Journal of Education, 2024

Issue 95, [Link] doi: [Link]

African Indigenous education in the postcolonial period: A

critical reflection

Johannes Seroto
Department of Educational Foundations, College of Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South
Africa
serotj@[Link]
[Link]

Philip Higgs
Department of Educational Foundations, College of Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South
Africa
higgspp@[Link]
[Link]

(Received: 4 October 2023; accepted: 5 June 2024)

Abstract
This article examines African Indigenous education in the precolonial period in Southern Africa, focusing on its
key elements, characteristics, and educational significance within the broader context of the decolonial
education discourse. By delving into primary forms and practices of Indigenous African education, we aim to
shed light on how these systems contribute to understanding the educational landscape and the challenges faced
in the wake of colonialism. Additionally, we explore the transformative role played by Indigenous education in
Southern Africa in addressing the hegemonic influence of Western education during the postcolonial era.
Drawing on existing literature and critical analysis, we critically reflect on the nature of a decolonial turn in
African Indigenous education. The examination aims at contributing to the ongoing discourse on decolonising
education and providing insights into the potential benefits of embracing Indigenous knowledge systems in
contemporary African societies by recognising the importance of valuing diverse knowledge systems in
fostering inclusive and relevant educational practices.

Keywords: African Indigenous education, postcolonial, decolonial education, Indigenous knowledge,

decolonial thought

Introduction
In the postcolonial period, Indigenous peoples in Southern Africa have grappled with a range
of challenges and opportunities as they seek to navigate the legacies of colonialism. Mbembe
(2021) argued that postcolonies exist worldwide, but to claim they are free from colonial
influence would be disconnected from reality. Colonialism was not a civilising gift or a

Online ISSN 2520-9868 Print ISSN 0259-479X

 Seroto & Higgs: African indigenous education in the postcolonial period 149

necessary historical process. Mbembe (2021) argued that a genuinely progressive ethos for
the modern era must encompass the African experience with all its unique characteristics.
Kohn and Reddy (2023) contended that the term colonialism is expansive and challenging to
precisely delineate. Nonetheless, they upheld that it signifies the endeavour of European
political supremacy that commenced in the early 16th century. Moreover, colonialism can be
characterised as the progression of European settlement, forceful dispossession, and
dominance over various regions worldwide, encompassing Africa, Asia, and the Americas.
Southern African countries that were commonly colonised by European powers included
South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland,
and Lesotho. These countries share similarities in terms of geography, climate, and certain
cultural aspects. Gumbo (2024) argued that there are shared commonalities in ideas, beliefs,
knowledge, practices, and so forth, across African countries. Although cultures are diverse in
these areas, there are many similarities between them (Kolawole & Cooper, 2022). These
nations encountered colonial rule. Rather than portraying colonialism as a thing of the past,
Mbembe (2021) acknowledged its enduring influence. He was adept at dismantling the
European intellectual dominance, a task that earlier scholars struggled with.

It is important to acknowledge that African Indigenous education in Southern Africa was

dominated and devaluated through the domination of Western knowledge. Indigenous
education was intentionally suppressed as colonisers enforced their own system of knowledge
on Indigenous knowledge systems (Grosfoguel, 2013; Maldonado-Torres, 2007, 2011;
Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013). Indigenous communities developed diverse methods to educate
their people, but colonial powers sought to assimilate them into foreign cultures, eradicating
their knowledge systems. Mignolo (2003) explained how literacy, territoriality, and
colonisation were intertwined processes that served to marginalise and subjugate Indigenous
cultures and knowledge systems. Indigenous learners acquired knowledge through varied
methods and forms. During early childhood, education was predominantly overseen by the
biological mother, with the community taking on a more significant role as the child entered
adolescence. Language acquisition primarily occurred through interactions with the mother
and extended family. Essential skills like work, hunting, and cultural practices such as trance
dancing, herding, and crafting were passed down to children from elder clan members
through hands-on experience (Seroto, 2011).

Scholars and activists have argued for a paradigm shift that challenges Western dominance
and acknowledges the unique educational needs of Indigenous people in Southern Africa
(Dei, 2016; Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, 1986; Owusu-Ansah & Mji, 2013). In response to the
suppression, marginalisation, and devaluing of Indigenous knowledges, a growing movement
to reclaim and revitalise African Indigenous education has emerged in the postcolonial
period.

Defining the concept, post-colonial or postcolonial in Africa is complex and problematic

(Shohat, 1992). St. Pierre (1997) provided a detailed explanation of the distinction between
post-colonial (with a hyphen) and postcolonial without a hyphen. According to St Pierre
(1997), “post-colonial” refers to the temporal aspect, while “postcolonial” is an analytical
150 Journal of Education, No. 95, 2024

concept. The use of post-colonial in a temporal context, implying “after” the end of
colonialism in Southern Africa, is problematic (Shohat, 1992). Besides this questionable
temporal perspective, the lack of historical specificity in post-colonial leads to the merging of
diverse chronologies. For instance, some African nations gained independence in the 18th
century, while others achieved independence in the 19th or 20th centuries (Shohat, 1992).
The fundamental question that arises is: “When does the post-colonial period truly begin?”

In this study, we refrain from pinpointing an exact starting point for the postcolonial period,
particularly in Africa and Southern Africa. Shohat (1992) suggested that everyone can claim
to be part of the postcolonial era. Our focus in this study is to utilise postcolonial theory to
comprehend the characteristics of postcolonial societies, specifically examining African
Indigenous populations and their education. Hitchcock (1997) categorised three types of
postcolonial discourse, firstly, discursive postcolonialism, that is, one that assesses the
condition of postcoloniality as a discursive construction (something that is constructed
through discourse); secondly, the type of postcolonialism that is deeply rooted in the
aftermath of the significant decolonisation movements that thrived in the 19th century. This
perspective resonates with the historical context and diverse cultural expressions of
postcolonial experiences. We concentrate on this particular understanding of postcolonialism,
which acknowledges the impact of decolonisation movements and encompasses a wide range
of theoretical works and cultural manifestations (Hitchcock, 1997).

To emphasise the significance of our study, we utilise “decolonial thinking” (Tlostanova &
Mignolo, 2012, p. 7) to highlight Indigenous knowledge that challenges imperialist narratives
(May & Aikman, 2003). According to Tlostanova and Mignolo (2012, p. 19) decolonial
thinking and decolonial options are initiatives driven and shaped by “all those who have been
humiliated, devalued, disregarded, disavowed, and who confront the trauma of the ‘colonial
wound.’”

In his work from the year 2000, Peruvian scholar, Quijano, argued that European
enlightenment validated Western knowledge, creating a hierarchy of human existence that
placed Europeans at the top while marginalising others, including Indigenous peoples.
Europe, through its global power, established control over subjectivity, culture, and
knowledge production, consolidating these aspects under its hegemony (Quijano, 2000).
Indigenous communities in Southern Africa have a deep history of being compelled to
engage with colonial education through segregated institutions that catered separately to
White and African students, enforced through legislation such as the apartheid system in
South Africa. When judged against Western criteria of worth in terms of existence,
knowledge, and skills, Indigenous knowledge systems were often dismissed as inferior forms
of education (Romero & Yellowhorse, 2021). The education provided to Indigenous
populations, when available, was often assimilationist in nature, seeking to erase their
identities, languages, and cultures. Therefore, the imperative of decolonising education
necessitates a thorough reassessment and transformation of current paradigms.

This article aims to examine critically, the role and significance of African Indigenous
knowledges in shaping and transforming education knowledge systems during the
 Seroto & Higgs: African indigenous education in the postcolonial period 151

postcolonial period in Southern Africa. Specifically, we seek to explore the processes of

recognising, including, and reclaiming Indigenous African education and its significance in
facilitating this transformative shift. The main research questions emanating from this aim
are:

1. What are the key elements and characteristics that define African Indigenous
education, and how do these definitions contribute to our understanding of its
educational significance within the broader context of the African decolonial
education movement?
2. What were the primary forms and practices of Indigenous African education and how
do these forms contribute to education transmission?
3. In what way can Indigenous education in Africa play a transformative role in
addressing the hegemonic influence of Western education in the postcolonial period?

Before we explore the various and key practices of African Indigenous knowledges, it is
crucial to define what exactly we mean by African Indigenous education and knowledge.

What is (African) Indigenous education (knowledge)?

Adeyemi and Adeyinka (2003) observed that education in Africa before the coming of
Western civilisation was generally known as African traditional education or the Indigenous
African education of various communities in Africa. In this context, Ojong (2008) and Mushi
(2009) defined African Indigenous education as a process by which inherited knowledge,
skills, cultural traditions, norms, values, and attitudes of the tribe were passed on from elders
to children by means of oral instructions and practical activities. Thus, Indigenous education
is a form of education that specifically focuses on, and encourages, teaching Indigenous
knowledge, beliefs, practices, customs, models, methods, and content within both formal and
non-formal educational systems (Ebot & Lavngwa, 2022; Horsthemke, 2017; Khalifa et al.,
2018; Owuor, 2007; Purdie & Wilkinson, 2008; Waghid, 2016). Formal education among
Indigenous communities primarily took place through initiation ceremonies, with various
members of the society serving as educators (Hlatshwayo, 2000; Junod, 1962; Mönnig,
1967). Other pedagogies or ways of knowing Indigenous people used encompass diverse
practices such as land-based literacies, nature-based education, and place-based learning.

African education is, therefore, in essence unique to a particular African culture and society,
unique because African Indigenous knowledge systems form the basis for African Indigenous
education. Indigenous African education can therefore, be characterised by the following:

• It is situated in a particular context, which embodies the life experience, interactions,

and natural settings of the Indigenous people.
• It represents holistic knowledge because it addresses all dimensions of being human,
that is, physical, spiritual, emotional, and intellectual.
• It is derived from multiple sources of Indigenous knowledges, such as old knowledge
that has existed for generations in a specific community, and which is revealed in
historical events, ancestral wisdoms, and genealogies of the clan.
152 Journal of Education, No. 95, 2024

• Empirical knowledge that has been learnt through careful daily observations.
• Revealed knowledge acquired through dreams, visions, and spiritual institutions.

In short, Indigenous African education is essentially community orientated in ensuring the

recognition and enactment of traditional values and practices in African communities.

Primary forms of Indigenous education in Africa

Gumbo et al. (2022) highlighted that the persistence of postcolonial tendencies such as
cultural marginalisation, language suppression, and biased historical narratives has
contributed to a disconnect between Indigenous peoples and their knowledge systems. This
disconnect has constrained and distorted Indigenous communities’ understanding of their
own history. Akoleowo (2021) contended that the colonial dismantling of the wide spectrum
of Indigenous knowledge undermined the very foundation of African identity, depriving them
of essential aspects that are integral to their existence in every possible aspect. Ngũgĩ wa
Thiong’o (1986, p. 16) explained that the distortion of African Indigenous knowledges during
colonialism and postcolonial periods led to the deliberate undervaluing of “a people’s culture,
their art, dances, religions, history, geography, education, orature and literature, and the
conscious elevation of the language of the coloniser.” Knowledge cannot be divorced from a
people’s history, cultural context, and worldview (Owusu-Ansah & Mji, 2013).

Indigenous peoples in Africa have a diverse history that spans thousands of years. The term
“Indigenous” encompasses knowledge that emerges from an extended period of inhabiting a
specific location. Indigenous communities, with their cultural practices and deep connections
to the land, inhabited the African continent long before the arrival of the colonisers.
Indigenous peoples employed various modes or means to transmit knowledge within their
communities. Oral tradition, apprenticeship systems, ritual and ceremonial practices,
community involvement, Indigenous language systems, social hierarchies and roles, informal
learning spaces, gender dynamics, and adaptations to local contexts have all played a crucial
role in the educational practices of Indigenous people in Africa, serving to transmit cultural
knowledge, history, and values to many generations. Dei (2000) asserted that the knowledge
acquired by Indigenous communities acknowledges the diverse and collective sources, as
well as the collaborative nature of knowledge.

The devaluation of Indigenous knowledges can be traced back to the period before the
colonial era when European powers imposed their cultural, social, and scientific views on
Indigenous people—dismissing their traditional knowledge systems as primitive or inferior
(Mapunda, 2023; Wright, 2017). There is considerable archaeological evidence that suggests
that people have lived in Africa as long as they have in Europe, and that there were different
forms of knowledges that existed before the Europeans colonised Africa. Throughout history,
these people have faced challenges such as marginalisation, land dispossession, and cultural
assimilation.
 Seroto & Higgs: African indigenous education in the postcolonial period 153

Oral traditions
Oral tradition and storytelling have played a crucial role in the educational practices of
Indigenous people in Africa, serving to preserve deeply rooted African history, where written
records were limited or absent. In their work, Jackson et al. (2022) highlighted the Western
emphasis on disciplinary boundaries and formalised approaches in contrast to oral traditions.
They advocated for adopting a decolonial perspective on oral history, shedding light on how
numerous narrative discourses have actively advanced the colonial agenda by disregarding or
obscuring the knowledge, experiences, and traditions of Indigenous peoples, women, and
communities of Colour. According to Jackson et al. (2022), adopting a decolonial approach to
oral traditions necessitates that researchers establish enduring, mutually beneficial
relationships with storytellers and community collaborators within the framework of daily
engagements over a long period.

Advocates of modern history take pleasure in reflecting on its ancient roots, occasionally
noting with delight that history was primarily conveyed orally before the development of
writing (Sharpless, 2008). Oral traditions included historical events, genealogies, religious
beliefs, moral teachings, and cultural practices (Ali, 2010; Zegeye & Vambe, 2006). While
oral tradition possesses a historical lineage and serves as a valuable historical source, some
historians contend that pinpointing the exact origins of a story is challenging due to its
instability over time during transmission.

An Akan (Ghanaian) proverb posits an intriguing perspective, Tet eke asom ene Kakyene,
which translates to “ancient things remain in the ear,” simply meaning traditions survive only
by telling them (Rattray, 1914, p. 189). This proverb serves as a reminder that the oral
traditions were designed to preserve historical memory, bridge the gap between present and
past generations, and facilitate the dissemination of communal knowledge within the
community.

On the arrival of the colonisers, most dismissed oral tradition as primitive and unreliable,
considering written documentation as superior. They believed that Indigenous people’s oral
history and knowledge lacked accuracy and sophistication. European literature, written
records, and academic disciplines were regarded as the only valid source of knowledge. This
perspective stemmed from a Eurocentric bias and belief in the superiority of Western
civilisation. While oral history may not fit within the traditional definition of the scientific
method, it is a valuable and legitimate source of knowledge that can contribute to the
decolonisation efforts. During the postcolonial period, oral history assumes a crucial role in
the decolonisation process by centring the voices of marginalised and silenced communities
and presenting alternative viewpoints on African history. It is important to emphasise that
oral history should coexist and be recognised alongside other knowledge systems. Oral
history provides a platform for marginalised communities to share their experiences and
perspectives, challenging dominant narratives that have historically marginalised and silenced
them. By amplifying the voices of Indigenous people, oral history contributes to a more
inclusive and diverse understanding of African histories. Through oral history, alternative
154 Journal of Education, No. 95, 2024

viewpoints emerge that may differ from the perspectives presented in colonial or Eurocentric
accounts. These alternative viewpoints offer a more nuanced understanding of historical
events, cultural practices, and societal dynamics, allowing for a more comprehensive
interpretation of Africa’s past. It is essential to recognise that oral history should not be seen
as superior or inferior to other knowledge systems but rather as complementary. By
acknowledging the validity and importance of oral history alongside other forms of
knowledge, such as written records and scientific research, a more holistic understanding of
Africa’s history can be achieved.

Apprenticeship systems
Africa was not only the cradle of humanity but also the cradle of civilisation (Asante, 2019;
Diop, 1993). Diop (1993) argued that Africa is the home of humanity and civilisation, but
that Europe has taken over or twisted much of the African record. Africa is the home of many
of the technological innovations that laid the foundation for modern societies (Asante, 2019).
The intent of Europe was to erase the history of Africans and systems of knowledge and to
convince them that they do not have anything to offer to the “modern” world.

It was customary practice for Indigenous people before, during, and after the colonial period
to use visuals such as artefacts, paintings, and rock art to transmit their knowledges to other
generations. Archaeological research conducted in the last decade confirms that Indigenous
people living in Southern and North Africa, as well as the Near East, developed key cultural
innovations through, among others, rock art at least 80,000 years ago (Henshilwood et al.,
2009). There are several archaeological reports that confirm that the San were one of the
predominant Indigenous people who were involved in rock art and paintings (Bonneaua et al.,
2012; Lewis-Williams 2002; Lewis-Williams & Pearce, 2004). The San are the most ancient
people in the world and their existence goes back almost 60,000 years (Lee, 1976). San rock
art captivated writers as early as the mid-18th century. Ensign Beutler was the first author in
South Africa, in 1752, to confirm the authorship of the San paintings that were found along
the Kei River in the Eastern Cape (Theal, 1897). Several decades later, others mentioned rock
art in various parts of Southern Africa including the Kunene region in Namibia, the
Ngamiland region in Botswana, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Swaziland, and South Africa
(Mguni, 2015). Research in rock art shows that rock art in Southern Africa could be as old as
30,000 years (Lee, 1976). There is a consensus among most scholars that engraved patterns
on stone in Southern Africa are as old as 60,000 to 100,000 years (Coulson et al., 2011;
Henshilwood et al., 2009).

Rock art and paintings were other means African Indigenous people used to depict the
spirituality, economic, political, and social practices of the time. Many researchers studying
rock art in Southern Africa have primarily concentrated on discernible and specific themes
like hunting, archery, weapons, dances, and domestic scenes. However, they have overlooked
significant subjects such as the spiritual and cultural interconnectedness between Indigenous
people and rock art.
 Seroto & Higgs: African indigenous education in the postcolonial period 155

Extending from the Cape to Zimbabwe, the diverse array of rock art paintings indicate shared
characteristics, including various dancing postures, representations of dying postures, and
depiction of animals such as the eland (Jolly, 2021). These intricate paintings provided
valuable information about the techniques, symbolism, and aesthetic strategies that
Indigenous people of Southern Africa used. The rock art found in Southern Africa exhibited a
significant association with medicine men, commonly known as shamans, who were
predominantly prevalent among the San groups. The term “shaman” refers to a specific kind
of practitioner who addresses the psychological and spiritual requirements of a community
and indicates that the community has bestowed upon that individual a special status
(Waddock, 2014). These captivating rock paintings often portrayed the vivid imagery of
trance dance performed by the San people. The San trance dance represented a deep cultural
heritage that has been passed down through generations. Trance dance is a ritualistic practice
typically involving repetitive rhythmic music, dancing, and sometimes the use of specific
substances to induce an altered state of consciousness (Keeney et al., 2016). This form of
dance is often associated with spiritual or shamanic traditions where participants aim to
connect with the divine, ancestors, or spiritual realms. Trance dance or similar practices can
be found in various countries and cultures around the world. For example, in Africa (Lewis-
Williams, 1981; Lewis-Williams & Pearce, 2012), trance dances are performed in traditional
rituals among different ethnic groups. In South America (Lewis-Williams, 1994, 2002),
Indigenous communities practise trance dance as part of their spiritual ceremonies, such as in
the Amazon region among various tribes. Additionally, trance dance or similar rituals can be
observed in Indigenous cultures in Australia, Asia, and other parts of the world where
spiritual practices involve altered states of consciousness and connection to the spiritual
world (Kolawole & Cooper, 2022; Marshall, 1969).

The Indigenous people of Southern Africa devised their unique approaches to knowledge
sharing, primarily employing visual methods to teach practical skills. Often, they utilised
demonstrations to illustrate farming and pastoralist techniques, allowing participants to
observe, listen, and actively engage in various activities. The ancient city of Mapungubwe
(meaning “hill of the jackal”), for example, an Iron Age archaeological site in the Limpopo
province on the border between South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Botswana, existed between the
11th and 13th century. It was Southern Africa’s first state before European invasion. This
kingdom, which comprised of African Indigenous people, fostered a deep appreciation for
art, resulting in the creation of a remarkable array of sculptures and models that depicted
diverse animals and deities. These artistic expressions were highly valued and showcased the
kingdom’s commitment to artistic excellence (Carruthers, 2006; Wintjes & Tiley-Nel, 2019;
Wright, 2017).

Archaeological findings provide compelling evidence that the Khoi, another Indigenous
group, were the earliest settlers of the Cape of Good Hope. In a study that set out to
determine the distribution of Early Iron Age settlements in the Eastern Cape, Feely and Bell-
Cross (2011) agreed that there was a strong possibility of the presence of Khoi herders in the
Eastern Cape, perhaps with seasonal camps along rivers, during the Early Iron Age. The Iron
Age can be characterised as a significant phase in human development marked by the
156 Journal of Education, No. 95, 2024

utilisation of iron tools. In Africa, this era is believed to have commenced around 1200 BC,
as Indigenous communities began the practice of smelting iron ore and crafting tools through
forging techniques (Giliomee & Mbenga, 2007; Wilson & Thompson, 1969). These Khoi
people engaged in the rearing of cattle, and they also possessed advanced pottery-making
skills (Derricourt, 1977).

Indigenous communities employed various methods to transmit knowledge about practical

farming techniques, encompassing aspects such as food security, environmental
sustainability, soil fertility management, locally adapted approaches, and cultural
preservation. These knowledge-sharing practices played a crucial role in fostering resilience
within Indigenous communities amidst socio-economic changes stemming from land
dispossession by Europeans. According to Kolawole and Cooper (2022), Indigenous peoples
worldwide exhibit a strong connection to the land and prioritise sustainable livelihoods
through activities such as fruit gathering, crop cultivation, and hunting. This perspective
arises from the study conducted by the last-mentioned authors, which involved local
participants from Botswana, Nigeria, and New Zealand. Their study revealed a shared
understanding of the underlying epistemology regarding what constitutes fertile soil for
farming. Save the Children (2000) also recognised Indigenous knowledge as a valuable
resource that should consider the daily strategies employed by communities.

Before Africa was colonised, Indigenous people employed diverse apprenticeship methods
for various skills. However, with the arrival of European settlers, different approaches, such
as the use of machinery, and technology were introduced in these areas. It is important to note
that the introduction of these European methods does not imply the absence of pre-existing
technologies and practices among Indigenous communities, as outlined above. In the
postcolonial era, scholars and disciplines must recognise the value of integrating Indigenous
apprenticeship systems with contemporary knowledge and research. By combining these
approaches, a more comprehensive understanding of sustainable practices and effective
resource management can be developed, honouring both Indigenous wisdom and the
contributions of postcolonial scholarship.

Language acquisition
Indigenous languages played a vital role in the transmission of cultural knowledge, including
oral traditions, stories, and spiritual practices. The erosion of Indigenous languages due to
colonial influence endangered these rich cultural practices and disrupted intergenerational
knowledge transfer. Despite the absence of formal historical records for Indigenous peoples
before and during the colonial period, it is essential to recognise the significant role those
Indigenous languages played in shaping Indigenous epistemology. Through storytelling,
proverbs, and tales, older members of Indigenous communities intricately wove together a
sense of social and individual identity, preserving cultural heritage and transmitting
knowledge from one generation to the next.

Language socialisation served as a vital mechanism for preserving and perpetuating

Indigenous epistemology, ensuring the continuity of traditional knowledge systems and
 Seroto & Higgs: African indigenous education in the postcolonial period 157

worldview. Language socialisation refers to the process of using language to interact,

communicate, and integrate with others within a particular society, acquiring the ability to
use the language appropriately in different social contexts. This form of socialisation occurs
when an expert or experienced individual engages with a novice, guiding them in language
usage. Indigenous communities, such as the San included themes in their narratives such as,
“marriage and sex, the food quest, sharing, family relationships, the division of labor, birth
and death, murder, and blood vengeance” (Biesele, 1976, p. 303). Indigenous communities
used language socialisation as a means to help learners assimilate into appropriate language
practices and participate in community cultural routines, activities, and expectations
(Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986). The promotion of European languages was often tied to efforts to
assimilate Indigenous populations into the colonial culture. Indigenous people were
encouraged or forced to adopt the language and cultural practices of the colonisers, leading to
the suppression and decline of their own languages.

Ngũgĩ wa Thiongo (1986) argued that language is much more than a simple arrangement of
words. It possesses a profound and evocative influence that extends far beyond its literal and
immediate meaning. Using imagery, riddles, syllable transpositions, and symbols, language
provided Indigenous peoples with a unique perspective on the world and its inherent beauty.
According to Ngũgĩ wa Thiongo (1986), colonisation deliberately sought to dismantle and
devalue the cultural practices, artistic expressions, traditional dances, religious beliefs,
historical narratives, geographical knowledge, educational systems, oral traditions, and
literary achievements of the colonised, while simultaneously elevating the language of the
coloniser.

The preceding discussion highlighted different primary and key practices of Indigenous
people. Oral history, which fostered a more diverse and inclusive understanding of African
history, was discussed. We also acknowledged the significance of various apprenticeship
practices among Indigenous communities, as well as the crucial language played in
transmitting cultural knowledge. In the upcoming section, the article will reflect critically on
the role that African Indigenous education can play in the postcolonial period.

The role of African Indigenous education in the

postcolonial period
Education in the postcolonial period remains largely untransformed and detached from the
lived experience of most Africans and continues to be embedded in Western knowledges. In
the light of this, there is a critical need in the postcolonial period to address the challenges of
transforming education on the African continent, which remains embedded in an historical
context marked by colonialism. This existential and humane need today requires education in
Africa to be decolonised by means of a decolonial turn in education (Higgs, 2023) that
reclaims the recognition and inclusion of African Indigenous education in the postcolonial
period in the enactment of transforming of education in Africa. This reclamation should,
however, not exclude and negate Western forms of knowledge in education but should rather
be directed at a “fusion of epistemologies” that seeks to integrate both African Indigenous
158 Journal of Education, No. 95, 2024

knowledge and Western forms of knowledge in education (Higgs, 2020). What this means is
that a core strategy should be adopted in African Indigenous education that seeks the best of
both Indigenous African and Western forms of knowledge when it comes to the enactment of
education and pedagogical practice.

Such a decolonial turn in education challenges the supremacy and hegemony of colonialism
in knowledge production. In this instance, this decolonial critical narrative in education
involves contesting the hegemony of a Western epistemological control of knowledge
production in education while at the same time interrogating whose interests are served by
this knowledge and its practices (Akena, 2012; Kodirekkala, 2016). The implications of such
an approach at the level of pedagogy, assessment, as well as the operational logics of an
institution of learning and its institutional culture(s), are that the local contextual expertise
that African Indigenous knowledge systems can offer, can complement the capabilities of
Western knowledge systems to generate forms of creativity and knowledge production that
benefit and empower everyone in the enactment of education.

Lebakeng (2021) claimed that education in Africa is historically a function of its colonial
history and this has had implications for knowledge production and the nature of such
knowledge in Africa. Since the decolonisation of the African continent, the nature and
purpose of education has been a site of contestation because of the exclusion of Indigenous
knowledge systems in African education. As a result, several African scholars have engaged
in a critique of colonial epistemology in asserting the legitimacy of African epistemology
(Cross & Ndofirepi, 2017; Dei, 2004, 2016; Jimoh, 2018; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013; Ndofirepi
& Cross, 2014; Oyeshile, 2008).

Thus, in deconstructing the effects that coloniality has on education, the following questions
should be raised when considering African Indigenous education in the postcolonial period:

• In what way(s) should African Indigenous education impact on the task of, and
approach to, knowledge production, and how does this effect knowledge production
and curriculum development?
• How is the content of African Indigenous education to be aligned with the needs and
realities of African societies and communities?
• What and how much of the content of African Indigenous education should be
included in the curriculum, and how shall this incorporation take place? In other
words, how should this content be integrated with the existing content in the
curriculum?
• What are the possible research initiatives in African Indigenous education that can be
embarked upon to ensure the integrity of intent in transforming education by
including African Indigenous knowledges and value systems?
• What constitutes knowledge in African Indigenous education and how is this
knowledge created and disseminated?
 Seroto & Higgs: African indigenous education in the postcolonial period 159

• The validation of knowledge is political. So, how should African Indigenous

education define and validate knowledge for education in the face of multiculturalism,
globalisation, and the internationalisation of knowledge?

Education in Africa has seen the systematic attempt on the part of colonial education to
dismiss the value of African culture, language, customs, and practices in education (Shizha,
2013). This problem prevails in the postcolonial period where coloniality still contributes to
the marginalisation and exclusion of African Indigenous education. To address this problem,
African Indigenous education should set about:

• determining the extent to which the content of African Indigenous education is

informed by African Indigenous knowledges
• examining the source of the knowledge that informs what is imposed on or prescribed
for Africa, and how education is implicated in Western hegemonic practices
• interrogating the ways of knowing African Indigenous education validates and
promotes, and which ways of knowing it ignores, invalidates, and why.

These actions would allow African Indigenous education to be valorised and legitimised in
education in Africa but, we also argue, without leading to the exclusion of Western forms of
knowledge in education. What is needed, therefore, is for the creative integration of Western
and African forms of knowledge in African Indigenous education. This means that attempts
at decolonising Western forms of knowledge in education should be seen to locate African
Indigenous knowledges within a holistic epistemology that includes Western forms of
knowledge. In other words, attempts at reclaiming African Indigenous education should not
in any way strive for an epistemology of exclusion. In short, such attempts at reclamation
should acknowledge both African Indigenous knowledges and Western forms of knowledge
as constituting necessary components of a holistic framework of knowledge for education in
Africa.

The danger in not acknowledging such a mutual compromise is that just as a Western
approach to knowledge can be perceived to be imperialistic and universal, so too, the
ideological nature of an African-centred approach to knowledge, if given expression in an
African Indigenous education, has the potential to become as universal and exploitative. This
is especially pertinent in the image of an ethnic fundamental understanding of Afrocentricity,
which champions the tragic victims of socio-political conditions for which there is no way
out.

We would therefore, argue that the interaction between a Western approach to what counts as
valid knowledge and an African approach to valid knowledge needs continual displacement
to ensure that neither obtains a dominant position in any form of educational discourse in
Africa (Abah et al., 2015; Mawere, 2015). The ideal represents a fusion of epistemologies of
both African Indigenous knowledges and Western forms of knowledge in African Indigenous
education (Higgs, 2020). What this means is that a core strategy should be adopted in African
Indigenous education, which seeks the best of both Indigenous African and Western forms of
knowledge because, as Hoppers (2002, p. 15) stated:
160 Journal of Education, No. 95, 2024

The local contextual expertise that Indigenous knowledge frames can offer, can
complement some of the mechanical, technical, and scientific precision capabilities of
Western knowledge systems to generate forms of creativity that benefits and
empowers everyone.

What the impact of such an epistemological arrangement, or fusion of epistemologies on

African Indigenous education would be, is outlined in what follows. In the first instance, it
would ensure that not only African Indigenous knowledges are acknowledged in education,
but that the educational project of transforming education in Africa would be redirected. This
does not mean doing away with Western epistemological frames of reference, but rather
advocates an attempt at the creative integration of a diversity of epistemological frames of
reference in African Indigenous education. Secondly, such a fusion of epistemologies would
encourage critical questions being directed at the knowledge content that is included in
African Indigenous education curricula, and how this knowledge is integrated in various
subject programmes. This would require what Hoppers (2002) claimed as a critical or
reflexive praxis, and an ongoing willingness towards reflexivity. She went on to state that
such a self-reflexive praxis directed at an education practice which advocates the rediscovery
of an African gnosis (ways of knowing) would be concerned with, among other things:

• critiquing conceptual systems that depend on a Western epistemological order

exclusively
• establishing parameters of rationality and ethically sound and ecologically constituted
ways of thinking about education
• paying attention to the originality of African contributions and the foregrounding of
African Indigenous knowledge systems
• monitoring and evaluating cultural and gender bias in curricula.

Thirdly, such a fusion of epistemologies would address issues of alienation and dominance.
By means of critical inquiry, any oppressive situation would be unveiled, analysed, and
changed. This idea has been raised by Freire (1970, p. 36) in his notion of “reflection and
action” and by Newsum (1990, p. 85) in his reference to “reflection with positive and active
participation.” Any form of education would, in such an instance, as McLaren (1989) noted,
be primarily involved with processes of inquiry that do not see the oppressive situation as a
closed world from which there is no exit but rather, as a process of constructing and building
possibilities through imagination and hope. Hence, any form of education that seeks to
integrate African Indigenous knowledges and Western forms of knowledge would be mainly
concerned with empowering learners to gain increasing confidence in their own abilities
while, at the same time, acquiring a sense of pride in their own ways of being and acting in
the world. This means that these forms of education would provide learners with an
acknowledgement of the legitimacy of their own voices after they have grappled with the
education content offered to them. In so doing, learners would be encouraged to seek out the
significant connections between the knowledge contents offered in education curricula and
their own life experiences.
 Seroto & Higgs: African indigenous education in the postcolonial period 161

Finally, a fusion of epistemologies in African Indigenous education that seeks to integrate

both African Indigenous knowledges and Western forms of knowledge in education would
see knowledge development as a holistic journey that includes process, content, and the
socio-cultural context in which learning is being modelled (Higgs, 2016). According to
Hoppers (2002), the view that sees knowledge simply as information and mediated by
instruction should be challenged because it removes learners from knowledge as wisdom and
consequently detracts attention from those who hold the responsibility for the transmission of
such knowledge. Ramose (1998) reminded us, furthermore, that wisdom is an openness to
unfolding practices, which also acclaims co-operation rather than conquest and competition.
The golden rule of wisdom, Ramose (1998, p. 2) argued, is that “reductionism, absolutism,
universalism, and dogmatism are an injury to the complexity of life as a holistic
phenomenon.”

According to these insights, a fusion of epistemologies in education that integrates African

Indigenous knowledges with Western forms of knowledge should, therefore, perceive
learning as cooperation and not primarily competition in its endeavour to construct
knowledge that empowers Africa communities (Kenzo, 2002).

African Indigenous education views learning as a cooperative endeavour rather than a

competitive one, and is rooted in its embrace of diversity and guided by a practical aim to
enhance the quality of life for all. Indigenous education has the potential to ensure that
education ceases to function as an ideological tool serving group interests in maintaining
relations of power and domination. Education in Africa certainly stands in need of this
liberation from ideological hegemony, which derives its power from the hegemony of
Western forms of knowledge. People cannot be empowered if they are locked into ways of
thinking that work to oppress them. Nor can people be empowered if they do not have access
to those Indigenous forms of knowledge that provide them with their identity as persons. The
ideal of a distinctively African Indigenous education is, therefore, for an epistemologically
rich philosophy of education which is characterised by multiple sets of conceptual schemes,
each giving African educators an entry into reality and maximising a many-sided
understanding of whatever educational issues are at question. Such an African philosophy
respects diversity and acknowledges lived human experience in embracing the contribution
that Western forms of knowledge can make in the construction of empowering knowledge
that would enable communities in Africa to participate in their educational development.

Conclusion
Our intention in this article has been to reflect critically on the nature of a decolonial turn in
African Indigenous education during the postcolonial period. In so doing, we have reflected
on the recognition, inclusion, and reclamation of African Indigenous education in
postcolonial Africa, and the challenges confronting African Indigenous education in its role
in bringing about the necessary transformation of education in Africa.

These considerations have serious implications for African Indigenous education. This is
because African Indigenous education should model an appropriate epistemology that
162 Journal of Education, No. 95, 2024

encourages a learning environment where the learner undergoes change because of the
insights gained from an inclusive fusion of horizons in education and subsequently, becomes
a wiser and more humane person, capable of living in harmony with the world. This in turn,
becomes the prerogative of African Indigenous education seeking to decolonise Western
hegemonic discourses in education while at the same time acknowledging the value and
contribution that Western forms of knowledge can make to African Indigenous education in
the enactment of the transformation of education in Africa. In essence, this constitutes the
transformative role that African Indigenous education can play in the postcolonial period in
addressing the hegemonic influence of Western education.

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