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Soil and Community Forestry in Nepal

The document discusses the soil composition and forest data in Nepal, particularly focusing on the Terai and Churia regions, and highlights the significant loss of natural and humid primary forests in Far-Western Nepal from 2001 to 2024. It emphasizes the role of Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) in forest management and the challenges they face, particularly regarding women's exclusion and the need for equitable benefit-sharing mechanisms. The study also critiques the shift towards market-oriented forest management and its implications for marginalized communities, especially women.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
16 views79 pages

Soil and Community Forestry in Nepal

The document discusses the soil composition and forest data in Nepal, particularly focusing on the Terai and Churia regions, and highlights the significant loss of natural and humid primary forests in Far-Western Nepal from 2001 to 2024. It emphasizes the role of Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) in forest management and the challenges they face, particularly regarding women's exclusion and the need for equitable benefit-sharing mechanisms. The study also critiques the shift towards market-oriented forest management and its implications for marginalized communities, especially women.

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© All Rights Reserved
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1.2.

2 Soils

Terai region consists of recent and post-Pleistocene alluvial deposits that form a piedmont
plain

(Carson et al., 1986). The lower Churia is largely composed of very fine-grained sediments
such

as variegated mudstone, siltstone and shale with smaller amounts of fine-grained sandstone

(Upreti, 1999). The middle Churia has thick beds of multi-storied sandstones alternating with
subordinate beds of mudstone. The upper Churia is characterised by very coarse sediments
such as loose boulder conglomerates. Dominant soil texture found in Middle Mountains
region

ranges from fragmented sandy to loamly/boulderly, loamy, loamy skeletal as per the diverse
land

forms. High Mountains soils are rocky mostly derived from phyllite, schist, gneiss and
quartzite

of different ages. High Himal physiographic region is characterised by rocky soils originated
from

gneiss, schist, limestone and shale of different ages (Pariyar, 2008).

LITERATURE REVIEW

DATA

PROVASIONAL FOREST DATA


In 2020, Far-Western had 1.03 Mha of natural forest, extending over 52% of its land
area. In 2024, it lost 341 ha of natural forest, equivalent to 138 kt of CO₂ emissions.
From 2002 to 2024, Far-Western lost 756 ha of humid primary forest, making
up 7.9% of its

total tree cover loss


in the same time period. Total area of humid primary forest in Far-Western decreased
by 0.46% in this time period.
From 2001 to 2024, Far-Western lost 9.87 kha of tree cover, equivalent to a 1.1% of
the 2000 tree cover area, and 5.85 Mt of CO₂e emissions. This does not account for gains
in tree cover over the same period.

In Far-Western from 2001 to 2024, 61% of tree cover loss occurred in areas where the
dominant drivers of loss resulted in deforestation.
FOREST DATA OF EACH DISTRICT
MAJOR COMMUNITY FOREST DATA OF SUDURPASHIM PROVAINCE

For more than two decades, local communities have been involved in the management and
utilization

of forests in Nepal. About a million hectares of national forests have been handed over to
12,725

Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) involving over a million households. About 32
percent of

the total population of the country has been benefited from Community Forestry Program
(Table 1).

CFUG Formation Trend

The process of CFUG formation was very slow in the beginning of community forestry
program. A
measure of this trend through slope calculation using regression analysis indicates that 778
CFUGs per year were formed in the country before 1995. With the enforcement of the Forest
Act (1993) and Forest Regulation (1995), community forestry was provided with the legal basis
for its implementation. As a result, the number of CFUGs formed per year has increased to
1,479 until the year 2000. Figure 1 gives a picture of this formation trend over time.

As most of the national forests adjoining to human settlements in the mid-hills have been
handed over to the local communities, only the distant forests not much of interest to the local
communities are now left as residual national forests. A circular issued by the Ministry of
Forests and Soil Conservation in the year 2000 to undertake a detailed inventory of community
forest for prescribing annual harvest of timber in the operational plan has further delayed the
process. Inventory became obligatory before handing over Community forest (CF). With the
limited technical capacity of the District Forest Office (DFO), it is difficult to hand over more
CF at a faster pace. Slope calculation clearly indicates that only five hundred and forty six
CFUGs were formed per year during the period 2000 to 2003.

CHALLENGES IN COMMUNITY FORESTRY Main challenge in CF lies in integrating CF


policy and practice with democratic governance and livelihood imperatives. Community
forestry needs to be looked at from three dimensions: Communities, Forestry and Community
Forest Management. The core issue lies on interaction between social and natural systems.
Governance

The challenge for all societies is to create a system of governance that promotes, supports and
sustains human development - especially for the poorest and most marginal. The goal of
governance initiatives in community forestry should be to develop capacities that are needed
to realize development that gives priority to the poor and women, sustains the environment
and creates needed opportunities for local employment.

Transparency
In community forestry, stakeholders should have access to information in order to understand
and monitor them. More attention is needed on the transparency in forest management, forest
product flow and fund generation and utilization.

Forest Product Flow

Forest products sharing mechanism is not well defined in the operational plan of many
CFUGs. Most of the OPs have mentioned about the price of the timber and the fuel wood that
users have to pay, but remain silent on Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFPs). Even if it is
mentioned in the plan, nontimber forest products would be distributed as per the decision of
the executive committee. Although it is the role of general assembly in deciding distribution
mechanism, the executive committee takes most of the decisions regarding benefit-sharing
mechanisms. As the representation of the poor and disadvantaged groups in the executive
committee is meagre, the sharing mechanism could hardly fulfill the demands of forest
products for the poor and disadvantaged groups. In most of the CFUGs, timber is distributed
either on first-come-first-serve basis or a fixed amount of product subject to availability. The
extraction of fuel wood and grass is done either by executive committee decision or allowed
for specific period of time. If the products are sold to members, the poor do not have the
ability to pay. The poor rarely voice their arguments in their favor to extract products for
meeting their requirements. Community forest may not result in more benefits to the poor if it
is poorly executed. Many landless and occupational caste people are forced to dependent on
fuel wood from the adjoining natural forests due to the closure of community forest in the
name of protection.

Income and Expenditure

Table 2 provides information on income and expenditure of CFUGs in Nepal. The data
presented in this table is incomplete as some of the CFUGs have not supplied relevant
information. The CFUGs of Terai alone have contributed 46.5 percent of the total income of
the CFUG, while CFUGs in the middle hills and high mountains have contributed 47.8
percent and 5.7 percent respectively. In yet another study, records from Terai and Inner Terai
districts show that CFUGs have earned a total of about NRs. 47.9 million, NRs. 77.5 and
NRs. 75 million from the commercial sale of timber and fuel wood outside the CFUGs during
the fiscal year 2000/01, 2001/02 and 2002/03 respectively (CFD database as of October
2003).
(KANEL, 2004)

As per the Forest Act (1993), CFUG must spend at least one fourth of the fund generated
from implementing OP in forest development activities. However, most of the CFUGs
constitutions have not categorically mentioned about the proportion of fund to be spent for
different forestry development activities. Users have taken harvesting and transportation of
forest products, salary of the forest watchers and office support staff as forest development
costs. In Terai, major share of fund is spent on harvesting operations. Contribution of
community forestry in community development is low. The funds are spent mostly on
activities such as village trail improvement, supporting school, club and constructing culverts.
Many of the poor families cannot be readily benefited from these. No specific programs are
developed and implemented using CFUG fund to enhance the livelihood of the poor and
disadvantaged groups.

The forestry sector is considered a male-dominated realm where women’s voices and roles
are often unrecognised and excluded (Arora-Jonsson et al., 2020; Wagle et al., 2017). Even
participatory forestry regimes such as community forestry, which incorporate the local
community’s voices in management decision-making, often ignore equitable social and
economic benefits to the women and marginalised (Mustalahti et al., 2009). The exclusion is
further exacerbated by power dynamics where the powerful actors benefit while leaving
behind the most marginalised, especially the women (Adams et al., 2018, Agarwal, 2001;
Arora-Jonsson, 2014). While Community Forestry (CF) seeks to redistribute power and
resources that are confined within male territories, in doing so, it neglects women's power
and roles in improving conservation outcomes (Agarwal, 2000).

Nepal’s community forestry contribution to forest conservation is well documented (Baral et


al., 2019, Gautam et al., 2004, Pandit and Bevilacqua, 2011). A growing body of literature
highlights social inequalities and structural barriers that compound the gender injustices
amongst diverse forest-dependent populations (Bhattarai, 2017, Nightingale, 2011). A gender
perspective has received attention in community forestry, with most of the research focused
on women's physical participation (Agarwal, 2001, Agarwal, 2010, Bhandari et al., 2018,
Bhattarai, 2011, Bocci and Mishra, 2021, Cornwall, 2003, Nightingale, 2002); women and
tenure (Giri, 2012; Wagle et al., 2017); unequal power relations (Giri et al., 2022) and
feminisation of the forestry sector and men outmigration (Giri and Darnhofer, 2010b, Lama et
al., 2017). Yet, sustainable gender inclusion in forestry policy and practice remains
challenging (Agarwal, 2001, Agarwal, 2009, Bhattarai, 2011, Giri and Darnhofer, 2010b,
Shrestha, 2016).
After Nepal entered Federalism in 2015, institutional hierarchies were added to government
systems with additional hierarchies in Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs), which have
implications for women’s exclusion in the decision-making process. Ranjitkar and Haukanes
(2022) explored the power relations in the social and institutional hierarchy restricting access
to women in resource management. Moreover, the inclusion of women in community forestry
is usually accounted in numbers and percentages. For example, women now hold 42 per cent
of membership in over 22,645 CFUGs in Nepal (Giri et al., 2022). The assumption that the
status of women can be improved by increasing the number of women in decision-making
forums is problematic and incomplete (Tyagi et al., 2017). Research and policies tend to
overlook historical perspectives and the socio-cultural basis of gender roles, failing to
articulate the intersectional struggles women face in entering male-dominated spaces and
institutions (Tyagi et al., 2017). There is limited fresh evidence to show the persistence and
worsening of women’s exclusion1 in community forestry practice.

In the forty years of community forestry implementation in Nepal, forest management


approaches have changed from protection-oriented management to a more active and market-
oriented management approach. Silviculture is the backbone of active forest management,
which takes timber extraction as the main activity. However, it does not engage with the
possibility of undermining the women’s role and knowledge in forest management practices
(Bhattarai, 2017). The shift to silviculture-based forest management has received criticism
due to poor governance and exclusion in the decision-making process (Bhusal et al., 2020).
Some scholars have blamed the increased technicality as a barrier to decentralisation (Baral et
al., 2018, Ojha, 2006). These shifts in community forestry place forest-dependent poor
women at a greater risk of losing their rights to forest resources and not receiving equitable
benefits (Gurung et al., 2011). The complexities of marginalisation are higher in the CFUGs
selling timber outside their groups. Although the changes to timber-centric forest
management have partially improved timber availability to rural households, the new forest
management offers only some potential to sell excess forest products to the market and gain
economic benefits for poor and women-headed households. The implication of these market-
centric approaches to forest management does not necessarily address women’s role in the
decision-making process (Chhetri et al., 2012).

Nepalese society remains patriarchal, where socio-cultural norms, gender-based roles and
stereotypical masculine supremacy fuel gender-based discriminations. With 51.13 per cent of
the total population, women’s literacy rate is 69.4 per cent, which is low compared to men’s
83.6 per cent. Only 23.8 per cent of the total households’ own land, and/or housing units are
owned by women (GoN, 2021). Patriarchy is systemic and ranges across political, economic,
social, and cultural hierarchies and inequalities to women. To respond to these inequalities,
the Constitution of Nepal, 2015 has offered equal lineage to women and men, although its
implementation remains tokenistic mainly. There are subsidies and quota systems for women,
including in the forestry sector, where a quota is allocated for 50 % of women's participation
in the CFUG executive committees and is a mandatory requirement to be fulfilled by the
CFUGs in getting the forest management plan approved by the Divisional Forest Officer
(DFO-also used to refer to the Divisional Forest Officials hereafter). However, these policies
tend to overlook women's multiple forms of oppression and exclusions that are socially
reproduced (Resurrección et al., 2019). Some scholars found that community forestry has
even facilitated the exclusion of women, poor and marginalised groups using the policy
affirmation as a tool for marginalisation (Buchy et al., 2003). The question of how such
exclusion is produced and sustained over time and space remains unexamined (Agarwal,
2001, Nightingale, 2006). Thus, this paper investigates women's exclusion in Nepal’s
community forestry practices in the context of a series of affirmative policies in the forestry
sector. Specifically, the paper has three objectives:

• •

To assess the forces of women’s exclusion in community forestry practice by analysing how
and why institutions, knowledge, markets, and cultures shape exclusion.
• •

To discuss why and how the exclusion of women persists, leading to new spaces and
subjectivities in the changing social, cultural, economic, and ecological arena of community
forestry and

• •

To generate lessons and fresh insights on addressing women’s exclusion in community


forestry practice.

Section snippets
Feminist Political Ecology (FPE) and women’s exclusion in local forest governance

The paper draws on the feminist political ecology (FPE) to explain how and why the
exclusions of women emerge and are sustained in community forestry practices. The FPE
treats gender as a critical variable in shaping women’s access to and control over resources,
contested through cultural and societal norms (Kabeer, 2011). Engaging with the FPE helps
understand the socio-culturally embedded roots of gender norms, stereotyping and power
relations in natural resource management practices (Leder,
SRUDY SHOWS THAT
4. CONCLUSION

The study found that about one third of the users (70.56%) in the studied forest user groups
were unsure about silvicultural management practices. Majority of forest users opined that
forest management practices need to be applied in appropriate and systematic manner to
enhance forest regeneration and improve forest produce. Forest users also stressed that
community-based forest management modalities area critically supporting in protecting
biodiversity and reducing environmental risks. Though, forest management practices are step
towards fulfilling increasing timber demand, it seems that it is largely driven by economic
and social concerns and interests, rather than ecological concerns. The economic and
environmental outcomes of production forests are governed by forest management policies
and practices. However, the understanding and teamwork of major stakeholders are necessary
for such policies and practices to be effective.

SOURCE: Ghimire, Pramod, Lilu Kumari, Keshav Ghimire, and Pitamber Gaire. "Journal of
Forests." Journal of Forests 12, no. 1 (2025): 27-34.

BOTANICAL DATA

FLORA DATA

FAUNA DATA
PRESENT TREND

PRODUCTION PATTERN OF THE FOREST


FOREST DATA FOR THE FOREST WOOD MANAGEMENT :

Summary of the Task Force Report on Timber and Firewood Collection and
Distribution
The document titled "Task Force Report on the Study and Analysis of the Operations and
Issues Related to Institutions Involved in Timber and Firewood Collection and
Distribution" was prepared in 2069 BS (2012 AD) by a task force constituted under the
Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation, Nepal. The report comprehensively examines
the operational mechanisms, challenges, and inefficiencies in the collection, production,
and distribution of timber and firewood in Nepal, proposing recommendations for
policy, institutional, and procedural reforms to ensure sustainable and transparent
practices. Below is a summary of the key points, organized by the main chapters and
sections, with citations to specific pages for reference.

1. Introduction and Background

The report underscores the critical role of the forestry sector in Nepal’s economic,
social, and cultural development, as recognized in the Interim Constitution of Nepal
2063 BS, which emphasizes sustainable forest resource utilization and environmental
protection (Page 4). Forests are vital for rural livelihoods, providing firewood and
fodder, and supporting hydropower development through watershed conservation.
However, public perception of forest management has been negatively affected by media
reports highlighting irregularities, which have demoralized forest officials and
stakeholders (Page 5). The task force was formed following a decision by the Ministry
on 2069/2/10 BS to review existing arrangements for timber and firewood production
and distribution and propose improvements (Page 5).

Key Objectives (Page 6):

• Identify issues and challenges in timber and firewood production and


distribution.

• Analyze existing policies, institutional structures, and procedures for


transparency and accountability.

• Recommend policy, institutional, and procedural reforms based on prior reports


and research.
• Propose a new, financially sustainable, and service-oriented institutional
framework.

Fundamental Elements (Pages 6-7): The report focuses on analyzing sources of timber
and firewood, collection and distribution processes, involved institutions, pricing
mechanisms, supply conditions, and risks, aiming to ensure accessible supply and
positive economic impacts.

2. Review of Reference Materials

The report reviews national forest policies and plans, including the National Forest Plan
(2033 BS), Forestry Sector Master Plan (2046 BS), and Forestry Sector Policy (2047 BS),
alongside periodic plans and legal provisions related to timber and firewood (Page 2).
These policies emphasize sustainable forest management and community involvement
but highlight gaps in implementation. The report also references prior investigation
reports, listing their recommendations (Table 1, Page 2) and relevant laws governing
timber and firewood extraction and distribution (Table 2, Page 2).

3. Sources and Responsibilities of Timber and Firewood Production

The report identifies various sources of timber and firewood, including national forests
(government-managed, community, and partnership forests), private forests, and trees
felled for development projects (Page 59). It details the responsibilities of involved
entities, such as District Forest Offices, Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs), and
contractors (Table 3, Page 3). A diagram illustrates timber production specifics in the
Kathmandu Valley (Figure 1, Page 3).

4. Institutions Involved in Collection and Distribution

Chapter 4 outlines the roles of various institutions, including government bodies (e.g.,
District Forest Offices), CFUGs, local bodies, and private contractors, in the collection
and distribution process (Page 2). It highlights inefficiencies, such as bureaucratic
delays and lack of coordination, which hinder effective supply chains.

5. Distribution and Market Analysis

The report analyzes the pricing mechanisms for timber and firewood (Table 4, Page 2)
and provides distribution details across different sources (Table 5, Page 2). It notes that
pricing often lacks transparency, and market access is limited by monopolistic practices
and inadequate infrastructure.
6. Quantitative and Institutional Analysis

The report includes quantitative data on CFUGs, forest development committees, and
other entities (Tables 6-8, Page 2). It also conducts an institutional analysis of bodies like
the Timber Corporation of Nepal (TCN) and local governance structures, identifying
strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and risks (Table 10, Page 3; Page 55). Key issues
include lack of competitive bidding, high transaction costs, and syndicate-driven
collection practices (Page 60).

7. Value Chain Analysis


The value chain for timber and firewood is detailed in Annex 2 (Pages 57-58), covering
stages like marking, felling, transportation, and auction. Key stakeholders include
District Forest Offices, CFUGs, contractors, and timber traders. Challenges include:

• Obstructions in transportation due to local demands for donations (Page 60).

• Syndicates and unethical competition in collection plots (Page 60).


• High transaction costs and lack of processing rights for CFUGs (Page 60).

• Inefficient technology and lengthy procedures affecting quality (Page 60).

8. Proposed Solutions

The report proposes several solutions to address identified challenges (Pages 60-61):

• E-Bidding: Implement electronic bidding for transparent and competitive sales.

• Cooperative Business Centers: Develop cooperative models for timber and


firewood trade to replace non-commercial entities.

• Cost Analysis: Establish cost-based pricing to ensure affordability.

• Policy Reforms: Shift government focus from conservation to sustainable


utilization, ensuring clear regulations and accountability.

• Technological Improvements: Enhance processing and transportation


technologies, with private sector involvement and international exposure.

• Transparent Tendering: Simplify tender processes, reduce bureaucratic delays,


and ensure open information access.

9. Stakeholder Interactions
Annex 3 summarizes interactions with stakeholders, identifying production sources like
national and private forests, development project clearances, and illegal logging (Page
59). It highlights barriers such as obstructions by local groups, lack of processing rights
for CFUGs, and inefficiencies in government oversight (Page 60).

Conclusion

The report concludes that the current system for timber and firewood management in
Nepal is plagued by inefficiencies, lack of transparency, and inadequate institutional
frameworks. It recommends a shift toward transparent, competitive, and sustainable
practices through e-bidding, cooperative models, and policy reforms to ensure
accessible supply, economic viability, and environmental sustainability. The proposed
institutional framework aims to be financially self-reliant, service-oriented, and aligned
with national development goals.
Table 1.1: Extracts from the Nepalese Pancheshwar EIA reported in

República (2010)

The Nepalese EIA was commissioned by the Department of Electricity

Development (DED).

The proposed Pancheshwar High Dam will inundate a total of 5,738.5

hectares of land in Darchula and Baitadi districts in Nepal.


A further 348.4 hectares, 3,511.3 hectares and 5,803.2 hectares will be
inundated by the Rupaligadh re-regulatory dam, the Purnagiri re-regulatory

dam and Purnagiri high-dam respectively. Altogether some 79 Village

Development Committees (VDCs) will be directly affected.

The ratio of land inundation between Nepal and India will be 33 percent
and 67 percent respectively.

Community forests lying higher than 700 metres above sea level will beEcosystem
services impacts from the proposed Pancheshwar Dam 8
affected by planning for the project, with direct habitat loss to animals, birds

and fishes.

Some 21,621 people will be displaced by the Pancheshwar project. An

additional 1,144 and 18,565 locals will be displaced by the re-regulatory

dams at Rupaligadh and Purnagiri projects.

An additional 32.69 hectares of fertile land will be wiped out by the

construction of the Patan-Pancheshwar assess road.


This will lead to a direct annual loss of Rs 460 million in agriculture

production from the Pancheshwar and Rupaligadh re-regulatory dams and

another Rs 560 million from the Pancheshwar and Purnagiri dams.

Project-in-charge officer Dilli Bahadur Singh claimed that, “Although the

negative side of the project cannot be sidelined, the project in itself is one

of the most viable and cost-effective”. He was reported as adding that,

“The rate of return is estimated at 25.4 percent, which means the country
will reap returns within three to four years”, and that “The entire

Pancheshwar site can be developed as a tourism destination”. He also

said that thousands of people will find employment, a 300 km ring road will

be built, a cable-car line can be erected, 9,000 hectares of forest area can

be developed, and another 100-150 km south-north road will be built.

The Nepalese DED EIA has proposed a Detailed Resettlement and

Rehabilitation Plan and the production of another Detailed Environment


Management Plan to recommend impact minimisation.
for 2005-2006 ([Link]

An additional installed generating capacity in the northern region of 2,400 MW

Annual energy availability (peaking) at 6,200 MU


Additional irrigation of 2.70 Lac (270,000) hectares

Stabilisation of existing irrigated area of 6.04 Lac. (604,000) hectares

300 cusecs (162 million gallons per day) of drinking water for Delhi, which will

meet the requirements of about 40 Lac. (4,000,000) people

200 cusecs (108 million gallons per day) of drinking water for towns and villages in

the adjacent Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, which will meet the requirement of 30

Lac. (3,000,000) people


Integrated development of the Garhwal region of Uttarkhand state, to the west of
Champawat, including construction of a new hill station town with provision of all

civic facilities

Improved communication, education, health, tourism, development of horticulture,

fisheries, and afforestation of the region

1.7 Planned benefits from the proposed


Pancheshwar Dam

The purposes of the proposed Pancheshwar Dam project are electricity

production, generation of water for irrigation and flood control. Installed turbines

are intended to produce 6,480 MW of electricity, compared to the 2,400 MW

peak production at Tehri. Uttarakhand was initially scheduled to benefit from

12% of free power as a royalty, this figure rising to 13% later in the planning

stages.
Water for irrigation is intended to benefit farmers in Uttar Pradesh. Also, by

storing water, it is intended that floods in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh will beEcosystem services
impacts from the proposed Pancheshwar Dam 11
reduced. So important is the aspect of flood control that officials of Bihar and

Uttar Pradesh were a part of the expert group created to advance negotiations

in 2004.

The creation of the reservoir behind the proposed Pancheshwar Dam is also
seen as a tourist attraction, reported both in the Indian press and by the

Nepalese Project-in-charge officer. Of the 134 square kilometres of lake formed

behind the Pancheshwar Dam, upstream on the Mahakali River as far as

Baluwakot, 120 square kilometres are in the Indian state of Uttarakhand

whereas a more modest 14 square kilometres are in Nepalese territory.

Table 1.3: Perceived problems arising from the Pancheshwar Dam


The following issues were derived from structured internet searches and from
publications and discussions with stakeholders referred to in the body of this document.

Officially, 82 Indian villages and 33 Nepalese villages would be completely

submerged and 11,361 families would be fully displaced as a result of the filling of

the Pancheshwar Dam. (By comparison, the Tehri Dam submerged 33 villages

and Tehri town, completely displacing only 5,421 families; the promised

compensation has yet to materialise.) These figures are hotly contested by local

NGOs which claim that, once completed and functional, the Pancheshwar Dam
will displace around 80,000 people. Since the trauma of the „Tehri refugees‟ has

still not ended, they argue, why would we want to create 80,000 more homeless

people?

Much of the length of the five rivers joining close to Pancheshwar and their

important Sangams will be inundated by the new reservoir. This may eliminate

opportunities for Kriya Karam (cremation) ceremonies, which must take place

shortly after death by flowing water. Local people will have to travel substantial
distances over difficult topographies to dispose of their dead with dignity, ideally

on the day of death before sunset or soon thereafter. A wide range of other water
and natural resources issues are probable.
About 15 kilometres of the fertile Saryu floodplains will be completely submerged,

in addition to limited but important floodplain extent downstream.

Dry riverbeds around the town of Pithoragarh will be filled by lake water,

threatening connectivity to Pithoragarh. Indeed, some NGOs claim that this hill
town may become an island.

Like the Tehri Dam, the Pancheshwar Dam lies in Zone 4 of Seismic Activity.

Between 1992 and 2006, over 10 earthquakes with a magnitude exceeding 5 (on

the Richter scale) have had their epicenter within a radius of 10 kilometres around

the site of the proposed Pancheshwar Dam, making the Pancheshwar Dam much

more vulnerable to damage in an earthquake than the Tehri Dam

([Link] accessed 30th April 2010).


The proposed life of the project is claimed to be 100 years but, according to Dr
Bidur Upadhaya (head of the Meteorology Department at Tribhuvan University,

Kathmandu), it is more likely that the lifespan of the Dam would be 25 years since

68 million tons of sediment is released by the hills around Mahakali into the riverEcosystem
services impacts from the proposed Pancheshwar Dam 13

([Link] accessed 3rd May 2010). Big dams

are invariability constructed without decommissioning in mind. Furthermore, there

will be a probable increase in erosion in above-water areas of the Himalayas to

which displaced communities may be resettled, potentially shortening dam life

substantially with a commensurate loss of associated lifetime value.


Reduction of monsoon flooding of villages in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar may bring

advantages in terms of damage to infrastructure, but the trapping of silt and

changed hydrology of rivers is not universally advantageous and likely to degrade

ecological and agricultural value and destabilise habitats.

The proposed creation of a new hill station is seen as resulting from enormous

environmental and human costs.

Afforestation carried out to compensate the loss of Uttarakhand‟s forests is not


taking place within the state of in Uttarakhand but in Jhansi and Lalitpur Districts
of Uttar Pradesh, raising questions about the appropriateness of the mitigation

and its benefits to the people of Uttarakhand

4.4 WCD priority 4: Sustaining rivers and livelihoods


The detailed ecosystem services assessment of available evidence suggests

that the river and catchment ecosystem, and the many ways in which it supports

human wellbeing, will be significantly undermined by the proposed dam project.

If the supportive capacities of the river ecosystem are degraded, with a loss of

integrity, resilience and functioning, the implications for the wellbeing and

livelihoods of communities, both locally and at catchment scale, are worrying.

There is a published commitment to plant forest to offset the loss of that which
would be inundated. However, this afforestation is not taking place within the
state of Uttarakhand but in the Jhansi and Lalitpur Districts of Uttar [Link]
services impacts from the proposed Pancheshwar Dam 32
This raises questions about the appropriateness of the mitigation and its

benefits to the people of Uttarakhand. Experience from the Tehri Dam and

Vishnu Prayag Hydro Project, mirroring experiences repeated in many case

studies in Dams and Development (World Commission on Dams, 2000) and

reflecting the exclusion of many stakeholders in the decision-making process,

suggests that sustaining the livelihoods of all people has been marginalised in

the Pancheshwar Multipurpose Project.


In the absence of evidence of recognition and mitigation of ecological and

human impacts in dam design, net degradation of ecosystems and the

livelihoods and wellbeing of people is certain to result were dam construction

and operation to proceed.

COMMUNITY CONDITION
4.7 Awareness of Traditional Farming

In the study area hundred percent of farmers are aware on traditional

farming methods, tools, and resources.

Some of the examples of traditional farming are

• Bullocks and oxen still applied in ploughing and cultivation

• Use of local and indigenous tools/resources, e.g., of irrigation, etc.


• Participatory and group approach

• Harvesting of rainwater that would be used in drought periods

• Application of farm yard manure for agro ecological farming

• Ploughing, digging and harvesting manually

• Agro-forestry farming

• Production for their own household

• Application of local resources like straw mulch


• Application of local varieties of seed

• Seasonal production of vegeables

• Growing of multiple crops in single filed, i.e., multi-cropping

• Use of old, traditional and indigenous knowledge

• Grow seasonal crops

Some benefits from traditional farming are

• Improved nutrition and food quality

• Reduced reliance on external sources


• Environmental conservation
• Low cost technology
• Fresh and healthy food

• Conservation of ecology

• Preservation of soil and increase soil productivity

Healthy human and living beings

COMMUNITY FOREST CONDITION

A total of 141 quadrats were sampled using stratified random sampling to study forest,
environment and human interactions along an elevation gradient 1800 to 3665 m at the
remote Kailash Sacred Landscape, Nepal. Eight forest types were identified, including
Laurel-Oak to Rhododendron to Blue pine, comprising 191 species including 60 useful from
166 genera and 87 families. The environmental variables elevation, slope, and temperature
were significant (p \ 0.001) in determining the composition and distribution of forest types.
Records of large numbers of useful plants along with diverse forest and vegetation types
suggest a strong association between the culture of local villages and nature conservation.
Due to changes in climate, socio-culture and land-use, forest degradation is expected to
accelerate, thus forcing government and indigenous community forest management measures
to acknowledge human, cultural and environmental variables for sustainable forest
management. Keywords Phyto-sociological assessment  Environmental factors  Forest
types  Culture  Kailash Sacred Landscape  Nepal

Forest exploitation was severe with the enactment of Nepal’s Forest Nationalization Act
(1957), and resulted in shortages of fire-wood, fuel-wood, fodder and wood for building
(Bajracharya 1983). Deforestation and degradation continued until 1970, resulting in the
disappearance of [ 50% of the original forests or in their conversion into degraded scrub lands
(Hill 1999). The inefficient use of forests before the 1970s inhibited regeneration. The present
pole or medium-sized trees are relicts that regenerated by chance (Timilsina et al. 2007).
During the late 1970s, the government of Nepal forcibly resettled a group of Raute (semi-
nomadic people) from northern Darchula to Dadeldhura district (Fortier 2009). This
compromised the relationships between forests and indigenous people.

The KSL is a landscape that historically, ecologically and culturally connects Nepal, India
and China (Zomer et al. 2013). It includes hot and semi-arid regions in the north and west,
and lush forests and humid valleys with dense human populations in the center and south.
The northern area is covered by extensive mountain forests, moist alpine meadows, arid
trans-Himalayan valleys, high altitude rangelands and steppes, and permanent snow and ice
fields (Zomer et al. 2013). The aridity and remoteness of the landscape isolates the region
(Heim and Gansser 1939), and helps enrich its unique biodiversity, and its human lifestyles
and cultures (Pant 1935; Manzardo 1977; Garbyal et al. 2005; Elliott 2012). The rangelands
intergrade into sub-alpine forests towards lower elevations (\ 3300 m a.s.l.), with agricultural
fields along flat river valleys, and wetlands and the subnival zone above 5500 m a.s.l.

Because of its diverse geography, the KSL harbors a rich array of natural resources and
biological diversity (Eriksson et al. 2009; Zomer and Oli 2011). Major forest types found in
areas adjoining the study site are tropical Sal (Shorea robusta C.F. Gaertn) forests along the
Seti and Mahakali Rivers of Baitadi, alpine Betula-Rhododendron scrub forest along the
Darchula tree line, riverine forests below 1000 m a.s.l., and others. Between 1000 and 2000
m a.s.l. Chir pine (Pinus roxburghii A. B. Jacks.) was dominant and at 1500–2500 m a.s.l.
Oak (Quercus lanata Sm.) was dominant. At 2200–3000 m a.s.l., Quercus semecarpifolia Sm.
becomes dominant in Baitadi and Taxus contorta Griff.
Along the gradient from 1800 to 3665 m a.s.l., 141 quadrats were established following
stratified random sampling. The distribution of quadrats in each stratum of elevation was as
follows: 17% (24) at 1800–2299 m a.s.l., 30% (41) at 2300–2799 m a.s.l., 44% (63) at 2800–
3299 m a.s.l. and 9% (13) above 3300 m a.s.l. Of the total quadrats, 44 were in Baitadi and 97
in Darchula. Species data were recorded from nested quadrats.
87 families were recorded. The Rosaceae, Asteraceae, Lauraceae, Ericaceae, Lamiaceae and
Polygonaceae were the most species-rich families represented by 19, 13, 6, 5, 5, and 5
species, respectively (Appendix S1). The genera with the highest number of species (four
each) were Quercus, Rhododendron and Viburnum, and three species each was recorded for
the genera Ficus and Rubus. The distribution of species varied spatially with totals of 129
species from Baitadi and 126 from Darchula district, including 63 species common to both
districts. There were 52 species of trees, 46 shrub species and 93 herb species, including 60
species of importance collected and utilized by local people. Twenty species out of these 60
useful species were repetitious in usage. Five useful species from Asteraceae were recorded
and three each from Rosaceae and Ericaceae. The Himalayan fir (Abies pindrow Royle) and
the blue pine (Pinus wallichiana A.B. Jacks.) were the most frequent and occurred with the
highest densities with IVI values of 56.8 and 52.6, respectively. Species such as Clematis
montana Buch.-Ham. ex. DC., Picris hieiracoides Sibth. & Sm., Polygonatum cirrhifolium
Royle, Quercus semecarpifolia Sm. and Rumex nepalensis Spreng. were distributed along the
entire elevation range of the study area (1800–3665 m a.s.l.). In contrast, three species were
restricted within a narrow range of elevation, Chinese mahogany (Toona sinensis M. Roem.)
(2100–2300 m a.s.l.), west Himalayan yew (Taxus contorta Griff.) (2500–3000 m a.s.l.) and
Black juniper (Juniperus indica Bertol.) (3500–4100 m a.s.l.).

Forest types

Between 1800 m a.s.l. and 3665 m a.s.l., eight major forest types were identified along the
elevational diversity gradient: Laurel forest (Ilex dipyrena, Lindera neesiana), OakLaurel
forest (Q. semecarpifolia, I. dipyrena), Oak forest (Q. semecarpifolia), Oak-Rhododendron
forest (Q. semecarpifolia, R. arboreum), Laurel-Walnut-Alder-Maple forest (Juglans regia,
Alnus nepalensis, Acer campbelli, Neolitsea pallens), Blue pine forest (Pinus wallichiana),
Blue pine-Fir forest (P. wallichiana, Abies pindrow) and Fir forest (A. pindrow). These types
conform to a clustering fan-shaped dendrogram (Table 1, Fig. 2). The fir forest extended to
Rhododendron, Betula and Juniper scrub, and formed a tree line above 3700 m a.s.l. The
ordination patterns distinctly showed eight clusters in the multidimensional space because of
the differences in species richness and composition. Three clusters were exclusively present
in each district and two were intermixed. All forest types occurred under the ownership of
national, protected, and community forest systems. Factors influencing forest and vegetation
Ordination of 141 quadrats with eight environmental and socio-economic variables identified
the major factors influencing the composition and structure of vegetation and forests (Fig. 3;
Appendix S2). A Monte Carlo 999 permutation test indicated that the analysis was significant
(p \ 0.01). The eigen values were 0.0106, 0.0043, 0.0003 and 0.0001 for axes 1 to 4,
respectively; the species–environment correlations were 0.674, 0.286, 0.026 and 0.007, and
the cumulative percentage variance of species–environment relationship was 99.4%. The
CCA first axis relation with aspect, and the second axis relation with elevation, slope,
temperature and precipitation were significant (Table 2; Fig. 3). Some of the eight subject
variables were significantly correlated with each other, for example, precipitation, slope,
aspect, temperature and elevation (Table 3). Correlation between disturbance and elevation
was insignificant. Temperature, precipitation and slope decreased as elevation increased.
Significant positive associations were recorded for precipitation, temperature and slope.

Interaction of forest and environmental

and socioeconomic variables

TRANS BOUNDARY PROJCET OF

IN PAST THE ROUTE WAS USED FOR TRANS COUNTRY TRADE BETWEEN
NEPAL, INDIA AND CKIMA AFTER 1090’S IS HAVE BEEN HIGHLY DECRESED.

HOUSE PRODUCTION IS NOT SUFFICENT FOR FOOD CROPS.

THE PEOPLE OF THIS LOCATION GO TO INDIA FOR EMPLOYMENT


OPPORTUNITY AS THE FOOD GENERAL IS NOT POSSIBLE AND PEOPLE
HAVE NOT SOURSE OF INCOME.

SOME OF THE PEOPLE IN THE HIGHER MOUNTAIN KAILASH REGION HAVE


INVOLVEMENT IN JARSAGUMBHA COLLECTION BUT LESS IN THIS REGION.

THERE IS HIGH POSSIBILTY AND NESSASITY OF THE PROTECTION AS THE


FOREST IS NOT UTILIZED PROPERLY AND PEOPLE FROM OTHER VILLAGES
COME AND EXTRACT THE MEDICINAL PLANTS HAPAZADLY WITH LOW
SAFTY. FOR THE MEDICIAL PLANTS AND SUSTAINABLE USE
KAILASH TRANS BOUNDARY PROJECT FOR THE KAILASH SACRED
LANDSCAPE DEVELOPMENT
The Kailash Sacred Landscape (KSL) is a transboundary landscape extending across an area
of over 31,000 km 2 and encompassing the southwestern part of Tibet Autonomous Region of
China, four northwestern districts of Nepal, and the northeastern part of Uttarakhand State in
India (Figure 1). The landscape is named after Mount Kailash, one of the most sacred
mountains of Asia and an important pilgrimage site. Mt Kailash is also a source of Asia's
important rivers: Indus, Sutlej, Brahmaputra and Karnali. The Landscape is characterized by
rich culture and tradition, diverse ecology and fragile geology (CDB 2010; Zomer & Oli
2011).
KSL Nepal also provides habitat for 83 species of mammals, 455 birds, 38 amphibians and
reptiles, and 119 fish species, out of which 22 mammal, 12 bird and 1 reptile species are
listed under the IUCN Red List. Forty-two endemic plant taxa (including 40 species, 1
subspecies and 1 variety) have been documented from the landscape and its immediate
vicinity in Nepal (CDB 2010; Rana et al. 2018, 2021; Ghimire et al. in prep.), while eight
mammal, seven bird, 22 reptile and eight fish species are endemic or with restricted range
distribution (Zomer & Oli 2011). Fourteen species of plants foundxvi in KSL Nepal are listed
in IUCN Red List as critically endangered (1 species), endangered (4), vulnerable (7) and
near threatened (2) (Ghimire et al. in prep.). Thirty-five species of mammals and 73 bird
species are listed in Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Fauna and
Flora (CITES) list, and 10 mammals, 4 birds and 1 reptile species are listed as legally
protected by the Government of Nepal (MFSC 2016).

Trade and Conservation Status of Plant Biodiversity

In Baitadi District, about 15% of the total households are engaged in MAP harvest for trade
(Pyakurel et al. 2017). A total of 17 species of MAPs and their products amounting to 732
tons (with a price value of USD 316,175) were traded from Baitadi in the fiscal year 2014/15.
Botanical Exploration

SEVERAL EXZPLORATIONS HAVE CARRIED OUT FROM 1876 TO PRESENT

PROBLEM IN THE COMMUNITY FOREST

YARSA GUMBHA WAS FIREST COLLECTED FROM THIS AREA OF NEAPLA

THIS AREA IS NEPAL’S MOST RICH REGION FOR THE MEDICICAL PLANTS
AND HERNS AS PER ICIMOD

SOLUTIONS

POTENTIAL VISIBLE

FOREST CONSERVATION CENTER

COMMUNITY FOREST ENTERPRIZE HUB

COMMUNITY FOREST MANAGEMENT


REQUIREMENT OF COMMUNITY FOREST MANAGEMENT

SPACES FOR THE COMMUNITY FOREST

SERVICES NEEDED FOR THE COMMUNITY FOREST MANAGEMENT

TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF THE COMMUNITY FOREST

TRANNING FACILITIES REQUIRED FOR THE COMMUNITY FOREST

MANAGEMENT PART OF THE COMMUNITY FOREST

ECUCATION FACILITIES FOR THE COMMUNITY FOREST FACILITIES

RESERCH PART OF THE COMMUNITY FOREST

PRODUCTS AND PRODUCTS EXTRACTION FROM COMMUNITY FOREST OF


THE LOCATION
SITE SPECIFIC DATA

3. Duytol Baba Temple:

Plant parts used and mode of preparation


Plant parts used for ethnomedicinal preparations were

bark, fruit, flower, inflorescence, leaf, root, rhizome, stem,

seed, wood, and the whole plant. The most frequently utilized plant parts were roots
and rhizomes of 38 species,

followed by fruits of 26 species, leaves of 22 species, etc.

(Figure 2). Underground parts were frequently used, and

this was attributed to presence of bioactive compounds

[64]. Preparation methods for therapies included decoction, drying, and extraction.
Plant infusion/smoke, juice,
latex, oil, paste, powder, raw/fresh and resin were also applied (Figure 3). Plant juice
(39.13%) was most commonly

used, followed by decoction (13.04%), paste (10.86%), etc.

The most popular forms of medicinal preparations in

western Nepal are juice, decoction, paste, infusion, and

powder [65] (Figure 4).

Traditional therapies
Home herbal remedies, folklore medicine, and the Baidhya

healing system are commonly found in the study area. The

persistence of these traditional therapies is due to the high

cost of modern medicine and the absence of trained physicians. It is estimated that
there is one physician per

30,000–100,000 people in Nepal [66], whereas there is at

least one healer for every 100 people [67]. Data show that

there is at least one health worker for every 670 people in

Baitadi, 663 in Dadeldhura, and 509 in Darchula district


[68]. Interest in traditional therapies has gradually increased over the recent years
[6,39,69]. All these reasons

foster the persistence of traditional therapies in the study


area. This is reinforced by the preference of local people

for traditional medicine, thanks to their belief in its effectiveness and to a lack of
alternative choices [70,71]. All

these therapies were culturally intertwined. The number of

plants used as ethnomedicines was also higher in the

mountains of the Nepalese Himalayas [5]. However, traditional knowledge and the
plants for folk therapies are

gradually being endangered due to changing lifestyles, perceptions, social


transformations, and acculturation.

Management

The many uses of medicinal plants for trade and subsistence needs have led to conflict
and overexploitation. An
account of the multiple uses of medicinal plants that in

turn threaten those very plants as a result of overharvesting

has been noted in India [72]. Deliberate forest fires and

premature harvests endanger existing populations of medicinal plants. The quantity


and quality of medicinal plants

within the study area have been degraded by market-led

premature exploitation and climate change. The changes


to plant phenology, range, and growth behavior as a result

of climate change also jeopardize species survival and quality products [73,74]. Price
differentials between wild and

cultivated products, which reflect the demand for wild

crafted products, encourage unsustainable collection.


medicinal plant species, such as Z. armatum, N. grandiflora, A. rivularis etc. The
collection of medicinal
plants in a sustainable manner is imperative for development and conservation [75].
In order to conserve indigenous and high value medicinal

plants, the government of Nepal outlawed the collection

and trade of 17 important medicinal plant species [76] and

has urged citizens to cultivate 30 highly valued species [77].


These initiatives have proven inadequate [78]. Because of

the firm relationship between medicinal plants and rural

livelihood (Figure 5), it is unlikely that a legal ban can be

enforced [79] due to complex management systems [80],

invigorating cultivation, and sustainable management.

Community-based organizations have also attempted to

conserve medicinal plant resources and revitalize indigenous resource management systems.
The Himalayan Amchi

Association (HAA), an institution aimed at safeguarding

traditional health care knowledge [81], is devoted to protect


medicinal plants and strengthen the knowledge of Amchi

healers [82,83]. The Amchi health care system, influenced

from Tibetan Chinese medicine, is active in the high hills

and mountainous districts of Nepal [7]. The Baidhya

healing system, prevalent in the mid-hills of western Nepal

[14], is influenced by the Ayurveda. Baidhya medicinal

practitioners (particularly of western Nepal mid hills [71]


and adjoining areas of India [84]) were common among

privileged groups and pursued remedies to cure diseases

and aliments by using nearby medicinal plants. Their

knowledge base for therapies stems from custom, livelihood

strategies, and available resources. Because of their

prolonged existence and use, these systems and therapies

are inseparable from local culture. Strengthening wise use


and conservation of resources and knowledge of healing
systems, which are culturally inherited and valued as well

as scientifically important, may complement pharmacology

[19] and the livelihood of communities inhabiting remote

and high-altitude areas of the western Himalaya [85].

Conclusions Medicinal plants play a substantial role in the life support systems of local
communities of Far-west Nepal. With increasing acceptance and use of medicinal plants in
traditional therapies, and with increasing commercial demands over the years, the
consumption and collection of medicinal plants is accelerating and thus endangering the
extant populations. Over-harvesting threatens many indigenous medicinal plant species, such
as Z. armatum, N. grandiflora, A. rivularis etc. Collection and consumption of medicinal
plants in a sustainable manner is an integrated process with potential for development and
conservation. Indigenous knowledge of medicinal plant use for traditional therapies and
sustainable management in Nepal is empirically based, Figure 5 Ecological landscape
favorable for medicinal plant growth. Figure 3 Collecting pine resin: useful in boils. Paste, 10
Raw/fresh, 6 Extract, 4 Powder, 3 Decoction, 12 Oil, 6 Milk/latex, 6 Infusion, 5 Juice, 36
Dry, 3 Resin, 1 Figure 4 Different modes of preparation use for therapies. Kunwar et al.
Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 2013, 9:24 Page 8 of 10
[Link] inherited and intertwined, and
important to pharmacology and local livelihoods. However, it is currently being eroded due to
changing lifestyles, perceptions, social transformations, and acculturation. The conservation
and sound management of indigenous knowledge of medicinal plants is thus strongly urged.

Kunwar, Ripu M., Laxmi Mahat, Ram P. Acharya, and Rainer W. Bussmann. "Medicinal
plants, traditional medicine, markets and management in far-west Nepal." Journal of
ethnobiology and ethnomedicine 9 (2013): 1-10
The temple is also known as devtali. The temple is of god Gadwaling baba. It is located
in Pancheswor municipality. This very religious place among other places inside Baitadi.
This place is located in the border of India and Nepal in the bank of Mahakali river. The
path leading to this place is little dangerous and no safety measures are provided as it is
not a popular place among tourists but rather this temple is a highly religious place for
the locals who believes that whoever visits here will be granted everything he wishes.
FINALIZE THE NESSACARY REQUIREMENTS FOR THE PROJECT

ANTROPHOMETRY DATA FOR THE REQUIREMENTS

SITE LOCATION

SITE CLIMATIC DATA

SITE ACCESS

SITE PROXIMITY MAP

SITE POTENTIAL

SITE MAJOR ELEMENTS

SITE FOREST COVERAGE


Community Forest Integration and Management in Sudurpashchim Province, Nepal

1. Forest & Ecological Data: Sudurpashchim Province

1.1 Forest Area by District

Sudurpashchim Province covers approximately 19,539 km², with forests constituting a


significant portion of the land area. As of the latest available data, the province has 3124
Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) managing 2.23 million hectares of forest land,
which is part of Nepal’s broader community-based forest management (CBFM) covering
38.5% of the country’s forests. District-wise forest area data is limited, but the following
estimates are based on national forest cover statistics (44.74% of Nepal’s land area) and
regional distributions.

District Estimated Forest Area (ha) Forest Cover (% of District Area)

Baitadi 60,000–70,000 ~45%

Bajhang 80,000–90,000 ~50%

Bajura 50,000–60,000 ~40%

Dadeldhura 40,000–50,000 ~35%

Darchula 70,000–80,000 ~45%

Doti 60,000–70,000 ~40%

Kailali 120,000–130,000 ~50%

Kanchanpur 90,000–100,000 ~55%

Achham 55,000–65,000 ~40%

Note: These are approximate figures derived from national forest cover data (6.40 Mha in
2020) and regional land area proportions. Exact district-wise data requires consultation with
the Department of Forest Research and Survey (DFRS), Nepal.

1.2 Types of Forests

Forests in Sudurpashchim Province are categorized as follows:

• Natural Forests: Predominantly subtropical and temperate forests, including


broadleaf (e.g., Shorea robusta in Terai, Quercus spp. in hills) and coniferous (e.g.,
Pinus roxburghii).

• Plantation Forests: Limited, primarily around urban areas or reforestation projects,


using species like Eucalyptus spp. and Pinus patula.
• Community Forests: Managed by 3124 CFUGs, covering a significant portion of
forest land, focusing on sustainable use and biodiversity conservation.
• Protected Forests: Includes areas like Khaptad National Park (Bajhang, Bajura, Doti,
Achham) and Api Nampa Conservation Area (Darchula), designated for biodiversity
and cultural significance.

1.3 Deforestation Trends and Statistics

• Historical Context: Nepal lost nearly a quarter of its forest cover between 1990 and
2005 due to agricultural expansion, timber harvesting, and grazing. In Sudurpashchim
Province, deforestation has slowed due to community forestry initiatives.
• Recent Trends: From 2001–2020, Nepal’s forest loss was approximately 3.69 kha
annually, with a 0.6% annual increase in burned area due to forest fires. Specific data
for Sudurpashchim indicates reduced deforestation rates due to CFUG management,
with forest cover increasing from 26% to 45% nationally between 1992 and 2016.

• Forest Fires: A major driver of degradation, with 40,000 ha burned annually, peaking
between March and May. In Sudurpashchim, fires are often linked to grazing and
poaching.
1.4 Major Community Forests in Sudurpashchim Province

Location Area Managing


Name Operational Plan Highlights
(District) (ha) CFUG

Siddhanath Siddhanath Timber and NTFP harvesting,


Baitadi ~500
Community Forest CFUG biodiversity focus

Khaptad Community Khaptad Ecotourism, medicinal plant


Bajhang ~700
Forest CFUG conservation

Chure Community Fodder and fuelwood,


Kailali ~1000 Chure CFUG
Forest livelihood support

Darchula Sustainable timber, eco-


Darchula CF Darchula ~600
CFUG tourism potential

Note: Specific community forest data for Sudurpashchim is limited; above examples are
indicative and require verification from the Department of Forests (DoF).

• Forest-Based Income: CFUGs generate income from timber (e.g., Shorea robusta,
Pinus spp.), non-timber forest products (NTFPs) like medicinal herbs (e.g., Asparagus
racemosus), honey, and fodder. In 2020, timber and fuelwood generated USD 50.19
million nationally, with Sudurpashchim contributing significantly due to its forest
cover.
• Livelihood Activities: Include fuelwood collection, fodder for livestock, and NTFP-
based enterprises (e.g., resin, bamboo) supporting rural households.
1.5 Botanical, Flora, and Fauna Data
• Major Native Tree Species:

o Shorea robusta (Sal) – Terai regions

o Pinus roxburghii (Chir Pine) – Hills

o Quercus spp. (Oak) – Mid-hills


o Rhododendron arboreum – High altitudes

• Herbs, Shrubs, Medicinal Plants:

o Asparagus racemosus (Kurmilo)

o Swertia chirayita (Chiraito)

o Valeriana jatamansi (Valerian)

• Wildlife Species:

o Mammals: Himalayan red panda (endangered), leopards, deer, wild boar.


o Birds: Himalayan monal, kalij pheasant.
o Reptiles: Common krait, geckos.

• Endangered Flora/Fauna:

o Flora: Taxus wallichiana (Himalayan yew) – overexploited for medicinal use.

o Fauna: Red panda (70% of habitat in CFUGs), snow leopard in higher


altitudes.

1.6 Production Patterns and Forest Use

• Timber Extraction: Regulated by CFUG operational plans, focusing on sustainable


yield (e.g., thinning, pruning). Shorea robusta and Pinus roxburghii are primary
timber species.

• Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFPs): Include honey, resin, medicinal herbs, and
fodder. Seasonal harvests peak in spring (March–May) for herbs and autumn for
honey.
• Biodiversity Management: CFUGs prioritize sustainable harvesting but lack detailed
biodiversity inventories, limiting conservation effectiveness.
1.7 Forest Wood Management

• Sustainable Logging: CFUGs implement silvicultural practices like thinning and


improvement felling, guided by Forest Act 2019.
• Wood Types: Hardwoods (Sal, Oak) for construction; softwoods (Pine) for furniture.
• Processing/Storage: Limited facilities in Sudurpashchim; most timber is processed
locally or transported to Kailali/Kanchanpur for milling.
2. Community & Management Data

2.1 Community Conditions

• Socioeconomic Status: CFUGs include wealthy, middle-income, and low-income


households, with equal participation in forest management but unequal decision-
making power favoring wealthier groups.

• Ethnic/Caste Composition: Predominantly Chhetri, Brahmin, Tharu (in Terai), and


marginalized groups like Chepang and Dalit. Ethnic diversity influences resource
access.

• Dependency: High reliance on forests for fuelwood (80% of rural energy), fodder,
and NTFPs for income.

2.2 Problems in Community Forests

• Deforestation: Driven by agricultural expansion and infrastructure development.

• Illegal Logging: Persists due to weak enforcement, especially in remote areas.

• Conflicts: Land use disputes between CFUGs and government, and among ethnic
groups over resource allocation.

• Forest Fires: High risk in dry season (March–May), often set for grazing or poaching.

2.3 Solutions & Potentials

• Management Practices: CFUGs employ thinning, pruning, and controlled grazing.


WWF Nepal supports restoration through native species plantation.

• Eco-Tourism Potential: Khaptad National Park and Devtal Baba Temple area offer
opportunities for cultural and nature-based tourism.

• Entrepreneurship: NTFP-based enterprises (e.g., honey, herbal products) and


community-based ecotourism initiatives.

2.4 Community Forest Management

• Institutional Structure: CFUGs are registered under the Forest Act 1993, with
elected committees overseeing management plans approved by District Forest Offices
(DFOs).

• Government/NGO Involvement: Ministry of Forests and Environment, WWF


Nepal, and FECOFUN support CFUGs with funding and training.

• Rules/Regulations: Forest Act 2019 mandates sustainable harvesting and biodiversity


conservation, with penalties for illegal activities.

2.5 Management Requirements


• Training Needs: Silviculture, fire management, and biodiversity monitoring.
• Infrastructure Needs: Nurseries, storage facilities, and firebreaks.

• Participatory Planning: Inclusive decision-making involving marginalized groups.

2.6 Services Needed

• Technical Support: Forestry staff for silviculture and extension officers for
community outreach.

• IT/GIS Support: GIS-based mapping for forest monitoring, currently limited in


Sudurpashchim.

• Educational Programs: Community workshops on sustainable practices and NTFP


processing.

2.7 Technical Aspects

• Nursery Development: Small-scale nurseries exist in Kailali and Baitadi, focusing on


native species.

• Plantation/Regeneration: Emphasizes natural regeneration and planting of Shorea


robusta and Pinus spp.

• GIS Monitoring: Limited adoption; requires training and equipment for CFUGs.

2.8 Training Facilities Required


• Vocational Training: NTFP processing, ecotourism guiding.

• Silviculture/Harvesting: Techniques for sustainable yield.

• Disaster Risk Management: Fire prevention and response training.

2.9 Education & Research

• Educational Access: Limited forest-related programs for youth; partnerships with


Tribhuvan University possible.

• Research Scope: Biodiversity, carbon storage, and socio-economic impacts of


CFUGs.

• Partnerships: WWF Nepal, ForestAction Nepal, and international NGOs like


RECOFTC.

2.10 Forest Products and Extraction

• Products: Timber (Sal, Pine), NTFPs (honey, Chiraito, resin), fodder, and fuelwood.

• Extraction Processes: Manual harvesting with CFUG oversight; limited


mechanization.

• Market Dynamics: Local markets dominate; some NTFPs (e.g., medicinal herbs)
exported via cooperatives like Himalayan Bio-Trade Limited.
3. Site-Specific Data: Devtal Baba Temple, Pancheswor, Baitadi

3.1 Site Location & Map

• Coordinates: Approximately 29.55°N, 80.35°E (estimated based on Pancheswor


Municipality’s location; exact coordinates require field survey).

• Proximity: Near Pancheswor Rural Municipality headquarters, close to Mahakali


River.

• Satellite Imagery/Topography: Hilly terrain with moderate slopes, forest cover, and
proximity to agricultural lands. GIS data unavailable; satellite imagery from Google
Earth or DFRS recommended.

3.2 Site Climatic Data

• Temperature: 10–25°C (annual range); cooler in winter (5–15°C), warmer in summer


(20–30°C).

• Rainfall: 1000–1500 mm annually, concentrated in monsoon (June–September).

• Humidity: 60–80% during monsoon, 40–60% in dry season.

• Trends: Increasing temperatures and erratic rainfall due to climate change.

3.3 Site Access & Proximity Map


• Roadways: Accessible via Dashrathchand Highway; local roads to Pancheswor are
unpaved, challenging during monsoon.

• Distance: ~20 km from Baitadi district headquarters (Gothalapani), ~5 km from


nearest health post.

• Condition: Limited public transport; foot trails dominate.


3.4 Site Potential & Elements

• Ecotourism Potential: High due to religious significance and scenic forests; potential
for trekking and cultural tourism.
• Cultural Significance: Devtal Baba Temple is a local pilgrimage site, attracting
devotees from Baitadi and neighboring districts.
• Sustainable Design Opportunities: Eco-friendly rest shelters, trails, and
interpretation centers using local materials (e.g., timber, stone).

3.5 Forest Coverage Around Site


• Density/Types: Mixed broadleaf forests (Shorea robusta, Quercus spp.) with
moderate density.
• Wildlife: Leopards, deer, and birds like kalij pheasant; red panda possible in higher
altitudes.
• Human-Forest Interaction: Local communities rely on forests for fuelwood, fodder,
and NTFPs; occasional grazing conflicts.

4. Anthropometry & Design Requirements

• Trail Width: 1.2–2 m for pedestrian trails, 3–4 m for shared paths (as per Nepal’s
rural trail standards).

• Seating/Rest Shelters: Benches for 2–4 people (1.5 m width); shelters with 10–15 m²
area, using local timber and stone.

• Visitor Flow: Design for 50–100 daily visitors during festivals, 10–20 on regular
days.

• Space Requirements: Interpretation centers (50–100 m²), parking (500 m² for 10–15
vehicles), and waste management facilities.

5. Recommendations

• Data Collection: Partner with DFRS and WWF Nepal for district-wise forest data and
GIS mapping.

• Field Surveys: Conduct surveys around Devtal Baba Temple for precise forest and
topographic data.

• Community Engagement: Involve CFUGs in designing ecotourism and NTFP


enterprises to ensure inclusivity.

• Training Programs: Establish GIS and silviculture training centers in Baitadi to


enhance CFUG capacity.

6. Sources
• Department of Forest Research and Survey (DFRS), Nepal

• WWF Nepal

• ForestAction Nepal

• Global Forest Watch

• Research articles from ScienceDirect and ResearchGate

PLANT CONSERVATION

INFRASCTRUCTURE NEED FOR SCIENTIFIC PLANT CONSERVATION

Common questions

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The Pancheshwar Dam project significantly affects local communities and ecosystems. It proposes benefits like electricity production, irrigation, flood control, employment opportunities, and tourism development . However, it will inundate large areas, displacing thousands of people, submerging land, and potentially impacting culturally significant sites . Critics highlight the lack of adequate resettlement and compensation plans, as well as concerns regarding the dam's seismic vulnerability . NGOs claim the project will displace around 80,000 people, a figure much higher than official projections . The dam's expected life may be shortened by sediment accumulation, reducing its long-term benefits .

The forestry sector's focus on timber extraction in Nepal has both economic and environmental impacts. Economically, it has improved timber availability to rural households and generated significant national income from the sale of timber and fuelwood . However, environmentally, these activities can lead to deforestation if not managed sustainably and undermine biodiversity conservation efforts . The focus on a silviculture-based approach risks excluding traditional and local knowledge systems from forest management, posing a threat to ecological balance and equitable resource distribution .

Gender dynamics and structural barriers significantly affect women's participation and benefits in community forestry in Nepal. Despite community forestry aiming to include local voices, it often fails to ensure equitable social and economic benefits for women and marginalized groups. These inequalities are exacerbated by power dynamics, where powerful actors benefit, leaving behind the marginalized, especially women . Although women hold 42% membership in CFUGs, their increased presence in decision-making forums does not necessarily translate into better outcomes due to overlooked historical perspectives and socio-cultural gender roles, which complicate their engagement in these male-dominated spaces . Additionally, the focus on numbers rather than substantive participation does little to address intersectional struggles women face . The shift towards a timber-centric forest management approach also risks undermining women's roles and knowledge in forest management practices, further marginalizing them .

Market-oriented timber management approaches in Nepal's community forestry face criticism due to issues like poor governance, exclusion in decision-making, and the technical complexity of practices that act as barriers to equitable participation . Critics argue that these approaches undermine traditional knowledge and disproportionately affect marginalized groups, particularly women . Proposed solutions to these challenges include implementing e-bidding for transparent sales, developing cooperative business centers, conducting cost analyses for pricing, encouraging policy reforms for sustainable utilization, and improving processing and transportation technologies . These measures aim to create a financially self-reliant and service-oriented institutional framework aligned with national development goals .

Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) play a critical role in income generation and biodiversity conservation in Nepal. They manage a significant portion of forest land, focusing on sustainable use and biodiversity conservation . CFUGs generate income from timber and non-timber forest products, which support rural households by providing resources like fuelwood, fodder, and medicinal herbs . This has contributed to reduced deforestation rates and improved forest cover in regions like Sudurpashchim Province . Despite these positive outcomes, challenges remain, such as ensuring equitable benefits for the poor and marginalized groups .

The transition from protection-oriented to market-oriented forest management in Nepal's community forestry has several implications. This shift, characterized by a silviculture-based approach, emphasizes timber extraction as a primary activity, risking exclusion in decision-making processes and undermining women's roles and knowledge in forest management practices . While this approach has partially improved timber availability to rural households, it provides limited economic benefits for poor and women-headed households, who may find themselves at greater risk of losing rights to forest resources . The increased technicality associated with market-oriented management can also pose barriers to decentralization and equitable participation .

The main structural barriers hindering equitable participation of marginalized groups in CFUG management include unequal power relations, limited recognition of women's traditional roles, and socio-cultural norms that prioritize male-dominated decision-making processes . Despite the presence of women in CFUGs, their participation often lacks substance due to historical, socio-cultural, and institutional hierarchies that are not effectively addressed in policy and practice . Moreover, there is a focus on numerical representation rather than genuine inclusion, which overlooks the intersectional challenges faced by marginalized groups .

Gender inclusion in community forestry policies in Nepal is evolving, with increased attention to women's participation, tenure, and power relations . For instance, there is a notable number of women members in CFUGs, which reflects an effort to include women in decision-making. However, challenges persist, such as the focus on increasing numbers rather than ensuring substantive participation and outcomes . Socio-cultural roles and historical perspectives often remain unaddressed, complicating efforts to achieve meaningful gender inclusion . Women's roles and knowledge are still marginalized, especially with the shift to silviculture-based management, which highlights technical expertise over traditional practices .

The Pancheshwar Dam poses challenges to local cultural practices by potentially eliminating opportunities for traditional Kriya Karam (cremation) ceremonies, which require access to flowing water. The dam's reservoir will inundate significant stretches of river that are culturally important for these ceremonies, forcing local communities to travel large distances over difficult terrain to perform them . Additionally, the displacement of communities and changes in land use threaten cultural and social structures . These impacts highlight the complexity of integrating infrastructural projects into culturally sensitive regions without adequate mitigation measures .

Nepal's community forestry initiatives have significantly influenced deforestation trends and forest cover. The management by Community Forest User Groups has slowed deforestation in regions like Sudurpashchim Province and contributed to an increase in national forest cover from 26% to 45% between 1992 and 2016 . These initiatives support sustainable use and biodiversity conservation, mitigating factors like agricultural expansion and timber harvesting that historically contributed to deforestation . However, challenges remain in ensuring equitable benefits for all community members and addressing emerging threats such as forest fires .

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