CHAPTER 4

Political Activity in the Trade Unions

The lack of a working class political viewpoint apparent in the American trade
union movement, to say nothing of revolutionary vision and tactics, is a source of
great concern to everyone who realizes the important part the trade unions must play
in the tremendous changes that are taking place in the capitalist world.

Disgusted with the reactionary character of official trade union policies, the
belief has gained ground among the revolutionary elements that the American trade
union movement is generally anti-political, and that where it is not, its activities serve
only to strengthen the hold of the capitalist class on industry and government

I. TWO POINTS

In this chapter, we want to prove two things. First, that the American trade
union movement, as represented by the American Federation of Labour, instead of
being anti-political, or even nonpolitical, conducts intensive and very complicated
political activities.

Second, that, while judged by revolutionary standards, these activities are

either of a mild reformist or positively reactionary nature, they are not entirely the
result of the conspiratorial machinations of evil geniuses in the form of trade union
bureaucrats, but are also conditioned by the social, economic, and political milieu, in
which the trade unions have developed.^

II. EARLY POLITICAL THINKING

The eariiest protest movements of which American history advises us,

conducted by the feeble trade unions of that day, were against executive and judicial
tyranny, and took on a political form. The right first to combine for protection and

^ An article by William F. Dunne published in the Daily Worker [Chicago]. V.1 Whole No. 329 (Feb. 2,
1924) Section 2, Page 2.

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then to strike was gained by the early unions only through political agitation and
action, as McMaster clearly shows.

The campaign for free and compulsory education resulting in the

establishment of our public school system was an early movement in which the trade
unions of that time formed the most active section.

The Owenite agitation again attracted the support of the trade unions and it
was these organizations that furnished the nucleus of the movement. The Knights of
Labour was more a political than an industrial organization and in every wave of
protest that has swept the nation since that time the trade unions have taken a
leading part.

III. NO ANTI-POLITICAL TRADITION

There is, therefore, no anti-political tradition so far as the trade unions of the
United States are concerned. There is a plenitude of confusion of thought and a
disposition to follow what appears to be the line of least resistance, such as the
support of liberal candidates on the capitalist party tickets, but this is no evidence of
any anti-political bias.

IV. REASONS FOR PRESENT METHODS

It seems to me tiiat one of the principal reasons for the ineffective and non-
working class character of the present political activity of the ti'ade unions is to be
found in the fact that in the United States, owing to conditions which can not be
detailed in an article of this length, the trade unions never have t>een able to
convince the njling class that tiiey have a right to exist, that ttiey are a permanent
part of our social structure and must be recognized as such. This fact is made clear
during every period of stagnation in industry bringing widespread unemployment.
The national associations of employers no sooner see an overstocked labour mari<et
than the cry of "wipe out the unions" is raised. In no other great capitalist nation is
this condition found. The recent open shop drive is only the most recent evidence of
this attitude.

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 It is a little too much to expect that such an extremely feeble trade union
movement should develop a powerful political movement.

V. AMERICAN IDEOLOGY

Although a very large percentage of the union membership is of foreign birth

and extraction, not citizens of the United States, the ideological basis of trade union
organization is American citizenship. The right of franchise is considered the
guarantee of political and economic equality and, in practice, this becomes for the
trade unions a hostility to any form of political action based on the class struggle.

VI. EFFECT OF WEAKNESS

The weakness of the trade union movement and the constant and bitter
struggle that even the most conservative unions are forced to conduct, combined
with this typical American viewpoint, makes the leadership hesitate to place in the
hands of the employers what they, the leaders, believe to be an effective weapon —
ability to charge and prove radical tendencies.

Demanding, as American citizens, a mythical, but, to them, very real thing

known as the American standard of living, these officials view with a holy hon-or,
absolutely incomprehensible to the average revolutionist, any act or utterance that
would make it difficult to defend their loyalty to American institutions.

VII. CONCRETE REWARDS

In many sections of the trade union movement favorable working conditions,

high wages, and job control are obtained quite as often by political deals and trades
as they are by the economic strength of the unions. To the building trades in many
cities the appointment of building, plumbing, electrical, and health inspectors
favorable to the unions is a matter of vital importance. In municipal elections such
issues as these will arouse the greatest interest in the unions and any fomn of
political activity that would alienate the union's friends in either the Democratic or
Republican Parties isfi-ownedupon. The labour union govemment of San Francisco,
under Abe Ruef and P.H. McCarthy, is a case in point.

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VIII. DEFENSIVE ACTIVITY

There is again the necessity for securing neutrality from the police force
during strikes, the ability to "spring" arrested strikers, immunity from prosecution from
various necessary activities a hostile administration could make much of, etc.

Much of the political activity that secures the privileges mentioned is

altogether valueless, much of it positively harmful, but political activity it is,
nonetheless.

IX. ORGANS OF POLITICAL EXPRESSION

The state federations of labour and the central labour bodies — city central
councils — are the political organs of the American Federation of Labour. They have
no executive power under the laws of the AF of L, but in political matters they are
allowed considerable latitude. They are the only bodies through which the labour
unions, as such, find organized political expression and are important because of
that fact.

X. CONSTANT ACTIVITY

In many cities the political activities of these two bodies are of an intensive
nature. The state federation of labour watches all legislation proposed at the state
capitals, keeps the union membership informed of favorable or hostile measures,
and many times finds it necessary to secure the passage of resolutions for or against
certain measures and even to organize demonstrations against them. In past, in New
York the labour unions sent a veritable army of representatives to Albany to protest
against the enactment of bills menacing labour organizations.

XI. EASE OF BETRAYAL

The officials entrusted with the responsibility of passing on laws or candidates

for labour to oppose or support develop a high degree of skill in political
maneuvering; they often betray the interests of the labour movement and certainly
nothing could be easier with the present level of political consciousness among the
rank and file; the wonder is that it does not occur more often.

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XII. PROGRESS

To one familiar with the lack of cohesion and common program in trade union
political activities, the organization of the Conference for Progressive Political Action
was an advance step for the trade union movement. It has no class character —
quite the reverse — its program is hopelessly inadequate, but for the first time
thousands of local unions, scores of central bodies, and dozens of state federations
of labour found themselves uniting on a program that gave them a national political
viewpoint and a common program, mild and ineffective as it was and is.

Xm. EFFECTS APPARENT

The burden of carrying out this program falls upon the most advanced groups
in the American Federation of Labour — delegates to the central bodies and state
federations of labour — who are always the most active and the best infomied of the
union membership. Because of the disillusionment brought by the war, the
bankruptcy of the farmers, with whom most state federations are in close touch, the
evident failure of the local "reward and punish" policy in national politics, the idea of
divorce from the capitalist parties is sympathetically entertained by central bodies
and state federations, nor has the Gompers machine been signally successful in
sabotaging the new development. Political consciousness is growing in the trade
unions and the idea of their non-political character — never entirely true — must be
revised.

XIV. IMPORTANT DEVELOPMENT

For communists this is an interesting and important development. No working

class movement without clear political vision and understanding ever can become a
menace to the capitalist class, and there is no more important task for the
communists in the trade unions than to assist this development by activity based on
knowledge of the strength and weaknesses, the ignorance and prejudices of the
membership of the American labour movement.

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XV. STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE

There is no better starting point than propaganda for a wholesale desertion of

the parties of the employers, based on a wealth of concrete instances of t)etrayal,
both by candidates and labour officials, for a Farmer-Labour Party controlled by the
unions and farmer organizations. With this idea of a class party every honest unionist
is in sympathy, although he may be held from work for it and participation in it by fear
of losing some immediate advantage. In additions to these fears he must reckon with
the bureaucracy, which now has abandoned all pretense of ruling by consent of the
rank and file. Control of the unions today is a machinelike process comparable only
to the manner in which the capitalist state maintains power. The bureaucracy in no
way expresses the desire of the membership for expansion of political activity, but
opposes it.

With this is a beginning, however, and with the growth of the movement itself,
the bars are down for political agitation of a far more fundamental character — for
Communist propaganda — impossible when the only political issue discussed is the
extent of the friendship of Republican or Democratic candidates

XVI. EXTENSION OF PARTY ACTIVITY

Party activity in the trade unions from now on must take on more of a
Communist character — it must be more political. We have won the sympathy of the
left wing with our slogan of amalgamation and the work for this objective now is
largely of an organizational character — the mobilization of sympathizers in the fights
against the sabotage and terror of the bureaucracy.

The defeats of the railway men in particular, on the industrial field, has given
impetus to political thinking. The shopmen know that it was the capitalist govemment
that beat them.

To drive this lesson home with all its corollaries is the task of the Communists,
and a task that our previous campaigns have made not easy, but possible.

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