Chapter 2

An artisan way of life: the contemporary situation of Dumbara

weaving

2.1 Introduction

One who enters a workshop maintained by a Dumbara artisan seldom hears the mechanical noise
typical to cloth weaving and the sorrounding environment inside such a workshop is very calm
and ‘friendly’. The cheif weaving artisan and the assistant weavers always pay a closer attention
to what they are engaged in. Unlike the most common types of weaving involving continuous
beating of paa polu, this particular type of weaving involves very slow manner entailing holding
one string each time manually, leading to zero noise as in other types of weaving by beating paa
polu together continuously.

Despite the busyness in the houshold activities of these artisans, their family members always
seem to be expressing a willingness to accept an outsideer observer like me. According to my
experience as a researcher who has been in close connection with them for over twelve years, I
believe that this friendliness is of a highly selective nature. The relationship they maintain with
outsiders is exclusivelly linked with the extent to which is becomes a meaningful awareness and
beneficial in relation to their craft. It is evident that they have a subtle insight as to which person
would posess the capacity to contribute positively to their craft-activity and they are not hesitant
to spare their time to be in company with such persons. My conviction is that their friendly
manner of maintaining close connections with potentially beneficial outsiders is deeply rooted in
their marginalised cast-subjectivity and resulting subordinate mentality.

Despite the above- mentioned situation, most of the artisans do not give their consent when an
outsider proposes them to attend a workshop conducted by a person outside their community and
in most cases they tend to underrate the skills or the attentiveness of their Other, point out the
faults of the products made by the Other or emphasise the artistic nature of their own products.

Household activities, minor extra income earning activities, weaving clothes and being in
company with outsiders at least once or twice a month are part and parcel of their main activities.
In such a contect, the present chapter intends to explore the present situation of Dumbara
weaving which is primarily based on the above account on their lives.

1
Upon stepping into a Dumbara artisan’s workshop, one is unlikely to hear the regular,
mechanical clatter associated with weaving looms. The workshop atmosphere appears quiet and
welcoming. Both the master weaver and co-weavers are seen deeply absorbed in their work with
great concentration. Unlike the constant foot-treading of looms, these artisans weave by lifting
and interlacing each thread by hand.

Even with their heavy involvement in household tasks, family members are warm and well-
prepared to welcome outside visitors like myself. Based on my experience of over twelve years
working closely with these artisans, I’ve found that this warmth is selectively extended, it's
reserved for those who engage meaningfully with their craft. The artisans know and not regard
all such visitors as potential buyers, but considered as..... . But they take time to explain their
methods, inspirations, and even innovations they claim to have pioneered. this seemingly humble
and gracious demeanor may, in part, stem from a deeper, inherited social humility rooted in their
marginalized caste status.

However, artisans can become less tolerant when visitors intend move to neighboring
workshops. Such shifts may cause of competition—where artisans downplay others’ skills, point
out flaws, or emphasize the superiority and originality of their own designs.

This is how these artisans’ families spend their everyday lives—dividing time between
household chores, weaving, and occasionally engaging with outsiders at least once every week or
two, using their craft as a medium for connection.

Dumbara weaving are presentyly taking place in the form of a minor, household-based industry.
It was clearly mentioned in a preceding section of this thesis that Dumbara weaving has been
taking place since the feudal period in Sri Lanka, i. e. at least two centuries ago. Dumbara
weaving, as it exists today, operates distinctly in contrast to its substitute sectors such as the
community-based handloom industry in Sri Lanka1 and the production of traditional Kandyan
crafts such as mat weaving, pottery making or iron casting and blacksmithing. The primary
reason for this, as I have come to notice, is the ‘particular form of patronage’ associated with
Dumbara weaving - namely, elite patronage. While the aforementioned goods are handcrafted,
they were originally produced as utilitarian products intended for everyday use. In line with their
caste-based occupation, Dumbara artisans had been historically responsible for the production of
such ordinary textiles for ordinary people. Nevertheless, the association of these textiles with

1 I visited almost all the existing handloom villages in Sri Lanka and had the opportunity to conduct research on
them under a research project named ‘Samkathana’. (‘Samkathana’: Documenting Evidence of Discourse
Communities in Sri Lanka, Postgraduate Research Program at the Faculty of Humanities, University of Kelaniya,
Sri Lanka, (2 014- 2015)). My study areas under this project were major weaving villages of Kottala,
Madampallella, and Maratamuneyi, including Talagune. Explain the situation

2
elite patronage—both historically and in contemporary contexts—has transformed them into
commodities imbued with the status of luxury goods.

The evolution of Dumbara weaving has not followed the conventional path of industrialization.
By drawing attention to this evolutionary trajectory of Dumbara weaving— from its past as a
livelihood embedded within a feudal subsistence economy to its current manifestation as a
capitalist industry —this chapter presents an account of the present situation of Dumbara
weaving.

As referred to here, the ‘present situation’ of Dumbara weaving can be said to have emerged due
to the ‘transformation’ that began in the early 1980s. This transformation involved the craft's
transition into a monetary economy reflecting an alignment with capitalist modes of production.
It significantly transformed the social formation of the artisan community, including the
emergence of class division within what was previously a cohesive caste-based system. It has
also entailed privatization of assets with ownership centralized within nuclear families,
establishment of labor division, monetized wage system, and accumulation of capital gains by
individual artisans. Drawing on a fieldwork conducted among artisan households in the village of
Talagune, I consider in this chapter the influence of residual elements of the feudal
socioeconomic system on the routines and processes of Dumbara weaving. While the craft has
adopted characteristics of a capitalist industry, it is still entwined with archaic social structures
rooted in familial and kinship relations. These community aspects, rather than being entirely
supplanted by the capitalist norms, have been revalidated and repurposed to sustain the craft’s
survival and relevance within its contemporary situation.

2.2 What is Dumbara Weaving?

It becomes clear that some unique inherent characteristics of Dumbara weaving have been
crucial for the Dumbara artisans to sustain their craft over generations. It is therefore intended to
devote a considerable portion of this chapter to describe what Dumbara weaving has been, and

3
why it is exceptional, or ‘out of the ordinary’. These characteristics have enabled Dumbara
weaving to transcend its modest origins within a marginalized rural artisan community, gaining
recognition among higher social strata referred to here as the ‘elite’.

Dumbara weaving is not consumed by artisans themselves but is produced for sale; the
production of these goods is, in fact, their primary source of livelihood. Unlike other crafts,
sustaining handloom weaving as a means of livelihood or a manufacturing industry is extremely
challenging, especially nowadays, as innumerable inexpensive substitutes are available for any
type of cloth. This issue is particularly acute for the Dumbara artisan community which consists
of fewer than ten families and, consequently the scale of production remains markedly limited.
However, even while making a limited range of products, Dumbara weaving contain the
potential to confront with such situations due to the craft’s distinct characteristics. එසේම එම ලක්ෂණ
ශිල්පීන්ට ඔවුන්ගේ ප්‍රජාව උදෙසාවන අනන්‍යතාව ගොඩනගාගෙන එය පවත්වාගනු
පිණිසත්. විශේෂයෙන්ම, අනුමැතිය උපයාගනිමින් කලා වස්තුවක් බවට පත්වීම
සඳහාත් (Sally J. Markowitz,1994), ඉහළ වටිනාකමකින් යුත් සුඛෝපභෝගී භාණ්ඩයක්
බවට පත්වීම සඳහාත්, නිසාම එය අනෙකුත් භාණ්ඩ ප්‍රවර්ග අභිබවා සියවස් ගණනාවක්
පැවත එන පුරාණ සම්ප්‍රදායේ අංග මූර්තිමත් කිරීම උදෙසාත් සහ ඊනියා උරුම
වටිනාකමක් අත්කරගැනීම සඳහාත්, දුම්බර වියමන මෙම දුර්ලභ හා අද්විතීය ‘out
of the ordinary’ ලක්ෂණවලින් සමන්විත විය යුතුය. In order to earn elite endorsement and
therefore become an artifact (Sally J. Markowitz,1994) or a high-value luxury good embodying
elements of an ancient tradition and acquire the so-called heritage value, these Dumbara woven
products need to possess one-of-a-kind and unique characteristics. Anyone who consumes and
patronizes such crafts becomes a beneficiary of multiple factors related to craft goods as well as
the underlying craft tradition (this important aspect related to craft-politics, and a discussion
regarding it is presented in Chapter Four). Dumbara weaving can therefore be considered ‘social
objects that assume an importance beyond production and utilization’ (Costin and Wright et al,
1998). It signifies and legitimizes group membership and social roles, and become reserves of
wealth, storing intrinsically valuable materials as well as the labor invested in their making
(Costin and Wright et al, 1998).

4
ඒ අනුව, ප්‍රජා කාරණා වෙත පිවිසීමට පෙර මෙම පරිච්ඡේදයේ මුල් කොටසෙන්
දුම්බර රෙදිවියමනෙහි භෞතික ලක්ෂණ කෙරෙහි අවධානය යොමු කිරීමට අදහස්
කරනවා, මෝස්තර ශිල්පීය ක්‍රම, හා එහි බහුකාර්යතාව ආදී දේ විස්තර කරමින්.
Accordingly, the first section of this chapter investigates the characteristics of Dumbara weaving
focusing on its patterning techniques, before exploring its community aspects. A subsequent
section of the chapter explores the conversion of traditional techniques and patterns of Dumbara
weaving illustrating its adaptation to meet the contemporary patron demands. This adaptation
facilitated the artisans to move beyond the stylistic homogeneity traditionally associated with
Dumbara weaving which nurtured the development of distinctive personal style contributing to
the unique characteristics evident in each artisan's body of work.

Dumbara weaving is distinctive due to its ornamentations consisting with intricate patterns. The
particular patterning technique, raw material (yarn and dyes), weaving apparatuses and
equipment employed these weaving are common among other weaving traditions in the world.
However, the uniqueness of the use of raw materials, blending of individual motifs into scattered
or striped patterns, the nature of woven textures with an irregular tactile appearance and touch,
and the way in which all the above elements are composed on the cloth enables one to easily
distinguish Dumbara weave from any other type of cloth. Such unique stylistic characteristics
should be recognized as common to many 'handcrafted' products.

Even though traditional techniques and processes are employed in making Dumbara woven
products, at present, the artisans tend to use the ordinary hand-loom instead of the traditional pit-
loom. The artisans call this device ‘aluva’ or ‘al-wale yanthare’– Image 2. Aluva is a weaving
apparatus erected on a gutter-like pit. Even though it can be considered a machine it truly is an
impermanent device made of few wooden poles, rods and pieces of ropes and cords. A set of
vertical warp threads is stretched between two horizontal poles to prepare for weaving on the
loom. One pole (warp beam) is tied to a piece of wooden rod fixed to the ground at the far end,
and the other heavier wooden pole (cloth beam) is fixed to the ground on either side towards the
front of the weaver. Only this cloth beam and the reed are permanently made in this loom. The

5
loom can be set up at any place and can be removed and folded to be used again. The hut known
as al-ge where aluva is assembled is used for the purpose of pounding and storing sacks of paddy
during paddy harvesting times. Hence, weaving activities are not performed at such times and it
is common to see the aluva hung on the joist of the roof of the hut. The nature of this loom
makes it more compatible with daily activities and household chores of the artisan. According to
the artisan Asoka Padmasiri, one of my informants, the oldest aluva in his house which was
owned by his grandfather was taken to the Ancient Technology Museum located in Polonnaruwa
three years ago. Now, among the Dumbara artisans, only Asoka is able to weave on aluva, a
talen he has inherited from his grandfather and father as the two latter artisans were used to
weave using this equipment until relatively recently, living in their traditional house. I have
visited Ashoka's house many times, but I have only seen him working on aluva once—on the
occasion when he prepared it for us as per our request. Asoka, like all other artisans, weaves with
ordinary looms and uses aluva only for demonstration purposes.

Coomaraswamy's Medieval Sinhalese Art (Coomaraswamy, 1907) highlights the existence of

large Dumbara woven pieces, some of which are as large as bedspreads. These pieces are
reportedly housed in museums in Britain, yet such large-scale items are absent from collections
within Sri Lankan museums. The traditional aluva, which can produce only a limited length of
woven piece at a time, generally produces pieces measuring only a few meters or it is restricted
to a single piece's dimensions. Consequently, the continued use of aluva proves to be inefficient
for producing textiles of such considerable scale. In the current context, it has become essential
for artisans to construct an aluva for use within their workshop, with the intention of showcasing
it as a symbolic representation of their inheritance.

Dumbara weavings are produced not as materials but as on-loom finished products. It remains
the same even now. In the past, such products included male clothes known as thuppotti, female
lower clothes known as paada hela or sela, clothes worn by men for bathing and hunting such as
diyakacci, handkerchiefs, towels, uramaala (shawls) as well as various other products such as
ethirili (bedcovers), sarasili (house-decorating clothes), kanappu lensu (a cloth for a small
octagonal or round table with three legs), chair covers, ura (pillow covers), sivuru hetta (textiles

6
for making monks’ robes), sivuru pati (belts), hats, bulath pahi (betel bags), thuppotti and
nilamakkara thuppotti, ( lower cloth worn by kings and other elite officials such as nilames),
thuppotti worn by ordinary people, clothes for flags and banners, curtains and viyan (canopy)
etc., (Coomaraswamy, 1907;page no). Among these products, the diyakacci deserves special
attention (Image 5 & 6). It is considered a multi-purpose clothing worn by men to cover the
lower part of the body (Coomaraswamy, 1907; page no). This clothing consists of a
rectangular-shaped ornamented panel on the front, a long narrow piece of cloth that extends
between the legs and secures at the back, and a thin belt to be worn around the waist. The
diyakacci is particularly notable for employing a special weaving technique that allows it to be
crafted all these three fragments as a single piece of cloth, a technique that even contemporary
veteran weavers find surprising. It is noteworthy that even with a modern, advanced weaving
machine, it is not possible to produce such a clothe comprising multiple segments of varying
dimensions. National Museums of Sri Lanka and Britain contain a collection of these diyakacci.
A few Dumbara artisans possess replicas of diyakachchi which have been newly woven
following old specimens. (This cloth is so sophisticated that Mrs. Thenuwara, the then designer
of The Textiles Department, has written seperate book that analyses its decoration. Thenuwara
has accepted the task of creating a replica of it in order to submit a similar diyakacci which is
placed in the National Museum in Colombo to an exhibition conducted by the South Asian
Museum in New Delhi. (Thenuwara; 2012). Under the guidance of Mrs. Thenuwara, this
replica was made by an artisan in Talagune named Gamini Wickramasinghe.

At present, Dumbara artisans pay more attention to making products such as cushion covers, wall
decorations, tablecloths and table mats, bags,cases and small quantity of Saris etc.

Dumbara weaving is characterized by its geometric and symmetrical design elements,

predominantly featuring square, rectangular, and triangular motifs. Notably, it excludes the use
of circular or curvilinear shapes and lines. It mainly consists of motifs depicting plants, flowers
and animals. Some of the traditional names of such motifs and patterns in Sinhala include: mal
peththa, heen mal peththa, maha mal peththa, pæhena mal peththa, para mal, dæththa, dæthi
mala, kathuru mala, ata-pethi mala, idda mala, piyuma, panaa piyuma, kiribath rataawa,

7
hawadi dangaya, thani pota lanuwa, depota lanuwa, ata pota lanuwa, walalu lagaya, lanu
gætaya, diya rælla, iri thondu, pannam kuuru, heen rataawa, maha rataawa, dunu mala, gedi
mala, awul heraya, bo kola, bopath, aliyaa (alephant), sinhayaa (lion), gaja sinha, kurulla
(bird), berunda pakshiya, ethkanda lihiniya, nai puttuwa, hansa puttuwa, chaithya (stupa), budu
pilima (Buddhaa statues), deva rupa (images of gods) (I obtained this information from
Somawansa. However, not all the designs mentioned in the latter part of the above list can be
seen among the conserved old products. The new weavings made by Somawansa contain such
decorations). The above-mentioned single shapes and motifs are combined and repeated in many
different ways to form decorative patterns on cloth. A special characteristic of Dumbara
weavings is the dissemination of very sophisticated and eye-catching decorations by using a
very limitted range of motifs (square, rectangular, and triangular motifs) and not more than three
colours. Design patterns like this as well as a process of weaving them are common among the
traditional Sri Lankan pan-peduru (reed mats) and hana or Niyanda kalala (jute hana mats
Agave americana / Niyanda Sansevieria roxburghiana). Thus it becomes clear that the peasant
good manufacturers or artisans are influenced by certain other crafts in creating these design
patterns. Once of the complecated pattern is lanu dagara and geta design. Even today, these
artisans continue to weave archaic motives and patterns in addition to novel designs.

At present, artisans purchase (cotton and on occasion rayon) yarn from the marketplace though
the cotton yarn in the past were prepared by the artisans themselves by processing cultivated
cotton in the village and the vicinity. Cotton was obtained from areas such as Madugalla
(Rajapaksa,). Those cotton yarn as well as the cloths woven using them were known as ‘taduppu
nool’ and ‘tapuddpu redi’ respectively. The theaduppu yarn was thicker and raw than the
present-day cotton yarn and it is a single strand of yarn. Natural decaying resources such as the
roots, flowers, crusts, fruits and seeds, minerals were used to colour the yarn. Even though
Dumbara weavings were complicated in nature, consisting of sophisticated patterns, their colour
range was limited one to four colours. The behind cloth was always woven with raw yarn. At
present, the artisans tend to make their weavings using yarns of any colour that can be bought
from the marketplace.

8
This weaving technique is similar to the most sophisticated weavings of the present day. These
unique characteristics and techniques of the Dumbara weaving community are further explained
below.

The design process in Dumbara weaving is of a special nature. As mentioned above, a colored
supplementary yarn is added using a wooden lath (Image 3) to the plain ground to make a
weaving consisting of;1. a single larger figure/ or small figures in the center of the cloth, 2. rows
of patterns running across the cloth, or 3. overall ornamentation. In the past, the ground fabric
was always woven with an undyed raw yarn.

Following is a brief account from Dayawathi who is one of the female veteran artisans in
Talagune on the specialty of this technique:

“Now…..in other weaving types the design is created through the foot treadles. When the
number of foot treadles are increased… say by four, eight or sixteen…the number of patterns
that can be woven increases as well. The pattern is woven according to the ways that foot treads
are pushed. In those weaving methods, the wefts are inserted by raising and lowering the warps
using the foot treadles. But, Dumbara patterning are not like that. There are two-foot treadles and
two Heddles shafts or harnesses. Here the design is made using a lath which is a narrow smooth
piece of wood or bamboo. The lath can raise and lower the warp as many ways as you like and a
weft would be inserted (Image 3). This is done…I mean raising and lowering the warp…by
hand, but not by feet. Therefore, any kind of design can be woven using this technique.”

Dumbara weaving can be considered a method employing a continuous extra-weft technique

(weft is the crosswise threads that are passed over and under the lengthwise warp threads) which
means that the whole clothe is woven with decorations using a single supplementary cross-yarn.
A ground weft is added along with each supplementary weft. It is also common to note that a
single motif or several such similar motifs placed in a row (especially, images of animals) is/are
designed using a method known as ‘bema’ - pickup technique. However, it should also be noted

9
that it is quite different to the ordinary ‘mal bema’ according to the pick-up weaving method of
Sri Lanka, ‘jamdaani’, or tapestry weaving methods. Dumbara weavers never use technical
drawings or notes. They are well aware of the number of yarns required for one picture in order
to disperse traditional patterns. However, it is necessary to prepare rough notes for the newels
crated designs nowadays.

The supplementary pattern yarn is thicker than the ground yarn used to weave the background
cloth since the ground cloth is woven using two strands of yarn while the pattern is woven with
four strands. Hence, it results in an embossed pattern raised against the background. Once
woven, it looks like an embroidered work on the cloth.

In Dumbara weaving, the design appears on both sides of the cloth, making both sides suitable to
be used. Accordingly, the negative or a total inversion pattern of the face side is woven on the
reverse side of the cloth. Hence, it can be argued that the Dumbara weaving tradition is one of
the most complicated and advanced weaving techniques. If the patterned wefts are not inserted
over and under at least for each four to six sets of wefts, it would result in defects such as yarn
slubs or thick lumps of yarn weft way . The artisans plan the design by cross-calculating
thousands of yarn to compose the patterns proportionally as well as symmetrically. Tangling of
yarns, knotting and planning the edges of the motifs is an intricacy of work that requires a very
high level of artistry. All in all, these artisans have already come up with successful problem-
solving in relation to the finishing of the highly ornamental woven piece. It should be stressed
that this design creation method in Dumbara weaving is not solely limited to its decorative
aspects. Rather, it is of vital importance to ensure the strength of the cloth, its durability and also
to resolve practical problems such as bulging yarn.

If the design covers the whole piece of cloth, it extends symmetrically running both warp-
wise and weft-wise. Initially, the first half of the design is woven inserting thin sticks such
as coconut or palm eakles in between the reed, or the heald shafts and the warp beam and
then the remaining part is woven effortlessly by mirroring the halfway design by removing
eakles one by one (Image 4).

10
It sometimes came to my mind whether the above-mentioned detailed account on the design
patterns of Dumbara weavings exaggerated and moving beyond the main objectives of this study.
However, such an account is necessary in order to point out the fact that the complexity of
Dumbara weaving is evident in multiple aspects (composing design patterns, product rage,
naivety of machineries and equipment) transending such features to the extent of a rural
production practice. For, the technical and aesthetic practices emploed by this so-called lower-
caste minority community in producing the woven products exhibitting such an advance level of
artisanal capacity, using a type of clothe of a sophisticated nature though they themselves do not
use those products poses significant problems related to the underlying cultural and economic
subtleness. The primary objective of this study is to explore the purpose(s) for which these
artisans experiment and make attempts to solve problems and issues related to producing such a
complicated final product full of sophisticated design patterns.

2.3 Dumbara weaver / Master Artisan

This section offers an account of the Dumbara weaving community with particular emphasis on
the artisanal life within master artisans’ families. These master artisans are the main informants
for this study. This investigates the contradictions inherent in the value of Dumbara weaving,
focusing on how these paradoxes generate both opportunities and challenges for the artisan
community. The study draws on ethnographic observations and the life narratives of these master
artisans, providing an understanding of their craft practices and lived experiences.

The Dumbara weaving community, during the period from 2019 to 2022, consisted of ten master
artisans, including three women. While individual membership of ‘master artisan’ may fluctuate
due to departures or new joining, such changes have not significantly altered the numerical
composition of the artisan community over several decades, or, across generations. In order to
present an idea of the geneological network of the master artisans who are the main informants
of this study, I use a grid depicted in Figure 2.1. The bold-colored shapes indicate them. During

11
the lifetimes of these artisans, Dumbara weaving has undergone a transformation into its current
form, evolving into a capitalist industry.

It is firstly important to interpret the meaning of ‘artisan’ to gain an understanding of the

‘Dumbara artisan’. Since the term is used interchangeably and with contradictory implications in
the contemporary usage, it is necessary to compare the term ‘artisan’ with the meaning of
‘craftsman’. However, the terms ‘artisan’ and ‘craftsman’ reflect distinct roles and contexts
within the production of crafts or handmade goods (Michael Hanagan, 1977 , E. J.
Hobsbawm1984). An artisan, According to my interpretation, a ‘skilled worker’ is a person who
creates goods manually by hand prioritizing esthetic value. His/ her work blends functionality
with esthetic expression, producing unique, high-quality pieces that embody a heritage factor. In
contrast, craftsman focuses on technical skills and the mastery of tools, emphasizing the utility of
the products over artistic elements. Greenhalgh stresses that “while the craftsman is associated
with technical precision and repeatable production the artisan often prioritizes individuality and
cultural heritage” (Greenhalgh, 1997; page). The craft-making practices by such artisans not
only provide livelihoods but symbolize a cultural link between the product and its maker,
reflecting authenticity and traditional knowledge (Coomaraswamy, 1907). Similarly, the Sinhala
term Shilpiyaa is used to denote ‘artisan’ referring to practitioners whose craft-making practices
are embedded within traditional guild or caste systems in post-industrial era. However, the term
Shilpiyaa is not generally used in colloquial use. Rather it seems to be used as an offical formal
term. Conversely, craftsmen produce handmade goods independently, without the communal or
hereditary ties which essentially characteristic of artisanship. I intend to highlight the duality of
these terms especially because it is imoprtant for the present study to differentiate the artisans
inclluding Dumbara weavers from the mere any type of manufacturers of handmade products.
Even Coomaraswami (1907; 190) who has first documented such producers of goods has used
the term ‘craftsmen’ to refer to the Kandyan artisans.
Coomaraswamy, one of the earliest to document producers of handcraft products such as the
Dumbara weavers, notably referred to them as ‘Craftsmen’ (Coomaraswamy, 1907; 190). He has
used the term ‘artificer’ to refer to high-caste artisans such as goldsmiths, silversmiths and
artistes who were institutionally attached to the royal palace and organized into four divisions

12
known as Kottal Badda and Pattal Hara, the members of the common caste known as aachaari.
Although they occupied a social position significantly higher than that of the artisan castes like
Dumbara cotton weavers and mat weavers or potters, the social structure in that context revealed
a comparable formation. Rather than forming a collective artisan community, individuals who
engaged in craft practices of high ranked were the members of a particular caste on a personal or
individual basis. It is, in a certain sense, a matter related to the labour aristocracy (Hobsbawm,
1984). (While Aacharies are clearly not part of the industrial urban proletariat that Hobsbawm
analyzed, his concept of labour aristocracy can be applied to understand the divisions within
artisan communities in pre-colonial, pre-capitalist contexts like Sri Lanka. These artisans may
earn significantly more than others, enjoy better living conditions, and establish ties with elites).
The designation Coomaraswami’s ‘artificer’ implies a sense of stability or permanence
associated with his position, suggesting a hierarchical distinction when compared to good
manufacturers of lower social standing. However, the difference between these two terms -
artisan and craftsman – which highlighted here in this study is not as an attempt to stress such a
hierarchy in terms of social stratification, but because of an attempt to understand the context in
which such manufacturers do their productions. I adopt the term ‘artisan’ to describe Dumbara
weavers, in accordance with the conceptual definition outlined above in the previous section
defining as an individual who synthesizes aesthetic expression with their practice to produce
distinctive and high-quality craft goods that embody elements of cultural heritage.

Based on the preceding explanation, eligibility for the title of 'Dumbara weaver' or 'master
artisan' is reserved exclusively for individuals belonging to a lineage of Dumbara weavers,
whose hereditary craft tradition can be traced back to the pre-industrial era. Throughout the
course of this study, the term Dumbara weaver is used to denote the master artisans. In fact, a
master-artisan is an eminent weaver, highly skilled in a specific type or technique of craft—in
this case, Dumbara weaving—who engages in the craft making practices as his /her main
livelihood on a full-time basis. Achieving this ‘master- artisan’ status requires expertise in the
entire weaving process, including sourcing or processing yarn, fabricating necessary machinery
and tools, planning designs, weaving, and selling final products. Notably, the status of a master
artisan in Dumbara weaving however is an ‘achieved status’, rather than an inherited obligatory

13
position and entitlement. The notion ‘achieved status’ has relevance to making of goods in the
feudal pre-industrial context, a discussion of which will follow later in this chapter. The status of
the master artisan, accordingly, is 1) achieved through sustained commitment to weaving, and, 2)
most importantly, a deliberate decision to choose Dumbara weaving as the primary livelihood for
one's family. Under the feadual system of caste-based duty which is known in Sinhala as
‘raajakaariya’, members of this community had the opportunity to give up weaving and engage
in exorcism. In the same way, it becomes evident that even at present they have many ways of
income generation if they give up the weaving industry. Hence the two factors which were
highlighted above are of crucial importance and that aspect is emphasised throughout this study.

These master artisans are the central nodes within twofold institutional structure related to
Dumbara weaving: 1) the kin community (Figure 2.1) and 2) the craft enterprise (Figure 2.2).
The subsequent sections elaborate on the artisanal life of the Dumbara artisans focusing on the
above community dynamics as well as the economic activities sustained within their nuclear
family units.

2.3.1 The Kinship-Based Artisan Community

The formation of the Dumbara artisans' community can be understood through the kinship
(geneological) lineage of master artisans shaped by descent and alliances.

As it has been mentioned several times in this study, these artisans belong to the caste known as
Berava. According to the feudal caste system in Sri Lanka, Beravas had been assigned the roles
of playing drums, performing exorcism as well as executing astrological practices (Knox 190,
Pieris, Rise). However, the Beravas of Talagune were primarily cotton weavers (Lorie 1878),
and they are the group referred to here in this study as the Dumbara artisans. In addition to their
main occupation of weaving, as the majority of their caste, Dumbara artisans also engaged in

14
drumming, exorcism rituals, and astrological practices (Coomaraswami 1908). Some of them
were regarded as highly skilled in sorcery and exorcism, and the villagers who provided me with
information (non-artisan villagers from Talagune and surrounding villages) confirmed that a few
of these practitioners were even well-known in distant villages for their perceived spiritual
abilities.
The weavers of this community were assigned the task of weaving clothes for ordinary people –
for peasants. Further, supplying a limitted number of clothes such as handkerchiefs, several
yardage of clothes to Temples which they had been assigned for duty was also an essential task
and obligation (Coomaraswami 1908). For the latter purpose they have woven normal crude
clothes and cotton had been cultivated in the village and adjacent villages for this. The people
of the surrounding villages have yielded cotton for these weavers (Rajapaksha). However, it may
have not been a considerable yeild. It is therefore inappropriate to assert that the ornamental
weaving practice now known as Dumbara weaving emerged from caste-based obligations such
as the production of utilitarian textiles. Rather, it is plausible that this form of ornamental
weaving originated through the independent trialing of one or a few skilled artisans. Over time,
such individual innovation may have been adopted, preserved, and transmitted collectively
within the community.

One of the earliest descriptions of these artisans is found in the book – gazetteer of the Central
Province of Ceylon compiled - by Lawrie. According to his account, there had been three
weaving families in this village, namely, Yakdessa Gedara, Pussekumbure Gedara and
Wagalawatthage around a century ago while he was carrying out his survey (Lawrie,
1896/1898). Another observation is that the names referenced above cannot be regarded as
surnames in the conventional sense attributed to artisan families. Rather, these names function as
identifiers of specific households within extended kin community. Historically, the term gedara
(house) connoted familial affiliation tied to a particular caste or sub-caste. For example,
expressions such as Berawayalge Gedara would denote a member of the Berawa or of a
Drummer’s household. In this context, an individual’s ‘ge’ name signified their belonging to a
caste-based familial unit or a particular household within such a group. Thus, the names used for
these artisans reflect their association with the lineage of berawaya (drum players) or yakdessa

15
(sorcerers), serving more as markers of caste and house-based identity than as individual family
surnames.

All the three families, as mentioned previously, were involved in weaving though some members
of the same family practiced drumming or sorcery. A drummer or sorcerer in a weaving family
did not engage in weaving but occasionally assisted the family in the weaving process. A
member of a family entirely devoted to sorcery may have learnt weaving from a relative in a
weaving family and adopt it as a livelihood. Training and participation in either weaving or
sorcery occurred at the community level. Coomarasvami has mentioned that there were only two
families in Talagune at the time he was writing about these artisans and another group of women
were involved in cotton-spinning.

At present, there are weaver artisans descending only from the family of yakdessa-lage
(sorcerers’). However, they are no longer engaged in activities related to sorcery and they have
completely transformed into a craft-making or an artisan community based on Dumbara
weaving.

All the families of the artisans community currently living in Talagune are descendants of
Yakdessaage Gedara Rankira who was a master-artisan two generations elder than existing elder
generation. As indicated in the genealogical grid, those families belong to the third generation as
marked as ‘FAMILY 1’ and ‘FAMILY 2’. FAMILY 1 descends from the children of Rankira’s
eldest daughter, while FAMILY 2 descends from the children of his youngest son. Those
families with the majority of members involved in clothe weaving tend to represent some form
of dominance in the weaving activity while members of other families gradually give up
weaving. Consequently, the weaving community always consists of a limitted number of families
with close kinship relations. This geneological grid reveals that there is a tendency of most of the
members of a family of this community becoming weavers once this practice is transfered from
older generations to younger ones. Observation of this genealogical grid reveals a notable
pattern in the intergenerational transmission of the craft. As this practice is transferred from elder

16
to younger generations, it becomes evident that a significant concentration of artisans emerges
within a few families in the community.

Almost all members of the families who have given up weaving have already migrated to other
geographical areas outside the village of Talagune. Even though Rankira’s other siblings were
reputed artisans in the past (three of them, each in succession, held positions at the Kandyan Art
Association in Kandy, serving during both the final phase of the colonial era and the subsequent
post-colonial period.), it appears that their children and grandchildren have given up weaving
some time ago. Two grand-daughters of Rankira’s one of the younger brothers who resides in the
village are still performing weaving. Even though they each have a loom in their houses, they
cannot be considered ‘master-weavers’ according to the description that has been used for the
classification of ‘master-weaver’. They only work as co-weavers who weave clothes to cater to
the orders from master-weavers of other families. They do not work with any patron though they
are competent in all aspects the act of weaving, as inherited by the family. The possibility of
these artisans giving up this livelihood at some point of time is high. Other families, even master-
weavers have give up this livelihood due to the lack of direct atrons.

It is important to identify each artisan who is still alive based on the inter-generational
genealogical kin relationship (Figure 3.2 - genealogical grid). Let us first identify the
eldest generation of artisans within the community. As represented in the grid, in
FAMILY 1, the names of these artisans are 1) Sirisena 2) Somawansha 3) Premachandra and 4)
Dayawathi (numbers have been added before the names of the master-weavers who were the
main informants). They are the children of Rankira’s daughter Tikirathi. They and most of their
children are residents of this village and have now become master-weavers. Hence, it is the
family of Tikirathi – the family of her children and grandchildren - who are now prominent in
the Dumbara weaving industry. Tikirathi and her husband were not weavers at all. Rather they
had involved in sorcery, berawa caste’s obligatory service. The children of Tikirathi have learnt
weaving from their maternal grandfather Rankira and their uncles (mainly from Y.G. Padmasiri).
The master-artisan named 5) Ashoka Padmasiri in FAMILY 2 is the eldest son of Rankira’s
youngest son Y.G. Padmasiri. Even though all Ashoka’s siblings are currently living outside the

17
village and engaged in other professions, yet they too still perform weaving occasionally. The
second generation among them, only three sons of Sirisena out of his four children are currently
involved in weaving and 6) Chandana Yapage and 7) Saman Yapage are master-artisans. 8)
Lalith Somawansha who lives in the same village is also a master-weaver. Dayawathi’s daughter
9) Piyumali Wickramasinghe is the only female artisan representing the fourth generation. 10)
Anuradha Yapage who is Chandana’s daughter represents the fifth generation as the youngest
member of this generation and other members who belong to her generation are still schooling.
The successive order of these generations do not indicate their same age level. There are many
cases where the age of the child of a former generation is similar to that of a child of their own
generation.

Before detailing their life-narrative, a somewhat detailed introduction to each artisan is given in
the appendix. It is my conviction that such an introduction would be helpful to have a
preliminary idea of the artists whose names are continuously mentioned in this study (even
though I have provided some description here and there to highlight certain aspects of them).

All the above mentioned artisans live in a bunch of adjucent houses in a particular land in the
vilage of Thalagune (Important aspects of certain geographical and social conditions are
discussed in the next chapter). Artisans of the elder generation live on their traditional lands
while the artisans of the later generations have purchased lands to settle. Some artisans live with
the family of his married son’s family whille some others live with a young unmarried artisan
(male or female) together with his parents. Therefore, households of each single artisan has to be
considered abstractly.

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Markowitz Sally J. 1994, The Distinction between Art and Craft,The Journal of Aesthetic
Education,Vol. 28, No. 1 (Spring, 1994), University of Illinois Press,
[Link]

Hanagan Michael, 1977Artisan and Skilled Worker: The Problem of Definition

International Labor and Working-Class History, Cambridge University Press,
[Link]

Hobsbawm E. J. 1984, Artisan or Labour Aristocrat? The Economic History Review

New Series, Vol. 37, No. 3 (Aug.,), Wiley, [Link]

Schaefer, Herwin. “The Metamorphosis of the Craftsman.” College Art Journal 17, no. 3 (1958):
266–76. [Link]

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