Understanding Received Pronunciation
Understanding Received Pronunciation
pronounced as /notice/
Received Pronunciation (RP) is the British English accent regarded as the standard one,
carrying the highest social prestige, since as late as the very early 20th century. It has also been
referred to as Queen's English or King's English. The study of RP is concerned only with
matters of pronunciation, while other features of standard British English, such
as vocabulary, grammar, and style, are not considered.
Language scholars have long disagreed on RP's exact definition, how geographically neutral it is,
how many speakers there are, the nature and classification of its sub-varieties, how appropriate a
choice it is as a standard, how the accent has changed over time, and even its name. The
speakers who conventionally use RP have changed the accent to such a degree over the last
century that many of its early 20th-century traditions of transcription and analysis have become
outdated or are no longer considered evidence-based by linguists.[1] Still, these traditions
continue to be commonly taught and used, for instance in language education, and RP remains a
popular umbrella term in ordinary British society and in linguistics. Standard Southern British
English (SSBE) has been considered by some as an evolution of RP that is now commonplace
(its name referring to Southern England),[2] although SSBE has also been used by some linguists
as a synonym for RP.[3]
History
The tradition of Received Pronunciation is usually credited to the British phonetician Daniel Jones.
In the first edition of the English Pronouncing Dictionary (1917), he named the accent "Public
School Pronunciation"; for the second edition in 1926 he wrote: "In what follows I call it Received
Pronunciation, for want of a better term." However, the term had been used much earlier by P. S.
Du Ponceau in 1818 and the Oxford English Dictionary cites quotations back to about 1710. [4] A
similar term, received standard, was coined by Henry C. K. Wyld in 1927. The early
phonetician Alexander John Ellis used both terms interchangeably, but with a much broader
definition than Jones's, saying, "There is no such thing as a uniform educated pron. of English,
and rp. and rs. is a variable quantity differing from individual to individual, although all its
varieties are 'received', understood and mainly unnoticed".
Although a form of Standard English had been established in the City of London by the end of the
15th century, it did not begin to resemble RP until the late 19th century. RP has most in common
with the dialects of what has been termed the South East Midlands, in particular the Golden
Triangle of universities, namely London, Oxford and Cambridge, and the public schools that fed
them, such as Eton, Harrow and Rugby.[5] In 1922, the BBC selected RP as its broadcasting
standard, citing its being widely understood globally as a reason.
According to Fowler's Modern English Usage (1965), "the correct term is 'the Received
Pronunciation'. The word 'received' conveys its original meaning of 'accepted' or 'approved', as in
'received wisdom'."[6]
Alternative names
Some linguists have used the term "RP" while expressing reservations about its suitability. The
Cambridge-published English Pronouncing Dictionary (aimed at those learning English as a
foreign language) uses the phrase "BBC Pronunciation", on the basis that the name "Received
Pronunciation" is "archaic" and that BBC News presenters no longer suggest high social class and
privilege to their listeners. Other writers have also used the name "BBC Pronunciation". The term
'The Queen's English' has also been used by some writers.[5]
The phonetician Jack Windsor Lewis frequently criticised the name "Received Pronunciation" in his
blog: he has called it "invidious", [7] a "ridiculously archaic, parochial and question-begging
term"[8] and noted that American scholars find the term "quite curious". [9] He used the term
"General British" (to parallel "General American") in his 1970s publication of A Concise
Pronouncing Dictionary of American and British English [10] and in subsequent publications.
[11] The name "General British" is adopted in the latest revision of Gimson's Pronunciation of
English. Beverley Collins and Inger Mees use the term "Non-Regional Pronunciation" for what is
often otherwise called RP, and reserve the term "Received Pronunciation" for the "upper-class
speech of the twentieth century". Received Pronunciation has sometimes been called "Oxford
English", as it used to be the accent of most members of the University of Oxford.
[5] The Handbook of the International Phonetic Association uses the name "Standard Southern
Sub-varieties
Faced with the difficulty of defining a single standard of RP, some researchers have tried to
distinguish between sub-varieties:
•proposed Conservative, General, and Advanced; "Conservative RP" referred to a
traditional accent associated with older speakers with certain social backgrounds; General
RP was considered neutral regarding age, occupation or lifestyle of the speaker; and
Advanced RP referred to speech of a younger generation of speakers. Later editions (e.g.,
Gimson 2008) use the terms General, Refined and Regional RP. In the latest revision of
Gimson's book, the terms preferred are General British (GB), Conspicuous GB and
Regional GB.
•refers to "mainstream RP" and "U-RP"; he suggests that Gimson's categories of
Conservative and Advanced RP referred to the U-RP of the old and young respectively.
However, Wells stated, "It is difficult to separate stereotype from reality" with U-RP.
Writing on his blog in February 2013, Wells wrote, "If only a very small percentage of
English people speak RP, as Trudgill et al. claim, then the percentage speaking U-RP is
vanishingly small" and "If I were redoing it today, I think I'd drop all mention of 'U-RP'".
[12]
estimates of 5% (Romaine, 2000) and 10% (Wells, 1982) but refers to these as "guesstimates"
not based on robust research.[19]
The claim that RP is non-regional is disputed, since it is most commonly found in London and the
southeast of England. It is defined in the Concise Oxford English Dictionary as "the standard
accent of English as spoken in the South of England", and alternative names such as "Standard
Southern British" have been [Link] RP's historic high social prestige in Britain, being seen
as the accent of those with power, money, and influence, it may be perceived negatively by some
as being associated with undeserved, or accidental, privilege [20] and as a symbol of the
southeast's political power in Britain. Based on a 1997 survey, Jane Stuart-Smith wrote, "RP has
little status in Glasgow, and is regarded with hostility in some quarters". [21] A 2007 survey found
that residents of Scotland and Northern Ireland tend to dislike RP. [22] It is shunned by some with
left-wing political views, who may be proud of having accents more typical of the working
classes.
Since the Second World War, and increasingly since the 1960s, a wider acceptance of regional
English varieties has taken hold in education and public life. Nonetheless, surveys from 1969 to
2022 consistently show that RP is perceived as the most prestigious accent of English in the
United Kingdom. In 2022, 25% of British adults reported being mocked for their regional accent
at work, and 46% in social situations.[23]
Use
Media
In the early days of British broadcasting speakers of English origin almost universally used RP.
The first director-general of the BBC, Lord Reith, encouraged the use of a 'BBC accent' because it
was a "style or quality of English which would not be laughed at in any part of the country". He
distinguished the BBC accent from the 'Oxford accent', to which he was "vehemently opposed".
In 1926 the BBC established an Advisory Committee on Spoken English with distinguished
experts, including Daniel Jones, to advise on the correct pronunciation and other aspects of
broadcast language. The Committee proved unsuccessful and was dissolved after the Second
World War.[24] While the BBC did advise its speakers on pronunciation, there was never a
formalised official BBC pronunciation standard. [25] A notable departure from the use of RP came
with the Yorkshire-born newsreader Wilfred Pickles during the Second World War; his accent
allowing listeners to more clearly distinguish BBC broadcasts from German propaganda, though
Pickles had modified his accent to be closer to RP.[26] [27] Since the Second World War RP has
played a much smaller role in broadcast speech. RP remains the accent most often heard in the
speech of announcers and newsreaders on BBC Radio 3 and Radio 4, and in some TV channels,
but non-RP accents are now more widely encountered.[28]
Dictionaries
Most English dictionaries published in Britain (including the Oxford English Dictionary) now give
phonetically transcribed RP pronunciations for all words. Pronunciation dictionaries represent a
special class of dictionary giving a wide range of possible pronunciations: British pronunciation
dictionaries are all based on RP, though not necessarily using that name. Daniel Jones transcribed
RP pronunciations of words and names in the English Pronouncing Dictionary. Cambridge
University Press continues to publish this title, as of 1997 edited by Peter Roach. Two other
pronunciation dictionaries are in common use: the Longman Pronunciation Dictionary, compiled
by John C. Wells (using the name "Received Pronunciation"), and Clive Upton's Oxford Dictionary
of Pronunciation for Current English, (now republished as The Routledge Dictionary of
Pronunciation for Current English).[29]
Language teaching
Pronunciation forms an essential component of language learning and teaching; a model accent is
necessary for learners to aim at, and to act as a basis for description in textbooks and classroom
materials. RP has been the traditional choice for teachers and learners of British English.
[30] However, the choice of pronunciation model is difficult, and the adoption of RP is in many
ways problematic.[31]
Phonology
Consonants
+Consonan Labial Dental Alveolar Post
t phonemes alveol
pronounced pronounced
Nasal
as /link/ as /link/
pronounced pronounced pronounced pronounced
Stop
as /link/ as /link/ as /link/ as /link/
pronounced pronounc
Affricate
as /link/ as /link/
pronounced pronounced pronounced pronounced pronounced pronounced pronounced pronounc
Fricative
as /link/ as /link/ as /link/ as /link/ as /link/ as /link/ as /link/ as /link/
pronounced pronounc
Approximant
as /link/ as /link/
Nasals and liquids (pronounced as //m//, pronounced as //n//, pronounced as //ŋ//, pronounced
as //r//, pronounced as //l//) may be syllabic in unstressed syllables. The consonant pronounced
as //r// in RP is generally a postalveolar approximant, which would normally be expressed with
the sign pronounced as /[ɹ]/ in the International Phonetic Alphabet, but the sign pronounced
as //r// is nonetheless traditionally used for RP in most of the literature on the topic.
Voiceless plosives (pronounced as //p//, pronounced as //t//, pronounced as //k//, pronounced
as //tʃ//) are aspirated at the beginning of a syllable, unless a completely unstressed vowel
follows. (For example, the pronounced as //p// is aspirated in "impasse", with primary stress on
"-passe", but not "compass", where "-pass" has no stress.) Aspiration does not occur when
pronounced as //s// precedes in the same syllable, as in "spot" or "stop". When
a sonorant pronounced as //l//, pronounced as //r//, pronounced as //w//, or pronounced as //j//
follows, this aspiration is indicated by partial devoicing of the sonorant. pronounced as //r// is a
fricative when devoiced.
Syllable final pronounced as //p//, pronounced as //t//, pronounced as //tʃ//, and pronounced
as //k// may be either preceded by a glottal stop (glottal reinforcement) or, in the case of
pronounced as //t//, fully replaced by a glottal stop, especially before a syllabic
nasal (bitten pronounced as /[ˈ ɪʔ creaky voice; thus,
an alternative phonetic transcription of attempt pronounced as /[əˈtʰemʔt]/ could be pronounced
as /[əˈ ʰ
As in other varieties of English, voiced plosives (pronounced as //b//, pronounced as //d//,
pronounced as //ɡ//, pronounced as //dʒ//) are partly or even fully devoiced at utterance
boundaries or adjacent to voiceless consonants. The voicing distinction between voiced and
voiceless sounds is reinforced by a number of other differences, with the result that the two of
consonants can clearly be distinguished even in the presence of devoicing of voiced sounds:
•Aspiration of voiceless consonants syllable-initially
•Glottal reinforcement of /p, t, k, tʃ/ syllable-finally
•Shortening of vowels before voiceless consonants
As a result, some authors prefer to use the terms fortis and lenis[32] in place
of voiceless and voiced. However, the latter are traditional and in more frequent usage.
The voiced dental fricative (pronounced as //ð//) is more often a weak dental plosive; the
sequence pronounced as //nð// is often realised as pronounced as /[nn̪ nn̪ ]/ (a long dental nasal).
pronounced as //l// has velarised allophone (pronounced as /[ɫ]/) in the syllable rhyme.
pronounced as //h// becomes voiced (pronounced as /[ɦ]/) between voiced sounds.
Vowels
! rowspan="2"
Front Central Back
pronounced as pronounced as
Close
/link/ /link/
pronounced as pronounced as pronounced as pronounced as
Mid
/link/ /link/ /link/ /link/
pronounced as
Open
/link/
Examples of short vowels: pronounced as //ɪ// in kit, mirror and rabbit, pronounced as //ʊ//
in foot and cook, pronounced as //e// in dress and merry, pronounced as //ʌ//
in strut and curry, pronounced as //æ// in trap and marry, pronounced as //ɒ//
in lot and orange, pronounced as //ə// in ago and sofa.
Monophthongs ("Long")!! Front! Central! Back
pronounced as pronounced as
Close
/link/ /link/
pronounced as pronounced as pronounced as
Mid
/link/ /link/ /link/
pronounced as
Open
/link/
Examples of long vowels: pronounced as //iː// in fleece, pronounced as //uː// in goose,
pronounced as //ɛː// in bear, pronounced as //ɜː// in nurse and furry, pronounced as //ɔː//
in north, force and thought, pronounced as //ɑː// in father and start.
The long mid front vowel pronounced as //ɛː// is elsewhere transcribed with the traditional
symbols (IPA|ɛə, eə). The predominant realisation in contemporary RP is monophthongal.
Diphthong Example
Closing
pronounced as //eɪ// pronounced as //beɪ// bay
pronounced as //aɪ// pronounced as //baɪ// buy
pronounced as //ɔɪ// pronounced as //bɔɪ// boy
pronounced as pronounced as
beau
//əʊ// //bəʊ//
pronounced as pronounced as boug
//aʊ// //baʊ// h
Centring
pronounced as //ɪə// pronounced as //bɪə// beer
pronounced as pronounced as
boor
//ʊə// //bʊə//
The centring diphthongs are gradually being eliminated in RP. The vowel pronounced as //ɔə// (as
in door, boar) had largely merged with pronounced as //ɔː// by the Second World War, and the
vowel pronounced as //ʊə// (as in poor, tour) has more recently merged with pronounced as
//ɔː// as well among most speakers, although the sound pronounced as //ʊə// is still found in
conservative speakers, and in less common words such as boor. See – merger. More recently
pronounced as //ɛə// has become a pure long vowel pronounced as //ɛː//, as explained above.
pronounced as //ɪə// is increasingly pronounced as a monophthong pronounced as /[ɪː]/,
although without merging with any existing vowels.
The diphthong pronounced as //əʊ// is pronounced by some RP speakers in a noticeably different
way when it occurs before pronounced as //l//, if that consonant is syllable-final and not followed
by a vowel (the context in which pronounced as //l// is pronounced as a "dark l"). The realization
of pronounced as //əʊ// in this case begins with a more back, rounded and sometimes more open
vowel quality; it may be transcribed as pronounced as /[ɔʊ]/ or pronounced as /[ɒʊ]/. It is likely
that the backness of the diphthong onset is the result of allophonic variation caused by the
raising of the back of the tongue for the pronounced as //l//. If the speaker has "l-vocalization"
the pronounced as //l// is realized as a back rounded vowel, which again is likely to cause
backing and rounding in a preceding vowel as coarticulation effects. This phenomenon has been
discussed in several blogs by John C. Wells.[34] [35] [36] In the recording included in this article
the phrase "fold his cloak" contains examples of the pronounced as //əʊ// diphthong in the two
different contexts. The onset of the pre-pronounced as //l// diphthong in "fold" is slightly more
back and rounded than that in "cloak".
RP also possesses the triphthongs pronounced as //aɪə// as in tire, pronounced as //aʊə// as
in tower, pronounced as //əʊə// as in lower, pronounced as //eɪə// as in layer and pronounced as
//ɔɪə// as in loyal. There are different possible realisations of these items: in slow, careful speech
they may be pronounced as two syllables with three distinct vowel qualities in succession, or as a
monosyllabic triphthong. In more casual speech the middle vowel may be considerably reduced,
by a process known as smoothing, and in an extreme form of this process the triphthong may
even be reduced to a single long vowel. In such a case the difference between pronounced as
//aʊə//, pronounced as //aɪə//, and pronounced as //ɑː// in tower, tire, and tar may be
neutralised with all three units realised as pronounced as /[ɑː]/ or pronounced as /[äː]/. This type
of smoothing is known as the tower–tire, tower–tar and tire–tar mergers.
Triphthongs! As two syllables! Triphthong! Loss of mid-element! Further simplified as! Example
pronounced as / pronounced as /
pronounced as /[aɪ.ə]/ pronounced as /[aɪə]/ tire
[aːə]/ [aː]/
pronounced as / pronounced as / pronounced as / pronounced as / towe
[ɑʊ.ə]/ [ɑʊə]/ [ɑːə]/ [ɑː]/ r
pronounced as / pronounced as / pronounced as / lowe
pronounced as /[əʊ.ə]/
[əʊə]/ [əːə]/ [ɜː]/ r
pronounced as /
pronounced as /[eɪ.ə]/ pronounced as /[eɪə]/ pronounced as /[ɛːə]/ layer
[ɛː]/
pronounced as / pronounced as /
pronounced as /[ɔɪ.ə]/ pronounced as /[ɔɪə]/ loyal
[ɔːə]/ [ɔː]/
BATH vowel
There are differing opinions as to whether pronounced as //æ// in the BATH lexical set can be
considered RP. The pronunciations with pronounced as //ɑː// are invariably accepted as RP.
The English Pronouncing Dictionary does not admit pronounced as //æ// in BATH words and
the Longman Pronunciation Dictionary lists them with a § marker of non-RP status.[37] John Wells
wrote in a blog entry on 16 March 2012 that when growing up in the north of England he used
pronounced as //ɑː// in "bath" and "glass", and considers this the only acceptable phoneme in RP.
[38]
Others have argued that pronounced as //æ// is too categorical in the north of England to be
excluded. Clive Upton believes that pronounced as //æ// in these words must be considered
within RP and has called the opposing view "south-centric". Upton's Oxford Dictionary of
Pronunciation for Current English gives both variants for BATH words. A. F. Gupta's survey of
mostly middle-class students found that pronounced as //æ// was used by almost everyone who
was from clearly north of the isogloss for BATH words. She wrote, "There is no justification for
the claims by Wells and Mugglestone that this is a sociolinguistic variable in the north, though it
is a sociolinguistic variable on the areas on the border [the isogloss between north and south]".
In a study of speech in West Yorkshire, K. M. Petyt wrote that "the amount of pronounced as
//ɑː// usage is too low to correlate meaningfully with the usual factors", having found only two
speakers (both having attended boarding schools in the south) who consistently used pronounced
as //ɑː//.
Jack Windsor Lewis has noted that the Oxford Dictionary's position has changed several times on
whether to include short pronounced as //æ// within its prescribed pronunciation. [39] The BBC
Pronouncing Dictionary of British Names uses only pronounced as //ɑː//, but its author, Graham
Pointon, has stated on his blog that he finds both variants to be acceptable in place names. [40]
Some research has concluded that many people in the North of England have a dislike of the
pronounced as //ɑː// vowel in BATH words. A. F. Gupta wrote, "Many of the northerners were
noticeably hostile to pronounced as //ɡrɑːs//, describing it as 'comical', 'snobbish', 'pompous' or
even 'for morons'." On the subject, K. M. Petyt wrote that several respondents "positively said
that they did not prefer the long-vowel form or that they really detested it or even that it was
incorrect". Mark Newbrook has assigned this phenomenon the name "conscious rejection", and
has cited the vowel as "the main instance of conscious rejection of RP" in his research in
West Wirral.
French words
John Wells has argued that, as educated British
speakers often attempt to pronounce French names in
a French way, there is a case for including pronounced as //ɒ// (as in French: bon), and
pronounced as //ææ// and pronounced as //ɜ// ː(as in French: vingt-et-un), as marginal members
of the RP vowel system. He also argues against including other French vowels on the grounds
that not many British speakers succeed in distinguishing the vowels in French: bon and
French: banc, or in French: rue and French: roue. However, the Cambridge English Pronouncing
Dictionary draws a distinction between pronounced as //ɒ//
(there rendered as pronounced as //ɔ//)ː and the unrounded
pronounced as //ɑ// ːof French: banc for a total of four nasal vowels.
Alternative notations
Not all reference sources use the same system of transcription. Clive Upton devised a modified
system for the Shorter Oxford English Dictionary (1993), changing five symbols from the
traditional Gimson system, and this is now used in many other Oxford University
Press dictionaries; the differences are shown in the table below.
Example word! style="text-align:left; width:33%;"
Traditional symbol Upton's reform symbol
dress pronounced as //e// pronounced as //ɛ//
trap pronounced as //æ// pronounced as //a//
nurse pronounced as //ɜː// pronounced as //əː//
square pronounced as //eə// pronounced as //ɛː//
price pronounced as //aɪ// pronounced as //ʌɪ//
Linguist Geoff Lindsey has argued that the system of transcription for RP has become outdated
and has proposed a new system (which he calls Standard Southern British, or SSB) as a
replacement.[41] [42]
Lindsey's system is as follows—differences between it and standard transcription are depicted
with the traditional transcription in parentheses.
Lindsey's monophthongs and diphthongs!Short!Long (triggering r-liaison)!+j diphthong!+w
diphthong
pronounced as //a// pronounced as //ɑj// pronounced as //aw//
pronounced as //ɑː//
(æ) (aɪ) (aʊ)
pronounced as //ɛː// pronounced as //ɛj//
pronounced as //ɛ// (e)
(ɛə) (eɪ)
pronounced as //ɪ// pronounced as //ɪː// (ɪə) pronounced as //ɪj// (iː)
pronounced as //ɔ// pronounced as //oː// pronounced as //oj//
(ɒ) (ɔː) (ɔɪ)
pronounced as //ɵ// pronounced as //ɵː// pronounced as //ʉw//
(ʊ) (ʊə) (uː)
pronounced as //əw//
pronounced as //ə// pronounced as //əː// (ɜː)
(əʊ)
pronounced as //ʌ//
Historical variation
Like all accents, RP has changed with time. For example, sound recordings and films from the
first half of the 20th century demonstrate that it was usual for speakers of RP to pronounce the
pronounced as //æ// sound, as in land, with a vowel close to pronounced as /[ɛ]/, so
that land would sound similar to a present-day pronunciation of lend. RP is sometimes known
as the Queen's English, but recordings show that even Queen Elizabeth II shifted her
pronunciation over the course of her reign, ceasing to use an pronounced as /[ɛ]/-like vowel in
words like land.[43] The change in RP may be observed in the home of "BBC English". The BBC
accent of the 1950s is distinctly different from today's: a news report from the 1950s is
recognisable as such, and a mock-1950s BBC voice is used for comic effect in programmes
wishing to satirise 1950s social attitudes such as the Harry Enfield Show and its "Mr.
Cholmondley-Warner" sketches.[44]
A few illustrative examples of changes in RP during the 20th century and early 21st are given
below. A more comprehensive list (using the name "General British" in place of "RP") is given
in Gimson's Pronunciation of English.
Consonants
•For speakers of Received Pronunciation in the late 19th century, it was common for the
consonant combination (wh) (as in which, whistle, whether) to be realised as a voiceless
labio-velar fricative pronounced as //ʍ// (also transcribed pronounced as //hw//), as can
still be heard in the 21st century in the speech of many speakers in Ireland, Scotland and
parts of the US. Since the beginning of the 20th century, however, the pronounced as
//ʍ// phoneme has ceased to be a feature of RP, except in an exaggeratedly precise style
of speaking (the wine-whine merger).
•There has been considerable growth in glottalization in RP, most commonly in the form of
glottal reinforcement. This has been noted by writers on RP since quite early in the 20th
century.[52] Ward notes pronunciations such as [njuːʔtrəl] for neutral and [reʔkləs]
for reckless. Glottalization of /tʃ/ is widespread in present-day RP when at the end of a
stressed syllable, as in butcher [bʊʔtʃə].[53]
•The realization of /r/ as a tap or flap [ɾ] has largely disappeared from RP, though it can be
heard in films and broadcasts from the first half of the 20th century. The word very was
frequently pronounced [veɾɪ]. The same sound, however, is sometimes pronounced as an
allophone of /t/ when it occurs intervocalically after a stressed syllable – the "flapped
/t/" that is familiar in American English. Phonetically, this sounds more like /d/, and this
pronunciation is sometimes known as /t/-voicing.[54]
Word-specific changes
A number of cases can be identified where changes in the pronunciation of individual words, or
small groups of words, have taken place.
•The word Mass (referring to the religious ritual) was often pronounced /mɑːs/ in older
versions of RP, but the word is now almost always /mæs/.
•The indefinite article an was traditionally used before a sounded /h/ if immediately
followed by an unstressed vowel, as in 'an hyaena.'[55] This is now uncommon, especially
in speech, and may be confined only to some of the more frequently used words, such as
'horrific' and 'historical.'[56] [57] [58]
Spoken specimen
The Journal of the International Phonetic Association regularly publishes "Illustrations of the IPA"
which present an outline of the phonetics of a particular language or accent. It is usual to base
the description on a recording of the traditional story of the North Wind and the Sun. There is an
IPA illustration of British English (Received Pronunciation).
The female speaker is described as having been born in 1953 and educated at Oxford University.
To accompany the recording there are three transcriptions: orthographic, phonemic and
allophonic.
Phonemic
pronounced as /ðə ˈnɔːθ ˈwɪnd ən ðə ˈsʌn wə dɪˈspjuːtɪŋ ˈwɪtʃ wəz ðə ˈstrɒŋɡə, wen ə
ˈtrævlə ˌkeɪm əˌlɒŋ ˈræpt ɪn ə ˈwɔːm ˈkləʊk. ðeɪ əˈɡriːd ðət ðə ˈwʌn hu ˈfɜːst səkˈsiːdɪd
ɪn ˈmeɪkɪŋ ðə ˈtrævlə ˌteɪk hɪz ˈkləʊk ɒf ʃʊd bi kənˌsɪdəd ˈstrɒŋɡə ðən ði ˈʌðə. ˈðen ðə
ˌnɔːθ wɪnd ˈbluː əz ˈhɑːd əz i ˈkʊd, bət ðə ˈmɔː hi ˈbluː ðə ˌmɔː ˈkləʊsli dɪd ðə ˈtrævlə
ˈfəʊld hɪz ˌkləʊk əˈraʊnd hɪm, ænd ət ˈlɑːst ðə ˈnɔːθ wɪnd ˌɡeɪv ˈʌp ði əˈtempt. ˈðen ðə
ˈsʌn ˌʃɒn aʊt ˈwɔːmli, ænd əˈmiːdiətli ðə ˈtrævlə ˈtʊk ɒf ɪz ˈkləʊk. ˌsəʊ ðə ˈnɔːθn ˈwɪn
wəz əˈblaɪdʒd tʊ kənˈfes ðət ðə ˈsʌn wəz ðə ˈstrɒŋɡr ˈtuː./
əv ðə
Allophonic
Orthographic
The North Wind and the Sun were disputing which was the stronger, when a traveller
came along wrapped in a warm cloak. They agreed that the one who first succeeded
in making the traveller take his cloak off should be considered stronger than the
other. Then the North Wind blew as hard as he could, but the more he blew the more
closely did the traveller fold his cloak around him, and at last the North Wind gave up
the attempt. Then the Sun shone out warmly, and immediately the traveller took off
his cloak. And so the North Wind was obliged to confess that the Sun was the
stronger of the two.
Notable speakers
The following people have been described as RP speakers:
See also
•The King's English
•Accents (psychology)
•English language spelling reform
•Good American Speech
•Linguistic prescription
•Prestige (sociolinguistics)
•U and non-U English
External links
•BBC page on Upper RP as spoken by the English upper-classes
•Sounds Familiar? Listen to examples of received pronunciation on the British Library's
'Sounds Familiar' website
•'Hover & Hear' R.P., and compare it with other accents from the UK and around the
World.
•Whatever happened to Received Pronunciation? – An article by the phonetician J. C.
Wells about received pronunciation
Sources of regular comment on RP
In English, voiceless plosives like //p//, //t//, and //k// are aspirated at the beginning of a syllable unless a completely unstressed vowel follows. Aspiration does not occur when //s// precedes in the same syllable, as in 'spot' or 'stop'. When a sonorant follows, aspiration is indicated by partial devoicing of the sonorant, leading to devoiced fricative realizations .
Despite the devoicing of voiced plosives like //b//, //d//, and //g// at utterance boundaries, English speakers can differentiate them from voiceless plosives through several acoustic cues: the aspiration of voiceless plosives syllable-initially, glottal reinforcement syllable-finally, and especially vowel length—voiced plosives are usually preceded by longer vowels .
In Received Pronunciation, conservative speakers have largely merged the centring diphthongs pronounced as //ʊə// in words like 'boor' with vowels like //ɔː// in 'door', while younger speakers continue using monophthong realizations such as //ɛː// instead of the traditional diphthongs. Although the centring diphthong //ʊə// is disappearing, it remains prevalent in less common words among conservative speakers .
In Received Pronunciation (RP), the diphthong //əʊ// as in 'beau' is characterized by an initial mid-central vowel gliding towards a higher back vowel sound. The diphthong //aʊ// as in 'bough' starts with an open front vowel moving towards the same upper back position. Acoustically, the primary difference lies in the starting positions of these diphthongs, with //əʊ// having a more central starting point and //aʊ// starting from a lower, more fronted position .
"Happy-tensing" is the process where the unstressed vowel in words like 'happy' becomes tenser and closer, resulting in a pronunciation akin to a high front vowel //i//. This phenomenon is common in many English dialects but manifests differently; some dialects show centralization rather than tenseness. The process encapsulates the variation in phonetic realization across dialects .
When occurring at utterance boundaries, voiced plosives in English, such as //b// and //d//, are often partially or fully devoiced. Despite this loss of voicing, these plosives can still be distinguished from their voiceless counterparts through other phonetic cues like vowel length and aspiration, thus maintaining intelligibility .
In English pronunciation, vowel length is influenced by stress and the presence of voiceless consonants. Vowels are typically shortened if a voiceless consonant follows in the syllable, a phenomenon known as pre-fortis clipping. This means that a phonologically long vowel can be shorter than a phonologically short vowel if it is followed by a voiceless consonant, as seen in 'reach' versus 'ridge' .
In unstressed syllables, contrasts between long and short high vowels are neutralized, resulting in the occurrence of short vowels such as /[i]/ and /[u]/. For example, this neutralization occurs in words like 'happy' pronounced as /[ˈhæpi]/ and 'throughout' pronounced as /[θruːˈaʊt]/, where the unstressed high vowels are more centralised .
In RP, "long" and "short" vowels are differentiated not only by length but also by vowel quality. Long vowels often have a distinct vowel quality and may exhibit slight diphthongization, unlike their short counterparts. This phonetic distinction allows for minimal pairs where vowel length itself isn't the only contrast, enhancing clarity and differentiation in pronunciation .
In English, glottalization before syllabic nasals typically involves a glottal stop preceding a voiceless plosive like //t//. This results in a phenomenon known as 'glottal reinforcement,' where words like 'bitten' are pronounced with a creaky voice, sometimes with the plosive fully replaced by a glottal stop .