Sadness
and
Support:
A
Short
History
of
Postpartum
Depression
Robert
Sparks
Essay
Contest
May
3,
2013
A
famous
case:
“Once
upon
a
time,
there
was
a
little
girl
who
dreamed
of
being
a
mommy.
She
wanted,
more
than
anything,
to
have
a
child
and
knew
her
dream
would
come
true
one
day.
She
would
sit
for
hours
thinking
up
names
to
call
her
baby….And
then
one
day,
finally,
she
became
pregnant.
She
was
thrilled
beyond
belief.
She
had
a
wonderful
pregnancy
and
a
perfect
baby
girl.
At
long
last,
her
dream
of
being
a
mommy
had
come
true.
But
instead
of
being
relieved
and
happy,
all
she
could
do
was
cry.”
Brooke
Shields
famously
compared
her
tears
following
the
birth
of
her
daughter
to
the
rain
taking
down
the
itsy-‐bitsy
spider
in
the
well-‐known
children’s
song.
The
above
quote
is
from
the
opening
page
to
Shields’
widely
read
memoir,
Down
Came
the
Rain,
published
in
2005.
Shields’
book
gave
a
public
and
famous
face
to
a
disease
that
women
had
suffered
silently
throughout
all
of
history.
In
it,
Shields
shares
in
intimate
detail
her
struggles
following
the
birth
of
her
daughter.
She
was
helpless,
sad,
and
scared.
She
lost
all
motivation
to
parent.
She
did
not
acknowledge
her
depression.
For
some
time,
she
resisted
professional
help
and
medication
and
even
contemplated
suicide.
And
when
she
came
out
whole
on
the
other
side,
after
successful
treatment
with
antidepressant
medications
and
psychotherapy,
she
wanted
to
prevent
others
from
suffering
in
silence.1
Now,
nearly
a
decade
later,
thanks
to
Shields
and
a
host
of
other
celebrities,
bloggers,
researchers
and
political
advocates,
postpartum
depression
(PPD)
has
become
a
household
term.
Today,
when
women
go
to
a
physician
for
prenatal
care,
they
see
posters
in
the
doctor’s
office
explaining
what
PPD
is
and
what
they
should
do
if
they
develop
depressive
symptoms
after
childbirth.
As
part
of
routine
childbirth
classes
and
when
leaving
the
hospital
after
childbirth,
women
are
given
pamphlets
about
PPD
and
business
cards
for
counselors
and
psychiatrists,
should
they
need
them.
And
pregnant
women
are
1
routinely
screened
for
PPD
at
postpartum
obstetrics
follow-‐ups—and
even
by
pediatricians
during
infant
checkups.
Such
widespread
awareness
and
acceptance
of
PPD
did
not
always
abound,
however.
Recent
research
indicates
that
nearly
70-‐80%
of
women
suffer
from
some
depressive
symptoms
within
the
first
two
weeks
following
delivery.
These
depressive
symptoms
are
now
widely
recognized
as
manifesting
in
various
ways
with
varying
degrees
of
severity.
Tearfulness
and
mood
lability
seen
soon
after
birth
in
many
women
has
become
known
as
the
postpartum
or
“baby
blues.”
The
postpartum
blues
are
considered
a
“normal”
reaction
to
giving
birth.
However,
some
women
experience
true
major
depressive
episodes
in
the
weeks
and
months
following
birth
that
are
more
persistent,
manifesting
as
loss
of
pleasure,
interest,
sleep,
and
self-‐worth.
It
is
these
episodes
that
are
referred
to
as
PPD,
estimated
to
affect
10-‐13%
of
women
during
the
postpartum
period.
Finally,
beyond
the
postpartum
blues
and
major
depressive
episodes,
about
1
or
2
in
1000
women
develop
cognitive
disturbances,
bizarre
behavior
or
hallucinations,
and
a
severe
condition
known
as
postpartum
psychosis.
2
Depression
following
childbirth
has
long
carried
a
social
stigma.
Many
people
think
that
a
woman
should
be
happy
following
the
birth
of
a
child—and
when
she
is
not,
she
is
often
looked
upon
unkindly.
Women
have
long
tried
to
hide
signs
of
depression,
sometimes
with
dire
consequences
when
their
depressive
symptoms
turn
into
thoughts
of
harming
themselves
or
their
babies.
A
well-‐publicized
example
is
that
of
Melanie
Stokes,
who
killed
herself
in
Chicago
in
2001
after
suffering
postpartum
mental
illness.3
Recent
legislation
to
support
PPD
research
and
advocacy
now
bears
her
name.
2
Moreover,
medical
professionals
have
not
long
been
supportive
of
treatment
for
depression
following
childbirth.
The
psychiatric
community
did
not
officially
recognize
depression
in
the
postpartum
period
until
the
fourth
edition
of
its
Diagnostic
and
Statistical
Manual,
published
in
1994.
Even
now,
the
DSM
IV
identifies
depression
with
a
postpartum
onset
as
being
only
depression
that
appears
within
four
weeks
after
delivery
of
a
baby.
However,
many
experts
argue
that
PPD
may
develop
anytime
within
the
first
year
following
delivery,
and
clinicians
are
encouraged
to
screen
women
for
periods
longer
than
just
those
four
weeks
following
the
birth
of
their
children.4
Controversies
and
speculation
about
depressive
symptoms
following
childbirth
have
existed
since
the
earliest
medical
literature.
Hippocrates
made
the
first
known
reference
to
PPD
in
the
fourth
century
B.C.
and
his
hypotheses
became
dogma
that
survived
for
over
a
thousand
years.
He
proposed
that
lochial
discharge—the
fluid
that
comes
from
the
uterus
after
birth—if
suppressed,
could
flow
to
the
head
and
result
in
agitation,
delirium
and
attacks
of
mania.
He
also
thought
that
blood
collecting
at
the
breasts
of
a
woman
could
indicate
onset
of
madness.5
Another
early
reference
to
postpartum
mental
symptoms
comes
from
Trotula,
a
13th
century
female
physician,
who
believed
that
postpartum
mental
disturbances
were
due
to
increased
moisture
in
the
body
following
childbirth.
She
wrote
“If
the
womb
is
too
moist,
the
brain
is
filled
with
water,
and
the
moisture
running
over
the
eyes,
compels
them
to
involuntarily
shed
tears.”6
Even
then,
down
came
the
rain.
Observations
of
postpartum
mental
disturbances
continued
throughout
history.
During
the
Middle
Ages,
women
who
exhibited
melancholy
during
or
after
childbirth
were
thought
to
be
witches
or
victims
of
witchcraft,
as
any
other
stigmatized
individual
might
3
have
been.
By
the
16th
century,
descriptions
existed
of
a
“disturbance
of
the
maternal
instinct”
following
childbirth,
and
most
reports
were
focused
on
mothers
who
killed
their
children.
Known
as
“melancholic
filicide,”
these
deaths
led
physicians
to
increase
study
of
postpartum
mental
disorders.
One
well-‐known
16th
century
physician,
Castello
Branco,
described
a
case
of
postpartum
melancholy
as
such:
“The
beautiful
wife
of
Carcinator
who
always
enjoyed
the
best
of
health,
was
attacked
after
childbirth
by
melancholy,
and
remained
insane
for
a
month,
but
recovered
with
treatment.”
Though
Branco
does
not
describe
what
type
of
treatment
he
used
for
the
wealthy
woman,
reports
of
experimental
treatments
began
to
surface
over
the
following
centuries.7
An
early
case:
A
25-‐year-‐old
woman
gives
birth
to
a
child
at
home.
She
is
accompanied
in
the
birth
by
a
local
midwife,
and
the
midwife
comes
back
to
check
on
her
periodically
following
the
birth
of
her
child.
The
woman
begins
to
feel
very
sad
and
overwhelmed
in
the
weeks
following
the
birth
of
her
child.
She
ceases
to
cook
and
barely
feeds
her
baby.
Her
neighbors
become
worried
that
the
baby
may
die
and
call
for
the
local
physician
to
come
see
this
woman
in
her
home.
The
physician
is
unsure
of
why
the
woman
is
unhappy,
even
in
light
of
having
a
new
healthy
baby,
but
he
has
seen
other
women
act
like
this
in
past.
He
tells
the
woman
to
take
lukewarm
baths
and
he
gives
her
a
medication
that
he
says
will
calm
her
mind.
In
the
mid-‐19th
century,
Jean-‐Etienne
Esquirol
became
one
of
the
first
physicians
to
provide
detailed
case
reports
of
postpartum
psychiatric
illnesses.
He
reported
92
cases
of
postpartum
delirium
and
melancholy
and
suggested
that
the
numbers
of
women
suffering
from
postpartum
mental
disturbances
was
likely
higher
than
the
number
of
cases
he
observed
in
mental
hospitals.
He
thought
that
mild
cases
were
likely
cared
for
at
home
and
never
reached
his
hospital.
Esquirol
suggested
treatment
that
included
careful
nursing,
tepid
baths
and
purgatives—a
common
treatment
for
many
medical
ailments
at
the
time.8
4
Esquirol,
like
most
doctors
of
the
19th
century,
believed
that
two
categories
of
postpartum
illness
could
be
defined:
puerperal,
which
was
said
to
occur
within
6
weeks
of
childbirth,
and
lactational,
meaning
that
it
occurred
greater
than
6
weeks
following
delivery.
These
categories
survived
for
decades
despite
the
lack
of
any
true
scientific
evidence
for
the
division.
Around
the
same
time,
an
American
psychiatrist,
MacDonald,
objected
to
the
rigid
classification
of
puerperal
mental
illness
based
on
time
of
onset
and
proposed
classifying
diagnoses
based
on
acuteness
of
onset
of
symptoms.
Symptoms
observed
included
decreased
strength
and
spirit,
restlessness,
sleeplessness,
and
irritability.
His
treatments
also
included
tepid
baths—specifically
given
between
94
and
98°F—as
well
as
“large
doses
of
opium”
to
calm
the
mind
9
The
use
of
opium
should
not
be
too
surprising—as
with
Esquirol’s
purgatives,
opium
was
given
for
all
variety
of
ailments
at
the
time.
In
1858,
Louis-‐Victor
Marcé
published
the
first
formal
paper
devoted
entirely
to
puerperal
mental
illness,
his
Treatise
On
Insanity
In
Pregnant,
Postpartum,
And
Lactating
Women.
He
wrote
of
310
cases
of
pregnant
and
postpartum
women
that
he
had
personally
observed
and
became
the
first
to
systematically
address
categorization
of
their
disorders.
In
his
results,
he
reported
that
9%
of
women
developed
depression
during
pregnancy,
58%
in
the
puerperal
period,
and
33%
in
the
lactational
period.
Marcé
noted
no
major
features
distinguishing
the
psychoses
of
pregnancy
from
those
in
women
in
the
non-‐pregnant
state.
However,
he
believed
that
postpartum
cases
of
depression
had
many
features
that
distinguished
them
from
other
mental
illnesses
and
proposed
that
this
should
indeed
be
classified
as
a
separate
diagnosis.
His
main
observation
was
that
while
most
PPD
symptoms
could
be
found
in
other
types
of
mental
disturbances,
the
syndromes—that
is,
the
5
particular
combinations
of
symptoms—were
distinct.
In
line
with
Hippocrates
and
Trotula
before
him,
Marcé
hypothesized
that
postpartum
psychological
symptoms
occurred
in
relationship
with
the
profound
organic
and
functional
changes
occurring
in
the
female
reproductive
system
following
childbirth.10
Marcé
is
still
remembered
today
through
the
Marcé
Society,
a
group
of
physicians
and
researchers
who
unite
to
study
PPD
throughout
the
world.
His
work
has
had
a
significant
impact
on
history
of
PPD—however,
not
always
as
might
be
imagined.
Historically,
Marcé’s
research
was
often
used
as
early
evidence
that
PPD
was
not
a
separate
entity
from
other
forms
of
depression,
based
on
a
misinterpretation
of
his
statements
that
depression
in
pregnancy
was
not
a
separate
entity.
During
the
19th
century,
treatments
for
PPD
changed
in
line
with
the
medical
ideas
of
the
era.
Many
at
the
time
suggested
bleeding
as
a
way
to
reduce
inflammation
and
eliminate
excess
fluid
in
the
body.
Similarly,
many
recommended
opium
to
calm
the
mind.
Restraints
and
separation
from
the
woman’s
infant
were
also
popular.
These
were
immortalized
in
Charlotte
Perkins
Gillman’s
story
The
Yellow
Wallpaper.
Gillman
tells
a
story
about
a
young
woman
suffering
from
strange
thoughts
following
the
birth
of
her
child.
The
woman’s
husband
places
the
woman
in
a
room
at
a
summer
home,
away
from
her
child,
to
help
her
improve,
but
rather
than
get
better,
she
proceeds
to
become
even
more
delusional.11
In
the
early
20th
century,
three
main
lines
of
thought
emerged
regarding
the
description
of
mental
disturbance
and
depression
following
childbirth.
These
three
theories
were
eloquently
summarized
and
discussed
by
Dr.
James
Hamilton,
a
preeminent
6
psychiatrist
and
founder
of
the
Marcé
Society,
in
his
1962
book,
Postpartum
Psychiatric
Problems.
The
first
theory,
proposed
by
Strecker
and
Ebaugh
in
1926,
suggested
that
depression
following
childbirth
had
no
actual
relationship
to
the
pregnancy,
delivery,
or
postpartum
changes
and
was
indistinct
from
other
psychiatric
illness.
Strecker
and
Ebaugh
believed
that
all
cases
of
postpartum
mental
illness
could
be
fit
into
other
standard
categories
of
psychiatric
illness—dementia
praecox,
manic-‐depression,
and
delirium.
They
called
on
physician
groups
to
eliminate
“postpartum
psychosis”
from
the
psychiatric
terminology,
and
the
American
Psychiatric
Association
and
American
Medical
Association
did
indeed
remove
it
from
their
diagnostic
manuals
based
on
these
and
other
recommendations.
In
his
book,
written
several
decades
later,
Hamilton
pointed
out
perceived
flaws
in
their
research.
For
example,
he
noted
that
a
large
majority
of
cases
categorized
as
manic-‐
depressive
had
noticeable
clouding
of
the
sensorium
–
a
symptom
usually
not
seen
in
affective
disease.
Despite
perceived
flaws,
however,
the
Strecker
and
Ebaugh
study
stood
up
for
decades
and
even
still
contributes
to
controversy
in
perinatal
psychiatric
literature
to
this
day.
A
second
theory,
proposed
by
Zilboorg
in
1928,
used
the
psychogenic
etiologies
popularized
by
Freud
and
others
at
the
turn
of
that
century,
to
explain
PPD.
Zilboorg
attributed
PPD
to
pre-‐pregnancy
frigid
personalities.
He
and
others
suggested
that
there
might
be
a
potential
relationship
to
suppressed
homosexuality,
unresolved
Oedipal
longings,
or
anal-‐regressive
resultant-‐father
identification.
This
theory
was
further
developed
by
Franks
in
1934,
proposed
that
strong,
unresolved
incestuous
drives,
frigidity,
7
attachment
to
the
father,
and
schizoid
characteristics
(among
other
hypotheses)
might
be
the
root
of
PPD.
While
such
beliefs
have
not
survived
into
modern
day
understandings
of
PPD,
these
psychologists
did
publish
the
first
observations
of
personal
history
or
family
history
of
depression
in
women
with
postpartum
symptoms—a
legacy
that
may
be
found
in
current
research
supporting
that
women
who
have
previously
experienced
depression,
or
who
have
a
family
history
of
mental
illness,
are
more
likely
to
develop
PPD
than
women
with
no
historical
factors.12
Finally,
the
third
theory
of
the
time
harkened
back
to
the
work
of
Marcé,
as
well
as
Hippocrates
and
Trotula
before
him,
suggesting
that
physiologic
changes
in
women’s
bodies
surrounding
the
birth
of
the
child
may
uniquely
lead
to
postpartum
psychiatric
changes
distinct
from
other
illnesses.
Kilpatrick
and
Tiebout
in
1926
suggested
that
PPD
might
be
due
to
“an
unknown
toxic
process.”
They
cited
cases
in
which
women
had
concurrent
thyroid
enlargement,
menstrual
difficulties,
and
excessive
hair
growth
with
PPD,
and
hypothesized
that
the
processes
were
likely
linked.
Additionally,
Kanosh
and
Hope
in
1937
reported
on
asymptomatic
periods
following
birth,
and
believed
that
psychiatric
symptoms
must
be
related
to
some
chemical
or
hormonal
change
that
occurred
after
a
few
days.
They
also
suggested
that
PPD
might
possibly
be
related
to
lactation
as
they
noted
some
cases
of
women
who
developed
depressive
symptoms
only
after
weaning
of
their
infant.13
Following
the
Second
World
War
in
the
mid-‐20th
century,
many
psychiatrists
began
studying
milder
forms
of
postpartum
psychiatric
diseases.
It
was
noted
that
women
often
did
not
seek
care
for
postpartum
illness
due
to
fears
of
being
placed
in
a
psychiatric
hospital
and
separated
from
their
husbands
and
children.
As
described
in
the
example
of
8
Gillman’s
story
The
Yellow
Wallpaper,
it
had
once
been
common
to
separate
women
suffering
from
depressive
symptoms
from
their
infants.
In
the
late
1940s,
however,
psychiatric
wards
in
Britain
and
Australia
began
successfully
incorporating
mother-‐and-‐
baby
units
where
mothers
suffering
from
PPD
could
receive
care,
while
remaining
close
to
their
infants.14
A
modern
case:
A
29-‐year-‐old
female
presents
for
her
six-‐week
postpartum
check-‐up.
She
is
accompanied
by
her
healthy
six-‐week
old
son.
When
asked
how
she
is
today,
she
tears
up
and
responds,
“Ok
…
I
guess.”
She
has
filled
out
a
mood-‐screening
questionnaire
that
shows
that
she
feels
exhausted,
has
decreased
interest
in
things,
and
has
not
been
finding
enjoyment
in
her
normal
activities.
When
questioned
further,
she
reports
feeling
very
down
and
teary
during
the
last
few
weeks.
She
has
lost
interest
in
reading
and
knitting
and
finds
it
hard
to
even
feed
her
child.
She
has
had
decreased
appetite,
increased
anxiety,
and
cannot
sleep
even
when
her
baby
is
sleeping.
She’s
been
feeling
like
this
for
several
weeks
and
thinks
it
may
be
getting
worse.
Her
physician
discusses
treatment
with
anti-‐depressant
medications,
though
she
acknowledges
risks
of
such
drugs
while
breastfeeding.
She
suggests
the
woman
might
see
a
psychiatrist
and
a
counselor
for
help
with
her
current
symptoms.
In
the
later
20th
century,
many
of
the
ideas
and
treatments
that
are
still
prevalent
today
began
to
develop,
often
building
on
the
ideas
of
earlier
physicians
while
incorporating
new
scientific
research
techniques
to
refine
our
understanding
of
PPD.
In
1968,
Brice
Pitt
described
“atypical”
depression
in
the
postpartum.
His
was
one
of
the
first
modern
studies
to
draw
attention
to
“less
severe”
depressions
than
postpartum
psychosis.
His
study
was
designed
in
response
to
the
work
of
community
health
visitors
who
went
to
check
on
new
mothers
in
their
homes
after
discharge
from
the
hospital
following
childbirth.
These
nurses
reported
to
him
that
many
women
dealt
with
varying
degrees
of
depression
following
birth,
but
most
did
not
seek
treatment.
Pitt’s
large
cohort
study
was
9
the
first
community-‐based
study
of
depression
in
the
postpartum
and
he
found
that
approximately
10.8%
of
women
in
the
cohort
suffered
PPD.
He
called
the
depression
“atypical”
because
the
symptom
profile
was
somewhat
different
than
non-‐postpartum
depression.15
In
addition
to
the
Western
observations
of
PPD,
many
studies
have
shown
that
postpartum
blues
and
postpartum
psychosis
occurs
in
fairly
uniform
ways
across
cultures.
PPD
varies
depending
on
cultural
demands
placed
on
women
postpartum,
but
most
cultures
have
forms
of
PPD
and
various
beliefs
about
its
causes.
In
Uganda,
for
example,
there
is
a
recognized
puerperal
mental
illness
called
“Amakiro,”
which
is
believed
to
be
caused
by
promiscuity
of
the
mother
during
pregnancy.
Symptoms
of
Amakiro
include
restlessness,
pallor,
and
mental
confusion,
as
well
as
the
notion
that
the
mother
wants
to
eat
her
baby.
In
Nigeria,
there
is
a
postpartum
mental
illness
known
as
“Abisiwin,”
which
is
believed
to
be
caused
by
too
much
heat
in
the
body.
16
Cross-‐cultural
research
has
also
pointed
out
that
Western
cultures
often
place
high
demands
on
women
to
re-‐integrate
quickly
into
society
following
childbirth,
while
other
cultures
may
keep
woman
at
rest
or
in
seclusion
while
elder
women
care
for
the
new
baby.
Some
have
hypothesized
that
this
social
requirement
for
women
to
return
to
work
and
other
stressful
environments
quickly
following
the
birth
of
a
child
may
contribute
to
higher
rates
of
PPD
in
Western
cultures.17
Over
the
past
40
years,
there
has
continued
to
be
much
debate
in
psychiatry
surrounding
PPD.
Questions
have
arisen
such
as
“Is
pregnancy
protective
against
depression
or
a
risk
factor
for
depression?”
“Should
postpartum
blues,
depression
and
psychosis
be
viewed
as
distinct
entities
or
a
continuum
of
symptoms?”
Literature
from
the
10
1980s
and
90s
continued
to
examine
these
questions.
The
idea
first
proposed
many
years
ago
by
Marcé,
preceded
well
before
him
by
Hippocrates
and
Trotula,
and
developed
by
others
in
the
early
20th
century—that
PPD
is
likely
related
to
hormonal
changes
in
the
perinatal
period—has
become
a
leading
theory
in
PPD
research
during
recent
years.
Studies
have
shown
that
artificially
inducing
the
hormonal
changes
associated
with
the
postpartum
period
significantly
increases
risk
of
developing
depression.
Other
studies
have
identified
additional
important
risk
factors
for
PPD,
such
as
stressful
life
events,
family
history
of
mood
disorders,
and
personal
history
of
depression.18
Until
the
early
1990s,
most
psychiatric
organizations
still
espoused
the
idea
that
there
were
not
enough
unique
features
of
PPD
to
warrant
a
separate
disease
categorization
in
psychiatric
diagnostic
manuals.
The
DSM-‐IV,
released
in
1994,
incorporated
“postpartum
onset”
as
a
modifier
to
major
depression,
bipolar
illness,
and
other
psychiatric
diagnoses;
this
specifier
is
used
when
such
disorders
appear
within
four
weeks
following
the
birth
of
a
child.
However,
much
current
literature
challenges
the
“postpartum”
definition
of
4
weeks
following
birth
and
suggests
that
PPD
may
still
appear
even
months
after
giving
birth.19
In
addition
to
at
least
some
formal
recognition
of
PPD
as
a
unique
entity,
treatment
for
depression
in
general
also
greatly
improved
in
the
1990s,
and
the
medications
developed
have
also
been
successful
in
improving
symptoms
of
PPD.
Antidepressant
medications
came
into
widespread
use
for
PPD
in
the
late
1990s,
and
just
as
they
became
the
first-‐line
treatment
for
major
depressive
disorder,
SSRIs
are
also
now
the
first-‐line
of
medication
treatment
for
PPD.
Few
controlled
studies
exist
regarding
the
use
of
these
11
medications
following
pregnancy,
but
what
does
exist
indicates
benefit
from
the
treatment.
However,
concerns
regarding
infant
drug
exposure
through
breastmilk
still
abound.20
Perhaps
the
greatest
change
in
thinking
surrounding
PPD
has
been
the
shift
to
include
more
focus
on
screening,
as
well
as
the
surge
of
advocacy
surrounding
the
diagnosis.
In
the
last
decade,
there
has
been
widely
increased
focus
on
prevention
of
PPD
via
support
groups
and
therapy.
Screening
at
postpartum
obstetrics
visits
and
initial
newborn
visits
to
a
pediatrician
are
now
increasingly
commonplace.
And
with
the
stories
of
Brooke
Shields
and
other
famous
women
in
the
mainstream
media
and
less
formal
outlets
on
the
Internet,
there
has
been
much
wider
acceptance
in
society
of
women
who
are
not
perfectly
happy
following
the
birth
of
a
child.
Increased
discussion
of
the
condition
has
led
to
more
support,
and
the
beginnings
of
a
reduction
in
stigma,
for
women
who
suffer
from
PPD.
Recent
advances
in
this
area
include
the
Melanie
Blocker-‐Stokes
Act,
which
provides
government
funding
for
research
and
advocacy
for
PPD
in
the
United
States,
legislation
in
New
Jersey
mandating
screening
for
PPD,
as
well
as
a
surge
in
popularity
of
blogs
and
support
groups
related
to
PPD,
such
as
Katherine
Stone’s
“Postpartum
Progress,”
and
the
Postpartum
Support
International
group.21
PPD
is
a
common
and
treatable
condition.
However,
it
has
been
subject
to
controversy
and
stigma
throughout
much
of
history,
leading
to
misclassification
and
lack
of
access
to
treatment
for
many
patients.
While
many
barriers,
including
stigma,
still
exist
that
limit
this
access
for
perinatal
women,22
further
research
and
advocacy
in
this
area
will
continue
to
improve
treatment
and
access
to
care
for
women
suffering
from
depressive
symptoms
following
childbirth.
12
References
1
Shields
B.
Down
Came
the
Rain:
My
Journey
Through
Postpartum
Depression.
New
York:
Hyperion,
2006.
2
Flynn
HA.
Epidemiology
and
Phenomenology
of
Postpartum
Mood
Disorders.
Psychiatric
Annals
2005.
35(7):
544-‐551.
3
Elton
C.
Postpartum
Depression:
Do
All
Moms
Need
Screening?
Time.
20
Jul
2009.
Available
via
<[Link]
(Accessed
2
May
2013)
4
Battle
CL.
Zlotnick
C.
Prevention
of
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Jul
2005.
Psychiatric
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35(7):
590-‐598.
5
Hamilton
JA.
Chapter
12,
History.
In
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Problems.
St
Louis:
Mosby
Harwin,
1962,
p126.
6
Trotula
of
Salerno,
The
Diseases
of
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A
translation
of
Passionibus
Mulierum
Curandorum
by
Elizabeth
Mason-‐Hohl,
MD.
Los
Angeles:
The
Ward
Ritchie
Press;1940.
7
Brockinton
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Historical
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p126-‐7.
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Hamiton,
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10
Hamilton,
1962,
p.
127-‐30.
11
Gillman
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The
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first
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by
Small
&
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Boston,
MA.
12
O’Hara
MW.
Postpartum
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and
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1962,
p.132-‐136.
14
Brockington,
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Pitt
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20
Miller
LJ,
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21
Information
about
these
initiatives
can
be
found
via:
<[Link]
(NJ
Screening
law),
<[Link]>
(Postpartum
Progress
Blog)
and
<[Link]>
(Postpartum
Support
International)
22
Kopelman
RC,
Moel
J,
Mertens
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S,
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59(4):
429-‐432.
14