Climate

7. Flora

8. Fauna

9. Transport and communication

10. Electricity

11. Sanitation

3.2 Important Public places and Institutions

1. Religious Institutions

2. Educational Institutions

3. Shops and Markets

4. Medical Facilities

5. Police station

6. Graveyard

7. Playground

8. Graveyards

9. Railways / metro/ bus stops

10. Dams

11. old age homes

25
12. schools

13. memorials

3.3 Short Description of Village

Ethnic composition

Physical features (?)

Language

Dress and ornaments

Food and drink

Religion

Fair and festivals

Clan

Family

Marriage

Agriculture

Weaving / craft

Village organization

Kinship terminology

Material Culture

Caste

Genealogies

Chapter 4: Special Topic

Introduction : Rationale, sub-aim and sub-objectives

Case study 1

26
Case study 2

Case study 3

Chapter 5: Findings and Conclusions

Bibliography/ References

Appedices

LITERATURE REVIEW
1."Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom anniversary: Country has forgotten his hideout Nalgarha
village"

The legacy of India's freedom movement has been extensively studied across historical,
political, and cultural scholarship. However, certain grassroots spaces—ike Nalgarha village
in Delhi NCR, which served as a strategic hideout for revolutionary Bhagat Singh—remain
marginalized in mainstream academic discourse. The article by DNA India (2015) sheds light
on this historical erasure by exploring Nalgarha's overlooked significance in the anti-colonial
struggle.

The report highlights that Nalgarha housed Bhagat Singh and his comrades during their
underground activities following the Lahore Conspiracy Case. It notes that the village, now
absorbed into Delhi’s urban sprawl, retains oral memories of Singh’s stay, particularly in the
house of one Master Bhagwan Singh. Despite its profound historical relevance, the article
observes that Nalgarha has been largely excluded from government recognition and
commemorative efforts.

This piece contributes to the literature on subaltern and vernacular memory, aligning with
scholars like Ranajit Guha and Shahid Amin who emphasize how grassroots narratives
challenge dominant nationalist historiography. It also reflects on the tension between national

27
memory and local experience—a theme explored in works by Partha Chatterjee and Jan
Assmann on collective memory. The neglect of Nalgarha underscores how spaces of
revolutionary resistance can be lost within urbanization and state narratives that selectively
valorize the past.

In addition, the article implicitly raises questions about heritage politics, historical
preservation, and the politics of forgetting. It suggests that the absence of plaques, memorials,
or state-sponsored conservation in Nalgarha symbolizes a broader pattern where the
radicalism of revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh is often sanitized or depoliticized in post-
independence narratives.

Thus, this article acts as a journalistic intervention that invites academic engagement with the
micro-histories of India’s freedom movement, urging a rethinking of whose stories are
preserved and celebrated in the national consciousness.

Reference:

DNA Web Team. (2015, March 23). Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom anniversary: Country has
forgotten his hideout Nalgarha village. DNA India. [Link]
bhagat-singh-s-martyrdom-anniversary-country-has-forgotten-his-hideout-nalgarha-village-
2071597

2. Social Praxis, Conceptual Categories and Social Change : Observations from a Village
Study

Yogendra Singh’s (2009) article “Social Praxis, Conceptual Categories, and Social Change:
Observations from a Village Study” in Sociological Bulletin presents a reflective and critical
engagement with the methodological and conceptual frameworks used in Indian village
studies. Drawing upon his own long-term empirical fieldwork in Rampur—a village in Uttar
Pradesh—Singh interrogates the relevance and limitations of dominant sociological
categories like caste, class, power, and kinship in capturing the dynamics of rural social
change.

The article argues that Indian sociology must move beyond rigid typologies and adopt a
praxis-oriented approach, where conceptual categories are rooted in lived realities and
empirical complexity. Singh critiques early village studies for often reifying caste and

28
community as static institutions while underemphasizing the role of state, education, market
forces, and migration in shaping rural transformation. He emphasizes that a diachronic
(longitudinal) view of change reveals the inadequacy of “caste-functionalist” approaches that
overlook conflict, aspiration, and political negotiation.

Singh also stresses the need to integrate the experience of social actors with structural
analysis, advocating for a more dynamic understanding of social stratification. His
observations from Rampur demonstrate how the rise of education, changes in landholding,
and political mobilization—especially among backward castes and women—have altered
traditional hierarchies and challenged the hold of dominant castes.

The article is significant for its methodological depth and for pushing Indian sociology
toward a more reflexive, historically grounded, and context-sensitive praxis. It resonates with
broader debates in sociology on the relationship between theory and fieldwork, especially in
postcolonial societies. Singh’s call to revise conceptual categories through grounded field
realities connects with works by scholars like Andre Béteille, M.N. Srinivas (especially his
concept of “social change in modern India”), and Veena Das, who also interrogate the
epistemological assumptions of Indian social science.

In sum, Singh’s article is a critical contribution to Indian rural sociology, emphasizing that
concepts must emerge from, and evolve with, the social practices and transformative
experiences of rural communities.

Reference:

Singh, Y. (2009). Social Praxis, Conceptual Categories, and Social Change: Observations
from a Village Study. Sociological Bulletin, 58(2), 178–195.
[Link]

3. “A Typology of Village Socio-Economic Systems: From Indian Village Studies”,

In this article, Biplab Dasgupta (1975) presents a systematic attempt to classify Indian
villages based on their socio-economic organization. Published in Economic and Political
Weekly, this article marks a critical intervention in the evolving field of Indian rural sociology
and development studies, especially during a time when village studies were gaining
methodological and theoretical attention.

29
Dasgupta critiques the descriptive and isolated nature of many early village studies and
argues for a more comparative and structural framework. He proposes a typology of village
systems based on variables such as agrarian class structure, land ownership patterns, labor
relations, and access to external markets. Drawing on a wide array of empirical data from
secondary sources, Dasgupta identifies multiple village types—ranging from landlord-
dominated villages to peasant-proprietor villages, and those integrated into capitalist
production circuits.

A key contribution of the article is its integration of Marxist analytical categories, especially
the emphasis on modes of production, class exploitation, and contradictions within the
agrarian economy. Unlike the more culturally inclined or caste-focused village studies of the
time (e.g., by M.N. Srinivas or André Béteille), Dasgupta foregrounds political economy as
the central explanatory framework. His analysis provides a macro-structural lens through
which micro-level rural dynamics can be better understood.

Moreover, Dasgupta calls for the need to study villages not as isolated, static units but as
embedded within broader regional and national economic systems. This perspective aligns
with later critiques by scholars such as Hamza Alavi and Teodor Shanin, who challenged the
“village community” model by emphasizing the impact of colonialism, markets, and the state.

Overall, the article remains a foundational piece for understanding the diversity and
complexity of rural India from a class-analytical perspective. It helps bridge the gap between
empirical fieldwork and theoretical abstraction, offering a tool for policy-oriented research as
well as academic categorization.

Reference:

Dasgupta, B. (1975). A Typology of Village Socio-Economic Systems: From Indian Village

Studies. Economic and Political Weekly, 10(33/35), 1395–1414.
[Link]

30
4. Village Studies, Participant Observation and Social Science Research in India

M. N. Srinivas’s article “Village Studies, Participant Observation and Social Science

Research in India” (1975), published in Economic and Political Weekly, stands as a reflective
and methodological cornerstone in Indian sociology and anthropology. As one of the pioneers
of Indian village studies, Srinivas offers a retrospective assessment of the development,
significance, and limitations of village-based ethnographic research, particularly the use of
participant observation as a central methodological tool.

Srinivas argues that participant observation allows the researcher to gain intimate, in-depth
knowledge of the social fabric of rural life, especially the nuances of caste, kinship, ritual,
and interpersonal relations that often elude survey-based or statistical methods. He
emphasizes that long-term immersion and firsthand experience foster a kind of “empathetic
understanding,” which is crucial to grasp the subtleties of rural social dynamics.

The article is notable for its candid critique of early Indian sociology’s over-reliance on
textual or armchair approaches. Srinivas insists that real understanding of Indian society must
come from fieldwork grounded in direct interaction with villagers, challenging researchers to
move beyond rigid theoretical frameworks. He also defends village studies against critics
who argue they are too micro-focused or disconnected from broader structural realities,
maintaining that such studies provide essential building blocks for macro-sociological
analysis.

However, Srinivas also acknowledges the limitations of village studies. He admits that
excessive focus on single villages and caste-centric narratives may have led to a neglect of
political economy, state intervention, and changing class relations. This critique prefigures
later Marxist and political-economy-based critiques by scholars such as Biplab Dasgupta and
Yogendra Singh.

Srinivas’s reflections also touch on the role of the ethnographer as both insider and outsider,
and how positionality shapes field interactions—a theme later explored more deeply in
feminist and postcolonial anthropology. His article remains foundational for its defense of
ethnographic immersion as central to Indian sociology and for initiating a self-critical
discourse about the trajectory of village studies in India.

Reference-

31
Srinivas, M. N. (1975). Village Studies, Participant Observation and Social Science Research
in India. Economic and Political Weekly, 10(33/35), 1387–1394.
[Link]

5. “Ageing and Social Support: A Study of Low-income Urban Elderly in Pune”

Article published in Indian Anthropologist, offers a compelling exploration of the lived

realities of elderly individuals residing in low-income urban settings. The study is grounded
in Pune and sheds light on the multifaceted challenges that ageing individuals, particularly
those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, face in the wake of rapid urbanization
and the erosion of traditional family structures. Through qualitative methods, including
interviews and observational data, the article captures the growing social isolation, emotional
neglect, and economic insecurity experienced by the elderly. One of the central themes
Kaulagekar emphasizes is the declining role of the joint family system, once a reliable source
of care and companionship, which is now being replaced by nuclear arrangements and
individualistic values in urban contexts. The research also underlines gendered
vulnerabilities, noting that elderly women are disproportionately affected, often facing
compounded challenges related to widowhood, poor health, and dependency.

Kaulagekar argues for the urgent need to strengthen social support systems—both formal
(like government welfare schemes) and informal (like community-based initiatives)—to
enhance the quality of life for the aged. The article situates its findings within broader
discussions on social change in India, pointing to a gap in policy frameworks that fail to
adequately address the psychosocial and material needs of this growing demographic. By
highlighting the intersection of ageing, poverty, and urban marginalization, Kaulagekar's
study provides a significant anthropological contribution to understanding the vulnerabilities
of the elderly in contemporary Indian society. It calls for a multidimensional approach to
elder care, involving not just economic interventions but also emotional and community-
based support mechanisms that can restore dignity and security in old age.

Reference-

Kaulagekar, A. (2007). Ageing and Social Support: A Study of Low-income Urban Elderly in
Pune. Indian Anthropologist, 37(2), 45–53. [Link]

32
THEORETRICAL FRAMEWORKS-

1. Structural-Functionalism

Key Proponent(s): M. N. Srinivas

Article : Srinivas (1975) – Village Studies, Participant Observation and Social Science
Research in India

• Emphasizes the role of institutions like caste, family, and ritual in maintaining social
order.

• Srinivas’s reliance on participant observation reflects a functionalist desire to

understand how parts of a society work together to sustain the whole.

• However, he also critiques the overemphasis on equilibrium, recognizing dynamic

elements in rural transformation.

2. Praxis-Oriented/Reflexive Sociology

Key Proponent(s): Yogendra Singh

Article Link: Singh (2009) – Social Praxis, Conceptual Categories, and Social Change

• Calls for grounding theory in lived experience and evolving categories.

• Focuses on praxis—how people act and change structures over time—especially in

rural settings influenced by state policy, education, and mobility.

• Emphasizes reflexivity, challenging abstract, caste-centric views and incorporating

political, educational, and market dynamics.

3. Political Economy/Marxist Perspective

Key Proponent(s): Biplab Dasgupta

Article Link: Dasgupta (1975) – A Typology of Village Socio-Economic Systems

• Emphasizes class structures, agrarian economy, and capitalist penetration of rural

areas.

33
 • Villages are seen not as self-contained units but as nodes within wider systems of
exploitation and production.

• Useful for analyzing economic stratification, labor relations, and landholding patterns.

[Link] Reflexivity & Insider-Outsider Framework

Mentioned in: Srinivas (1975), Singh (2009)

• Reflects on the positionality of the researcher in fieldwork.

• Stresses that the insider-outsider dynamic shapes knowledge production and that long-
term immersion yields deeper insight.

• Encourages a reflexive methodology, now central to feminist and postcolonial

anthropologies.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS-

This study adopts a multi-theoretical, interdisciplinary conceptual framework rooted in

classical village studies, political economy, digital anthropology, and reflexive ethnography

1. Structural-Functionalism and Kinship Continuity

Drawing from M. N. Srinivas’s village studies (1975) and Freed & Freed’s analysis (1969),
this framework views family and religious institutions as critical to the reproduction of
village life. The persistence or transformation of the joint family system, gender roles, and
ritual practices are examined through this lens. However, these structures are not static; they
are responsive to changes brought by education, migration, and state influence.

2. Social Praxis and Reflexivity

Yogendra Singh’s (2009) notion of social praxis guides the exploration of how villagers,
especially the elderly, navigate, negotiate, and adapt to shifting socio-political realities.
Emphasis is placed on how conceptual categories like caste, age, and status are interpreted
and reshaped in everyday life. This calls for reflexivity in methodology and challenges
abstract theorization divorced from field realities.
34
3. Political Economy and Urban Linkages

Influenced by Biplab Dasgupta’s (1975) critique of village studies, the framework integrates
a political economy perspective to analyze economic stratification, land relations, and state
interventions. Nalgarha’s proximity to urban centers and its role in the freedom struggle
suggest that agrarian life is interlinked with broader political and economic systems. The
impact of pensions, welfare, and market access on the aged is also explored.

4. Technological Adaptation and Ageing as Craft

Incorporating Garvey & Miller’s (2021) anthropological approach to ageing, this framework
recognizes older people not as passive dependents but as agents of digital adaptation.
Smartphones and media technologies are seen as tools for crafting connection, care, and
identity, allowing elders to remain socially embedded and culturally expressive in a rapidly
changing environment.

5. Historical Memory and Place-Based Identity

Building on media narratives like the DNA India article on Bhagat Singh’s connection to
Nalgarha, the framework includes a memory studies dimension. It investigates how collective
memory, freedom struggle heritage, and local histories are transmitted across generations and
shape village identity and elder status.

RESEARCH GAPS-

1. Lack of Comprehensive Historical Context:

o Lack of in-depth research on how Nalgarha’s historical associations with the

Indian freedom struggle (e.g., Bhagat Singh’s hideout) continue to shape
contemporary local identity, memory, and community cohesion.

2. Lack of Analysis on Rural-Urban Transitions:

o Lack of exploration into how urbanization and proximity to Delhi affect

social, cultural, and economic practices in Nalgarha. How do villagers balance
traditional ways of life with the pressures of urban influence, migration, and
modern aspirations?

3. Lack of Study on Social Stratification and Class Dynamics:

35
 o Lack of research on how class, caste, and socio-economic divisions manifest
in everyday life in Nalgarha, especially in the context of local power
structures, village governance, and economic opportunities.

4. Lack of Focus on Gender Relations in Rural India:

o Lack of research into gender roles and family dynamics in Nalgarha,

particularly how women’s participation in economic activities, political
processes, and community affairs has evolved with modern influences.

5. Lack of Insight into the Impact of Infrastructure Development:

o Lack of understanding of how recent infrastructure developments (e.g., roads,

internet, electricity) are transforming social networks, community solidarity,
and local economic practices in the village.

6. Lack of Exploration of Religious Practices and Secularism:

o Lack of research on the role of religion in daily life, rituals, and community
decision-making in Nalgarha, especially how it interacts with secular policies
and changing religious affiliations in contemporary India.

7. Lack of Attention to Economic Transitions and Livelihood Diversification:

o Lack of studies on how economic shifts, such as migration for work,

government welfare schemes, and market integration, are impacting traditional
livelihoods like farming and artisan work in the village.

8. Lack of Research on Political Mobilization and Local Activism:

o Lack of research into how local political movements or historical ties to

activism (e.g., Bhagat Singh’s legacy) influence modern-day political
participation, community mobilization, and village governance.

9. Lack of Study on Intergenerational Relationships and Knowledge Transmission:

o Lack of research on how intergenerational relationships function in Nalgarha,

particularly how older generations transmit knowledge, traditions, and cultural
practices to younger villagers, and how these relationships are evolving in a
changing social landscape.
36
2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND FIELD
EXPERIENCE

2.1 RESEARCH :MEANING , PRIMARY AND SECONDARY

DATA

Meaning of Research:

Research is a systematic and logical investigation into a specific topic or problem with the
objective of discovering new information, interpreting existing knowledge, or challenging
assumptions. In anthropology, research is not just about data collection—it is an immersive
process of understanding human behaviour, cultural patterns, social dynamics, and biological
traits in context. The term "research" is derived from the French word rechercher, meaning
"to search again." It emphasizes continuous inquiry driven by curiosity, critical reflection, and
methodological rigor.

Anthropological research, particularly ethnographic research, seeks to grasp both the emic
(insider) and etic (outsider) perspectives. It values lived experience, participant observation,
and contextual depth over mere numerical representation. In this sense, research becomes not
only a tool for knowledge production but also for understanding social realities,
contradictions, and human diversity.

Primary Data:

Primary data refers to information collected firsthand by the researcher directly from the
field. In this study, primary data was gathered through:

• Participant observation
• Interviews (structured and unstructured)
• Case studies and life histories
• Household surveys and demographic schedules
• Visual documentation (photographs, field sketches)

37
Primary data is essential in ethnography as it reflects real-time, lived experiences and the
nuanced realities of the people being studied. It allows the researcher to interpret cultural
meanings, power relations, and local narratives within their natural settings.

Secondary Data:

Secondary data refers to information that has already been collected, documented, and made
available by others. This study incorporated secondary sources such as:

• Census records and government publications

• Historical documents and archival material
• Previous anthropological studies on Indian villages and ageing
• Scholarly articles, books, and journals
• News reports and online databases

Secondary data provided background context and helped compare the field findings with
existing literature, enabling a more layered and critical understanding of Nalgarha’s socio-
cultural and developmental landscape.

38
2.2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
1. Participant Observation:

One of the most central methods used was participant observation, where the researcher
immersed herself in village life. A notable instance was participating in religious service
activities like serving langar at the Gurdwara, which helped gain access to communal life and
observe elderly people's roles in religious and social gatherings. It also revealed how service
(sewa) becomes a meaningful avenue for older individuals to maintain dignity and social
participation.

2. Observation Method:

The researcher spent extended time informally observing activities around households,
village lanes, public spaces, and markets. Through non-intrusive observation, subtle patterns
such as spatial segregation of elderly members within homes, class-based variations in
domestic architecture, and age-specific participation in daily labour became evident. These
observations enriched the understanding of socio-economic stratification and generational
roles.

3. In-depth and Semi-structured Interviews:

These were conducted with aged individuals, their children, caregivers, and community
members to capture subjective experiences and intergenerational perspectives. Questions
revolved around topics like healthcare access, memory of migration, kinship support systems,
and economic insecurities in old age. The flexible nature of semi-structured interviews
allowed respondents to narrate life stories in their own rhythm and words, often leading to
unanticipated insights.

39
[Link] Study

The case study method was employed to explore diverse lived experiences of ageing within
Nalgarha village, focusing on intersections of caste, class, gender, and religion. Three elderly
individuals were selected: a poor Brahmin man living in financial distress with minimal
familial support; a wealthy Sikh man who remained socially influential due to his economic
stability and active involvement in religious affairs; and an elderly Sikh woman who, despite
material comfort, felt emotionally neglected within her household. These personal narratives
illuminated how ageing is not a uniform process but is deeply shaped by socio-economic
positioning, household dynamics, and cultural expectations, offering grounded insights into
class-based disparities and the varied meanings of dignity and dependence in later life.

2.3. ETHNOGRAPHIC APPROACH - FIELDWORK

TRADITION IN ANTHROPOLOGY ,
ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDIES IN ANTHROPOLOGY,
INDIAN VILLAGE ETHNOGRAPHIES

2.3.1. FIELDWORK TRADITION IN ANTHROPOLOGY

Anthropology’s primary concern is the comprehensive explanation of humanity. What sets
the discipline apart is its commitment to studying the totality of the human experience—
biological, cultural, linguistic, and historical—across both space and time. The field refuses
reductionist interpretations of what it means to be human, choosing instead a holistic
approach that encompasses both the material and symbolic dimensions of life. This broad
scope is crucial when engaging in fieldwork traditions, especially in diverse cultural settings
in Nalgarha village.

40
The Holistic and Integrative Nature of Anthropology

Anthropology is rooted in the belief that to understand humanity, one must consider multiple
dimensions of human life—from evolutionary roots to cultural beliefs, language patterns, and
technological developments. It does not isolate individual variables but examines how
various aspects of human life interact. For instance, in the context of fieldwork, studying the
elderly in Nalgarha requires attention not only to their health or family dynamics but also to
religious beliefs, economic systems, gender roles, and intergenerational relations.

Culture as a Central Analytical Tool

Culture is not merely a backdrop to human behavior but the very medium through which
people live and interpret their experiences. It includes beliefs, values, norms, practices,
symbols, and material expressions. In fieldwork, understanding local culture means learning
how older people make sense of their roles, cope with ageing, express spirituality, or handle
economic challenges. Culture shapes everything—from how pain is expressed to how death
and afterlife are imagined.

Ethnographic Fieldwork and Participant Observation

Ethnographic fieldwork is anthropology’s most distinctive method. Through participant

observation, interviews, life histories, and immersion, anthropologists aim to uncover the
logic behind cultural practices. This requires building rapport, maintaining ethical sensitivity,
and being open to local worldviews. For example, interviewing elderly villagers and spending
time with their families helps understand not just their verbal accounts but also the non-verbal
cues, emotions, routines, and silences that shape ageing experiences.

Emic and Etic Perspectives

A critical methodological principle is the balance between emic (insider) and etic (outsider)
perspectives. The emic view helps capture how community members themselves interpret
their lives and social roles. The etic perspective brings in analytical categories and
comparative frameworks. In studying Nalgarha, an emic approach would listen deeply to how

41
elders speak about respect, suffering, and faith, while an etic lens could compare these themes
to broader anthropological theories.

Cultural Relativism and the Challenge to Ethnocentrism

Cultural relativism is the idea that a society’s beliefs and practices must be understood in
their own cultural context. This contrasts with ethnocentrism, where one's own culture is seen
as the default or superior. Fieldwork demands suspending judgment, even when encountering
practices that seem unusual. For example, if elderly villagers depend heavily on religious
faith for emotional well-being, this must be viewed not as dependency but as a culturally
grounded coping strategy.

Reflexivity and Power Dynamics in Research

Modern anthropology recognizes its historical links to colonial power structures and
emphasizes reflexivity—awareness of the anthropologist’s own positionality, biases, and
influence on the field. As a student researcher, reflecting on your identity (e.g., caste, gender,
class, urban background) helps you acknowledge how your presence shapes data and
interactions in the field. Being reflexive also means recognizing the power imbalance
between researcher and participant and approaching fieldwork with humility and ethical
commitment.

Universality and Diversity in Human Life

Anthropology seeks to grasp the paradox of human unity and diversity. While humans are
culturally diverse—with different languages, social structures, and worldviews—they also
share fundamental features such as sociality, symbolism, and emotional depth. In fieldwork,
this means identifying universal themes (like care, dignity, ageing, belonging) alongside
unique cultural expressions of these themes in the local context.

42
Thus, the central problem of anthropology—the explanation of humanity—guides all
anthropological fieldwork traditions. Whether studying a tribal society, a modern urban
community, or a semi-rural village, anthropologists strive to understand the meanings people
assign to their lives, the structures that shape their actions, and the complex interplay between
local culture and broader systems.

[Link] STUDIES IN ANTHROPOLOGY

Ethnography is a qualitative research method rooted in participant observation, in-depth

interviews, and immersion in the field. Anthropologists conduct ethnographic studies to
describe and interpret cultural phenomena from the insider's (emic) perspective while
maintaining critical analysis from the outsider's (etic) standpoint.

Key Features of Ethnographic Studies

1. Participant Observation – Living among the community, observing, and participating in

daily life.

2. Long-Term Fieldwork – Often months or years to build rapport and gain deep insights.

3. Thick Description (Clifford Geertz) – Detailed, contextual descriptions that explain not just
behavior, but its meaning.

4. Reflexivity – Awareness of the anthropologist's impact on the research and vice versa.

5. Holistic Perspective – Looking at culture in its entirety—economy, religion,

kinship, politics, etc.

43
Ethnography 1: Bronisław Malinowski - Argonauts of the Western Pacific
(1922)

Bronisław Malinowski’s Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) is one of the most
influential ethnographic studies in anthropology. Conducted in the Trobriand Islands of Papua
New Guinea, Malinowski’s fieldwork marked a methodological shift from armchair
speculation to immersive participant observation. Living among the islanders for over two
years during World War I, he focused on the Kula Ring—a ceremonial exchange system
where men traveled across islands to trade shell necklaces and armbands in a structured,
reciprocal network. Far from being simple barter, Malinowski showed how these exchanges
were deeply embedded in social relationships, prestige, and ritual. Through his functionalist
lens, he argued that cultural practices serve specific purposes within society, and he examined
the Kula system in relation to kinship, magic, economy, and social organization. His vivid
descriptions laid the groundwork for what would later be called “thick description,” capturing
not just actions but their cultural meaning. Although his work has been critiqued for
overlooking women’s roles and revealing colonial biases in his personal diaries, Argonauts
remains a foundational text. It revolutionized ethnographic writing by stressing the
importance of firsthand experience, cultural relativism, and understanding societies on
their own terms.

Ethnography 2 : Margaret Mead – Coming of Age in Samoa (1928)

Margaret Mead’s Coming of Age in Samoa is a pioneering ethnographic study that explored
adolescence and gender roles among Samoan girls in the early 20th century. Conducted when
Mead was just 23, her fieldwork challenged Western assumptions about adolescence as a
universally turbulent period. By living among the Samoan people, observing daily life, and
conducting interviews, Mead found that Samoan adolescents experienced a relatively stress-
free transition to adulthood, largely due to the island’s communal child-rearing practices,
sexual openness, and flexible social structure. She argued that culture, not biology, played a
primary role in shaping behavior—an idea that supported the cultural relativism emerging in
American anthropology. Her work contributed to major debates on nature versus nurture and
became influential in educational and psychological circles. However, later critiques,

44
particularly by anthropologist Derek Freeman, questioned the accuracy of her findings,
suggesting she may have been misled by her informants. Despite this controversy, Mead’s
study remains significant for its bold challenge to ethnocentrism and its demonstration of
how cultural context shapes human development.

Ethnography 3 :Ruth Benedict – Patterns of Culture (1934)

Ruth Benedict’s Patterns of Culture is a comparative ethnographic work that examines how
cultures create coherent value systems shaping individual behavior and collective identity.
Drawing on case studies from the Zuni (Native American), Kwakiutl (Northwest Coast), and
Dobu (Melanesian) societies, Benedict proposed that each culture develops a dominant
personality style or "cultural configuration." For example, she described the Zuni as
harmonious and cooperative, while the Dobu were portrayed as paranoid and competitive.
Benedict argued that behaviors considered abnormal in one culture might be normal or even
ideal in another, reinforcing the principle of cultural relativism. Her work emphasized the
integration

[Link] VILLAGE ETHNOGRAPHIES

1. M.N. Srinivas – The Remembered Village (1976)

This ethnography is based on Srinivas’s fieldwork in the South Indian village of Rampura in
Karnataka. It reflects his experiences and observations from the 1940s, later restructured after
his original notes were destroyed in a fire. The study focuses on caste dynamics, the process
of Sanskritization (where lower castes adopt upper-caste practices), and village social
structure. Srinivas also explores changing patterns in religion, economy, and kinship in the
context of post-independence India. This work is a classic in Indian anthropology and
sociology, showing how tradition and modernity coexist and transform in rural life.

45
2. William and Charlotte Wiser – Behind Mud Walls (1930s–1980s)

This long-term ethnography of Karimpur, a North Indian village in Uttar Pradesh, spans
several decades and gives a detailed look at rural change over time. Originally written in the
1930s by American missionaries William and Charlotte Wiser, it was later updated by
Charlotte Wiser and others. The book explores aspects like family life, caste relations,
agriculture, women’s roles, religion, and politics. It is notable for offering both a pre- and
post-Independence comparison of village life. The Wisers’ use of detailed storytelling
provides deep insights into how local traditions adapted in the face of modernization and
development policies.

3. Oscar Lewis – Village Life in Northern India (1958)

Based on his fieldwork in the village of Rampur (a pseudonym), this study explores kinship,
economy, caste, and religion in a North Indian village context. Lewis was an American
anthropologist who emphasized the family as a unit of analysis, and he later developed the
idea of the "culture of poverty." His objective outsider view complements the insider
perspectives of Indian ethnographers, adding comparative value. He provides a nuanced look
at the integration of caste with kinship and village solidarity, as well as tensions.

4. McKim Marriott – Village India: Studies in the Little Community (1955)

This edited volume brings together essays by several anthropologists and sociologists who
studied Indian villages. Marriott himself conducted fieldwork in Kishan Garhi, a village in
Uttar Pradesh. He proposed the concept of "contextualism", suggesting that Indian society is
best understood through local contexts and cultural meanings. This volume popularized the
term “little community” for Indian villages—autonomous yet part of a larger civilizational
framework.

46
5. A.M. Shah – The Household Dimension of the Family in India (1973)

Though not confined to a single village, Shah’s work is ethnographic and focuses on
household and kinship structures across villages in Gujarat. He demonstrates how the Indian
family system is flexible and often misunderstood through rigid categories. His study is
important for understanding inter-generational relationships, household composition, and
kinship patterns.

2.4. FIELDWORK EXPERIENCES

1. SELECTION OF FIELD
The field site for this ethnographic study was Nalgarha, a semi-urban village situated in the
Delhi NCR region. The selection was guided by multiple intersecting factors—historical,
cultural, religious, environmental, developmental, and practical.

Historically, Nalgarha holds significant nationalist relevance as it once served as a hiding

place for freedom fighters like Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev, embedding the village in the
legacy of India’s independence movement.

Culturally, the village is characterized by its serene and welcoming atmosphere, with a
particular emphasis on the calmness and spiritual purity surrounding the local Gurudwara.
Religiously, the Gurudwara functions as a soft power, serving not just as a spiritual center but
also as a social glue binding together different communities, including Sikh, Hindu (primarily
Gujjars), and Muslim residents.

The environmental peace of the village is notable, with no known incidences of crime,
further enhancing its suitability as a field site.

On the development front, Nalgarha reflects a semi-urban character with paved roads, yet
residents express discontent over the lack of basic infrastructure such as sewage systems,
street lighting, schools, and hospitals.

Importantly, the village’s geographic proximity to our college made it a logistically feasible
choice, allowing for regular field visits over four consecutive days, ensuring both
accessibility and continuity in data collection.

47
2. UNIVERSE OF STUDY

The universe of study for this fieldwork included a range of individuals from Nalgarha
village. It covered Gurudwara committee members and people who came regularly for langar,
as they played an active role in the village’s religious and communal life. Key informants
such as Manjeet Kaur (wife of Karnail Singh), her family, the heads of the Gurudwara, and
Bijju Pahalwan (a well-known and influential figure among the Gujjar community) were
purposefully included due to their social influence and rich local knowledge. To develop a
broader understanding of the village, residents from 39 other households were also engaged
for general details through observation and informal conversations.

The central focus, however, was on the elderly population of the village, particularly those
aged 55 and above, to explore themes related to ageing and wellbeing.

The exclusion criteria involved children under the age of 15, individuals below the age of 55
for the ageing-specific segment, and those who did not give informed consent to participate
in the study.

3. Entering the Field

Entering the field began with an initial visit to Nalgarha village, where we familiarized
ourselves with the setting and interacted informally with locals to build rapport. The first day
was dedicated to general observation—noting the village layout, religious spaces like the
Gurudwara, community behavior, and everyday routines. This helped us ease into the
environment without causing disruption. The Gurudwara served as a key entry point, where
people gathered for langar, creating opportunities for natural interactions. Through these
conversations, we identified potential key informants such as Manjeet Kaur (daughter-in –law
of Colonel Karnail Singh, member of Azad hind Fauz, has been living here since 1963 ) who
played a important role in guiding our understanding of the village's social and religious
dynamics. Respectful conduct, open listening, and seeking permission before initiating
deeper discussions were crucial in gaining trust and acceptance in the field.

48
4. JOURNEY TO THE FIELD

The actual journey to the field began in full on the second day of fieldwork, equipped with
household schedules and informed consent forms. With prior introductions already made, the
process became more systematic. Gurudwara leaders played a vital role in helping us trace
the village layout and identify the number and distribution of households. Guided by them,
we walked through the village lanes, observing both the visible details—such as housing
types, religious symbols, and communal spaces—and the information shared by key
informants and residents. This immersive journey offered us a deeper and more layered
understanding of Nalgarha, revealing aspects of village life that went beyond our initial
general observations. The contrast between the first-day impressions and second-day realities
helped us grasp the complexities and dynamics of the village in a more grounded and
nuanced way.

5. OUR CAMP / HOME BASE

During the fieldwork in Nalgarha, our home base was the Gurudwara Sri Sangatsar Sahib, a
central and spiritually significant site in the village. It provided us with a peaceful and
welcoming environment, offering both a practical resting point and an immersive space to
observe daily religious and social activities. The Gurudwara’s central role in village life also
allowed us to interact naturally with residents, especially during langar hours, and helped in
gradually building rapport with the community. Being stationed at such a respected and
frequented place strengthened the trust between us and the locals, facilitating smoother data
collection and deeper cultural understanding.

49
6. STARTING FIELDWORK

The fieldwork formally began on the second day with a structured approach. Armed with
household schedules and informed consent forms, we started visiting selected homes,
initiating conversations with residents while maintaining ethical research practices. The day
began at the Gurudwara Sri Sangatsar Sahib, where we reconnected with key community
members who had earlier assisted in mapping the village. Their guidance helped us locate
specific households and approach them respectfully. As we moved through the village lanes,
we engaged in semi-structured interactions and participant observation, documenting not just
verbal responses but also the social atmosphere, spatial arrangements, and non-verbal cues.
This marked the transition from passive observation to active engagement, laying the
foundation for in-depth data collection.

50
7. RAPPORT BUILDING

Rapport building in Nalgarha was a conscious, respectful, and ongoing effort that played a
vital role in the success of the fieldwork. One of the key strategies involved participant
observation, particularly through active involvement in sewa during langar at the Gurudwara
Sri Sangatsar Sahib. This not only demonstrated sincerity and willingness to participate in
their everyday religious life, but also allowed for natural interactions with community
members. We adopted an informal and approachable tone while speaking and made efforts to
use local terms and culturally respectful language—for instance, addressing elderly women as
"Chaiji". Such gestures helped us appear less like outsiders and more like people they could
relate to.

While engaging with different age groups, we were careful to treat elders with humility and
deference, listening attentively to their stories and showing genuine interest and agreement
when appropriate. At the same time, we maintained a friendly and open rapport with younger
individuals, which allowed for smoother navigation through different social spaces in the
village. Though the focus of my study was on the ageing population, I made sure to strictly
follow local norms and etiquette, such as removing shoes before entering homes, dressing
modestly, and maintaining a calm and respectful demeanor. These efforts ensured that
respondents felt heard, valued, and respected, which led to deeper and more meaningful
engagements throughout the fieldwork.

8. FIRST IMPRESSION

On the first day of fieldwork in Nalgarha, our primary focus was on general observation and
absorbing the atmosphere of the village. The environment appeared serene and peaceful, with
a strong sense of community. Much of the day was spent at the Gurudwara Sri Sangatsar
Sahib, where we engaged in conversation with Babaji, who shared narratives of nationalism
and the village’s historical connection to India’s freedom struggle. These stories, particularly
those involving Karnail Singh, a member of the Azad Hind Fauj, offered a powerful
introduction to Nalgarha’s past. We also met important key informants, including Manjeet
Kaur, daughter-in-law of Karnail Singh, who expressed openness to sharing family and
village histories. The first impression was highly positive, giving us not only a sense of
cultural warmth but also an early understanding of the religious and political importance of

51
Sikhism in the village. It became clear that the Gurudwara was not just a religious space but a
significant moral and social power centre within the community.

9. RESEARCH METHODS AND TECHNIQUES EMPLOYED IN THE

FIELD

To conduct a holistic ethnographic study of Nalgarha village, we used a qualitative research

framework grounded in core anthropological methods.

The central method was participant observation, which enabled immersive engagement
with the community. This involved participation in everyday village life, including sewa
during langar at the Gurudwara, attending religious ceremonies, and observing interpersonal
dynamics in different social spaces.

We also carried out semi-structured and informal interviews with a wide range of
participants, such as Gurudwara committee members, key informants like Manjeet Kaur and
Bijju Pahalwan, and general residents.

A significant focus was placed on developing detailed case studies of elderly individuals, as
ageing was the central theme of my research, where I engaged in life history interviews,
discussed their health, family life, religious beliefs, and socio-economic conditions, and
observed their daily routines and interactions. The goal was to gain deep, narrative-rich
insights into how ageing is experienced and understood in the village context.

Additionally, we used household surveys with structured schedules to collect broader

demographic and socio-economic data across 39 households, providing context to individual
narratives. Field notes were maintained regularly to document observations, reflections, and
quotes. When permitted, photographs and audio snippets were taken to aid visual and
narrative recall. This multi-method approach, combining observation, interviewing, case
studies, and survey techniques, allowed us to capture both the breadth and depth of lived
realities in Nalgarha.

52
[Link] AND ETIC PERSPECTIVES

The fieldwork in Nalgarha provided a valuable opportunity to engage with both emic
(insider) and etic (outsider) perspectives, enriching the depth of our ethnographic
understanding. From the emic perspective, insights from Gurudwara committee
members and regular visitors highlighted the village’s proud historical association
with the freedom struggle, with references to figures like Karnail Singh and stories of
Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev finding refuge in the area. The Gurudwara was portrayed
not just as a religious institution, but as a cultural and moral centre integral to the
village's identity. At the same time, members of the Gujjar community shared their
own emic narratives, often focusing on their socio-political dominance, rooted in land
ownership and larger population size. These narratives revealed internal hierarchies
and community-based assertions of power.

The etic perspective, drawn from our observations as external researchers, allowed us
to identify broader structural issues that villagers often touched upon emotionally.
Despite its cultural richness and spiritual cohesion, Nalgarha faces significant
developmental challenges—most notably the lack of proper sewage systems,
inadequate lighting, and absence of public institutions like schools and hospitals.
These concerns, voiced by villagers across communities, offered a window into the
frustration with urban neglect and the tensions between traditional pride and modern
needs. Together, these emic and etic views provided a layered understanding of how
identity, power, and development intersect in the everyday life of the village.

53
[Link] ETHNOGRAPHY

The adoption of a team ethnography approach significantly facilitated our fieldwork in

Nalgarha, making the process more organized, collaborative, and manageable within the
limited time frame. Our class was divided into smaller groups, each consisting of six
members, and each group was assigned a specific thematic focus such as ageing, politics,
economy, religion, or childhood. This thematic division allowed each team to conduct in-
depth exploration of their assigned area, while collectively contributing to a
comprehensive and holistic ethnographic account of the village.

To ensure balanced field coverage, we divided the number of households among the
groups, enabling parallel data collection across various zones of the village. The
teamwork also helped us navigate logistical challenges, such as managing time, building
rapport with different community members, and dealing with unexpected field situations.
Sharing observations and reflections during group debriefings allowed for cross-
verification of findings, fostering critical discussion and reflexivity. The team-based
structure not only improved the quality and depth of data, but also helped us develop
interpersonal skills, cultural sensitivity, and collaborative analysis—essential aspects of
anthropological fieldwork.

54
 [Link]

Reflexivity was a vital part of our ethnographic engagement in Nalgarha, requiring us to

constantly reflect on our own positionality, assumptions, and influence as researchers.
Coming from urban academic settings, we were initially seen as outsiders, which affected
the way people responded to our presence. However, by actively engaging in local
practices—such as participating in sewa during langar, using respectful language like
“Chaiji” while addressing women, and listening attentively to villagers’ narratives—we
gradually bridged that gap. Our position as students also shaped the way information was
shared with us: elders often felt the need to educate or guide us, especially on topics like
nationalism, religion, and tradition.

Throughout the fieldwork, we remained aware of how our identities (such as age, gender,
language, and educational background) could influence the kind of data we received and
the interpretations we formed. Regular team discussions allowed us to question our
biases, share differing interpretations, and identify moments when our presence may have
altered the natural setting. Reflexivity helped us avoid romanticizing village life or
overemphasizing hardship; instead, it encouraged a balanced and ethically grounded
understanding of the community. It also deepened our appreciation for the emotional
labor involved in fieldwork and the importance of humility in anthropological inquiry.

[Link]

Intersubjectivity played a central role in shaping the knowledge we generated during our
fieldwork in Nalgarha. Rather than viewing ourselves as detached observers, we became part
of a mutual exchange of meaning between the researchers and the villagers. The relationships
we formed—especially with elderly individuals, Gurudwara leaders, and key informants like
Manjeet Kaur—were not one-sided but built on shared conversations, emotions, and
interpretations. The data we collected emerged through this ongoing interaction, where the

55
villagers not only responded to our questions but also reflected on their own lives in new
ways through dialogue with us.

This co-creation of understanding was especially visible during long, informal discussions
over tea, or while assisting in langar, where people opened up about their struggles,
memories, and everyday realities. Our expressions, gestures, and active listening shaped their
comfort and willingness to share, just as their stories shaped our evolving perception of the
village. Thus, the ethnographic knowledge was not purely extracted, but co-constructed
through trust, empathy, and shared presence. Recognizing this intersubjective process helped
us stay sensitive to the ethical responsibility of representing others’ voices with honesty and
care

[Link]

Ethical responsibility was a guiding principle throughout our fieldwork in Nalgarha. We

ensured that informed consent was obtained from all participants before beginning any
interaction. Each individual was informed about the purpose of the study, their right to
withdraw at any point, and their freedom to skip any question they were uncomfortable with.
We approached participants with respectful gestures, addressing elders with appropriate
honorifics and engaging in active listening to acknowledge and validate their narratives.

Special attention was given to cultural and religious sensitivities, particularly in the
Gurudwara, which served as both a spiritual hub and our field base. We strictly followed the
norms of the Gurudwara, such as wearing modest and formal clothing, covering our heads
regardless of gender, and maintaining decorum and silence within the premises. We greeted
people respectfully with “Sat Sri Akal” and adhered to local etiquette to avoid offending
community sentiments. These ethical practices helped us build trust, preserve the dignity of
our participants, and ensure that the research process remained sensitive, respectful, and non-
intrusive.

56
[Link] AND LIMITATIONS IN THE FIELD

While our fieldwork in Nalgarha was enriching, it was not without its set of challenges
and limitations. One of the primary difficulties was the limited time frame, which
restricted the depth of prolonged engagement typically ideal in ethnographic studies.

Additionally, language barriers occasionally posed challenges in fully capturing the

nuance of certain expressions, especially when elderly participants used culturally
embedded phrases or dialectical variations.

Although we worked in teams, coordinating interviews across households, managing

schedules, and ensuring comprehensive coverage. Certain times it led to conflicting
perspectives and contrasting observations.

Some participants, particularly women or younger individuals, were initially hesitant to

open up, possibly due to social norms or discomfort in discussing personal or sensitive
topics. Building trust took time, and not all informants were willing to speak on record.

Technical issues, like missing responses, background noise during interviews, or

forgetting to record certain observations, also affected the consistency of data collection.

Furthermore, there were ethical boundaries we respected—such as allowing participants

to skip questions or withdraw—yet this sometimes led to incomplete data. Lastly, our
outsider status and the presence of the researcher’s gaze may have influenced how some
participants chose to represent themselves or their community. These limitations
reminded us of the importance of humility in fieldwork and the need to treat ethnographic
knowledge as partial, evolving, and deeply contextual.

57
3. THE SETTING : ETHNOGRAPHIC PROFILE

3.1. THE FIELD : AREA AND PEOPLE

1. FIELD DESCRIPTION
Nalgarha is a peri-urban village located on the outskirts of Noida in Uttar Pradesh.
Formerly governed by a local panchayat, the village now falls under the jurisdiction of
the Noida Municipal Corporation—a change that reflects its ongoing transformation from
a rural settlement to an urban periphery. This administrative shift signals broader socio-
political transitions influenced by the encroaching cityscape. The Noida Sector 52 Metro
Line, which runs directly alongside the village, underscores Nalgarha’s physical and
infrastructural proximity to the urban core.

Culturally, Nalgarha is home to a heterogeneous population, with a particularly active

Sikh community that plays a key role in public life. The spatial layout of the village,
marked by Sikh and Hindu religious sites situated at opposite ends of the locality, reveals
a layered cultural geography. Everyday interactions reflect a dynamic interplay between
enduring traditions and the influence of urban modernity.

Economically, the village straddles the line between its agrarian past and emerging urban
livelihood patterns. Proximity to Noida has brought increased mobility, exposure to
diverse occupational opportunities, and evolving aspirations among residents. This
transitional character positions Nalgadha as a compelling site for understanding how peri-
urban communities negotiate questions of identity, governance, and socio-economic
change amidst the pressures of rapid urbanization.

58
2. HISTORY OF VILLAGE
Nalgarha, a village in Noida, holds a strong connection to India’s freedom struggle.
Earlier known as Rangarha, it was established by four zamindar brothers who owned
around 500 acres of land. At that time, it was a forested area, which made it an ideal
hiding spot for freedom fighters like Bhagat Singh, Rajguru, and Sukhdev. Villagers
proudly say that after the Saunders assassination in Lahore, these revolutionaries came to
hide in Nalgarha after briefly staying in Jhansi. They changed their appearance and stayed
hidden in the village.

One of the most remarkable stories is that the bomb used in the Delhi Assembly
bombing—a protest against British laws—was made in Nalgarha. The main purpose of
the bombing was not to harm anyone but to make the British government “hear” the voice
of resistance. The rock used to prepare the bomb materials is now preserved inside the
Gurudwara Sri Sangatsar Sahib, showing the village's unique role in India's revolutionary
history.

Nalgarha also has a deep personal link to Bhagat Singh. His grandfather Arjan Singh, a
respected healer (hakeem), lived in the village. His father Kisan Singh and uncles Ajit
Singh and Swaran Singh were also involved in revolutionary activities and were part of
the “Pagdi Sambhal Jatta” movement. This strong legacy of bravery and sacrifice
influenced Bhagat Singh from a young age.

The village proudly preserves three iconic photos of Bhagat Singh: one in a turban, where
he looked like Maharana Pratap; one in a hat, representing his modern image; and one
from his jail days, where he is remembered for saying, “If all are equal in God’s eyes,
why are we slaves?”

After the Partition of India in 1947, many Sikh families from Pakistan, especially from
the Sandhu community, settled in Nalgarha. They now make up about 10 to 12
households in the village. Despite its rich historical and cultural importance, villagers feel
neglected—there is no memorial to honor their local heroes, and they still struggle with
basic infrastructure like roads, sewers, schools, and hospitals.

Nalgarha is more than just a village—it is a place filled with living memories of India's
fight for freedom, preserved in its stories, landmarks, and people

59
60
[Link] OF THE VILLAGE
Nalgarha is a peri-urban village situated on the outskirts of Noida, Uttar Pradesh, in close
proximity to one of India’s fastest-growing urban regions. Formerly governed by a
traditional panchayat system, the village now falls under the administrative control of the
Noida Municipal Corporation. This transition reflects the broader changes occurring due
to rapid urban expansion. Geographically, the village is centrally positioned, surrounded
by farmlands that maintain its rural character while its strategic access to major
transportation routes—especially the Noida Sector 52 Metro Line—places it within
immediate reach of urban infrastructure. Nalgadha embodies the coexistence of rural
tradition and urban transformation.

[Link]
The terrain of Nalgarha is largely flat, characteristic of the northern Indian plains, with
gentle undulations in some parts. The landscape is dominated by expansive agricultural
fields, primarily used for rice and wheat cultivation. The flat topography is well-suited for
farming and has historically supported the village’s agrarian economy. Despite the
pressures of urbanization, the surrounding fields preserve the village’s rural essence while
offering potential for future development.

61
[Link]
Nalgarha faces significant challenges in water accessibility. The groundwater available in
the area is saline and unsuitable for drinking or cooking. In the absence of a government-
supplied potable water system, villagers rely heavily on private water delivery services.
Clean water is distributed daily via supply vans, primarily for drinking and culinary use.

For other domestic needs—such as washing, bathing, cleaning, and irrigation—residents

depend on borewells powered by electric pumps. Although the borewell water is hard and
salty, it remains the only viable source for non-potable usage. The village lacks a
centralized piped water network or public water purification infrastructure. Furthermore,
there are no nearby surface water sources like rivers or lakes, emphasizing the need for
long-term water management solutions.

[Link]
Nalgarha experiences a semi-arid climate, similar to that of Delhi, given its geographical
proximity. The climate is marked by three distinct seasons:

Summer (March to June): Extremely hot and dry, with temperatures often exceeding
40°C. May and June are the most intense months, characterized by heatwaves and high
humidity levels.

Monsoon (July to September): The rainy season brings moderate yet inconsistent rainfall,
essential for agriculture, particularly for paddy cultivation. However, rainfall patterns are
often erratic.

Winter (December to February): Mild and pleasant, with temperatures ranging from 5°C
to 15°C. Winters are generally comfortable and preferred by residents.

This climatic variation greatly influences agricultural cycles and daily routines.

62
[Link]
The natural vegetation in Nalgarha reflects the biodiversity typical of northern Indian
plains. Several tree and plant species are commonly seen throughout the village:

• Neem (Azadirachta indica): Widely prevalent, valued for both shade and
medicinal use.
• Oleander: Seen lining village roads, known for its vibrant blossoms.
• Gulmohar (Delonix regia): Adds a fiery red-orange hue during summer months.
• Peepul (Ficus religiosa): Sacred and symbolically significant, found at several
religious and public spots.
• Bougainvillea glabra: Commonly used as ornamental fencing, especially in home
gardens.
• White fig trees and African wormwood are also present, the latter often used in
local medicinal practices.

8. FAUNA
The fauna of Nalgarha is primarily domestic, reflecting its agricultural roots:

• Cows and buffaloes are reared for dairy purposes.

• Sheep contribute to local livelihoods through wool and meat.
• Goats and poultry (chickens) are also raised by several households.
• Wildlife is minimal, limited mostly to common rural birds, rodents, and insects.

Domesticated animals remain central to the village’s economy and food

security.

63
[Link] AND COMMUNICATION
Nalgarha enjoys significant transportation advantages due to its location. The Noida
Sector 52 Metro Line, which runs near the village, enables residents to travel quickly to
urban centres like Noida and Delhi. Additionally, major roadways pass directly in front of
the village, facilitating smooth movement of goods and people.

While external connectivity is strong, internal infrastructure—such as narrow and poorly

maintained internal roads—continues to hinder ease of movement within the village itself.

[Link]
Electricity supply in Nalgarha has improved substantially over the last two years. Earlier,
power outages were frequent, often lasting 8–9 hours daily. However, since a private
company assumed responsibility for electricity distribution, supply has become more
stable. Although short outages still occur, overall access to electricity now supports
domestic needs and small-scale businesses more reliably.

64
[Link]
Sanitation remains a pressing concern in the village. Nalgarha lacks a proper sewerage
system, leading to untreated wastewater often flowing through open drains along village
roads. Waste management practices are inadequate, and public sanitation facilities are
limited. The absence of well-maintained public toilets and the ineffective sewage disposal
infrastructure pose ongoing health and hygiene challenges, particularly in densely
populated areas.

3.2 . IMPORTANT PUBLIC PLACES AND

INSTITUTIONS

1. ADMINISTRATIVE AND GEOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND

Nalgarha is a peri-urban village located along the fringes of Noida, Uttar Pradesh, and
currently comes under the jurisdiction of the Noida Municipal Corporation. This shift
from its earlier panchayat governance to an urban administrative setup reflects the
increasing urban encroachment and the changing identity of the village. Despite being
situated within the reach of a rapidly developing city, many aspects of Nalgadha remain
rooted in rural life. A notable infrastructural feature is the Noida Sector 52 Metro Line,
which passes directly in front of the village—highlighting its spatial closeness to the
urban core while underscoring a persistent lack of access to urban amenities and services.

2. RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL LANDMARKS

Religious institutions structure the cultural landscape of Nalgarha. A Hindu temple marks
the entrance of the village, functioning as a key site for worship and community
gatherings. At the other end, nestled within the residential area, lies a Gurudwara that
plays a central role in the spiritual and socio-political life of the Sikh community. These

65
landmarks represent not just spaces of devotion but also reflect the pluralistic and
culturally vibrant nature of the village.

3. COMMERCIAL SERVICES
Commercial activity in Nalgarha remains limited and informal. The village is home to
just two small grocery shops that cater to basic household needs. Additionally, there are a
few welding shops and poultry vendors near the village entrance. These small-scale
businesses indicate a modest local economy that continues to function within a primarily
subsistence framework.

4. LAW ENFORCEMENT AND POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT

Policing and law enforcement for the village fall under the jurisdiction of Police Station
142, located in Sector 143A of Noida. Politically, the Sikh community in Nalgadha is
notably active. One of their long-standing demands is the construction of a memorial
dedicated to Shaheed Bhagat Singh. Although land has been officially allocated by the
government for this purpose, actual construction has yet to begin—pointing to
bureaucratic delays and a disconnect between state promises and on-ground execution.

66
5. INFRASTRUCTURAL GAPS AND PUBLIC SERVICES
Despite its close physical proximity to Noida’s urban infrastructure, Nalgadha suffers
from major infrastructural deficits. During my field visits, I observed the complete
absence of public utilities such as a cemetery, community park, marriage hall, dam, old
age home, or even a village bus stop. There are no government-run schools or health
centres. The only available healthcare facility is a small private clinic run by a Bengali
practitioner, which provides basic services but lacks formal recognition. With no
educational institutions in the area, children are forced to travel outside the village for
schooling. These gaps point to systemic neglect and raise critical questions about
development priorities in rapidly urbanizing peripheries.

3.3. SHORT DESCRIPTION OF VILLAGE

1. ETHNIC COMPOSITION
Nalgadha village is characterized by a diverse social fabric comprising multiple caste and
religious groups. The majority population consists of Hindu castes, particularly Jats and
Gujjars, who possess considerable economic clout owing to their longstanding
landownership and historical settlement in the area. These groups exert significant
influence over village affairs, both through their economic resources and entrenched
social networks.

A small but influential Sikh community, comprising roughly 10 to 12 households, owns a

substantial portion of the village's agricultural land. Despite their limited demographic
size, they play a prominent role in the village’s agrarian and religious life.

Members of Scheduled Castes, including Balmikis and Chamars, also reside in the
village, often engaging in manual labor and service-oriented roles. A few Muslim families
from varied caste backgrounds are also part of the social composition.

In recent years, migrant families—both Hindu and Muslim—have moved into the village,
attracted by employment prospects in the nearby urban-industrial zones of Noida. These
newcomers contribute to the evolving demographic landscape and social dynamics of the
village.

67
2. PHYSICAL FEATURES
Situated on the flat alluvial plains of the Doab region—between the Ganga and Yamuna
rivers—Nalgadha is surrounded by fertile agricultural fields. The central settlement
comprises interconnected homes and narrow pathways, with open farmlands extending
outward. During field visits, wheat harvesting was actively underway, underscoring the
ongoing relevance of seasonal agriculture. The

landscape is expansive, dotted with scattered trees offering shade, and has a calm rural
ambiance despite urban proximity.

[Link]
Residents primarily speak Western Hindi dialects closely related to Khari Boli,
facilitating communication within and between caste groups. The Sikh households often
speak Punjabi in domestic settings, maintaining cultural continuity. The younger
generation, influenced by nearby urban centers like Noida, has growing exposure to urban
Hindi and basic English, reflecting linguistic adaptation to changing socio-economic
contexts.

[Link] AND ORNAMENTS

Traditional clothing continues to hold cultural significance. Men typically wear kurta-
pajama or shirt and trousers, while women prefer sarees and salwar-kameez. Among
Sikhs, turban-wearing remains a visible marker of religious and cultural identity. Women
commonly adorn themselves with ornaments such as nose rings (nath), glass bangles
(chudi), toe rings, and mangalsutra for married women. Gold and silver jewelry are
prominently worn during rituals and festive occasions.

68
[Link] AND DRINK
The daily diet in Nalgarha centers on wheat chapatis, rice, pulses, and seasonal
vegetables. Dairy products—milk, curd, and buttermilk—are integral to meals, especially
in households that rear livestock. Non-vegetarian food is consumed occasionally and
varies by caste and cultural norms. Tea is the most frequently consumed beverage, and
while alcohol is present, its consumption is socially regulated and often concealed.

6. RELIGION
Religion remains deeply embedded in the everyday life of Nalgadha residents. Hinduism
is the dominant faith, with deities like Shiva, Hanuman, Durga, and Krishna worshipped
widely. Rituals, temple visits, and festival observances form key aspects of social and
spiritual life.

The Sikh community actively maintains religious identity through daily practices at the
Gurudwara, which also functions as a communal hub. Kirtan, Ardas, and Langar are
regularly conducted.

Though smaller in number, the Muslim families in the village are devoted to their faith.
Religious texts like the Qur'an Sharif are kept in homes, and Islamic practices are
followed earnestly during major observances such as Ramzan and Eid. Due to the absence
of a mosque, most prayers and rituals are performed within the household.

Overall, the village exemplifies interfaith harmony, with occasional participation in each
other's festivals and social events.

[Link] AND FESTIVALS

Festivals are celebrated with great enthusiasm and cultural vibrancy. Among Hindus, key
festivals include Diwali, Holi, Navratri, and Raksha Bandhan. For Sikhs, Lohri, Vaisakhi,
and Guru Nanak Jayanti hold special spiritual significance.

Muslim households observe Eid al-Adha, Eid al-Fitr, and Muharram with community and
familial devotion.

69
Though large fairs are rare, religious congregations at temples and the Gurudwara see
significant participation. Informal gatherings during harvest seasons often include
community meals and musical celebrations.

[Link] AND KINSHIP

Clans (gotras) remain a vital social institution, particularly among Jats, Gujjars, and other
caste groups. These lineages play a critical role in defining social identity and guiding
marital alliances. In accordance with customary norms, individuals from the same gotra
refrain from intermarriage.

Kinship terminology follows standard North Indian patrilineal patterns, with distinctions
like tau (father’s elder brother), chacha (father’s younger brother), mama (mother’s
brother), and mausa (mother’s sister’s husband). Kinship networks are instrumental in
marriage negotiations, ritual responsibilities, and economic cooperation.

[Link] STRUCTURE
The family system is largely patriarchal and patrilocal, with joint families being more
common among older generations. However, nuclear families are on the rise, particularly
among younger couples who have migrated to nearby cities for work. Inheritance is
primarily patrilineal, with the eldest son often taking a leadership role in familial matters
after consulting with other family members, especially his spouse.

[Link] PRACTICES
Marriage remains largely arranged, with caste, gotra, and economic compatibility being
primary considerations. Though dowry is officially discouraged, it continues informally
in practice. Hindu weddings follow ritual traditions, accompanied by communal feasts
and celebratory music.

70
In the Sikh community, marriages are solemnized at the Gurudwara, with the couple
circumambulating the Guru Granth Sahib. The spiritual focus of these ceremonies is
complemented by langar and collective celebrations.

Muslim weddings involve the Nikah ceremony, officiated by a Maulana, during which the
groom gives Mahr to the bride. Celebrations typically include Mehndi and Valima,
reflecting the joy of union within Islamic tradition.

Inter-caste and love marriages remain rare and often face resistance from traditional
segments of the community.

[Link]
Agriculture continues to serve as a key occupation in Nalgadha, particularly in the
expansive farmland surrounding the central village settlement. The primary crops include
wheat (rabi) and rice (kharif), following traditional agrarian cycles.

A significant portion of land is held by Sikh families, who either cultivate it directly using
modern techniques or lease it to others on annual contracts. This practice allows landless
or small-scale farmers from within or outside the village to engage in farming, offering a
model of economic interdependence that balances ownership and opportunity.

[Link] ORGANIZATION
Nalgarha no longer operates under a traditional gram panchayat system, having been
absorbed into the jurisdiction of the Noida Municipal Corporation. This administrative
transformation reflects broader processes of urban expansion and governance
restructuring.

Nevertheless, the village retains a strong sense of informal community governance.

Collective discussions involving representatives from different castes are convened when
issues arise—ranging from infrastructure to religious or social matters. This informal
decision-making process underscores a participatory ethos rooted in local values of
cooperation and consensus.

71
[Link] CULTURE
The material culture of Nalgadha reflects both continuity and change. Houses are
predominantly constructed from brick and cement, ranging from single-storey to multi-
storey dwellings. Traditional farming implements—ploughs, sickles, grain bins, and
manual carts—are still visible in use or preserved for heritage.

A culturally significant artifact is a stone used by freedom fighters during the

independence movement to make bombs, according to oral histories. This item
symbolizes the village’s historical consciousness and nationalist pride. Photographs and
vintage equipment from that era are also preserved in select households.

Other objects of daily use include charpais, steel utensils, milking vessels, and tools
associated with animal husbandry. The presence of religious artefacts—from idols and
scriptures to incense holders and prayer mats—further reflects the spiritual dimensions of
material life in Nalgarha.

[Link] DYNAMICS
Caste remains a defining element of social structure. Jats and Gujjars continue to wield
significant power owing to their landholding status and social capital. Scheduled Caste
groups often live in separate lanes and perform specific occupational tasks. Practices like
inter-caste dining are limited, and caste identity influences marriage norms, access to
resources, and labor relations, underscoring ongoing stratification.

[Link]
Genealogical knowledge is carefully maintained, especially among dominant caste
groups. These oral histories are pivotal during marriage negotiations, helping to verify
lineage, avoid intra-gotra unions, and affirm social status. Such knowledge is typically

72
transmitted along the male line and reaffirmed during festivals, life-cycle events, and kin-
based rituals.

73
4. SPECIAL TOPIC

TITLE – LISTENING TO TIME : VOICES OF THE AGED IN

NALGARHA

INTRODUCTION-

Ageing in a village is not merely the passage of time—it is the unfolding of a life shaped
by land, labor, family, and faith. In places like Nalgadha, where fields stretch wide and
memories run deep, old age carries both dignity and difficulty. Unlike in urban settings
where elder care often shifts to institutions, village elders remain embedded in the
rhythms of daily life—tilling, praying, storytelling, and enduring.

Yet, as the winds of urbanization brush against rural boundaries, traditional roles and
expectations of the elderly are quietly being renegotiated. Joint families fragment, youth
migrate for work, and the symbolic authority once enjoyed by elders faces erosion. This
study enters that intimate space of change, seeking to understand what it truly means to
grow old in a village today. Through lived narratives of aged villagers—some revered,
some forgotten—we explore how culture, caste, gender, and economy intersect to shape
the ageing experience in contemporary rural India.

74
RATIONALE OF STUDY –
Ageing is not merely a biological process but a deeply social and cultural experience that
unfolds within specific historical, economic, and familial contexts. In India, particularly in
rural settings like Nalgadha village, the lives of elderly individuals are shaped by dynamic
interplays of caste, religion, gender, family structures, and economic change. As traditional
joint families face fragmentation and migration accelerates due to urban-industrial expansion
(like nearby Noida), the ageing population encounters shifting roles, dependencies, and
challenges.

This study adopts an ethnographic approach to understand ageing as a lived experience,

exploring the realities of elderly individuals across caste, class, and gender lines. By engaging
in in-depth case studies of elderly residents—including a financially dependent Brahmin man,
a wealthy Sikh landowner, and an elderly Sikh woman—this research reveals how ageing is
shaped by economic security, religious involvement, kinship ties, health conditions, and
social respect.

The rationale for this study lies in the need to humanize ageing beyond statistical or policy
perspectives. It seeks to capture the nuanced, everyday realities of the elderly in rural India,
highlighting their resilience, struggles, and strategies for meaning-making in later life.
Moreover, it offers insights into intergenerational relationships, care dynamics, and the
sociocultural dimensions of ageing that are often overlooked in mainstream discourses.

By grounding the analysis in ethnographic casework, the study contributes to anthropological

understandings of personhood, ageing, and the changing contours of rural life in
contemporary India.

75
AIM OF THE STUDY-

The primary aim of this study is to explore and understand the lived experiences of the
elderly in Nalgarha village, focusing on their everyday life, wellbeing, intergenerational
relationships, economic conditions, religious practices, and perceptions of ageing within a
changing socio-cultural landscape.

OBJECTIVES-

1. To document the life histories and personal narratives of elderly individuals in

Nalgarha to understand their past and present lived experiences.

2. To examine the daily routines, health conditions, and emotional wellbeing of the aged
population in the village context

3. To analyze the economic conditions of elderly people, including their dependence,

pension access, and financial autonomy.

4. To explore religious beliefs and practices among the elderly and their role in coping
with ageing and building community connections.

5. To understand the intergenerational relationships between the elderly and their

children or grandchildren and how roles and responsibilities have shifted over time.

6. To assess the availability and accessibility of care and support systems for the elderly
in the absence of institutional frameworks.

76
CASE STUDIES

Case Study 1:
1. NAME- BABU
AGE- 70 YEARS
RELIGION- HINDU
CASTE- RAJPUT
ECONOMIC STATUS : BPL
MARITAL STATUS- MARRIED
EDUCATION- TILL CLASS 12TH

1. Personal Background & Life Story

The elderly participant described his childhood as the happiest period of his life. He
recalled a time when, despite limited financial means, life was peaceful and content: "Tab
mehangai nahi thi." The village was calm, stress-free, and filled with joy. He fondly
remembered playing traditional games like gulli danda and paena, and celebrating
festivals such as Rakshabandhan and Teej by eating sweets and pakodis.

One of his most cherished memories is going to the cinema to watch movies starring
Dharmendra and Rajesh Khanna. He was deeply influenced by his father, who ensured his
education up to the 12th grade and provided a nurturing environment that included
drinking buffalo milk daily. His father instilled in him the values of honesty and purity of
heart.

His marriage was arranged by their parents when he was 25 and his wife was 19. They
had not met before the wedding. Today, he has five children (2 sons and 3 daughters), all
of whom are married. While one son lives in a separate room, the other resides nearby. He
also has seven grandchildren (5 granddaughters and 2 grandsons), the closest of whom is
Aryan. His grandchildren call him "Baba."

2. Daily Routine & Wellbeing

77
Each day begins with a run, followed by bathing and spiritual practices like bhajans. In
the evenings, he engages in light labour and spends time with his grandchildren.
However, he shared deep emotional distress, stating, "Nothing makes me happy now. I'm
just waiting for God to take me."

His relationship with his son and daughter-in-law has deteriorated. He feels unheard and
disrespected, lamenting, "No one listens to me." On days when he feels extremely lonely,
he simply steps outside. He doesn’t frequent any particular places in the village.

He enjoys listening to old film songs and dialogues from movies like Kranti, Jugnu,
Mughal-e-Azam, Haste Zakhm, and Jwar Bhata. While he previously used a radio, he
now watches these on his phone and hopes to buy a new radio soon.

3. Economic Life

Earlier, he worked as a tractor driver for Sikh landlords, driving Russian and Belarus-
made tractors. He earned Rs. 20 for day and night shifts. He later switched to farming
rented land but had to abandon it due to the exploitation by landowners.

Currently, his wife occasionally collects paddy under the sun. His pension has been stuck
for years, and despite approaching the Patwari, no help has been extended. He described
the Patwari as corrupt. Presently, he does small manual jobs when possible but remains
financially dependent.

He does not receive any monetary help from his sons. He feels particularly hurt that
despite having two sons, neither is willing to give him even Rs. 500. He suspects that his
daughter-in-law has influenced his son against him and noted that she does not show him
the traditional respect of covering her head. He appreciated the interviewer for doing so.
When asked who he turns to for help, he said, "No one is there to help."

4. Religion, Traditions & Beliefs

78
His faith lies in Krishna, Shiva, Brahma, Vishnu, and the local deity Kalkaji. He conducts
aarti and chants Om daily. Among festivals, Janmashtami holds the most importance to
him. He observes fasting, sings bhajans and kirtans, and visits temples during religious
occasions.

He feels that his religious faith has deepened in old age. As a young man, religion was not
a central part of his life, but now it is his source of emotional solace. When he feels
troubled or unwell, he prays to Krishna and Shiva in his home.

5. Health, Ageing, and Care

Physically, he is unfit and suffers from diabetes and gastric issues. Due to a lack of
money, he does not consult doctors regularly. Instead, he uses home remedies like bitter
gourd juice (karela ka juice). He previously sought treatment from a doctor near
Vishwavidyalaya Metro Station in Delhi, but can no longer afford it.

His wife is his primary caregiver. She sometimes borrows money from neighbors to buy
his medicine. When asked about his biggest health challenge, he expressed fear of severe
illness, especially because he lacks support.

6. Family, Relations, and Community

Post his sons’ marriages, his relationship with them deteriorated. While they initially
cared for him for two years, they gradually withdrew. Today, he feels neglected and
excluded from family decisions.

Despite this, he shares a strong emotional bond with his grandson Aryan. He says, “If
something happens to Aryan, my heart trembles.” His grandchildren sit with him and
listen to his stories. He teaches them values like respect for elders and greeting guests
with namaste.

He has one or two friends in the village, but he rarely visits them now, citing that they are
wealthy and he feels out of place. He feels happiest during festivals like Holi when he can
celebrate with peers.
79
7. Nostalgia, Reflections, and Life Lessons

He believes the best years of his life were those spent with his parents. Life was simpler
and happier then. He deeply misses the peace and emotional closeness of those days.

His advice to younger generations is to stay on the right path, greet guests with kindness,
and help the needy. He recounts always helping beggars and emphasizes treating family
with generosity. Even today, he gives money to his sister during her visits, even if it
means borrowing from others.

When asked if there's anything he still wishes to do, he simply said, “I just want to eat
good food. The body doesn't work in old age.”

Conclusion

The study provides a layered understanding of the socio-cultural dimensions of ageing in

rural India. Through his story, we witness a shift from collective joy to individual
solitude, from intergenerational care to emotional neglect. Yet, amid hardship, his
unwavering faith, memories of love, and commitment to moral values illuminate the quiet
strength with which he endures the final stages of life.

This case study highlights the urgent need for policy attention to elderly care, improved
pension systems, and cultural education that emphasizes respect for elders in rapidly
changing family dynamics.

80
CASE STUDY 2 –
NAME: HARJEET KAUR
GENDER: FEMALE
AGE: 74 YEARS
CASTE/COMMUNITY: SIKH
ECONOMIC STATUS: FINANCIALLY SECURE
EDUCATION: ILLITERATE
MARITAL STATUS: WIDOW SINCE AGE 60

[Link] Background & Life Story

Harjeet Kaur, aged 74, is a respected elder in Nalgarha village. She was born in 1951 in a
small village in Punjab and migrated with her family to Delhi in her early teens during the
post-Partition resettlement. Harjeet never received formal education but learned
household work, farming tasks, and religious customs from her mother.

“My childhood was full of simplicity,” she recalls, smiling faintly. “We had very little, but
our hearts were big. We used to play 'kikli' and 'pithoo' in the fields. Festivals were grand
– especially Lohri and Baisakhi – full of singing and dancing.”

Her favorite memory that still brings her joy is sitting on her father’s cycle bar and going
to the melas (fairs). “Oh din kade bhull ni sakdi…,” she says, her eyes lighting up.

Her most influential figure was her mother, who, she says, taught her everything from
prayer to perseverance. At age 17, she was married through an arranged match to Sardar
Manjeet Singh, a farmer. “We didn’t see each other until our wedding day. But Waheguru
ne vadhiya joda banaya.”

Harjeet is now the matriarch of a large family – she has three sons and two daughters, all
married. She lives with her eldest son’s family in their ancestral home. Her seven
grandchildren affectionately call her “Biji,” and she says her bond with Simran, her
youngest granddaughter, is the strongest.

81
2. Daily Routine & Wellbeing

Harjeet starts her day at 4:30 a.m. with Nitnem (morning Sikh prayers), followed by
sweeping the courtyard and making morning tea. She then bathes and lights incense
before the small Guru Granth Sahib shrine in her house.

Afternoons are spent watching religious programs or talking to neighborhood women. In

the evenings, she supervises the children's studies or watches Punjabi serials.

When asked what makes her happy, she says, “Sukoon milta hai jab sab ghar ch shaanti
naal hove” – peace in the house brings me peace.

She admits that sometimes she feels lonely, especially when everyone is busy, but she
handles it by reading from her prayer book or calling her sister on the phone.

Her favorite places in the village are the Gurdwara Sahib and the old peepal tree near the
pond, where she once sat with friends in her youth.

She enjoys listening to old devotional songs by Bhai Harjinder Singh and occasionally
watches films like Chann Pardesi on her son’s phone.

[Link] Life

In her younger days, Harjeet worked shoulder to shoulder with her husband on their small
agricultural plot. “I carried dung, harvested wheat, and cooked three meals a day,” she
says. She never earned a salary, but contributed heavily through unpaid labor.

With age and her husband’s passing ten years ago, she no longer works. She receives a
widow pension of ₹2,000 monthly, which her son helped apply for. Though she does not
have personal income, she is not financially stressed.

82
“My son takes care of everything. He buys my medicines and never lets me feel like a
burden,” she says with pride. When asked if she ever has to ask for money, she gently
smiles, “Mainu puchna ni painda, oh khud samajh jande ne.”

4. Religion, Traditions & Beliefs

Faith is central to Harjeet’s life. She has unwavering devotion to Guru Nanak Dev Ji,
Guru Gobind Singh Ji, and Waheguru. Her religious practices include Nitnem in the
morning, Rehraas Sahib in the evening, and attending kirtans in the Gurdwara every
sangat di raat.

She looks forward to Janmashtami and Gurpurab the most. “On Gurpurab, we make
langar. I still chop vegetables and roll rotis with the younger ladies,” she says.

During illness or worry, she chants Waheguru simran and reads Sukhmani Sahib. Her
faith, she says, has grown stronger with age. “Jawani ch rabb nu yaad karna mushkil
hunda si. Ajj har saans naal usda naam hai.”

5. Health, Ageing, and Care

Physically, Harjeet suffers from arthritis in her knees and high blood pressure. Despite
this, she tries to remain active in household chores.

She uses home remedies like ajwain water for gas and haldi milk for pain. Occasionally,
her son takes her to a private doctor in Rohini. She stopped going to government hospitals
due to long waiting hours.

When she falls sick, her daughter-in-law brings her medicines and helps with massages.
“She’s like my own daughter,” Harjeet says, showing a rare bond between elder and
daughter-in-law.

Her biggest health scare was a mild heart attack five years ago. “I thought Waheguru was
calling me, but I prayed and survived,” she says.

83
 6. Family, Relations, and Community

Family is everything to Harjeet. After her husband's death, her children ensured she never
felt abandoned. “They made sure my space in the house was never lost,” she says.

Her grandchildren sit with her in the evenings. She shares stories of Partition, Punjabi
folktales, and values of humility and service.

She is often consulted in family decisions—be it about weddings, naming children, or

land matters. “Bina meri raza de kuch nahi hunda,” she says with a light laugh.

She feels most emotionally attached to Simran, who reads the Gutka Sahib for her and
accompanies her to the Gurdwara.

Although she has a few elderly friends in the neighborhood, she doesn’t visit much

now due to her knees. They occasionally meet during festivals like Lohri or Gurpurab.

[Link], Reflections, and Life Lessons

When asked about her best years, Harjeet’s eyes become misty. “Mera pati, meri maa,
mere chhote bacche – oh din sab ton wadh si.” She misses the simplicity and warmth of
her younger days.

Her advice to today’s youth is: “Nimrata naal jiyo, vaddiyan da aadar karo, te har din
Waheguru da shukar manao.” (Live with humility, respect elders, and thank God every
day.)

She believes life was better in her youth – “Kam si, thakan si, par dilan vich pyaar si. Ajj
sab kuch hai, par sama nahi.”

Her only remaining wish is to go once more to the Golden Temple in Amritsar. “Maut ton
pehla bas ek vaar Darbar Sahib de darshan kar lawaan.”

84
Conclusion-

Harjeet Kaur’s case reflects a relatively secure and respected experience of ageing. Unlike
many elderly individuals who face neglect, she lives in emotional, financial, and spiritual
stability. Her story highlights the importance of religious grounding, intergenerational
respect, meaningful household roles, and emotional bonds, offering a hopeful model for
ageing in rural and semi-urban India.

CASE STUDY 3:

NAME- RAGHUBIR SINGH

AGE- 72 YEARS
RELIGION- SIKH
CASTE- SANDHU
MARITAL STATUS- WIDOWER
EDUCATION- TILL CLASS 8TH

1. Personal Background & Life History

Raghubir Singh is a 72-year-old Jat Sikh man residing in Nalgarha village. He was born
and raised in the same village, where his family had ancestral farmland and a small dairy
setup. His father was a respected figure in the panchayat, and Raghubir grew up believing
that farming was a noble and self-sufficient life.

He studied till Class 8 and dropped out to help his father in the fields. He married at the
age of 22, and he and his wife had four children—three daughters and one son. Over time,
the family land was divided among brothers, and his share was further fragmented after
marriage.

“In the 90s, agriculture started failing us. Paani kam ho gaya, aur khaad-maandi mehngi
ho gayi,” he explained. To support the family, Raghubir began working as a daily wage
labourer during non-harvest seasons. “Zameen thi, par pet bharne ko mazdoori bhi karni
padti thi.”
85
Now, he lives with his eldest daughter and her husband, after his son moved to Ludhiana
and gradually cut off ties.

2. Daily Routine & General Wellbeing

Raghubir wakes up around 6 AM and starts his day by sweeping the small verandah and
feeding the one remaining cow in their house. He spends the rest of his day either sitting
near the village park or helping his son-in-law with odd jobs, like carrying sacks or
watering plants.

He doesn't have a fixed routine anymore. “Ab waqt ka kya hai, khaali hi rehta hai. Kabhi
kabhi langar mein chala jaata hoon ya kisi ki chhoti-moti madad kar leta hoon.”

He eats whatever is cooked at home—usually roti, sabzi, and sometimes dal. He has lost
most of his teeth and often prefers soft foods. He is content when he is treated with
respect, and feels ignored when the family doesn’t consult him in decisions.

“Hamesha lagta hai main bojh hoon. Bina maange toh koi paani bhi nahi deta.”

3. Economic Condition

Raghubir does not have a pension. The family land has been sold by his son without
much of his consent. He has no savings or bank account in his name. His only occasional
income comes from helping at the gurdwara or assisting neighbours during functions.

“Main toh sochta tha zameen aur beta mera sahaara banega. Dono haath chhuda ke nikal
gaye.”

He sometimes relies on free langar at the local Gurdwara Sahib or subsidized rations
under the Old Age Scheme. However, his son-in-law, who works as a driver, is the only
steady breadwinner of the house, and there is visible tension over supporting Raghubir.
86
4. Religion, Traditions, and Beliefs

Raghubir remains religious but not ritualistic. He goes to the gurdwara when possible,
especially on Sundays and Gurpurab. He doesn't fast but recites Japji Sahib regularly.

He believes in the concept of sewa and finds peace in sitting quietly at the gurdwara even
if no one talks to him. “Wahan jaake sukoon milta hai. Kam se kam koi baat toh karta
hai.”

Despite being religious, he doesn’t idealize everything: “Mann karta hai ke bhagwan ne
bhi kuch zyada hi pariksha le li.”

5. . Health & Ageing Experience

Raghubir has chronic knee pain and high blood pressure. He was once taken to a
government hospital after fainting, but mostly avoids hospitals due to lack of money and
long waiting times. He uses an ayurvedic oil for his joints and relies on his daughter for
basic care.

“Bimari ka dard kam hai, par doosron pe nirbhar hone ka dard zyada hai.”

He often feels depressed, especially when he’s left alone in the room while the rest of the
family eats together. He doesn’t always say it, but admits: “Kabhi kabhi lagta hai chup-
chap chale jaana hi sahi hoga.”

6. Family, Relationships & Dependency

87
His relationship with his daughter is relatively warm, but he remains emotionally
wounded by his son’s abandonment. The son sends money occasionally but never calls.
“Beta mera hai, par sirf kagazon mein. Zameen bech ke apna kaam bana liya.”

His daughters visit sometimes during festivals and take care of him when possible, but
they’re also married and burdened by their own homes.

He says there is a loss of respect for elders today. “Pehle budhon se salah li jaati thi, ab
unhe taang samjha jaata hai.”

7. Reflections on Past & Life Philosophy

Raghubir often reminisces about the older days when “ek thaali mein poora parivaar
khata tha” and there was joy in simplicity. He feels technology and greed have distanced
people.

He believes ageing has made him invisible: “Main toh hoon, par jaise koi nahi dekhta.”

He advises the youth to not forget their roots or elders: “Ghar ki dehleez par baitha budha
kisi bhi pathshala se zyada seekh de sakta hai.”

Conclusion -

Raghubir Singh’s story illustrates the struggles of rural elderly caught between traditional
values and modern indifference. He faces emotional neglect, economic dependency, and
health challenges, yet maintains a quiet strength rooted in his identity as a farmer and a
father.

His life reflects the real experience of elderly men in rural India—not defined by dramatic
events, but by slow erosion of social relevance, fading respect, and unmet emotional
needs.

88
ANALYSIS OF CASE STUDIES –

THEMATIC ANALYSIS

1. Nostalgia & Changing Village Life

Elders recall their childhoods as “peaceful and sweet,” filled with joy despite financial
limitations.
“Tab mehngai nahi thi” (there was no inflation back then) reflects not just economic
comparison but a longing for a time when life felt simpler, slower, and more communal.
Traditional games like gulli danda and festivals like Teej and Rakshabandhan brought
collective joy.

Insight: This nostalgia is both emotional and symbolic. It reflects a contrast between
collectivist pasts and atomized presents. The transition from joint to nuclear households
and from agrarian rhythms to urbanized lifestyles has generated a sense of cultural
dislocation among the elderly.

2. Economic Vulnerability and Dependency

Many elders worked in informal or labor-intensive jobs—tractor driving, farming,
construction—without pensions or savings.
Several complain of being financially dependent on sons who are themselves under
economic pressure.
Pension systems are bureaucratically inefficient or inaccessible—“my pension is stuck,
patwari is cheating me.”

Insight: The elderly find themselves in a precarious position: economically unproductive

yet economically dependent, often without institutional support. This undermines
traditional Indian ideals of seva (service) toward elders and reflects the cracks in the
familial support system under neoliberal pressures.

89
3. Religion as Solace and Structure
Increased religious activity is common—bhajans, aarti, temple visits.
Festivals like Janmashtami bring meaning and routine.
Religion provides a daily structure, spiritual companionship, and emotional relief from
loneliness.

Insight: Religion becomes a coping mechanism for existential anxiety. For many, God
replaces the absent family. The old turn to devotion not just out of faith but to fill the void
left by social neglect and loss of purpose. It aligns with the anthropological concept of
“sacred continuity”—turning to ritual to maintain identity.

4. Emotional Displacement within the Family

Many elders feel neglected or even disrespected by their sons and daughters-in-law.
Patriarchal norms are challenged: women (daughters-in-law) don't cover their heads,
elders are excluded from decisions.
Grandchildren offer emotional relief—bonds like “Aryan is my closest” are deeply
valued.

Insight: There’s a painful shift from authority to invisibility. In older models of kinship,
ageing men were decision-makers; now, they are often viewed as burdens. Emotional
bonds are intergenerationally inconsistent—elders feel disillusioned by their sons but find
some solace in their grandchildren.

90
 5. Physical Decline and Inadequate Health Support
Health issues like diabetes, gas, and body pain are common.
Access to formal healthcare is rare due to costs; elders rely on home remedies (e.g., karela
juice).
Wives or daughters often provide care in unpaid and unnoticed ways.

Insight: There is a glaring absence of geriatric infrastructure in rural settings. Traditional

family care systems are eroding, yet no formal healthcare net has replaced them. The
elderly are caught in a gap where neither the state nor the family ensures their health
dignity.

6. Social Withdrawal and Psychological Isolation

Elders express feelings like “nothing makes me happy,” or “just waiting for God to take
me.”
Their participation in community activities is limited or absent.
Friendships have declined—“they are rich people, I don’t go now.”

Insight: This aligns with Disengagement Theory—the idea that elders gradually retreat
from social roles. But in Nalgarha, this is often involuntary. It is shaped by class-based
exclusion, mobility issues, and a sense of worthlessness, especially when economic and
social contributions are no longer recognized.

7. Intergenerational Values and Legacy

Elders emphasize values like respect, hospitality, and compassion—“greet every guest
with namaste and water.”
Insight: This reflects their enduring desire to act as moral custodians. Even when their
physical role in the family shrinks, elders assert a cultural presence by passing on values.
It is their way of asserting relevance and continuing kinship traditions despite diminished
authority.

91
PATTERNS AND CONTRADICTIONS-‘

Contradictions in Elderly Lives:

1. Reverence for the Elderly vs. Everyday Disrespect

Cultural Ideal: Elders are considered wise and deserving of respect (“buzurgon ki
izzat”).
Lived Reality: Many feel ignored, disrespected, or excluded from decision-making at
home.
Contradiction: The normative status of elders as moral authorities clashes with their
functional marginalization, especially in nuclear or economically strained households.

2. Joint Family Ideal vs. Emotional Isolation

Cultural Value: Joint families are meant to provide lifelong security and
interdependence.
Experience: Even in joint households, many elders feel emotionally disconnected—
treated more as burdens than companions.
Contradiction: The presence of physical proximity does not guarantee emotional
belonging, showing a weakening of traditional kinship [Link] share life
lessons with grandchildren but feel unheard by adults.

3. Spiritual Fulfillment vs. Social Withdrawal

Observation: Increased religiosity is widespread, with elders turning to bhajans, temple
visits, or God as emotional anchors.
Tension: While religion offers inner peace, it often masks social abandonment and
reduced participation in community life.
Contradiction: Spirituality emerges not just from devotion, but from necessity—replacing
lost human connections.

92
4. Pride in Simpler Past vs. Powerlessness in Present
Narratives: Elders glorify the past as morally and socially richer, where everyone cared
for each other.
Current Life: They feel helpless in adapting to new systems, from technology to pensions
and healthcare bureaucracy.
Contradiction: The transition from contributors to dependents makes them nostalgic, but
also disempowered in present realities.

6. Desire for Independence vs. Physical and Economic Dependency

Mindset: Many express frustration at not being able to earn or make personal decisions.

Reality: They are dependent on sons/daughters-in-law for financial help, mobility, and
food.

Contradiction: This produces an internal conflict: they desire autonomy but live within
constrained dependency—highlighting how ageing reduces agency in patriarchal systems.

6. Intimacy with Grandchildren vs. Alienation from Adult Children

Observation: Elders often feel emotionally closer to their grandchildren, who “listen to
them” and show affection.
Breakdown: Their adult sons/daughters-in-law are either too busy, emotionally distant, or
disrespectful.
Contradiction: The generation that should care (children) often fails to, while the one not
expected to (grandchildren) provides emotional meaning.

93
Emerging Patterns in Ageing Experiences:

1. Rituals and Religion as Substitutes for Routine and Belonging

Religious engagement becomes a stabilizing ritual in an otherwise uncertain daily life.
Bhajans, fasting, and temple visits offer structure, symbolic participation, and spiritual
escape.

2. Gendered Roles in Care and Neglect

Wives are the primary caregivers for ill husbands, while elderly women receive far less
consistent care.
Daughters-in-law are expected to serve, but often become sources of tension and
negotiation, especially when patriarchal expectations persist.

3. Class-Driven Social Withdrawal

Poor elders tend to withdraw from social interactions, especially if they perceive others as
wealthier or better off.
Economic status directly influences confidence in public participation—e.g., attending
gurdwara events, weddings, or village meetings.

4. Loss of Role and Identity in Modern Rural Contexts

Elders were once landowners, craftsmen, or skilled laborers; now they are reduced to
passive observers.

The loss of productive work leads to a diminished sense of self-worth and identity.

94
7. Use of Memory to Reassert Value

Stories of childhood, past struggles, and village history are narrative tools used by elders

to reaffirm their importance.

Memory-sharing becomes a way to reclaim authority, pass on wisdom, and cope with’

marginalization.

THEORETRICAL ANALYSIS –

1. STRUCTURAL FUNCTIONALISM & ROLE THEORY

Theorists: Talcott Parsons, Radcliffe-Brown

Application: Traditionally, the elderly held key structural roles in families (decision-
makers, ritual leaders, storytellers).
Now, their role diminishes post-retirement, especially economically and socially.
The loss of structural roles (e.g., wage-earner, land cultivator) leads to role strain and
anomie, particularly when younger generations no longer view them as vital.

Pattern Connection: Loss of identity and social withdrawal due to role displacement in

modernizing rural structures.

95
2. SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONISM

Theorists: George Herbert Mead, Erving Goffman

Application:

The self is constantly negotiated through everyday interactions.

Elderly people's narratives (e.g., recalling childhood, festivals, suffering) are not just

memory but acts of identity construction.

Their symbolic world (bhajans, rituals, greetings like "Namaste") serves as a stage for
performing relevance in a society that increasingly sidelines them.

Contradiction Connection: Even when materially neglected, symbolic respect is

demanded—showing how interaction rituals maintain dignity.

3. POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AGEING

Theorists: Nancy Scheper-Hughes, Merrill Singer (Critical Medical Anthropology)

Application:

Ageing is not just biological, but embedded in systems of power, economy,and resource

allocation.

Pensions delayed, medical care unaffordable, and landlord dominance in agriculture

reflect structural violence.

Elderly poverty is a result of institutional neglect, not individual failure.

Pattern Connection: Economic dependency and declining health are tied to broader

political-economic systems, not just familial breakdown.

96
4. CARE ETHICS & GENDERED ANTHROPOLOGY

Theorists: Carol Gilligan, Veena Das, Margaret Mead

Application:

Care work is gendered—women (wives) provide invisible, emotional, and physical labor

in elder care.

Daughters-in-law experience dual burdens—pressured to show respect while also

managing modern domestic stress.

The moral world of care is constantly negotiated—between tradition, respect, resistance,

and emotional fatigue.

Contradiction Connection: The expectation of being served as patriarchs clashes withthe

lived tensions of caregiving women in changing kinship norms.

5. ANTHROPOLOGY OF MEMORY AND NOSTALGIA

Theorists: Michael Lambek, Paul Connerton

Application:

Elders use memory as a cultural and moral resource—to reclaim relevance and instruct

Nostalgia is not just personal, but social critique—used to contrast a “moral past” with a
fragmented present.

Pattern Connection: “Life was better then” becomes a strategy to assert value and judge
current decay in social relations.

97
6. RELIGION AND SYMBOLIC COPING

Theorists: Clifford Geertz, Victor Turner

Application:

Religious practices are not just devotional but therapeutic—giving coherence to chaotic
or lonely life stages.

Bhajans, mandir visits, and rituals are rituals of self-healing, providing continuity and
transcendence.

Contradiction Connection: While materially abandoned, elders create meaning and social
identity through the symbolic power of ritual.

7. CULTURAL ECOLOGY AND ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES

Theorists: Julian Steward, Marvin Harris

Application:

Ageing elders adapt to socio-ecological pressures: landlessness, inflation, or decline in

agrarian life.

Household-level survival strategies (e.g., wife doing manual labor, karela juice for

diabetes) reflect cultural adaptation under economic strain.

Pattern Connection: Elders modify daily life using traditional knowledge in response

to weakening institutional support.

98
INTERPRETATION -

1. Diminishing Social Authority with Age

Despite having once held central roles in the family and community, the elderly men now feel
excluded from decision-making and disrespected by younger members. This points to a
structural shift in intergenerational power dynamics, where modern family structures
increasingly prioritize the nuclear over the joint, and productivity over wisdom. Elders’ sense
of self-worth is eroded, reflecting role loss, as theorized in structural functionalism, where
older individuals no longer "fit" the active social roles they once occupied.

2. Gendered Burden of Care and Silent Suffering

The wives of these elderly men remain their primary caregivers, despite enduring financial
hardship and old age themselves. These women perform caregiving not as an obligation but
as a continuation of their gendered social identity. Their resilience is understated, reflecting
feminist anthropological insights into the often invisible labor women perform to uphold
family dignity and survival in patriarchal rural settings.

3. Emotional Displacement and Grandparent-Grandchild Bonding

A consistent theme is the emotional distance from sons but deep attachment to grandchildren.
This reveals a generational bypassing of emotional intimacy, wherein grandchildren become
vessels of love and memory continuity. The grandparents find hope and comfort in them,
partially compensating for the neglect from their own children. This aligns with symbolic
interactionism, showing how meaning and identity are renegotiated through new emotional
ties.

99
4. Spirituality as Coping and Resistance

Religion emerges as both coping mechanism and cultural resistance. Faced with social
invisibility and personal grief, elders embrace religious practices as a way to reclaim
meaning, dignity, and a moral framework in a world where they feel devalued. The sacred
becomes a space where they are still significant—where their rituals, fasting, and bhajans are
still seen and heard. Victor Turner's idea of liminality fits here, as they occupy a threshold
between social invisibility and spiritual centrality.

5. Nostalgia and Moral Critique of Modernity

The elders’ recollections of the past are not merely sentimental—they serve as a moral
critique of present times. “Tab mehangai nahi thi” is not just about prices but about a
perceived loss of communal warmth, moral clarity, and interdependence. These memories
preserve not just a personal history but a cultural narrative about what was once valuable and
is now lost. It reflects Paul Connerton's idea of memory as a means of resistance and identity
preservation.

6. Systemic Neglect and Economic Dependency

The lack of pension access and unreliable healthcare systems reflect a structural violence that
is neither seen nor addressed by the state. Elders feel betrayed by both the system and their
kin, leading to a deep sense of isolation. This aligns with medical anthropology and political
economy theories, which show how ageing is shaped not just by biology but by economic and
policy neglect.

7. Symbolic Acts of Generosity Despite Scarcity

Even in deprivation, elders continue to perform moral duties—like giving Rs. 400–500 to
visiting sisters or feeding beggars. These acts are powerful symbols of self-respect and
continuity of values, even when they come at personal cost. Such actions reaffirm the elder's
position as a moral agent rather than a passive dependent, embodying cultural transmission
across generations.

100
8. Isolation in Public Life, Belonging in Memories

The elders rarely participate in community events and express social withdrawal. Yet they
remain deeply engaged in remembering festivals, heroes like Dharmendra, and older village
customs. Their body may be absent from the public, but their mind and identity are still
anchored in collective cultural memories, suggesting symbolic continuity despite social
marginalization.

101
RECOMMENDATIONS-

1. Strengthen Family Support Structures

Counseling for Intergenerational Understanding: Organize family dialogue sessions through

local NGOs to rebuild trust and respect across generations.

Promote Value-Based Education: Incorporate respect for elders and caregiving ethics in
school and community programs.

2. Ensure Financial Security

Streamline Pension Access: Digitize pension procedures and set up mobile helpdesks in
villages to assist elders with documentation.

Elderly Job Cards under MGNREGA: Introduce light-duty roles suited for elders (e.g.,
nursery work, community watch) under rural employment schemes.

3. Improve Healthcare Access

Mobile Health Clinics: Regular village visits by healthcare vans for check-ups, chronic
illness screening, and medicine distribution.

Subsidize Medicines and Diagnostics: Provide free or low-cost medicines for diabetes,
hypertension, etc., through government-run village pharmacies.

4. Foster Emotional and Mental Wellbeing

Set Up Elderly Day-Care Centres: Create spaces for elders to gather, socialize, and participate
in activities like storytelling, bhajan, and art.

Community Volunteers & Companionship Programs: Young volunteers could regularly visit
and engage with elderly residents.

102
5. Protect and Recognize Traditional Roles

Involve Elders in Local Governance & Rituals: Respect and utilize elders’ moral authority in
village panchayat, cultural events, and conflict mediation.

Oral History Projects: Encourage recording of elderly life stories to preserve cultural heritage
and validate their lived experience.

6. Targeted Support for Elderly Women

Widow Support Schemes: Increase financial aid and provide women-centric health and
nutrition services.

Support Groups for Caregivers: Offer mental health counseling and training for elderly
women who are also caregivers.

7. Leverage Technology Access

Tech-Enabled Entertainment and Connectivity: Provide subsidized smartphones or radios

preloaded with spiritual, cultural, and health content.

Help Line for Elderly Assistance: Set up toll-free numbers for grievances, emotional support,
and medical aid.

8. Policy and Governance Reform

Village-level Elder Welfare Committees: Mandatory formation of local committees to oversee

elderly welfare schemes.

Audit and Monitor Welfare Delivery: Transparent tracking of pension, health, and nutrition
schemes to ensure they reach the intended beneficiaries.

103
5 – FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION

FINDINGS-
1. Historical and Identity Consciousness

• Bhagat Singh’s Legacy*: Nalgarha holds deep historical value as a hideout of Bhagat
Singh and INA revolutionaries, shaping a strong collective identity among residents.
However, this historical memory lacks formal state recognition or preservation.
• Oral Histories & Memory: Elders, especially those connected to figures like Karnail
Singh, act as custodians of village memory, transmitting stories that bind the
community across generations.

2. Socio-Cultural Structure and Stratification

Caste and Power Duality: A dual social structure exists between Sikh Sardars (symbolic
capital, historical authority) and Gujjars (demographic and landholding dominance),
showcasing a shift from ascribed to achieved status.

Gendered Roles in Religion: Active participation of women in langar services at the

Gurudwara reflects egalitarian Sikh traditions and counters common rural gender exclusions.

Family & Kinship Trends: While joint family structures persist, there is visible nuclearization
among younger households, especially with urban exposure.

3. Economic Life and Agrarian Change

• Agriculture under Stress: Though most households engage in agriculture, frustrations

due to crop failure, market volatility, and infrastructural neglect are rising.
• Land Commodification: The commodification of land is reshaping class relations,
with Gujjars gaining economic and political leverage through land ownership.

104
4. Religion as a Social Institution

• Gurudwara as Moral and Political Hub: The Gurudwara functions beyond religious
space—it is central to community life, moral discourse, and informal governance.
• Syncretic Traditions: Presence of both Sikh and Hindu institutions suggests religious
coexistence and shared ritual landscapes in a plural village society.

5. Urban Influence and Infrastructure

• Folk-Urban Continuum: Nalgarha exhibits both traditional rural traits (rituals,

agriculture) and modern influences (pakka roads, packaged food, digital access), yet
lacks full urban integration.
• Infrastructural Gaps: Despite proximity to Noida, the village faces poor sewerage,
water supply, healthcare, and educational facilities, creating feelings of exclusion and
neglect.

6. Ageing and Intergenerational Dynamics

• Differential Ageing Experiences: Elderly men and women experience ageing

differently based on caste, class, and gender:

1.A poor Brahmin elder reported financial dependence and social invisibility.

2.A wealthy Sikh elder remained socially and spiritually active due to economic
security and religious involvement.
3. An elderly Sikh woman, though financially stable, faced emotional neglect in her
household.

• Care Systems: Absence of formal elderly care systems. Care is primarily provided by
family, but this is declining due to economic stress and urban aspirations.

105
7. Governance and Political Culture

• No Panchayat System: The village lacks a functioning Panchayat, creating a

governance vacuum filled informally by Gurudwara authorities and powerful
community figures like Bijju Pehalwan.
• Uneven Political Voice: Dominant groups feel no need for structured governance due
to peace and order, while marginalized voices express political alienation.

8. Health Ecology and Medical Pluralism

• Medical Pluralism: Residents access both traditional healers and modern hospitals.
The presence of local healers like hakims and the "Bengali Clinic" indicates cultural
reliance on familiar care systems.
• Adaptation & Resilience: Despite infrastructural barriers, villagers display resilience
through physical labor, mutual aid, and adaptive health-seeking behavior.

9. Technology and Digital Adaptation

Elders are increasingly engaging with digital media (mobile phones, WhatsApp) to stay
connected with family or consume religious and cultural content, showing that ageing is not
synonymous with digital exclusion.

106
10. Thematic Synthesis

• Intersections of History, Identity, and Marginalization: Nalgarha’s unique combination

of historic pride and present-day neglect forms a complex identity shaped by both
empowerment and exclusion.
• Hybrid Modernity: The community balances tradition with emerging urban
influences, navigating contradictions between past legacy, cultural cohesion, and
aspirations for infrastructural development.

[Link] as a Solace for the Elderly

In Nalgarha, religion serves as a critical source of emotional refuge, moral meaning, and
social inclusion for elderly individuals navigating the challenges of ageing. The Gurudwara
Sri Sangatsar Sahib, in particular, emerges as more than a religious site—it is a sanctuary of
solace where the elderly experience spiritual continuity, dignity, and belonging.

Thus, *religion functions as a cultural safety net, compensating for the weakening of kinship-
based care systems and offering the elderly not just hope, but a dignified space to age
meaningfully

107
CONCLUSION –
The ethnographic study of Nalgarha village reveals a richly layered socio-cultural landscape
shaped by history, religion, power dynamics, and rural-urban transitions. Situated on the peri-
urban fringe of Noida, Nalgarha represents a community caught between past legacies and
present marginality. Through participant observation, interviews, and in-depth case studies—
especially with elderly villagers—the research captures the nuanced realities of life in a semi-
urban village negotiating its identity in contemporary India.

Historically, Nalgarha holds immense symbolic capital due to its association with India's
freedom struggle, particularly figures like Bhagat Singh and Karnail Singh of the Azad Hind
Fauj. Yet, this proud legacy remains largely unrecognized by the state, highlighting a stark
disconnect between national memory and local historical consciousness. The absence of
institutional recognition contributes to the community's sense of neglect, despite its deep-
seated patriotic identity.

The cultural fabric of the village is defined by the coexistence of two dominant
communities—Sikh Sardars and Hindu Gujjars—whose interactions are shaped by changing
patterns of land ownership, demographic shifts, and symbolic capital. While the Sardars
retain moral authority through their religious institutions and historical roots, the Gujjars
assert economic and numerical dominance, marking a dynamic and sometimes contested
space of power and prestige. This duality underscores the complex transformation of status
from ascribed to achieved, reflecting broader patterns of social change in rural India.

Religion, especially the Gurudwara Sri Sangatsar Sahib, emerges as a central institution of
spiritual, social, and political life. For the elderly, it is not only a space of worship but a
source of solace, social inclusion, and personal dignity. Participation in religious rituals and
sewa helps the aged remain active, respected, and emotionally fulfilled, even as familial
structures shift and caregiving patterns evolve. The Gurudwara thus serves as a
counterbalance to the limitations of state infrastructure and family support systems,
highlighting the role of sacred spaces in sustaining community cohesion and individual
wellbeing.

The study also reveals significant structural and infrastructural deficits. Despite signs of
urban influence—pakka roads, mobile usage, market goods—Nalgarha continues to suffer
from inadequate sanitation, healthcare, and education facilities. This infrastructural

108
marginalization, compounded by the absence of a Panchayat system, results in a governance
vacuum where informal leaders and religious authorities often fill the gap. While dominant
voices see this as a sign of local peace and autonomy, marginalized groups express frustration
at their political invisibility and exclusion from decision-making processes.

The experiences of ageing in Nalgarha vividly demonstrate how socio-economic class,

gender, and religion intersect to shape the lives of elderly individuals. Case studies show a
clear contrast: while economically stable elders remain socially embedded and influential,
others face neglect, loneliness, or dependency. These disparities illuminate how ageing is not
just a biological process but a deeply socio-cultural experience—mediated by kinship, class,
spiritual engagement, and access to care.

Thematically, the study draws on multiple theoretical frameworks: *structural-functionalism*

to explain institutional cohesion; *political economy* to unpack class and land-based
hierarchies; and *reflexive, praxis-oriented sociology* to highlight the agency of villagers
navigating modernity, marginalization, and memory. The concept of the *folk-urban
continuum* is particularly salient, as Nalgarha straddles the traditional and the modern, the
sacred and the secular, the remembered past and the uncertain present.

In conclusion, Nalgarha village exemplifies the contradictions of postcolonial rural India—a

community where historical pride coexists with contemporary neglect, where informal power
structures substitute for formal governance, and where offer both refuge and resilience in the
face of change. The study not only contributes to the anthropology of ageing and village life
but also raises important questions about recognition, justice, and inclusion in the wider
processes of nation-building and rural development. It calls for greater attention to local
histories, elder care, infrastructural equity, and culturally grounded policy interventions that
truly reflect the lived realities of India’s diverse rural landscapes.

109
BIBLIOGRAPHY
• DNA Web Team. (2015, March 23). Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom anniversary:
Country has forgotten his hideout Nalgarha village. DNA India.
[Link]
anniversary-country-has-forgotten-his-hideout-nalgarha-village-2071597

• Singh, Y. (2009). Social Praxis, Conceptual Categories, and Social Change:

Observations from a Village Study. Sociological Bulletin, 58(2), 178–195.
[Link]

• Dasgupta, B. (1975). A Typology of Village Socio-Economic Systems: From

Indian Village Studies. Economic and Political Weekly, 10(33/35), 1395–1414.
[Link]

• Srinivas, M. N. (1975). Village Studies, Participant Observation and Social

Science Research in India. Economic and Political Weekly, 10(33/35), 1387–
1394. [Link]

• Kaulagekar, A. (2007). Ageing and Social Support: A Study of Low-income

Urban Elderly in Pune. Indian Anthropologist, 37(2), 45–53.
[Link]

• Modell, J. (1984). Ruth Benedict and the study of culture. American

Anthropologist, 86(1), 177–186.
[Link]

• Wiser, W. H., & Wiser, C. (1989). Behind mud walls: Seventy-five years in a
North Indian village. University of California Press. (Original work published
1930s)

APPENDIX

110
HH. Relationship with Marital
No Member ID Name Head Age Sex Migrated (Y/N) status Religion
1 1 Sikandar Ram Head 45 M Yes, Darbhanga , Bihar 2023 Married Hindu
2 Budhni Wife 35 F Yes, Darbhanga , Bihar 2023 Married Hindu
3 Bechan Son 30 M Yes, Darbhanga , Bihar 2023 Married Hindu
4 Pramod Son 15 M Yes, Darbhanga , Bihar 2023 Single Hindu
5 Anju Daughter-in-law 30 F Yes, Darbhanga , Bihar 2023 Married Hindu
6 Kajal Daughter 18 F Resides in Bihar Single Hindu

2 1 Urvashi Devi Head 55 F Yes, Bulandshahr, UP Married Hindu

2 Alok Son 35 M Yes, Bulandshahr, UP Married Hindu

3 Sweta Daughter-in-law 31 F Yes, Bulandshahr, UP Married Hindu
4 Mayank Son 31 M Yes, Bulandshahr, UP Married Hindu
5 Chetna Daughter-in-law 29 F Yes, Bulandshahr, UP Married Hindu
6 Mridul Grandson 3 M Yes, Bulandshahr, UP Single Hindu
3 1 Ramji Yadav Head 29 M Yes, 2019 Married Hindu
2 Rina Yadav Wife 29 F Yes, 2019 Married Hindu
3
3 Pihu Yadav Daughter month F No Single Hindu
4 1 Shiv Rajesh Wife 65 F Yes, Rajasthan Married Hindu
2 Vyayata Kanwar Daughter-in-law 30 F Yes, Rajasthan Married Hindu
3 Shiv Charan Head 69 M Yes, Rajasthan Married Hindu
4 Ashok Chauhan Son 33 M Yes, Rajasthan Married Hindu
5 Shiva Grand Son 8 M No Single Hindu
8
6 Keshav Grand Son month M No Single Hindu
5 1 Saroj Wife 45 F Yes, 2025 Married Hindu
2 Preeti Daughter 21 F Yes, 2025 Single Hindu
3 Karthik Son 10 M Yes, 2025 Single Hindu
4 Labik Son 5 M Yes, 2025 Single Hindu
5 Gajay Head 55 M Yes, 2025 Married Hindu
6 1 Arshad Ahmad Head 51 M Yes, Delhi 2005 Married Muslim
2 Ghajala Wife 48 F Yes, Delhi 2005 Married Muslim
3 Haider Son 15 M Yes, Delhi 2005 Single Muslim
7 1 Md. Salim Head 45 M Yes, 2017 Married Muslim
2 Kushma khatun Mother 70 F Yes, 2017 Widow Muslim
3 Sabra Khatun Wife 35 F Yes, 2017 Married Muslim
8 1 Rani Wife 45 F No Married Hindu
2 Neeraj Head 52 M No Married Hindu
3 Srishti Daughter 17 F No Single Hindu
4 Khushboo Daughter 14 F No Single Hindu
5 Dhiraj Son 12 M No Single Hindu
6 Mother 82 F Yes, Chhattisgarh Married Hindu
7 Father 83 M Yes, Chhattisgarh Married Hindu
9 1 sunita Wife 50 F No Married Hindu
2 gopal Head 54 M No Married Hindu
3 gagan Son 35 M No Married Hindu
4 karan Son 27 M No Married Hindu
5 Rajiv Son 25 M No Married Hindu

111
 6 Payal Daughter-in-law 24 F No Married Hindu
7 Sonu Grandson 5 M No Single Hindu
8 Raj Grandson 7 M No Single Hindu
9 Pooja Grand daughter 14 F No Single Hindu
10 1 Haseena khaton Wife 65 F No Married Muslim
2 Shahbuddin Head 60 M No Married Muslim
3 Rubina Daughter 25 F Yes, 2005, Mangrauli, UP Married Muslim
4 Nazees Daughter 24 F Yes, 2005, Mangrauli, UP Single Muslim
5 Nargis Daughter 20 F Yes, 2005, Mangrauli, UP Single Muslim
6 Kaushal Son 28 M Yes, 2005, Mangrauli, UP Married Muslim
7 Farukh Son 26 M Yes, 2005, Mangrauli, UP Single Muslim
8 Sahana Daughter-in-law 25 F Yes, 2005, Mangrauli, UP Married Muslim
9 Faraha Grand daughter 2 F No Single Muslim
11 1 Krishan Son 12 M No Single Hindu
2 Rohit Son 20 M No Single Hindu
3 Puja Daughter 22 F No Single Hindu
4 Babita Daughter 25 F No Single Hindu
5 Nita Daughter 28 F No Single Hindu
6 Om prakash Head 55 M No Married Hindu
7 Dayavati Wife 50 F No Married Hindu
12 1 Uday vir Singh Head 46 M No Married Hindu
2 Anita Wife 42 F No Married Hindu
3 Reenu Daughter 22 F No Single Hindu
4 Meenu Daughter 23 F No Single Hindu
13 1 Shivam Saini head 34 M Yes, 2011 Married Hindu
2 Hemant Saini brother 33 M Yes, 2011 Married Hindu
3 Nisha wife 27 F Yes, 2011 Married Hindu
4 Suman sister in law 30 F Yes, 2018 Married Hindu
5 Anika daughter 7 F No Single Hindu
6 Anaya daughter 4 F No Single Hindu
7 Vrinda Niece 3 F No Single Hindu
8 Ramya niece 2 F No Single Hindu
14 1 Nirmala Devi Head 60 F No Widow Hindu
2 Raju Nagar Son 40 M No Married Hindu
3 Punam Nagar Daughter-in-law 35 F No Married Hindu
4 Harindar nagar Son 29 M No Married Hindu
5 Payal Daughter-in-law 24 F No Married Hindu
6 Harsh nagar Grandson 15 M No Single Hindu
7 Keshav nagar Grandson 12 M No Single Hindu
8 Alisha Grand daughter 4 F No Single Hindu
9 Madhav Grandson 2 M No Single Hindu
15 1 Nahpali Head 100 F No Widow Hindu
2 Basanti Daughter-in-law 58 F No Widow Hindu
3 Abhishek Grandson 21 M No Married Hindu

112
 Grand daughter in
4 Varsha law 19 F No Married Hindu
16 1 Gopali Head 99 F No Widow Hindu
2 Satish Son 50 M No Married Hindu
3 Rajni Daughter-in-law 39 F No Married Hindu
4 Sunit Grandson 18 M No Single Hindu
5 Amit Grandson 17 M No Single Hindu
6 Vineet Grandson 14 M No Single Hindu
7 Varsh Grandson 12 M No Single Hindu
17 1 Waseem Raja Head 46 M No Married Muslim
2 Shabnam wife 43 F No Married Muslim
3 Lubna Daughter 20 F No Single Muslim
4 Vajid Asim Son 15 M No Single Muslim
18 1 Babli Grand daughter 23 F No Single Hindu
2 Balbeer Head 75 M Yes Married Hindu
3 Munni Wife 68 F Yes Married Hindu
4 Somesh Son 40 M No Married Hindu
5 Shyamlata Daughter-in-law 36 F No Married Hindu
6 Aarav Grandson 13 M No Single Hindu
7 Anuj Grandson 20 M No Single Hindu
19 1 Pappu Head 50 M No Married Hindu
2 Sarita Wife 45 F No Married Hindu
3 Dev Son 17 M No Single Hindu
4 Suraj Son 8 M No Single Hindu
20 1 Ashmeet Kaur Niece 17 F No Single Sikh
2 Jogendra Singh Head 48 M No Married Sikh
3 Ramandeep Kaur Sister-in-law 33 F No Married Sikh
4 Armaan Singh Nephew 14 M No Single Sikh
5 Loveleen Sandhu Son 14 F No Single Sikh
6 Manpreet Singh Son 17 M No Single Sikh
7 Amandeep Kaur Wife 36 F No Married Sikh
21 1 Rajendra Ram Head 35 M Yes, 2024, Bihar Married Hindu
2 Reena Wife 30 M Yes, 2024, Bihar Married Hindu
3 Sweeti Kumari Daughter 10 F Yes, 2024, Bihar Single Hindu
4 Prince Son 5 M Yes, 2024, Bihar Single Hindu
5 Priti Daughter 10 F Yes, 2024, Bihar Single Hindu
6 Babu saheb Son 7 M Yes, 2024, Bihar Single Hindu
22 1 Harvinder Singh Head 42 M No Married Sikh
2 Gurnam Kaur Mother 66 F No Widow Sikh
3 Gurjeet Kaur Wife 40 F No Married Sikh
4 Manseerat kaur Daughter 13 F No Single Sikh
5 Parleen Kaur Daughter 12 F No Single Sikh
6 Prateek Singh Son 9 M No Single Sikh
23 1 Rajeev Head 52 M Yes Married Hindu

113
 2 Kavita Wife 45 F Yes Married Hindu
3 Varsha Daughter 23 F Yes Married Hindu
4 Vikas Son 22 M Yes Married Hindu
5 Aakash Son 20 M Yes Married Hindu
6 Rachna Daughter-in-law 22 F Yes Married Hindu
7 Priyanka Daughter-in-law 21 F Yes Married Hindu
24 1 Sushil Head 36 M Yes Married Hindu
2 Asmita Wife 30 F Yes Married Hindu
3 Kalavati Mother 68 F Yes Widow Hindu
4 Riya Daughter 3 F Yes Single Hindu
25 1 Radha Kumar Head 28 M Yes, Bihar Married Hindu
2 Rambha Devi Wife 26 F Yes, Bihar Married Hindu
3 Laddu Kumar Brother 20 M Yes, Bihar Married Hindu
26 1 Vijay pal Head 45 M Yes, Delhi, 1995 Married Hindu
2 Babita Wife 40 F Yes, Delhi, 1995 Married Hindu
3 Anu Daughter 22 F No Married Hindu
4 Sakhshi Daughter 20 F No Single Hindu
5 Pratha Daughter 18 F No Single Hindu
6 Arjun Son 16 M No Single Hindu
27 1 Subh kumar Head 42 M Yes, 2023, UP Married Hindu
2 Devanshu Son 5 M Yes, 2023, UP Single Hindu
3 pranshu Son 12 M Yes, 2023, UP Single Hindu
4 Sarita Wife 35 F Yes, 2023, UP Married Hindu
5 Yogesh Brother in law 28 M Yes, 2023, UP Single Hindu
Mithilesh
6 Kumari Mother in law 55 F Yes, 2023, UP Married Hindu
28 1 Nirmal Head 62 F No Widow Hindu
2 Gaurav Son 30 M No Separated Hindu
3 Apeksha Son 41 M No Single Hindu

Field notes-
Nalgarha, a village in Noida, holds a deep connection to India's independence movement with
stories of freedom fighters like Bhagat Singh and INA members. Locals feel neglected as
there is no memorial to honor their heroes. Despite the rich history, the village lacks
recognition and struggles with modern development.

Before Indian Independence, village was named Rangarha and was established by 4
Zamindar Brothers who had a field of around 500 acres. It was a forested area located near
Delhi where many revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Rajguru used it as their hiding
place. Thus it was a home of many freedom fighters.

114
The place is marked by stories of heroism of many freedom fighters. Our great revolutionary
Bhagat Singh shares ancestory with the village , his grandfather Arjan Singh belong to this
village who was a hakeem and learned men of his time, then his father Sardar Kisan Singh
who was also a revolutionary and his father’s brothers Ajit Singh and Swaran Singh who
have started an organization, “Jatta Pagdi Sambhal” got martyred at Lahore jail at age of 22.

Thus the spirit of heroism and sense of sacrifice for the country , Bhagat Singh has inherited
from his forefathers.

When Lala Lajpat Rai died because of Lathi charge while opposing the Simon Commission
.To take revenge, Bhagat Singh along with Azad, Jai Gopal, Rajguru

and Sukhdev have perform the Saunders Murder have then they have came to Jhansi after
changing their looks and after Jhansi they came to nalgarha

Then he along with Rajguru and Sukhdev had thrown bomb at Central assembly to show their
disobeyance towards the discriminatory bills ,the bomb which was thrown was made at
Nalgarha village , we had a memorial photo of him dressed like English man. the main
purpose of it to not harm anyone but to make the deaf hear. He doesn’t evaded from the place
but let to be arrested. Bhagat Singh has five brothers and Three Sisters. From Delhi Bhagat
Singh along with Sukhdev and Rajguru were send to Lahore and where the Bhagat Singh ask
not to get hanged but the gun shot but b the Britishers had hanged him and even his dead
body was not given to family.

Bhagat Singh had took the soil of Jallianwala bagh massacre 1919 and decided to take
revenge.

Village Nalgarha has preserved 3 images of Bhagat Singh –

1) With Pagdi- where he personalized himself as Maharana Pratap

2) With Hat- where he personalized himself as Englishmen

3) As Atheist- in Jail , his famous saying- “ if everyone equals to God, then why we are
Gulaam”

Sardars have come here in 1950 from Pakistan after partition. Most of them belong to Sandhu
Community. They comprise of 10 to 12 houses in a village.

115
Case Study 1 :

Personal Background & Life Story

• Can you tell me about your childhood? What was your village like when you were
young?

ANS – My childhood was sweet, those were the best and happy days of my life

Village situation was better, “tab mehangai nahi thi”, we used to have less money still
we were happy. The main reason was there was calmness and peace with no stress.

Now the life is filled with solitude

• How did people spend their time in the old days? What games, stories, or festivals did
you enjoy?

We spent our days happily playing games like “gulli danda , paena”. We celebrated
and enjoyed the festivals like Rakshabandhan , Teej . We used to eat lot of sweets and
“pakodi”

• Can you share a memory that makes you smile even today?

Going to watch movies of actors like Dharmendra and Rajesh Khanna

• Who was the most important person in your life when you were young? What did
they teach you?

My father. He made me study till 12th. Under his shadow, I used to drink milk of
buffalo daily.

He taught me always to remain pure by heart. I miss him.

• How did you meet your spouse? Would you like to share something about your
married life?

We got married by our parents agreement. Their was no feature of meeting and mates
consent like it is today . We have not seen each other before our marriage. At that time
I was 25 and my wife was 19 years old.

• How many children and grandchildren do you have? What do they call you?

I have 5 children , 2 sons and 3 daughters . All are married. One son live in separated
room. Other son live in nearby house.

I have 7 grandchildren , 5 grand-daughters and 3 grandsons. They all live with

[Link] them, Aryan is my closest. They call me Baba.

Daily Routine & Wellbeing

116
 • What’s the first thing you do when you wake up? And how do you spend your
afternoons and evenings?

Firstly I go for running , then I bath , then I worship and sing “bhajans”.

In the evening, I do outside work that I can do for earning and rest I just sit alone , and
spend time with my grandchildren.

• What makes you happy these days?

Nothing. Just waiting for god to take me from this world. I am perturbed due to my
son and daughter in law. No one listens me.

• Are there any days when you feel lonely or sad? What do you do then?

yes, when I feel a lot bad alone, I just go outside .

• What places in the village do you like visiting? Why?

Nowhere
• What kind of songs or stories do you enjoy listening to nowadays?

Kranti film, jugnu film , Mughleaazam , Haste Jhakham, Jwar Bhata Film. I watch
these in phones . Earlier I used to listen them in radio but now its not working, I will
buy it.

Economic Life

• When you were younger, what kind of work did you do? Did you enjoy it?

I drive tractors of Sardars , they were of Russian and Belaruse origin. I used to get 20
rupees in day and 20 rupees in night.

• How has your work changed over time? When did you stop working actively?

I then changed my profession, started doing agriculture on rented land. Now I left that
also due to oppression of landlords.

“Meri biwi kabhi kabhi dhoop me dhaan binne jati hai” .

• Do you get a pension or any other income now?

I don’t get pension. My pension is stucked from many years. I went to Patwari , he
is also cheating. Government is doing nothing for it. Little bit labourer work I do
now.

• Are there times when you feel financially stressed or dependent on others?

I don’t get any money from my sons. They themselves not earn enough. My sons left
me alone. My daughter in law have influenced me . She has influenced him. She don’t
cover her head in front of me, she don’t respect me .

117
 ( gave personal reflection , appreciated me for covering my head )

• Who do you usually ask for help when you need money?

No one is there to help. I have 2 sons atleast they can arrange to give me atleast 500 rs
each but they do not do so.

Religion, Traditions & Beliefs

• Which gods, goddesses, or saints do you have faith in? How did this connection start?
Krishna, Shiva , Brahma , Vishnu , Kalkaji . I do “aarti” morning and evening.

• What religious rituals or prayers do you do regularly?

I do Aarti and chant “om” and other prayers I remember that time.

• Are there any festivals or religious occasions that you eagerly wait for?

Holi , Rakshabandhan . Janmashtmi I like most , we do fasting , do “bhajan and

Kirtan” and go to mandir.

• When you feel troubled or unwell, what prayers or remedies do you turn to?

I remember and worship krishna and shiva in my home.

• How has your faith or religious practice changed over the years?
Yes my connection with religion was not much during my young days. But now
religion is my solace.

Health, Ageing, and Care

• How do you feel physically these days? Are there body pains, tiredness, or other
issues you deal with?

Not so physically fit. I have diabetes and gas problem.

• Which household remedies or village doctors do you trust for health problems?

I don’t have money to go to doctor for treatment. For diabetes sometimes I take
“karele ka juice”

• Do you have to visit the city for medical treatment, or do you manage here?

Earlier I used to visit doctor near visvidyalaya metro station , Delhi but now I don’t
have money for treatment.

• Who takes care of you when you’re sick? Who brings your medicines?
My wife take care of me. She bring some money by asking to nearby houses.

118
 • What’s the biggest health challenge you’ve faced in life?

• Have you ever been scared of falling seriously ill? How did you deal with that fear?

Family, Relations, and Community

• How has your relationship with your children changed as you’ve grown older?

After my sons marriage, both cared for me for 2 years then they left me on my own
condition.
• Do your children or grandchildren sit with you, listen to your stories, or ask for
advice?
Yes , I spend time with my grand children . I guide them to respect their elders and
treat everyone with “Namaste”.

• Are you asked for your opinion in family matters or decisions?

No one asks in any matter.

• Who do you feel most emotionally close to in your family?

Yes Aryan , son of my younger son. “isko kuch ho jata hai, to mai mera dil dharakne
lagta hai”

• Do you have friends in the village your age? What do you talk about?

Yes , I have 1-2 friends, I go to meet them sometimes. Now I don’t go much. They are
rich people.

• Are there any festivals, weddings, or events where you feel especially happy being
with people?

Yes during holi, I celebrate with people of my age.

Nostalgia, Reflections, and Life Lessons

• When you look back, what do you think were the best years of your life?
When I was with my parents , it was the best years of my life. We used to sit together.
Their has happiness and peace. Life has changed in my oldage.

• What is one lesson or piece of advice you would like to pass on to the younger
generation?

119
 Always stay in right direction, when any guest comes in ur home, greet him well with
namaste and water. If anyone on the road you see needy or hungry, help him.
Whenever I see a beggar, I always help him.

• Do you feel life was better in your younger days or now? Why?

Young days . Today also I maintained my relations . whenever my sister come, I

always give her 400 to 500 rupees even it led me to borrow from others. Same act my
wife used to do.
• Is there anything you wish you could still do?

Just eat good food, body doesn’t work in old age

Case Study 2:
Location: Nalgarha Village
Participant: Harjeet Kaur
Age/Gender: 74, Female
Caste/Community: Sikh
Economic Status: Financially secure
Marital Status: Widow (since age 60)
Education: Illiterate

Observations:

• Warm, articulate, and deeply rooted in religious and familial life.

• Commands respect within her household and community, referred to as “Biji” by

grandchildren.

• Lives with eldest son’s family; emotional and financial needs are well attended to.

• Participates in religious practices daily (Nitnem, Rehraas Sahib), attends Gurdwara on

special occasions.

• Mentally alert; physically limited by arthritis and high BP, but remains engaged in
household rituals.

• Deeply nostalgic about youth, values simplicity and familial warmth of earlier times.

• Strong intergenerational bond observed, especially with youngest granddaughter

Simran.

120
 • Uses home remedies, private doctor visits preferred over government hospitals.

Key Quotes:

• “Sukoon milta hai jab sab ghar ch shaanti naal hove.”

• “Mainu puchna ni painda, oh khud samajh jande ne.”

• “Maut ton pehla bas ek vaar Darbar Sahib de darshan kar lawaan.”

Analytical Notes:

• Harjeet represents ageing with dignity and respect, enabled by emotional bonds and
religious routine.

• Her role in the household transcends economics—symbolic matriarchal authority

remains intact.

• Her case reflects the intersection of care, faith, and stability in ageing within a
supportive Sikh family structure.

Case Study 3: Raghubir Singh

Location: Nalgarha Village

Participant: Raghubir Singh
Age/Gender: 72, Male
Caste/Community: Sikh (Sandhu, Jat)
Economic Status: Financially unstable
Marital Status: Widower
Education: Till Class 8

Observations:

• Appears withdrawn and weary; health issues (knee pain, BP) visible in posture and
movement.

• Lives with eldest daughter and her husband; visibly uncomfortable about economic
dependency.

121
 • No pension; no personal income or land security. Disempowered by son's alienation
and land sale.

• Emotional signs of depression noted; occasional thoughts of self-erasure expressed.

• Participates occasionally in Gurdwara activities; finds solace in silence and ritual.

• Lost social significance; rarely consulted in household matters. Expresses a sense of

being a "burden."

• Despite circumstances, retains a quiet resilience and pride in his agricultural past.

Key Quotes:

• “Main toh hoon, par jaise koi nahi dekhta.”

• “Beta mera hai, par sirf kagazon mein.”

• “Bimari ka dard kam hai, par doosron pe nirbhar hone ka dard zyada hai.”

Analytical Notes:

• Raghubir’s case reflects emotional abandonment and socio-economic precarity in

ageing.

• Highlights tensions between tradition (respect for elders) and modernity (nuclear
family priorities).

• His experience stands in contrast to Harjeet’s, illustrating gendered differences in

ageing outcomes—men face sharper identity loss when financial roles diminish.

Photos-

122
123
Household Schedule1 –

124
Household Schedule 2 –

125
Informed Consent-

126
127