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1
Nature and Significance of
Political Theory

A S HUMAN BEINGS we live in society. Society includes many

institutions like family, school, religious organization, polity, etc.
Every institution serves some specific purpose. It involves some
organization and use of authority. Authority denotes a relationship of command
and obedience where the command is generally regarded to be reasonable. Mild
protests, if any, would not upset the authority.

NATURE OF POLITICAL THEORY

WHAT IS POLITICAL?
When an organization is designed to regulate the whole community, it takes the
character of polity. Polity, therefore, denotes an organization where rules are
made and decisions are taken for the whole community, and authority is exercised
over each member of the community. The term 'political' refers to something
that is 'public', as distinguished from private or something applicable to a limited
number of persons. Sheldon S. Wolin, in his Politics and Vision (1960) has
beautifully summed up the characteristics of the 'political' as follows:
Of all the authoritative institutions in society, the political arrangement has
been singled out as uniquely concerned with what is 'common' to the
whole community. Certain functions, such as national defense, internal
order, the dispensing of justice, and economic regulation, have been declared
the primary responsibility of political institutions, largely on the grounds
that the interests and ends served by these functions were beneficial to all
of the members of the community.
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2 An Introduction to Political Theory

Thus polity or the state enjoys a unique position among social institutions. It is
so important that Aristotle (an ancient Greek philosopher) described man by
nature a 'political animal'. Living in a state was so natural for a person that he
who lived outside the state or who did not need a state was either a beast or an
angel!
The terms 'polity', 'politics' and 'political' are derived from the Greek word
'polis' which denoted ancient Greek city-state. The Greek city-states were
relatively small communities which were separated from each other by geographical
barriers, like forests, mountains and seas. Each city-state had evolved a compact
social life and culture where all institutions and activities were knit together.
These institutions and activities which were aimed at securing 'good life' for the
community were regarded to be the part of 'polities'. However, in the present-
day society the scope of politics is not regarded to be so comprehensive. Today
we draw a distinction between public and private spheres of human life, and
confine the usage of the term 'politics' to the institutions and activities falling in
the public sphere. Thus the decisions of cabinet and parliament, election campaigns
and other activities of political parties, people's movements seeking change in
law and public policy, etc. belong to politics but the object of our faith and
worship, the content of our education, art and culture, etc. do not properly
belong to the sphere of politics until some regulation thereof is required to maintain
public order and safety!

SCOPE OF POLITICAL THEORY

After identifying the nature and scope of the 'political', we are now ready to
understand the nature of political theory. The term 'theory' stands for a systematic
knowledge. Thus 'political theory' denotes a systematic knowledge of political
phenomena. What type of knowledge do we require about the political phenomena
in the realm of political theory?
Broadly speaking, political theory is concerned with three types of statements:
(1) Empirical statement, which is based on observation, through sense-experience
alone; (2) Logical statement, which is based on reasoning (e.g. 'two plus two is
four'); and (3) Evaluative statement, which is based on value-judgment (e.g.
'men are born free and equal'). Political science relies only on empirical and
logical statements. It is argued that correct observation and correct reasoning by
different persons would lead to the similar conclusion; hence empirical and logical
statements are capable of verification. On the other hand, it is alleged that evaluative
statements are based on individual or group preferences which differ from individual
to individual or group to group; there is no reliable method of determining what is
right or wrong, good or bad; one cannot scientifically discover the purpose of
the universe or human life. Exponents of 'Logical Positivism' argue that evaluative
statements have no empirical content or logical structure; they are expressions of
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Nature and Significance of Political Theory 3

subjective reflection or emotional preference. Likewise, champions of scientific

method for the study of politics insist on a 'value-free' or 'value-neutral' approach.
In any case, political theory cannot be confined to the so-called scientific
knowledge. It is equally concerned with determining values which come within
the scope of philosophy. We cannot accept the view that values are based on
individual or group preferences. On the contrary, values do have a sound logical
structure unless we mistake them for biased statements. Upholders of different
values can be invited to have a dialogue, to have an opportunity to understand
each other's point of view, to convince each other and probably to agree on
certain universal principles to judge the validity of values. Determination of values
is the basis of a sound public policy or decision. If we abdicate this responsibility,
it may fall in irresponsible hands, with disastrous consequences. Hence political
theory must comprehend both political science and political philosophy.

Logical Positivism
A school of thought founded by German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920) and the
members of Vienna Circle (Moritz Schlick, Ludwig Wittgenstein, AJ. Ayer, etc.) in the
early decades of the twentieth century. It holds that reliable and valid knowledge in
any field of inquiry can be obtained only by empirical method (i.e. observation based
on sense-experience). The questions concerning values are beyond the scope of scientific
knowledge; hence it is not possible to obtain reliable knowledge about them.

Dwelling on the nature of political theory, George Catlin (Political Quarterly,

March 1957) significantly observed: "the theory (of politics) itself is divided into
political science and political philosophy. " Pleading for combining the study of
political science with sociology, Catlin asserted: "it is the supreme virtue of the
fusion of sociology and political science that it could enable us to be sharp-eyed
for the phenomena of control in its many forms, over all the processes of the
whole social field." (ibid.)
Then defining the scope of political philosophy, Catlin explained: "Our concern
here. . . is with the kingdom of ends or final values. . . So soon as a man begins
to ask, 'What is for the national good?' or 'What is the good society?', he is
asking questions in philosophy." (ibid.) In short, Catlin proceeds to identify the
nature of political theory by pointing to its two important components: political
science and political philosophy. As he has suggested, political science deals with
the facts of political life (i.e. what is the real situation and which laws govern our
actual behaviour) while political philosophy is concerned with values (i.e. what is
good for us).
Andrew Hacker (Political Theory: Philosophy, Ideology, Science; 1961) also
dwells on these two major components of political theory but he introduces
some new factors to elaborate the issue. Hacker writes: "Every political scientist
plays a double role. He is part scientist and part philosopher. . . no theorist can
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4 An Introduction to Political Theory

make a lasting contribution to human knowledge unless he works in the realms

of both science and philosophy. The scientific parts of a theory can only achieve
coherence and significance if the writer has a preconceived idea or the goals of
political life." Commenting on the role of political science Hacker observes: "The
theorist whose pursuit is political science is interested in describing and explaining
the realities of political behaviour. He attempts to draw up generalized propositions
about the actual relations between states and citizens and about the role of power
in society." (ibid.) About the role of political philosophy he comments: "The
theorist whose interest is in writing political philosophy, on the other hand, is
concerned with prescribing the goals which citizens, states and societies ought to
pursue. His aim is to generalize about right conduct in the political life and
about the legitimate uses of power." (ibid.) Adequate knowledge of political science
is essential for sound political philosophy. As Hacker points out, "the philosophical
parts of a theory must be informed by a profound understanding of the facts of
political life. The best political philosophers have always been well aware of the
existing realities; they have given intense and systematic study to the needs and
capabilities of man and society." (ibid.)

NATURE OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

In consonance with the requirements of scientific method political science proceeds
by the following steps: (a) Observation, which relies on sense-experience alone
and rules out supernatural or metaphysical causation (because it is beyond our
sense-experience); (b) Generalization which is based on observation of regularities
leading to establishing the relation and correlation between different factors or
variables. This may either be obtained by the inductive method (proceeding from
'particular to general', i.e. arriving at a general rule after observing similarities in
particular cases), or by the deductive method (proceeding from 'general to
particular', i.e. postulating a general rule and then confirming it by observation of
particular cases). Generalization must be expressed in the form of a general rule,
preferably in quantitative terms, which should be capable of verification by
experimentation; (c) Explanation which consists in giving reasons for the general
rule, for without such reasoning any observation of correlation might be a mere
coincidence; explanation alone will make particular events, situations or tendencies
meaningful; and finally; (d) Prediction and Prescription so that in the light of
known facts and general rules, their possible outcome could be known and
measures for achieving such objectives as higher efficiency, stability, satisfaction,
etc., could be suggested.
Behavioural approach to the study of politics insists on studying the actual
behaviour of human beings in a political situation rather than describing salient
features of political institutions and their legal position. In the behavioural approach
formal political institutions are dissolved into 'systems' and 'processes' so as to
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Nature and Significance of Political Theory 5

focus attention on the actual behaviour of political actors, which alone is capable
of scientific study. However, post-behavioural approach insists on making the
achievements of political science subservient to human values and ends. Hence it
heralds revival of concern with 'values' without compromising scientific method
for the study of' facts'. In short, post-behaviouralism calls for application of political
science for overcoming the prevailing crises in various spheres of human life.

NATURE OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

It is sometimes alleged that political science deals with the 'real' while political
philosophy deals with the 'ideal'. According to this viewpoint, political science
inquires into what men and women actually do in a political situation while political
philosophy tries to determine what they ought to do in keeping with the ultimate
good or purpose of human life. But this view does not define the scope of political
philosophy adequately. Political philosophy may properly be recognized by its
'critical' function. As D.D. Raphael (Problems of Political Philosophy; 1976)
significantly observed: "It is true that some of the classical political philosophers
have set out ideal forms of society, but... this has not been their central concern.
Even in Plato, the purpose of depicting an ideal society is to criticize existing
society and to promote understanding of general social concepts such as justice."
According to Raphael, the fundamental purpose of traditional philosophy has
been the critical evaluation of beliefs: "Philosophy differs from science in that
science seeks explanation while philosophy seeks justification", (ibid.) The term
'justification' implies the attempt to give rational grounds either for accepting or
rejecting the beliefs which we normally take for granted without thinking of any
grounds thereof.
Another closely related function of political philosophy is the clarification of
concepts. As Raphael has pointed out, many of these concepts, such as the concept
of society, authority, social class, justice, liberty and democracy, are not only
highly general but also vague. Clarification of such concepts involves three related
purposes: analysis, synthesis and improvement of concepts. Analysis of a concept
involves specifying its elements, often by way of definition, such as defining
sovereignty as supreme legal authority. Synthesis of concepts implies showing
the logical relationships between two concepts, such as showing that the concept
of a right involves that of an obligation. Improvement of a concept implies
recommending a definition or use that will assist clarity or coherence, such as
recommending that the concept of sovereignty should be applied only to the legal
authority of a state, and not to its coercive power.

CONCLUSION
It may be conceded that political philosophy deals with the needs, objectives and
goals of human life which cannot be scientifically ascertained. But these can
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6 An Introduction to Political Theory

always be discussed by the right-thinking people, argued on the basis of available

data and reasoning, and some acceptable point may be reached at the current
level of our social consciousness. Most of the arguments can be picked up for
further scrutiny from the long tradition of political thought, new arguments can
be introduced thereto and conclusions drawn from the expanding horizons of
our knowledge. Hence, the search for values and a critical review of our position
is an ongoing process which justify the continuing pursuit of political philosophy.
In fact political philosophy itself arose from a critical reflection of political activity
which existed long before the advent of political philosophy. It exemplified the
Socratic function of 'speaking truth to power'.
Hacker particularly cautions us to distinguish political theory from 'ideology'.
A theory—whether it takes the character of science or philosophy—must be
dispassionate and disinterested. When a theorist has no personal interest in any
political arrangement, "his vision of reality and his image of the good life will not
be clouded, nor will his theory be special pleading... The intention of ideology is
to justify a particular system of power in society. The ideologue is an interested
party: his interest may be to defend things as they are or to criticize the status quo
in the hope that a new distribution of power will come into being." (Political
Theory: Philosophy, Ideology, Science). When theory is clouded by ideology, it is
bound to be distorted. Political philosophy aims at a disinterested search for the
principles of the good state and the good society. When clouded by ideology, it is
reduced to a rationalization for current or future political and social arrangements.
For instance, upholders of capitalism regard private property as most conducive
to justice and social progress while upholders of socialism regard social ownership
of means of production as the most suitable method of achieving these ends.
Similarly, upholders of nationalism place national pride and national interest above
any other goal while supporters of internationalism tend to disregard national
boundaries to determine the index of human progress. In a nutshell, all ideologies
are biased towards partisan ends. Any such bias obstructs our search for truth.
Political science demands a disinterested search for knowledge of political and
social reality. When clouded by ideology, it is reduced to partial or selective
depiction, resulting in a distorted description or explanation of political and social
reality. Scholarly detachment is, therefore, the keynote of political theory in real
sense of the term.

Ideology
A set of ideas and arguments used to defend an. existing or a proposed distribution of
power in society. These ideas are accepted to be true by their upholders without
inquiring into their validity. The ruling class may propagate its ideology to strengthen
its own position while its opponents may use their ideology to mobilize the people to
replace the existing order by a new one to achieve some great objectives.
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Nature and Significance of Political Theory 7

Political science and political philosophy play complementary roles in the realm
of political theory. Significance of political theory may, therefore, be sought in
both of these areas.

CONTROL OF SOCIAL LIFE

Scientific analysis of political life enables us to understand and solve the problems
of our social life. Just as the knowledge of geology helps us in understanding the
causes of earthquake and gives us insights for preventing the havoc caused by it,
so political science enables us to understand the causes of conflict and violence
in society and gives us insights for preventing their outburst. Just as the knowledge
of physics enables us to generate electricity from our thermal and water resources,
so the knowledge of political science enables us to secure development of society
from our human resources. Just as the knowledge of medical science enables us
to control and cure various diseases of human body, so political science guides
us to find remedies of political instability and various types of social crises.

SOCIAL CRITICISM AND RECONSTRUCTION

Political philosophy is primarily concerned with right and wrong, good and evil in
social life. When we find something wrong in our society and polity, we look for
logical grounds for criticizing it and speculate about the creation of a good society.
A galaxy of political philosophers, like Plato, Aristotle, St. Augustine, Machiavelli,
Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Hegel, Marx, Mill and Macpherson have pointed to
the prevailing ills in society and they have given their own schemes of social
reconstruction. We cannot accept any of these proposals as the final truth. But
they give us ample insights into the possible ills of social life and their remedies.
We can draw our own scheme of social reconstruction on the basis of these
insights. For example, Plato brilliantly exposed the modus operandi of selfish and
cunning politicians in a democracy. Machiavelli vividly described the character
of selfish and greedy people. Marx analysed the sources of conflict between the
owners and non-owners of property, and Macpherson pointed to the intricacies
of power structure in contemporary society which obstructs the way to creative
freedom of individual. We can draw valuable insights from their thought for
finding remedies to the existing ills in the present-day society.

CLARIFICATION OF CONCEPTS
Political philosophy helps us a lot in the clarification of concepts used in the
analysis of social and political life. In fact the clarification of concepts in each
area of study—whether science or philosophy—is essential for the development
of knowledge. This task is particularly difficult in the field of political theory.
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8 An Introduction to Political Theory

As Sheldon S. Wolin has pointed out: "there is the widespread tendency to utilize
the same words and notions in describing non-political phenomena that we do in
talking about political matters. In contrast to the restricted technical usages of
mathematics and the natural sciences, phrases like 'the authority of the father',
'the authority of the church', or 'the authority of Parliament' are evidence of the
parallel usages prevailing in social and political discussions." (Politics and Vision;
1960)
So when we use the terms of common parlance in political discourse, it is
very important to determine their technical meaning. Moreover, the terms like
authority, social class, liberty, equality, justice, democracy, etc. may be applied
by different schools of thought to indicate different ideas. Political philosophy
tries to determine their precise meaning which should be acceptable to the upholders
of different ideologies. Agreement on the meaning of the terms of political
discourse does not necessarily mean that they come to accept each other's
viewpoint. But it certainly paves the way for their dialogue. For example, if a
liberal and a socialist accept the same meaning of 'freedom' or 'equality', they
are likely to appreciate each other's viewpoint.
As long as precise meanings of the terms of political discourse are not
determined, some people may apply them so cleverly as to conceal a weak point
of their argument. Some selfish leaders and demagogues may use these terms to
mislead people by creating an emotional appeal and evading reason, and autocrats
may apply them to legitimize their oppressive regimes, as Mussolini (1883-1945)
did in Italy.
Again, a precise and widely accepted definition of a term enables each thinker
to build his argument on sound footing. As every innovative mechanic need not
invent a wheel to assemble a new machine, so every new thinker need not devise
new terminology to present his point of view.

ENCOURAGEMENT TO MUTUAL RESPECT AND TOLERATION

The tradition of political theory encourages a dignified debate between upholders
of different points of view. Most political philosophers from ancient times till the
present-day have been dwelling on some common problems and giving us new
insights. As Andrew Hacker has significantly observed: "Political theory is a
never-ending conversation among theorists. And while the greatest of the debates
are never resolved, the criticisms which the writers make of each other are
always most vivid and illuminating.... Politics is, after all, the most democratic
of sciences. The final judgements concerning political reality and the good life
are the responsibility of all who undertake the study of theory." (Political Theory:
Philosophy, Ideology, Science)
When we follow the tradition of political philosophers, it inspires us to understand
each other's viewpoint. It gives us an opportunity to identify the strengths and
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Nature and Significance of Political Theory 9

weaknesses of our thought, to convince others and be convinced by others

when truth is discovered. In short, political theory generates mutual respect and
toleration among us and prompts us to resolve our differences peacefully.

CONCLUSION
Broadly speaking, political theory consists of political science and political
philosophy. These two branches of political theory taken together perform three
functions which are recognized as the functions of political theory: (a) Description;
(b) Criticism; and (c) Reconstruction. Political science mainly relies on empirical
method, that is the knowledge based on our practical experience which is supposed
to be most reliable, Hence it specializes in 'description'. Political philosophy being
concerned with value-judgment specializes in 'criticism' and 'reconstruction'.
Advocates of positivism, neo-positivism (logical positivism) and behaviouralism
wish to confine political theory to the sphere of political science. They argue that
evaluative statements are based on individual or group preferences which differ
from individual to individual, and group to group. There is no reliable method of
determining what is right or wrong, good or bad; one cannot scientifically discover
the purpose of the universe or human life. Hence the questions of value-judgment
should be dropped from the purview of political theory altogether.
However, since the advent of post-behaviouralism (1969) and consequent
upon the revival of political philosophy in the 1970s and 1980s there has been a
renewed emphasis on values in the realm of political theory. It is now argued that
value-judgment serves as an essential guide to social policy. Indifference to value-
judgment will leave society in the dark. The emerging concerns with
environmentalism, feminism human rights and social justice for the subaltern
groups, etc. call for exploring the new horizons of value-judgment. If political
theory tends to relinquish this important function, it may be grabbed by some
less competent agency. As David Held (Political Theory Today; 1991; Editor's
Introduction) has pointed out: "Taken as a whole, the tasks of political theory are
unquestionably demanding. In the absence of their systematic pursuit, there is
always the danger that politics will be left to the ignorant and self-interested, or to
those simply with a 'will to power'."
Thus all the functions of political theory have now become very important and
urgent in the present-day world where most of our problems are assuming global
dimensions and they are being recognized as the problems of humanity as such.

Political theory implies an intellectual effort to attain a systematic knowledge

about the goals and methods of politics. In this sense it has a long tradition
spreading over two-and-a-half milleniums. However, in mid twentieth century
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10
AnIntmdmi
°" to Polity Theofy

the exponents of new political science began to question the continued

relevance of the traditional political theory.
David Easton, an American political scientist, in his Political System: An
Inquiry into the State of Political Science (1953) asserted that the traditional
political theory was based on mere speculation. It was devoid of acute
observation of the political reality. In order to lay scientific foundations of the
study of politics, it was necessary to rescue it from the study of classics and
the history of political ideas. Easton argued that the traditional political theory
was the product of the turmoil that characterized the past ages. It particularly
flourished in Greece in pre-Plato days, Italy in the fifteenth century,
England in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries or France in the
eighteenth century which were the days of widespread social and political
upheaval. It had no relevance in contemporary society.
Easton also pointed out that there has been no outstanding political
philosopher after Marx (1818-83) and J.S. Mill (1806-73). Why live parasitically
on a century-old ideas? Easton argued that while economists and sociologists
had produced a systematic study of human behaviour in their respective
spheres of investigation, political scientists had lagged behind. They failed to
acquire suitable research tools to account for the rise of fascism or
communism and their continuance! Again, during the Second World War
(1939-45) economists, sociologists and psychologists had played an active role
in the decision-making process, but political scientists were ignored.
Easton, therefore, appealed for building up a behavioural political science,
closer to other social sciences, to take its due place in the decision-making
process. He suggested that while traditional political theory was primarily
concerned with evolving suitable values for society, modern political science
need not make efforts in this direction. He believed that values represent
individual or group preferences relative to the social conditions in which these
are developed. Contemporary society would evolve its own value system
from its own experience and insight. Political scientists should only focus on
building causal theory to explain political behaviour.

Causal Theory
The theory that explains the relation between cause and effect. In other words, it
inquires into the cause of what happens; and anticipates what will happen if certain
cause is present.

However, Easton changed his view after one-and-a-half decades. In his

presidential address to the American Political Science Association in 1969 he
launched his 'post-behavioural' revolution. In fact Easton was trying to convert
political science from a 'pure science' to 'applied science'. He insisted that
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Nature and Significance of Political Theory 11

scientific investigation should enable the contemporary society to tide over the
prevailing crisis. This also involved a renewed concern with values which were
sought to be excluded in the earlier behavioural approach.
The debate on the decline of political theory which appeared in 1950s was also
joined by some other prominent writers. Thus Alfred Cobban in his paper on
'The Decline of Political Theory' published in Political Science Quarterly (1953)
argued that political theory had lost its significance in capitalist as well as
communist systems. Capitalist systems were inspired by the idea of 'libertarian
democracy' whereas there was no political theorist of democracy. It was also
characterized by an overwhelming role of bureaucracy and the creation of a huge
military machine. Political theory had practically to play no role in sustaining this
system. On the other hand, communist systems were characterized by a new
form of party organization and the rule of a small oligarchy. Political theory had
taken a back seat under these systems.

Cobban pointed out that Hegel and Marx were interested in a small part of the
universe. Hegel was primarily concerned with 'territorial state' and Marx with
'proletariat class'. They wanted to discover what was predestined within their
respective frames of reference. Contemporary politics was operating on such a
large scale that it could not be analysed in the light of any partial or narrow

theory. Besides, logical positivists who sought to concentrate on facts to the

exclusion of values were also responsible for the decline of political theory.
However, Cobban came to the conclusion that all was not yet lost. Political science
has to answer questions which the methodology of social sciences may not be
able to answer. It must evolve criteria of judgment which will revive the relevance
of political science.
Then Seymour Martin Lipset in his Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics
(1960) argued that the values of the contemporary society had already been
decided. In the United States the age-old search for 'good society' had come to
an end because they had already achieved it. The prevailing form of democracy
in that country was "the closest approximation to the good society itself in
operation." Thus Lipset, too, questioned the continued relevance of political theory
in those days.
Indeed the exponents of behavioural approach sought to strengthen scientific
basis of the study of politics and to delink it from political philosophy. But the
champions of political philosophy never approved their stand. Leo Strauss in his
famous paper 'What is Political Philosophy?' published in Journal of Politics
(1957) and in 'An Epilogue' to Essays on the Scientific Study of Politics (edited
by Herbert J. Storing; 1962) argued that the new science of politics was in fact
a symptom of the alleged decline of political theory. By adopting positivist approach
it had ignored the challenge of normative issues. Empirical theory of politics
asserts equal importance of all social values. It denies that certain things are
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12 An Introduction to Political Theory

intrinsically high while others are intrinsically low. Thus it obliterates the distinction
between men and brutes as if it destroys the identity of clean water by mixing it
with dirty water.

Positivism
The view that relies on scientific method as the only source of true knowledge. It
rejects superstition, religion and metaphysics as pre-srientific forms of thought. It
holds that all knowledge is ultimately based on sense-experience. Hence empirical
method must be adopted for any genuine inquiry in the field of social sciences as well
as physical sciences.

Commenting on this debate Dante Germino in his Beyond Ideology: The Revival
of Political Theory (1967) argued that in most of the nineteenth century and early
twentieth century there were two major causes of the decline of political theory: (a)
the rise of positivism which led to the craze for science; and (b) the prevalence of
political ideologies culminating in Marxism. But now it was again in ascendancy,
particularly in the political thought of Michael Oakeshott, Hannah Arendt, Bertrand
de Jouvenal, Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin. This list was expanded by Germino in a
subsequent paper (1975) so as to include John Rawls, C.B. Macpherson, Christian
Bay, Robert Nozick, Herbert Marcuse, Jurgen Habermas, Alasdaire Maclntyre and
Michael Walzer. The works of these writers had revived the grand tradition of
political philosophy.
Germino suggested that in order to understand the new role of political theory it
was imperative to identify it with political philosophy. Political philosophy is a
critical study of the principles of right order in human social existence, involving
inquiry into right and wrong. It is neither reductionist behavioural science where
everything is reduced to sense-experience, nor opinionated ideology which accepts
some principles to be true without inquiring into their validity. It comprehends both
the knowledge of facts and the insight with which that knowledge is
comprehended.
According to Germino, political philosophy deals with perennial problems
confronting man in his social existence. Detachment is not ethical neutrality. A
political philosopher cannot remain indifferent to the political struggle of his times
as a behaviouralist would claim. In short, behavioural political science concentrates
on facts and remains neutral to values. Political philosophy cannot grow along with
positivism which abstains from a critical examination of any social situation. The
gulf between traditionalist and behaviouralist components of political theory is so
wide that they cannot be 'reunited'. Any theory separated from the perennial
concerns of political philosophy will prove to be irrelevant.
Germino laments that the behavioural political theory has often implicitly or
uncritically endorsed the policies and practices of the established order instead of
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Nature and Significance of Political Theory 13

performing the Socratic function of 'speaking truth to power.' He warns that full
recovery of critical political theory cannot be achieved within the positivist universe
of discourse.
Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979) has significantly pointed to the risk involved in
the demand for scientific study of society and politics. He has argued that when
the language of social science attempts to conform to the language of natural
science, it tends to lend support to the status quo. In this context scientific
terminology is sought to be defined in terms of such operations and behaviour
that are capable of observation and measurement. This leaves no scope for a
critical vision in the scientific language. For instance, when people's participation
is sought to be estimated on the basis of the numbers of voters who turn up at
elections, we do not question whether the prevailing electoral system conforms
to the spirit of democracy! When we adopt this method of study, social science
no longer remains an instrument of social inquiry; it becomes an instrument of
social control.
In any case, since 1970s the dispute between political science and political
philosophy has largely subsided. While David Easton had shown a renewed concern
with values in his post-behavioural approach, the exponents of political philosophy
did not hesitate in testing their assumptions by empirical method. Karl Popper
(1902-94), an eminent exponent of scientific method, proceeded to draw
conclusions regarding social values. John Rawls (1921-2002) adopted empirical
method for arriving at his principles of justice. Then C.B. Macpherson (1911-87)
attacked the empirical theory of democracy propounded by Joseph Schumpeter
(1883-1950) and Robert Dahl (1915- ), and advanced his own radical theory of
democracy. Herbert Marcuse and Jurgen Habermas (1929- ) have shown a
[Link] insight in their critical analysis of the contemporary capitalism.
It is now held that political science, like other social and natural sciences, enables
us to strengthen our means but we will have to resort to political philosophy to
determine our ends. Means and ends are interdependent; hence political science
and political philosophy play complementary roles in our social life.