HEADSTART COLLEGE OF COTABATO

INCOM
DESCRIPTIVE TITLE: Philippine Indigenous Community with Bangsamoro

History

COURSE DESCRIPTION: The course aims to teach students about the indigenous

groups in the Philippines, their cultures and ways of life,

and the importance of protecting and preserving

indigenous cultures and communities for sustainable

national development. Furthermore, it also tackles the

origin of Bangsamoro People and community in the

Philippines.

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NAME: ____________________________________________________________________

COURSE OUTLINE:

CHAPTER 1: The Peopling of the Philippines

CHAPTER 2: Indigenous People of the Philippines

CHAPTER 3: Who are the Indigenous and Bangsamoro People?

CHAPTER 4: Filipino Indigenous Philosophy and Worldviews

CHAPTER 5: Indigenous Filipino Spirituality

CHAPTER 6: Indigenous Languages and Literatures

CHAPTER 7: Philippine Indigenous Arts and Crafts

CHAPTER 8: Philippine Indigenous Customary Laws, Livelihood, and Technology

CHAPTER 9: Indigenous Filipino Psychology: Kapwa at Pakikipagkapwa

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 CHAPTER 1:
THE PEOPLING OF THE PHILIPPINES

What is Peopling?

 Means “To stock with people or inhabitants; to fill as with people; to populate.”
 A body of persons that are united by a common culture, tradition or sense of kinship. (Merriam-
WebsterDictionary©2011)

Archaeological finds in Palawan (e.g., Tabon Skull fragments) suggest that there were already
prehistoric inhabitants in the Philippines as early as the Pleistocene period. Through carbon dating, the
fossil remains were believed to be about 22,000 years old. In the Philippine cultural landscape, the new
Stone Age was the impetus of the development of Filipino modern societies. At this point, early
Filipinos were starting to domesticate plants and animals, and food production was no longer limited to
family consumption. At that time, people were dependent on agricultural as well as hunting and
gathering activities.

The work of Gaillard and Mallari (2004) summarized the different schools of thought to explain
the peopling of the Philippines. The first hypothesis argues that there is an internal development
happening within the so-called Austronesian region (citing the work of William Meacham).This means
that there was an internal human evolution that transpired around that area. Another theory is the
Multiple Homeland Hypothesis proposed by Bayer, which argues that there are multiple origins of the
peopling of the Philippines. The first wave relates to the movement of people coming from Indonesia to
the Philippines. The second movement also originated from Indonesia—when the people reached the
country, they dispersed and proceeded to different islands. The third wave came from Indochina, while
the last wave came from Mainland China to the Philippines.

The other theory is the Melanesian Homeland Hypothesis (cited in the work of Dren), which
argues that the movement of people originated from Melanesia around 3,500 BC. The Unique South
China Sea Homeland Hypothesis proposed by Solheim, meanwhile, argues that the peopling of the
Philippines was related to the thriving of trade relations happening around Borneo and the Celebes Sea
(Gaillard and Mallari, 2004). The trade activities brought the Nusantao to the Philippines and even as far
as Taiwan.

The last theory, which is the Unique Mainland Southeastern China Hypothesis, made use of
linguistic evidence (lexicon and morphology) to demonstrate the origins of the movements of people to
the Philippines, but to this day the movement routes are still in question (Gaillard and Mallari, 2004).
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Archaeologist Heine-Geldern believed that the movement started in South China, then proceeded to the
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Malay Peninsula moving toward Borneo and then finally through Palawan (Gaillard and Mallari, 2004).

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A slightly different hypothesis was proposed by Thomas and Healey and Llamzon (in Gaillard and
Mallari, 2004). Their theory argues that the movement started from Southeastern China, to Indochina,
Malay Peninsula, then to Borneo, finally entering the Philippines through different routes, one group
going to Palawan and Mindoro and the other through the island of Mindanao. Lastly, the theory
proposed by Suggs and Shutler and Marck maintains that the movement of people to the Philippines
started in China, proceeding to Formosa, then to the Batanes Islands until the group scattered around the
archipelago and reached as far as Borneo (Gaillard and Mallari, 2004).

CHAPTER 2:
INDIGENOUS PEOPLEOF THE PHILIPPINES

The population estimate of indigenous peoples in the Philippines is 12 million. Many of them
reside in the uplands, while some are in coastal villages (De Vera, 2007). The indigenous population is
about 14% of the country’s total population. The report of De Vera (2007) notes that there are 110
indigenous groups in the Philippines, many of which reside on the islands of Mindanao (e.g., Manobo)
and Northern (e.g., Ifugao) and Southern Luzon (e.g., Mangyan, Tagbanwa). The indigenous peoples are
generally dependent on agriculture, although some indigenous groups like those in the island provinces
are dependent on fishing.

In Region I and CAR, the northern mountain ranges of the Cordillera are home to the
Tingguian, Isneg, northern Kalinga, Bontoc, Sagada, Ifugao, Southern Kalinga, Ibaloi and Kankanaey.
These groups occupy the watershed areas near the Abulag, Tineg and Chico rivers, or interior of the
hills, narrow strips of flat land along deep valleys, and plateaus.

In Region II, the Cagayan Valley and Carabbalo range are home to the Ibanag, Itawes, Yogad,
Gaddang, Ilongot, Ikalahan, Isinai, and some Aeta groups.

In Region III, the Sierra Madre range of eastern Luzon is the home of the Dumagat, Pugot, and
other Aeta groups. The Zambales range and the mountains of Pampanga and Tarlac are the home of the
Aeta and the Sambal.

In Region IV, the Pacific coast of Quezon province, and the islands of Polillo and Alabat are the
home of different Agta groups. The island of Mindoro is the home of seven Mangyan groups: Iraya,
Alangan, Tadyawan, Tao-Buid, Buhid, Hanunoo, and Gubatnon. The island of Palawan is the home of
the Tagbanua, Batak, Palawanon and Cuyunon.

In Region V, the mountains of Bicol Peninsula are the home of different Agta groups: Kabihug
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of Camarines Norte, Agta Tabangnon, Agta Cimarron, and Itom (Camarines Sur, Albay, and Sorsogon).

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 In Region VI, the interior foothills and remote coastal areas of Panay and Negros Islands are the
home of the Sulod and the Ati.

In Mindanao, the hinterlands and coastal lowlands of the Zamboanga peninsula, the plateaus of
Bukidnon, the upper headwaters of the Davao, Tinanan, and Kulaman rivers, the coastal areas along the
Davao Gulf and the interior hinterlands of south eastern Mindanao are the home of the Lumads.
“Lumad” is the generic term used to refer to the indigenous peoples of Mindanao. They are considered
to comprise the largest number of indigenous peoples in the country. The 18 groups that compose the
Lumad include the following: Subanen, B’laan, T’boli, Mandaya, Mansaka, Tiruray, Higaonon,
Manobo, Bagobo, Bukidnon, Tagakaolo, Ubo, Banwaon, Kalagan, Dibabawon, Talaandig, Mamanwa
and Manguangan.

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 CHAPTER 3:
WHO ARE THE INDIGENOUS AND BANGSAMORO PEOPLE?

Why is there a need for definition?

The flexible definitional approaches to indigenous people can enhance the human rights
protection of IP groups and communities (Corntassel, 2003). Consequently, the United Nations
Declaration on the rights of Indigenous Peoples strongly suggests that even with the absence of a formal
definition, the rights of IPs need to be upheld and protected.

The International Working Group for Indigenous Affairs outlined three primary rationales
for a clear and well-defined conceptualization of Indigenous Peoples. First, is that self-identification is
an essential component of the IPs’ sense of identity. Thus, without a well-defined and universally
acceptable definition and criterion, IPs self-identification is indefinite and doubtful (Corntassel, 2003;
Kingsbury, 1998). Second, it will be easier for them to be accepted as belonging to the IP classification,
which is necessary to assert their collective rights as a group and advance the 13 group’s particular
needs (Bowen, 2000; Barsh, 1986). Contrary to other ethnic minorities in a country, IPs are considered
to suffer a higher level of marginalization and discrimination. Third, a clear definition of “indigenous
peoples” will provide IPs the opportunity to be heard and seen by the local and international
government and enable them to assert their right to self-determination. This right is substantial in their
collective effort to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral claim, which is
home to their ethnic identity (Kingsbury, 1998).

The underlying issues in the naming of indigenous peoples groups is that, most often, the name
associated with them is also employed as a derogatory term to address them. In the case of the Aetas in
Pampanga, they are referred to as “baluga” or black people, similar to the case of the Sama people being
called “siyamal” or dirty. The existence of the derogatory remarks and other forms of discrimination
necessitates the need for a well-defined conceptualization of indigenous people.

Defining Indigenous People

The word “indigenous” comes from the Latin word “indigen” which means native or original
inhabitant—an idea that became popular in the 17th century. Thus, the most common understanding of
the concept suggests that they are people who are the original inhabitants of the land.

According to the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, the term “indigenous”
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has been used continuously, whether as a form of collective names for categorization or as

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representation to the legal issues in the corresponding state that governs them. They are most often
mentioned as tribal people or ethnic groups or communities. Still, there are different names associated
with indigenous people in different countries such as Canada, where they are referred to as first/people
or nations; in Australia where they are aboriginals; in India where they are adivasi; in Nepal as janajati;
and in Indonesia and Malaysia where they are referred to as orang asli which means tribal people, or
bumiputera which means son of soil.

a. Asian Development Bank Framework

The Asian Development Bank (2002) observed that there are two primary similarities in the
existing definitions of indigenous peoples groups. First is that they are descended from
population groups that lived in a particular geographic area before a modern state,
territories and borders were defined. Second, they maintain unique cultural identities, or
their social, economic, cultural and political institutions are different and separate from the
14 mainstream or dominant societies. Consequently, the ADB defines IPs as “those with a
social or cultural identity distinct from the dominant or mainstream society”; hence, these
characteristics put them at a disadvantage in the process of development.

b. International Labor Organization Framework

The Indigenous and Tribal Peoples' Rights in Practice: A Guide to ILO Convention, Number
169 provides the criteria to separate the concept “tribal people” from IPs. The tribal people
are regarded first as those with culture, social organizations, economic conditions and way of
life that are different from other segments of the national population. Second, tribal people
are those who have their own traditions and customs and/or legal recognition. The
Indigenous People on the other hand are characterized first by their historical continuity,
and their societies thriving during pre-conquest and colonization. Second is the territorial
connection and their ancestors inhabiting the country or a region of the country of which
they have a claim. Third, they have distinct social, economic, cultural and political
institutions and retain either some or all of their own institutions. Notice that the primary
difference between tribal people and IPs is their historical continuity and territorial
connection. This criterion has also been exemplified in the working definition of the United
Nations, Asian Development Bank and other relevant international organizations that cater to
the rights of the IPs. It is necessary to explore further our understanding of historical
continuity.

c. United Nations Framework

The Martinez Cobo’s Report to the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of the
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Discrimination of Minorities in 1986 provides what can be considered as the most quoted
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working definition of Indigenous People. The Martinez Cobo Study also highlights the
importance of historical continuity in its definition of IPs. They are those:
1. Having historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that
developed in the territories;
2. That consider themselves distinct from other sectors of those societies that are now
prevailing on those territories or part of them;
3. That form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve,
develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories and their ethnic
identity; 15
4. Whose preservation, development and transmission are the basis of their continued
existence as peoples who are in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social
institutions and legal system.

Chairperson-Rapporteur Madame Erica-Irene Daes of United Nations’ Working

Group on Indigenous Populations designates IPs as those:
1. Descendants of groups that were in the territory of the country at the time when other
groups of different cultures or ethnic origins arrived there;
2. Isolated or excluded from other segments of the country's population and so have
preserved almost intact the customs and traditions of their ancestors; and
3. Distant from or alien to the national, social and cultural characteristics of the State
structure that claims them.

According to the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, the historical
continuity discussed by the Martinez Cobo Study can be characterized by the following
factors:
1. Occupation of ancestral lands, or at least of part of them;
2. Common ancestry with the original occupants of these lands;
3. Culture in general, or in specific manifestations (such as religion, living under a tribal
system, membership of an indigenous community, dress, means of livelihood, instant
loans, lifestyle, etc.);
4. Language (whether used as the only language, as mother-tongue, as the habitual
means of communication at home or in the family, or as the main, preferred, habitual,
general or normal language);
5. Residence in certain parts of the country, or in certain regions of the world; and 6.
Other relevant factors.
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Furthermore, Article 1 Section 2 of ILO Convention Number 169 defines the magnitude
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of the right to self-identification of tribal or IP groups. Self-identification is considered

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 as a fundamental criterion for whether a person considers himself or herself as tribal or
indigenous. In addition, Jeff Corntassel (2003) remarks that the question of “Who are
indigenous?” can be best answered by self-identification. The indigenous people
themselves can best answer the question. To date, according to the International Labor 16
Organization, there are approximately 370 million people categorized as belonging to at
least 5,000 indigenous groups living in 70 different countries. The data changes from
time to time when a new definition or categorizations appears, because there is still no
official definition to date approved by the United Nations and other international bodies
on IPs.

d. The World Health Organization Framework

The World Health Organization primarily aims to advance the health status of indigenous
people in the world. They acknowledge the fact that most IPs’ health status is poorer than
non-indigenous population groups in countries all over the world.

In the absence of an official definition from the United Nations, the WHO provides a modern
and inclusive understanding of IPs, which include those who:
1. Identify themselves and are recognized and accepted by their community as
indigenous;
2. Demonstrate historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies;
3. Have strong links to territories and surrounding natural resources;
4. Have distinct social, economic or political systems;
5. Maintain distinct languages, cultures and beliefs;
6. Form non-dominant groups of society; and

7. Resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as

distinctive peoples and communities.

e. Scholarly Definitions of Indigenous People

Corntassel (2003) provides a historical development of the conceptualization of the term
Indigenous People in the academe and its implication to the status and condition of these
groups. Franke Wilmer is considered as the first social scientist to examine the condition of
IPs in the world and defines IPs first as those with tradition-based culture; second as those
who were politically autonomous before colonization; and third as those who continued to
struggle for the preservation of their cultural integrity, economic self-reliance and political
independence against colonizers and the modern states.
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Wilmer and Gerald Alfred and Franke Wilmer teamed up in 1997 to come up with three
criteria for a group to be considered as IP. This was intended to correct the ambiguities
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provided in Wilmer’s 1993 definition (Corntassel, 2003). These criteria include the fact that
they are descended from the original inhabitants of the geographic areas they continue to
occupy, making them aboriginal. Second, they intend to live in conformity with their
traditionbased cultures, which are evolving. And last, their political destiny is subjected to
policy from outside forces, which refers primarily to the State they belong to. Thus, their
political destiny and existence is beyond their control.

In his definition of IPs in 1996, James Andaya highlighted the issue of ancestral roots and the
continued colonial domination of IPs’ homelands by the modern state (Corntassel, 2003). To
Andaya, Indigenous Peoples are those who are living descendants of pre-invasion inhabitants
and whose lands are now dominated by others. Second, they are indigenous because their
ancestral roots are fixed in the territory they occupy and will continue to occupy or in areas
in close proximity to this land in case of dislocation. Third, they can be considered as a
distinct community because their ancestors’ way of life is carried over into the present
generation.

Ted Gurr provides the distinction between indigenous people and the emerging ethno-
nationalist phenomenon in some countries. Some ethnic groups have been proclaiming that
they belong to the category of indigenous people and their assertion of the right to self-
determination has escalated to efforts to separate and establish their own state. Based on
Gurr’s classification (2000), ethno nationalists are those communities that had stable and
resilient political organizations prior to conquest, colonization or establishment of a modern
state, and have had persistent support from modern movements that assert withdrawal from
the State and the establishment of their own state. Indigenous People, on the other hand, live
mainly in conformity with traditional social, economic, and cultural customs that differ
acutely from the dominant group without assertion of cessation. However, Fred Riggs
challenges this claim and emphasizes that the IP definition should include four variables:
First to consider is the cultural level of the community from primitive to more complex
societies. The more primitive are considered as IPs. Second to consider is the historical
sequence of who came first and who followed. Those who inhabited the land first are
considered to be IPs. To consider the political position, the IPs are those marginalized
communities, and the dominant communities cannot be considered as IPs. Last to consider is
the geographical area, and the ancestral domain claim is highly taken into account.

Benedict Kingsbury (1998) makes a case of the constructivist approach in defining IPs;
moreover, he contends the impossibility of universally applicable criteria in defining who are
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IPs and who are not. Kingsbury promotes maximum tractability in categorizing IP groups
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while maintaining four essential criteria: self-identification as a distinct ethnic group;

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 historical experience of, or contingent vulnerability to, severe disruption, dislocation or
exploitation; long historical connection with the region or territory; and the aspiration to
retain a distinct identity.

Who are IPs in the Philippines?

In the Philippines, Indigenous People are commonly referred to as katutubo. In Mindanao they are
collectively called Lumad to separate them from the Islamized ethnic groups in the region (Arquiza,
2016). The legal definition is provided by Republic Act No. 8371 otherwise known as “An Act to
Recognize, Protect and Promote the Rights of Indigenous Cultural Communities/Indigenous Peoples,
Creating a National Commission on Indigenous Peoples, Establishing Implementing Mechanisms,
Appropriating Funds Therefor, and for other Purpose.”

Chapter 2 Section 3 of R.A. 8371 refers to IPs as synonymous with Indigenous Cultural Communities or
ICC, and defines them as having the following qualifications:

a. A group of people or homogenous societies identified by self-ascription and ascription by

others, who have continuously lived as an organized community on communally-
bounded and defined territory;
b. Those who have, under claims of ownership since time immemorial, occupied, possessed
and utilized such territories, sharing common bonds of language, customs, traditions and
other distinctive cultural traits;
c. Those who have, through resistance to political, social and cultural inroads of
colonization, non-indigenous religions and cultures, become historically differentiated
from the majority of Filipinos;
d. Peoples who are regarded as indigenous on account of their descent from the populations
that inhabited the country at the time of conquest or colonization, or of inroads of non-
indigenous religions and cultures, or the establishment of present state boundaries;
e. People who retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political
institutions; and
f. People who may have been displaced from their traditional domains or who may have
resettled outside their ancestral domains.

Who are Bangsamoro?

The word “Moro” is a Spanish term referring to the Muslim people of Mixed Arab and Barber
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descent from Northwest Africa, known as the Moors, who invaded and occupied Spain in the eighth
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century. When the Spaniards colonized the islands of the Philippines in the sixteenth century, the term

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‘Moro’ was first used for the Islamised natives in Manila in the 1570s, due to the observed
commonalities between the Islamised natives and the Moors, the Spaniards’ former colonial masters.
Later in 1578, it was applied to the Muslim inhabitants of the Southern region of Mindanao and Sulu, as
the majority in the Philippines converted to the Christian faith. Although a percentage of the Moro
people still do not accept the term to describe the people from the Bangsamoro region, it is now a well-
established term.

The term “Bangsamoro” translates to “Moro Nation,” which includes all of the Filipino-
Muslim ethno linguistic groups in Mindanao. There are at least sixteen Moro ethno linguistic groups in
Mindanao which generally hail from the Malay race, and among which the four largest are: the Tausug,
the Samal, the Maguindanaon and the Maranao. The Bangsamoro territory comprises provinces under
the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and includes the four provinces of Lanao del
Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. The term Bangsamoro was recognized under the 1976 Tripoli
Peace Agreement between the Philippine Government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF),
the most significant Bangsamoro insurgent movement in Mindanao at that time.

Bangsamoro Collective Identity: Ethnicity, Religion and Customs

Collective identity refers to a shared distinction amongst a group of people or community, which
comes from the community’s culture, beliefs and aspirations. Charles Taylor maintains that it is the
cultural collective identity of a community that provides the moral and social frameworks that people
use to determine who they are, how they see others and how they act. The concept of Bangsamoro
implies that the Moros have distinct characteristics which bind them together in a collective identity.
Thus, the Bangsamoro collective identity originates from the shared ethnicity, religion, customs and
historical experience of the Bangsamoro people.

Jainal D. Rasul asserts that the Bangsamoro collective identity “is more than religion, more than
blood… it is both religion and blood.” According to Rasul, the concept of Bangsamoro that
encompasses all the Moro ethnolinguistic groups in Mindanao is: “...united by common religious faith
(Islam), the Arabic alphabet and the Shari'ah or Islamic law... they are all proud of their glorious history,
zealous of their hopes, dreams, and aspirations as a people, and assertive of their politico-religious rights
and liberties.

What is BARMM?

The Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), officially designated as

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an administrative region in the Philippines, is an area that is home to a diverse range of cultures,
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traditions, and history. It comprises five provinces, namely Basilan, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu,

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and Tawi-Tawi, and has its regional center located in the City of Cotabato. With a population of
4,404,288, as determined by the 2020 Census, the BARMM is a significant region in the Mindanao
island group, representing 16.78% of the overall population or 4.04% of the entire population of the
Philippines.

The BARMM is a culturally rich and diverse region, with each of its five provinces having its
unique traditions, language, and customs. Basilan, for instance, is home to the Yakan tribe, famous for
their intricate weaving techniques and colorful traditional costumes. The Lanao del Sur province, on
the other hand, is known for the Maranao tribe, famous for their unique and intricate brassware
craftsmanship. Maguindanao is renowned for its stunning natural landscapes, pristine beaches, and
magnificent waterfalls. The province of Sulu, meanwhile, is home to the Tausug tribe, renowned for
their colorful dances and music. Finally, Tawi-Tawi is a paradise for nature lovers, with its clear
turquoise waters, white sand beaches, and rich marine biodiversity.

CHAPTER 4:
FILIPINO INDIGENOUS PHILOSOPHY AND WORLDVIEWS

Filipino Philosophy can be divided into three approaches with 16 different meanings. According
to Gripaldo (2014), the following approaches can be observed: the traditional/ philosophical approach,
the cultural approach and the nationality/constitutional approach. The traditional approach is based
on the Greek model, wherein individual Filipino philosophers’ ideas are discussed. The
nationality/constitutional approach deals with writings of Filipinos in general, whether it be on a
Western or Eastern topic. The cultural approach, on the other hand, addresses the people’s
philosophical perspectives and views on socio-linguistic, cultural and folk concepts. Philippine
indigenous philosophy and worldviews are classified under the cultural approach; accordingly, they can
be divided into the following categories:
• Filipino grassroots or folk philosophies
• Folk philosophy appropriation
• Interpretation of Filipino identity and worldview
• Local cultural values and ethics research and
• Implications and presuppositions of Filipino worldviews

Timbreza (2014), in his book Pilosopiyang Pilipino, discusses the issue of whether Filipino
philosophy exists or not. Since philosophy starts and ends with people’s experience, it follows that there
is Filipino philosophy, considering that the Filipino experience exists. Timbreza uses the cultural
approach as classified by Gripaldo, as he analyzes unique life experiences to harness these worldviews.
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Furthermore, if these worldviews are based on literature, art, ethics, practices and attitudes, Filipinos can
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be said to have their own Weltanschauung. Consequently, Timbreza uses indigenous and native legends,
poems, epics, songs, riddles (bugtong), proverbs (salawikain), rituals and dances as basis for the

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collective Filipino philosophy of life. (He attributes the general Filipino worldview to the experiences of
these honorable groups –Ivatan, Ilokano, Tagalog, Pampanggo, Pangasinensi, Ibanag, Igorot, Bicolano,
Cebuano, Boholano, Bisaya, Tiruray, Tausug, Maranao, Maguindanao, Aklano, Bukidnon, Sugnuanon,
Zambaleno, Romblomanon, Kiniray-anom, Kalinga-Banao, Waray, and Ilonggo.)

Worldviews are “mental lenses that are entrenched ways of perceiving the world” (Hart, 2010).
Significantly, all over the world, indigenous worldviews have a commonality, which is the relationship
with nature or surroundings. Hart (2010) identifies seven principles of these worldviews:
1. Knowledge is holistic, cyclic, and dependent upon relationships and connections to living
and non-living beings and entities;
2. There are many truths, and these truths are dependent upon individual experiences;
3. Everything is alive;
4. All things are equal;
5. The land is sacred;
6. The relationship between people and the spiritual world is important; and
7. Human beings are least important in the world.

For Timbreza, the Filipino philosophy of life can be divided into five fragments: “the law of
reversion, balance of nature, cyclic concept of nature, centripetal morality, value of non-violence and
concept of life and death” (Garcia, 2013). Considering these ideas, Filipino thought is not a philosophy
of being (as the Greek thinkers espoused) but rather the intellectualization of “indigenous perceptions of
reality” (Garcia, 2013).

CHAPTER 5:
INDIGENOUS FILIPINO SPIRITUALITY

Filipino Spirituality

Spirituality is related to the search for the sacred in a person, object, or ritual that is above the self (Hill
et al., 2000). Filipinos are known to be religious and spiritual people. The Filipino culture is rich in
religious traditions, which include various rituals, devotions and beliefs. Long before the Spaniards
came, Filipinos already believed in a God and they already had different religious rituals that
demonstrated their spirituality (Enriquez, 1994). When it comes to Filipino spirituality, early Filipinos
had many animistic practices across different places in the Philippines. For Salazar (1993 as cited in
Aquino, 2000), Filipinos’ belief in an “anito” is an important factor in their faith. He considers the
“anito” as a pure soul, pure spirit, or god. He asserts that this “anito” religion still thrives today and can
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be seen in different Catholic folk practices. Aetas consider Apu Namalyari as their supreme God and
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they have other gods that abound in the environment. Mangyans consider Mahal-Umako as their god
because he is the one who created all things that can be seen and unseen. The relationship of Filipinos

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with “anitos” can be considered as something deep and can be viewed as a form of pakikipagkapwa
(Hernandez, 2014).

The deep relationship of Filipinos and “anitos” can still be seen in their religious traditions. For us to
understand the spirituality of Filipinos, it is important to look at the different religious practices,
especially those in Folk Catholicism (Yabut, 2013b). Demetrio (1991) has documented various rituals
and prayers Filipinos have across the Philippines. These different practices can be seen not only in
different devotions among Filipinos but also in indigenous practices such as the ones in Mt. Banahaw.
On this sacred mountain, devotees consider rocks, caves, trees and bodies of water as sacred. Filipino
devotees from different places in the Philippines go to Mt. Banahaw to worship and express their
spirituality. According to Covar (1998) the puwestos in Banahaw are sacred spaces, which Filipinos for
generations have acknowledged as holy places. In addition to this, he claims that pamumuwesto is
symbolic of a prayerful journey through this life into a future life (Covar, 1998).

In the contemporary setting, some devotions like that to the Sto. Entierro in Calabanga in Bicol can be
traced to the rich tradition of Filipinos in venerating the dead (Cannell, 1999). This dead Christ is bathed
and perfume is applied to it as it is treated as a very sacred object. In this devotion, Catholics try their
best to reach out to the dead Christ in order to feel better or ask for supplication. This devotion can also
be found among Kapampangans with their devotion to the Sto. Entierro, whom they call Apung
Mamacalulu. Yabut (2013) found that most devotees feel the presence of God when they touch the
image and it is their way of connecting with the sacred. Among indigenous groups, this Catholic folk
practice of venerating the dead Christ is related to their practice of treating their departed loved ones as
Gods. Postma (2005) states that Mangyans consider their departed loved ones as their Gods. These
practices in Catholicism, commonly called “popular piety,” can be traced to the long tradition of
Filipinos in a religion that has animistic qualities.

Aetas of Pampanga, Bataan and Zambales

The Aeta groups in the Zambales range and the mountains of Pampanga have preserved some of their
traditional or indigenous spiritual ideas despite the introduction of Christianism (Seitz, 1998). The belief
in the “anito” (good spirits) and the kamana (bad spirits) is central to these beliefs (Gaillard, 2006).
Carunungan (2005) discusses explicitly the religious practice of the Aetas, mentioning that Aetas believe
in the god Gutugutumakkan. Aetas call their supreme being, which lives in Mt. Pinatubo, located in
Zambales, “Apo Namalyari.” This is a Kapampangan term that means “the God who makes things
happen.” Aetas believe this supreme deity has power over other lesser deities. Carunungan (2005)
identified the other gods of Aetas. These include Tigbalog, who is considered as the “great creator” and
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is considered as the source of life and action; Lueve, who is the god of production and the growth of
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goods; Amas, who moves people to pity, love, unity and peace of heart; and Binangewan, who is
responsible for change, sickness and death.

Relationship with Anitos

The relationship of aetas with “anitos” is very profound in spirituality. Consistent with what
historians have been saying—that Filipinos were predominantly animists—it is believed that Aetas are
also animists who believe that spirits abound in the environment—in rivers, seas, plants, trees and
animals. Apo Namalyari is the Aetas’ god of creation, their counterpart of our God who created the
world and all that is in it, including man himself. However, they believe that their creator god can only
take care of trees that are useful to the Aeta, making this god limited in power, according to our
standards. Because of these beliefs, they cut down trees that are not useful for them or trees planted by
those from the lowlands. The belief in the “anito” (good spirits) and the kamana (bad spirits) is central to
these beliefs (Gaillard, 2006). If offended or disturbed, the anito can cause illnesses or death, while Apo
Namalyari can cause natural disasters like the recent eruption of Mt. Pinatubo. The spirits must be
appeased and a spiritual medium is called to perform ritual and sacrifice (Shimizu, 1992). The link
between the Aetas and the spirits are referred to as the “manganito.”

The “anito” are believed to inhabit certain places in the environment that could affect people’s health
and livelihood if disturbed or offended (Shimizu, 1994). Thus, there are some springs, trees, rocks or
forested areas where a certain “anito” is believed to reside that people avoid. The most essential among
these places is Mt. Pinatubo, which is considered to be the center of their Universe, for it is the home of
their Supreme Being or Creator, “Apo Namalyari” or Apo Mallari (Garvan, 1964 cited in Seitz, 1998).
Mt. Pinatubo is also believed to be the final resting place of the souls of their ancestors, and where their
souls will find peace as well upon their death (Fondevilla, 1991). Thus, when Aetas pray or perform
rituals and sacrifices, they face Mt. Pinatubo (Fondevilla, 1991; Fox, 1952).

Sickness in an Aeta society is a social experience. A sick person is not alone and the community shares
in an individual’s suffering, collectively seeking for a cure. The curing ritual involves the “manganito,”
the sick person, family friends, relatives, as well as the unseen spirit (Shimizu, 1989). Aetas who
particularly live in Morong have rituals like Kagon, which involves song and dance that can remove
these evil spirits from a person’s body. In Kagon, Aetas try to exorcise the demon from the sick person
using sticks that are strung together.

Strong Faith and Religious Rituals of Aetas

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Carunungan (2005) also highlights the faith and some religious practices of Aetas that exist to this day.
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Most Aetas have a strong faith in God. It is not unusual for them to explain or attribute their experiences

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in life to God. They usually use the phrase “kaloob ng Dios” or “tadhana ng Maykapal,” meaning “will
of God.” Even at the time that they suffer problems, they remain faithful to God and say "Kung ano man
ang ipagkaloob ng Diyos" ("Whatever God provides”).

Lastly, Carunungan (2005) identifies various Aeta religious practices that include certain rituals like as
in the form of prayers and dancing. For example, she mentions that there are various ceremonies done in
pig hunting. Aeta women perform some dances and collect shellfish the night before the hunting. The
dance is meant to show gratitude and is also a form of apology for the killing. Aeta men also perform
bee dances before and after collecting honey.

CHAPTER 6:
INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES

Why do we need to study indigenous languages and literature?

David Crystal (2000) provides the different reasons why we need to care for the IP languages
and prevent their dying or extinction. These reasons are:
a. Linguistic diversity enriches our human ecology;
b. Languages are expressions of identity;
c. Languages are repositories of history;
d. Languages contribute to the sum of human knowledge and each language provides a matrix
of wisdom of a particular group of people;
e. Languages are interesting subjects in their own right.

In contemporary times, there is a growing advocacy for an increase in awareness and concern to
help IP groups in some nations to conserve their languages. IP languages’ abandonment or the extinction
of IP languages has been an evident adverse outcome of the process of language convergence, or they
die naturally (Headland, 2003; Crystal, 2000). This is primarily influenced by the utilization of national
or official languages in educational institutions; thus, IP children do not learn to speak or use their own
language. Second, the need to communicate to non-IP results in frequent borrowing from dominant
languages in the region. These situations are also evident in the Philippines, and necessitate the need to
help in the efforts of IP groups, government agencies and NGOs to conserve and preserve the dying and
threatened IP languages.

Role of Indigenous Language An Indigenous Peoples Language can be defined simply as the
language spoken uniquely by a group people who affiliates with a particular indigenous group and/or
with origins in the particular group (Spolsky, 2002). The Martinez Cobo Study in 1986 provided an
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expanded definition of IP language, saying it refers to a language identified with and unique to a
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particular indigenous community. This language can either be used as the only language, as mother

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tongue, as the habitual means of communication at home or in the family, or as the main, preferred,
habitual, general or considered normal language. There are two other concepts that posed a constant
threat to the preservation and conservation of IP languages: national and dominant regional language.
National language is defined as the official language/s adopted by a particular state or nation
(Bamgbose, 1991). This is typically learned when the child of an IP community engages in school.
Dominant regional language, on the other hand, refers to the language spoken by dominant ethno-
linguistic groups in a particular geographical location. It is usually adopted by the IP community to be
able to communicate and establish trade with non-IP.

The role of IP languages has been reduced to a medium for communications at home and in the
community, which is the result of the need to learn and adopt to regional and national languages
(Headland, 2003).

However, according to the United Nations General Assembly, IP language must not be regarded
as second-rate or indifferent. It is a significant part of indigenous people’s ways of life, culture and
identity. A particular language embodies the ideas, beliefs, values, and abstraction that contain their
sense of history, psychology and mind-set, understanding of the world, spirituality, and the vision of
their community. Thus, it is the most essential symbol of their uniqueness and interconnection with each
other.

Philippine Indigenous Languages

a. Linguistic diversity in the Philippines

The Philippines is considered to be one of the richest sources of linguistic diversity in the world.
According to Nelson Castro (2002), the archipelagic character of the country is one of the factors
that can be attributed to the diversity of languages in the Philippines. Curtis McFarland (2004)
contends that the linguistic diversity in the Philippines is a result of natural processes. These include
the language change, divergence between linguistic communities caused by lack of communication,
and the converse convergence affected by a high rate of communication between communities.

b. Status of Philippine IP languages

The number of individual languages listed for the Philippines is 187. Of these, 183 are living and 4
are extinct. Of the living languages, 175 are indigenous and 8 are non-indigenous. Furthermore, 41
are institutional (6a), 73 are developing (5), 45 are vigorous (1-4), 13 are in trouble (6b-7), and 11
are dying (8a-9), and 4 are extinct (10).
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Among the IP languages in the Philippines, only two are widely used for communication: The
Maguindanaon and the Tausug.

Department of Education Order number 74 series of 2009, also known as “Institutionalizing Mother
Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MLE),” acknowledges the advantage of the use of the
learner’s mother tongue in improving learning outcomes and the promotion of education for all.
Only 27 of the 175 indigenous languages in the Philippines are currently employed as mother
languages. These include Balangao, Chavacano, Ibanag, Ibatan, IfugaoMayoyao, Ifugao-Tuwali,
Inabaknon, Inakeanon, Isnag, Ivatan, Kagayanen, Kalinga-Butbut, Kalinga-Limos, Kalinga-
Lubuagan, Kallahan-Keley-I, Kinaray-a, Maguindanaoan, Manobo-Obo, Maranao, Paranan,
Sambal, Sama-Central, Surigaonon, Tagabawa, Tagakaulo, Tausug, Tboli and Yakan.

There are 13 IP languages in the Philippines that are considered to be in trouble. These include Agta-
Dupaninan, Atta-Faire, Ayta-Magbukun, Bolinao, Isinai, ItnegInlaod, Manobo-Kinamiging,
Subanen-Eastern, Agta-Mt. Iraya, Alta-Northern, Batak, Butuanon and Giangan.

There are 11 dying IP languages in the Philippines. Dying or endangered languages are evident when
the children in the community are not speaking the language of their parents and there are only a few
people left in the IP community (Cahil, 1999). These include Agta-Alabat Island, Agta-Isarog, Arta,
Ata, Ayta-Sorsogon, Ratagnon and Tagbanwa-Central. The Eskayan language is dormant and is
dying, while Agta-Dicamay, Agta-Villa Viciosa, Ayta-Tayabas and Katabaga are already classified
as extinct.
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In the Philippines, the IP language is always in constant threat of debasement and reduction to a
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second class language of either the dominant regional language or the national language. In the case

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 of the Aetas in Pampanga, the regional language that they need to adapt and learn is Kapampangan.
This language enables them to establish communication and trade with the “tigapatag” or
lowlanders. In the case of the Manobos in Mindanao, Cebuano is a language that also encroaches on
their symbolic communication and interaction, and which influences the status and utility of their
native language. Filipino as a national language is taught in school—this also subjects their native
language to debasement, and reduction to minority status. In the Philippines there are two official
languages in education and commerce: Filipino and English.

c. Surviving Ancient Syllabic Script among IP languages

Among the different IP languages in the Philippines, the Buhid-Mangyan, Hanunuo-Mangyan and
the Tagbanwa of Palawan have maintained the ancient pre-Hispanic syllabic script. The Buhid and
Hanunuo Mangyans have been able to preserve their indigenous way of writing due to natural
borders provided by the mountains against the influence of modern living. The traditional poem
“ambahan” is engraved on bamboo plants, boards and containers with the use of a knife. According
to Emerenciana Lorenza Catapang (2014), the scripts may have originated from the Brahmi script of
India and could also be related to the Kawi script of Indonesia.

All consonant letters in the alphabet contain the default vowel /a/, and to represent another vowel
other than /a/, the “kulit” mark is used. A horizontal line or “kulit” above the letter denotes the vowel
/i/ or /e/; on the other hand, if it is positioned below the letter, it denotes the vowel /o/ or /u/. One
may notice the absence of separation between the vowels /i/ and /e/ and in the same manner the
vowels /o/ and /u/.

The script is written from left to right and is read from bottom to top. To be able to read the text, you
need to rotate the bamboo canister 90 degrees counter clockwise.
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 There are three IP groups associated with the Tagbanwa: the Aborlan Tagbanwa, Calamian
Tagbanwa and the Central Tagbanwa. All of these IP communities and languages can be found and
are spoken in Palawan in the Philippines. Despite the common groupings, all three languages are not
mutually intelligible. However, all three groups use the same ancient syllabic writing system known
as Tagbanua script.

The Tagbanua syllabic script is obviously closely related to baybayin, another ancient syllabic script
known to be utilized by the Tagalogs before the Spanish colonization. The same is true for the
Mangyan script: Its origins can be traced back to the Brahmi script in India through the Kawi script
from Indonesia.

The features of Tagbanua script are the same as the Mangyan script: All consonants carry the
vowel /a/. An accent mark on top of the letter denotes the vowel /i/ or /e/, and at the bottom the
vowels /o/ or /u/. Notice again the lack of separation between the vowels /i/ and /e/ and the vowels
/o/ and /u/.

The script is traditionally written on bamboo cylinders from bottom to top, and left to right. It is also
read in the same manner.

Why do we need to study IP Literature?

The epics, stories, folk tales and legends give us a glimpse of the worldview of the IP group
(Cole, 1915; Tiu, 2001). Cole (1915) argues that these literatures provide the IP’s explanation of the
origin of a significant source of food and livelihood like hills, mountains, lakes and rivers. Similarly, the
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characteristics and origins of certain plants and animals are also elaborated on in these narratives. They
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convey their beliefs in supernatural beings and their spirituality. Some stories capture significant 43

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events in their community, their form of governance, the adventures of their heroes and the legacy of
their group. Thus, through IP literature we gain the knowledge of their past, their mental life and their
customs, beliefs and traditions (Cole, 1915). These are a fundamental aspect of their identity and must
be ensured to be inherited by their future generations to preserve and conserve their uniqueness as
groups of people.

Role of Indigenous Literature

IP literature provides different functions in an IP community. It may simply be intended as a

form of entertainment during ordinary days and special occasions (Tiu, 2015; Asain, 2006). However, it
also serves as a non-material artifact that contains the group’s history (Asain, 2006). Moreover,
according to Asain, the stories and legends can be a form of instructional tool and define the cultural and
ethnic identity of the IP group to future generations. IP literature is also meant to justify rituals and
institutions, and guides the members of the group to follow its prescribed norms (Tiu, 2001; Cole, 1915).
In contemporary times, they are narrations of the struggle of the IP groups to assert their rights for self-
preservation and self-determination (Bañez, 2002).

Thus, IP literatures serve as a vehicle of cultural transmission to the future generations of IPs of
particular customs, belief and practices (Asain, 2006; Bañez, 2002; Tiu, 2001; Cole, 1915). The primary
role of these literatures is the preservation and conservation of the identity of the Indigenous Peoples as
a distinct and unique group.

Indigenous Literature in the Philippines

IP literatures in the Philippines can be categorized in conventional literary forms (Asain, 2009;
Cole, 2000; Blake, 1911). These include epics, stories, “bugtong” or riddles, folk tales, mythology,
legends and oration. However, elaborate prayers and ritual chants can also be considered as forms of IP
literature.
Existing studies on IP literatures in the Philippines suggest that these literatures are told,
memorized and retold in oral form (Bañez, 2002; Tiu, 2001; Cole 1915). In some groups, selected
individuals are tasked to be storytellers and they pass on this vital responsibility through inheritance
within the family, as in the privileged “binukot” of the Tumanduk group of Panay Island (Bañez, 2002).
Keeping a “binukot,” a cloistered young girl in the family who learns to chant the epic of the
community gives the family prestige, exempts her from labor, and commands a high bride price. In
certain IP groups there is the retelling of the myths and legends—among the Igorots, the elders and the
priests or “mumbaki” are known to be the storytellers (Scott et al., 1956).
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 However, in some IP communities, while most members of the community can retell the stories
to their children, the details vary from one person to another. Among the Hanunuo-Mangyan in
Mindoro, the “ambahan” is not limited to a single individual or family (Postma, 1981). It can be learned
and sung by all members of the community. The pitch and the words can differ from one person to
another.

Several researches suggest that the storyteller can unconsciously retell the stories and add their
own or the group’s current experiences, contemporary beliefs of the tribes and contact with outsiders
(Bañez, 2002; Cole, 1915). Thus, one of the major characteristics of IP literature is that it is constantly
evolving and adapting to the changes in the way of life and beliefs of the community.

CHAPTER 7:
PHILIPPINE INDIGENOUS ARTS AND CRAFTS

Each region of the Philippines has its own indigenous communities. Similarly, each of these
communities has its own unique arts and crafts. In northern Luzon, for example, the Ilocanos are known
for the craftsmanship of the cotton fabric inabel and the folk dance binatbatan. Whether it is visual arts,
song and dance, handicrafts, tapestries and clothing or pottery, each region boasts of exceptional talent,
skill and creativity. Unfortunately, these masterpieces have been “downgraded” by outsiders to merely
crafts or handicrafts that are only worthy of being sold in tourist shops (This is also known as the art vs.
crafts controversy) (Racette and Robertson, 2009). Indigenous artists do not showcase their efforts, and
their accomplishments are rarely valued.

The earliest art forms in the Philippines that have not yet been somewhat penetrated by Western
influences are music and dance. The war dance interwoven in Igorot rituals, the Ifugao funeral dance,
and the Benguet victory dance are examples of the dances in pure indigenous form. Other dances
represent the daily affairs of the community such as planting, fishing, pounding rice, etc.

Indigenous peoples decorate their everyday implements with art. In the Mountain Province,
“shields, spoons, ladles, bowls” and figurines are infused with art through woodcarving. In Mindanao,
on the other hand, original Muslim art can be recognized through certain motifs, colors and patterns.
These stylized elements are evident through brass work, tools, weaponry and musical instruments.

A Filipino person’s characteristic of being relational or communal is evident in his or her art.
Traditional art reflects this orientation as well, with the following specifics:
 Art is not separated from its other values and functions such as “religious, moral, spiritual,
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social and ecological concerns”


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Sensory modes are cultivated holistically and have to be developed together

 Art is assimilated into life

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  The community is involved in the work of art; thus, one artist is rarely recognized and
remains anonymous most of the time
 There is no dichotomy of the artist and society
 No rigid standards dictate materials, forms or techniques
 Process of creation is valued over the work of art
 Conceptualization and realization is simultaneous

CHAPTER 8:
PHILIPPINE INDIGENOUS CUSTOMARY LAWS,
LIVELIHOOD AND TECHNOLOGY

Why do we need to study indigenous customary laws, livelihood and technology?

At present, there is a continued ambivalence of the general Filipino public and academe with
regard to the role of indigenous customs, laws, livelihood and technology in the promotion of
indigenous peoples’ self-determination and subsistence economy (Molintas, 2004; Lynch, 1983). This
ambivalence promotes the lack of understanding of the role of indigenous customs and tradition among
IP groups. It also results in a 58 discrimination of indigenous juristic laws and a lack of space for its
promotion in the national legal system (Molintas, 2004; Arana-Sereno & Roan, 1983).

The same happens to indigenous livelihood and technology: The lack of recognition leads to
proscriptions of some traditional sustainable means to promote their living. The effort of the general
public and the national and local government to integrate them into modern lifestyles and a cash
dependent economy gradually extinguishes indigenous cultural manifestations. Thus, there is a need to
combat this ambivalence and lack of understanding. This can be done through careful and prudent
consideration of the customs, laws, livelihood and technology, and an understanding of how important it
is for the IP’s self-determination and at the same time of how they can help promote the achievement of
national goals and agenda.

Philippine Indigenous Customary Laws

It should be noted that the observation made by Lynch (1983) that millions of Filipinos are still
guided by indigenous customary laws holds true to varying degrees today. These laws and judiciary
systems are rooted in pre-colonial traditions and in the approved values of the IP groups. They are linked
to the folk beliefs, rituals, myths and other aspects of identification of the IP groups (Cole, 1956). They
also provide a guide to individual behaviors, as well as the interactional and relational dimension of the
community, system of governance and group behaviors (particularly in times of crisis). These traditional
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laws also guide their relation with other groups, mainly in the maintenance of peace, engagement in
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warfare, and establishment of peace pacts (Brett, 1984; Keesing, 1974).

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 Indigenous laws are also the model for kinship ties, genealogies, marriage practices, and other
contractual obligations (Lambrecht, 1968). They account for the approved means of extraction of
resources from their ancestral domains (Tomacquin, 2015; Rola, 2011). In general, customary laws
guide all aspects of an indigenous way of living in which their life, territory, pride and identity as a
group are protected and conserved.

Despite the preservation and continued presence of customary laws, particularly in rural and
mountainous areas, IPs are constantly challenged by external and non-indigenous influences (Madrigal-
Llorente, 1984; Lopez-Gonzaga, 1983). The most significant challenge is the attempt of the local and
national government to integrate their groups into a modern and democratic system of governance
(Tomacquin, 2015; Seitz, 2013; Rola, 2011; Lynch, 1983). The upland migration of non-indigenous
groups to IP communities to establish permanent or non-permanent residence and trade also influences
indigenous norms, customs and structures (Lopez-Gonzaga, 1983). Despite the influences and changes,
these customary laws and traditions must be considered essential for securing the right of IP groups to
self-determination (Molintas, 2015; Lynch, 1983).

Most IP groups follow a less complex structure of system of governance, which can be attributed
to their small population. The leader of the group is either the datu or the elders. A study by Tomaquin
(2015) describes the Mamanwa community as being headed by a “Dakula” or “Hawodon,” the local
terms for a Datu. The Datu in the past earned his position and was usually appointed by the community.
The datus have a high charismatic leadership style and admirable personality and wisdom. Yet today,
the Mamanwa group elects their Datu, and those who have earned a higher education level have more
chances of winning the position. The Datu with the elders are the implementers and conserve customary
laws. But the Mamanwa tambajon or baylan (shaman) are the keepers of their traditions.

Molinta observes that the Cordillerans (2015) provide a more elaborate customary law and
structure of governance of their territory or “ili”. The “lallakay” or “amam-a” is the traditional council
of elders that governs the communities. The membership is not only based on age but also on wisdom
from accumulated experiences. The “dap-ay” or “abong” is the physical location of the center of
governance in the Cordilleran “ili.” This is where the council of elders meets and decides on the
different issues and affairs of the community. The “bodong” or “pechen” is an integral component of the
legal system, wherein they establish peace among neighboring tribes. The “dapat,” “dumapat” or
“mananum,” on the other hand, are traditional irrigation associations that manage and settle disputes on
the use of the water resources of the community. Usually, the membership in this group is hereditary and
can be traced back to seven generations.
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Philippine Indigenous Livelihood and Technology

Indigenous peoples groups in the Philippines are dependent on the land, rivers and the sea as
primary sources of their livelihood (Molintas, 2015; Ishmail & Ahmad, 2015; Garvan, 1929). The
extraction of resources and livelihood from the land and water are primarily influenced by their
customary beliefs and practices.

Most IP groups in the Philippines consider their land to be communal property (Cole, 1915).
However, at present some groups also practice both communal and private ownership of the land.
Molintas (2015) identifies the different categories of land use among the Cordillera people. The
“muyung,” which is a privately owned woodlot that provides firewood, timber and farm lots, is managed
by a single family. The “tayan,” on the other hand, refers to a more corporate type of management of
land. This forested land is usually managed by a clan for timber, firewood and for hunting game.
Another is the “lapat,” a section of a forest closed for a specific period of time due to certain cultural
and spiritual beliefs. All human activities are forbidden in these areas; thus, it allows a certain period of
time for the rejuvenation of biodiversity. The “uma” are the swidden farms where IPs plant one of their
staple foods, camote. Terraced rice fields are usually hailed for the majestic pre-colonial engineering
among the Ifugaos. It should be noted that despite the existence of privately held land among the
Cordillerans, all water resources that can be intended for irrigation, fishing and foraging are communal.

In this day and age, the majority of IP groups in the Philippines have already established
permanent communities in their ancestral lands. These lands are partitioned for subsistence farming for
individual families. Some are still categorized as semi-nomadic groups and their migration is influenced
by the practice of shifting cultivation or the kaingin method (Rola, 2011; Lynch, 1983). Shifting
cultivation is also considered as sustainable technology in farming because it provides minimal
disturbance of the soil and allows a long break before the soil is used again. Staple foods like rice,
camote (sweet potato), banana, and gabi (taro) are the most common types of plants cultivated by IP
groups. Other organic farming technologies that they employ include multiple cropping, composting,
and integrated pest management. Yet, because of the introduction of a cash economy in their
community, cash crop cultivation has also become a means of livelihood among IP groups.

Badjaos are primarily dependent on the sea for subsistence fishing (Ishmail & Ahmad, 2015).
They are known to be master divers in their fishing expeditions, despite the fact that they only have
spear guns and makeshift goggles. The Lubcon Mamanwas are another IP group engaged in coastal
fishing, while the Lake Mainit Mamanwas are engaged in lake fishing (Tomacquin, 2013).
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 Aside from farming and fishing, there are other sources of livelihood that include hunting for
game, foraging, lumber gathering for firewood or charcoal, and raising chickens, pigs and goats. Some
are also engaged in basketry, handicraft, weaving, and textile making.

Republic Act No. 8371

Republic Act No. 8371 otherwise known as “The Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997” is
an act that aims to recognize, protect and promote the rights indigenous cultural communities/indigenous
peoples, creating a national commission on indigenous peoples, establishing implementing mechanisms,
appropriating funds thereof, and addressing other purposes.

The following State Policies are indicated in the Act, as follows:

[Link] State shall recognize and promote the rights of ICCs/IPs within the framework of national
unity and development;
b. The State shall protect the rights of ICCs/IPs to their ancestral domains to ensure their
economic, social and cultural well-being and shall recognize the applicability of customary
laws governing property rights or relations in determining the ownership and extent of
ancestral domain;
[Link] State shall recognize, respect and protect the rights of ICCs/IPs to preserve and develop
their cultures, traditions and institutions. It shall consider these rights in the formulation of
national laws and policies;
d. The State shall guarantee that members of the ICCs/IPs, regardless of sex, shall equally
enjoy the full measure of human rights and freedoms without distinction or discrimination;
[Link] State shall take measures, with the participation of the ICCs/IPs concerned, to protect
their rights and guarantee respect for their cultural integrity, and to ensure that members of the
ICCs/IPs benefit on equal footing from the rights and opportunities that national laws and
regulations grant to other members of the population; and
f. The State recognizes its obligations to respond to the strong expression of the ICCs/IPs for
cultural integrity by assuring maximum ICC/IP participation in the direction of education,
health, as well as other services of ICCs/IPs, in order to render such services more responsive
to the needs and desires of these communities.

National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP)

This commission shall be the primary government agency responsible for the formulation and
implementation of policies, plans and programs to promote and protect the rights and well-being of the
ICCs/IPs and the recognition of their ancestral domains as well as the rights thereto.
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Dep Ed. Order #51 S. 2014
In accordance with R.A No. 8371, the Department of Education released the Guidelines on the Conduct
of Activities and Use of Materials Involving Aspects of Indigenous Peoples Culture otherwise known as
Dep Ed. Order #51 S. 2014. The guidelines seek to promote among learners and the teaching and non-
teaching staff of learning institutions cultural sensitivity, respect for cultural diversity, and a deeper
understanding of the cultural expressions of indigenous peoples. These are meant to provide guidance on
the ethical assessment of the conduct of learning activities and related engagements of schools, DepEd
offices, and other education initiatives that involve various aspects of indigenous peoples’ culture. These
guidelines have been consolidated from a series of consultations conducted by the DepEd-Indigenous
Peoples Education Office (IPsEO) with community elders, leaders, and implementers of community-
based IPEd initiatives. Immediate dissemination of and strict compliance with this Order is directed.

CHAPTER 9:
INDIGENOUS FILIPINO PSYCHOLOGY:
KAPWA AT PAKIKIPAGKAPWA

Filipino Indigenous Psychology

In the Filipino context, relations are very important. This is the very basic premise of the theory
of Virgilio Enriquez’s Kapwa Psychology, which he introduced as a vital concept in the field of Filipino
Psychology. In English, the term that is closest to “kapwa” is “others,” but this term recognizes the self
as something that is separate and distinct. Kapwa refers to a shared identity of self and others (Enriquez,
1994). He considers kapwa as a core value of Filipino Psychology where other important Filipino values
are connected. Pakikipagkapwa refers to the social manifestations of kapwa.

Pe-Pua & Marcelino (2000) provide a comprehensive discussion of Filipino values as studied by
various Filipino psychologists in their article about the contributions of Virgilio Enriquez to the field.
Filipino values were classified by Enriquez according to interpersonal values and socio-personal values.
These interpersonal values are manifested in the personal relations of Filipinos with others, while
societal values are manifested on a more macro level in society. The interpersonal values are further
classified according to colonial or accommodative surface values, confrontative surface values, and
pivotal interpersonal value, while societal values are classified according to linking socio-personal value
and associated societal values.

The accommodative surface values include hiya, utang na loob and pakikisama.
a. The first accommodative surface value is hiya, which is usually translated as “shame” by
foreign scholars. Filipino psychologists emphasize the importance of understanding hiya in
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terms of affixations in the word. The meaning of the word can change depending on
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affixations like nakakahiya (“embarrassing” is different from ikinahiya or “to be embarrassed

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 for someone”). Meanwhile Salazar focused on the internal and external dimensions of the
term hiya, which he translated as a “sense of propriety”.
b. The second value of utang na loob is usually translated as “debt of gratitude” or “principle of
reciprocity”. But Filipino Psychologist Enriquez defined utang na loob as
“gratitude/solidarity”. It is something that is not obligatory, since there will always be an
opportunity in the future to show utang na loob.
c. The third value of pakikisama was earlier related to maintaining “smooth interpersonal
relations” by conforming to a group. But later, Enriquez defined it as “being along with,” and
“companionship”.

Pe-pua & Marcelino (2000) further discuss that the confrontative surface values include bahala
na, lakas ng loob and pakikibaka. The first value of bahala na is usually translated as “fatalism” by
foreign scholars, but later, Filipino psychologists like Lagmay defined it as “determination and risk-
taking”. According to Lagmay (1977 as cited in Pepua & Marcelino 2000), when a Filipino says bahala
na, he is prepared to face difficult situations and do his best to overcome these situations. Meanwhile,
pakikiramdam is considered as an a priori or pivot value. This is critical since it is a shared inner
perception and heightened awareness that the person should possess prior to experiencing good
interpersonal relations (Enriquez, 1994). These Filipino values introduced by Enriquez can be seen in
the relationships of Filipinos across different contexts, most especially with their families. Because of
the collectivist nature of Filipino society, the family is the prototype of all social relationships (Triandis,
1994 as cited in Macapagal, Ofreneo, Montiel, & Nolasco, 2013). The usual set-up for Filipino families
is the “extended family,” which makes the family bigger compared to a nuclear family (Covar, 1999).
The concept of “filial piety” is very much valued in the Filipino family.

Understanding the Values of the Mangyans in Mindoro

Andres (2006) enumerates various Filipino values the Mangyans possess. He mentions that
Mangyans value a show of respect for their elders through kissing of the hand or “mano”. Mangyans
also value “pakikiramay” where they express sympathy for an offended or bereaved family. Another
important value that they have is “bayanihan” in doing any group work or task. This is evident during
planting season, when people help each other without any compensation except for a free meal.
Mangyans also value “kasipagan”. This is manifested in their planting practices. Mangyans value their
peers with their “barkadahan”. This is because the people of Mindoro come from different regions and
as a result, they form strong ties. Lastly, Mangyans also manifest “takot sa Diyos”, pagmamagandang
loob and pakikipagkapwatao. Postma (2005) says that Mangyans avoid saying bad words to their
kapwa. They avoid cursing them even if they have been wronged. Another manifestation of close
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affinity among Mangyans is found through the ritual of “sandugo”. This is done by Mangyan males.
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 Aside from the values highlighted by Andres, the Mangyans from Mindoro are known to be very
superstitious. This is immensely integrated into their value system (Ramschie, 2008). Thus, the
everyday activities are guided by their superstitions and ideas. Filial piety is one observable feature of
family values among the Mangyans. The parents are well respected and they have full authority to
decide even on the future spouse/s of their children (Hebling & Schult, 2004). Contrary to common
beliefs, a Mangyan family is not egalitarian. The father is still considered the dominant figure in the
family. This holds true in the community: During public discussions, the opinions of men are given
more weight than those of women.

As is true of other IP groups in the Philippines, Mangyan elders have great influence and
authority. They are given higher recognition and deference with respect to issues concerning the welfare
of the community than government officials do. The community considers them as persons of vast
experience, wisdom and knowledge (Ramschie, 2008). They trust that their elders will provide the most
prudent and unbiased decision in the arbitration of disputes and conflicts (Bawagan, 2009).

Another notable custom among the Mangyan is their peaceable attitude and gentle behavior
(Hebling & Schult, 2004). There is a strong disagreement regarding more aggressive and boastful
behavior, which might provoke misunderstanding. They promote mutual respect among the other
members of the village and show amiable affection even to strangers. Reciprocity is highly considered at
all levels of social relations (Ramschie, 2008).

The ideals of reciprocity and non-violence are the guiding principle among the Mangyans in
relation to neighboring groups (Lauser, 1999). Thus, they show a friendly, good-natured and cordial
attitude with the other groups they interact with in their community. In case of disagreement between a
member of their tribe and another group, the elders and leader seek ways to resolve the matter through
peaceful means.

Bibliography
Hazel T. Biana, Melvin A. Jabar, Homer J. Yabut, Crisanto Q. Regadio Jr. (2016). Teaching Philippine
Indigenous Cultures. Taft Avenue, Manila: Social Development Research Center.

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