CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.1 Introduction

In order to make this research acceptable and authentic, it is of paramount

importance to review what other experts, researchers and professionals have

written and documented on the subject of this particular research and related areas.

Relevant issues and information which are directly or indirectly related to this

research are highlighted under Sub-headings namely; concepts of weaving,

Historical Development of cloth weaving, Anger, Agbende-a-Kurugh and Ivav-

tyo, woven fabrics, Types of looms used by Ushongo Hand cloth weavers,

weaving centres in Nigeria, functions of Hand crafted woven fabrics, socio-

economic, historical and cultural impacts of weaving.

2.2 Concepts of Weaving

Clothing forms one of the most important and fundamental needs of man, and food

is rated next to it in the hierarchy of human needs. Igirgi, (2007) agrees that, this

factor is so important to man and his existence that, even in the divine order, food

is rated next to it, that is clothing, food and shelter. By extension, the clothing

needs of man have been satisfied over time through a variety of fabrics ranging

from woven to knitted fabrics, crocheted to braided fabrics, bonded to felted

fabrics and so forth. Other authors such as Lamb and Holmes (1980), Kureave and

Audu (2005) all agreed that, weaving is the most important and commonly used

textiles by man and the world over. Based on the above facts, it is worthwhile to
say that the concept of weaving, forms the bedrock of this study unto which the

study could be built.

The word weaving is derived from the term weave, which means to generally pull

together component and parts to form a whole. The Encarta Dictionary (2009) defines

weave as to spin something such as a spider‟s web; to introduce separate parts into

something larger; or to make something by interlacing stripes or stands of any material.

Therefore, weaving can be said to be the process of achieving a weave. The application

of weaving as a word, ranges from fabric instruction to basketry and from mat weaving

to horse weaving. However, for the purpose of this study, weaving will be considered

in the subjective context of fabric construction.

Clothing fabrics have, for centuries, been hand-woven on hand looms. Oguntona

(1986) states that, weaving “consists of interlacing two separate sets of threads, the

warp which runs lengthwise in the cloths and weft which runs at right angles of the

warp.

The process can be carried out practically with all fibres.” Cloth weaving is widely

practised in Africa and Nigeria in particular, which has a long outstanding history

and practised by both sexes using either vertical or horizontal looms. Banjoko

(2000), Kureave and Audu (2005) and Anyakoha and Eluwa (2008) view weaving

as the process of interlacing two or more sets of yarns to each other at right angles

in many different designs, depending on the type of loom used. They all agree that,

the yarns that run lengthwise are referred to as warp, while those that run

crosswise are called weft, woof or fillings. Hollen, Saddler and Langford, (1979)
state that, the right angle arrangement of the yarns in weaving, gives the fabric

more firmness and rigidity than the yarn arrangement of knits, braids or laces.

Most authorities posit that, the interlacing of yarns in weaving is always at right

angles, but Whylly (2001) contests that it must not be so. According to the author,

weaving is the systematic interlacing of two or more sets of elements, usually, but

not always at right angles, to form a coherent structure. Be that as it may, based on

the work of the various authors cited above, it can be established that weaving

entails the interlacing of yarns (whether at right angles or otherwise), in repeated

sequence to form a fabric. It is worth nothing that most of the fabrics that are used

by mankind are constructed by weaving. However, no one knows when or where

the weaving process actually began, but can be traced to as far back as there are

relics of civilized life. It is thought that, weaving was part of developing

civilization, which confirms the definition of weaving.

2.2.1 Weaves

Weaves refer to the technique or particular way the patterns are achieved in the

cloth through an interaction between the way the warp is threaded through the

heddles on the harnesses or shafts and the order in which the harnesses or shafts

are raised or lowered. Records have shown that there are many types of weaves.

Examples of the weaves include, plain weave, satin weave, twill weave, leno, lace,

laid in etc. Stout (1970) states that “weaves are classified according to the method

of interlacing of the warp and filling yarns and the number of sets of warp or

filling yarns required”. Standstrom (1979), Thorpe and Larsen (1967) share the
same view with Stout (1970) that plain, twill and satin weaves are often considered

as the basic weaves. Stout however explained that other weaves are largely

combinations or variations of the three basic weaves. Standstrom (1979) then

states that weaves are simple in themselves, limited in variety and logical in

formation. For the sake of the study however, plain, twill and satin weaves will be

considered owning to their relevance to the study and are also most commonly

used.

[Link] Plain Weave

According to Sandstrom (1979), “plain weave is the simplest and universally

known to weavers everywhere and that very high proportion of all weaving is done

in plain weave”. The author further adds that, “plain weave could either be warp

faced, weft faced or balanced”. Hollen, Saddler and Langford (1979) report that,

“given the nature of interlacing in plain weave, it requires only a two harness loom

for construction (one harness up and one harness down). As a result, there is no

right or wrong side. Plain weave variations include; balanced plain weave,

unbalanced plain weave and basket weave”:

Balanced Plain Weave: This is the type of plain weave with equal number of

warp and weft yarns, same size and same distance apart. These are the largest

group of woven fabrics and also have a wide range of end use. Examples of

balanced plain weave are: crepe, organdie, shantung, taffeta and muslin.

Unbalanced Plain Weave: Unbalanced weave is sometimes referred to as rib

weave, and has to do with lopsidedness in the number or size of yarns, either in the
warp or weft directions. If the number of warp yarns is increased until the number

of counts is about twice that of the weft yarns, the pattern created will be cross-

wise rib, otherwise called filling rib. In the case of colour unbalance, the colour of

the warp yarns is always the colour that appears on the surface of the fabric.

Examples of the rib weave according to Ahea, (1974) include: Broad cloth,

Ottoman, Grosgrain, Poplin, Bengaline, and Faille.

Basket Weave: Basket weave refers to weaves made with two or more warp yarns

used as one, and with two or more fillings yarns used as one, placed in the same

shed (Hollen, Sadder and Langford, 1979). The most common basket weaves,

according to the authors, are: 2 x 2 and 4 x 4. Other combinations include 2 x 1, 2x

3, and so forth. Characteristically, basket weaves are flexible and wrinkle resistant

because, they have few interlacing per square inch. Examples include:

Hopsacking, monks, basket weave coating and so forth.

[Link] Twill Weave

Kureave and Audu (2005), twill weave is the type of weave in which the weft crosses

two or more warp yarns before going under one or more warp yarns. This definition is

rather simplistic in nature. Hollen, Saddler and Langford (1979) seem to be more

elaborate and implicit in their definition of twill weave. According to them, twill

weave is one in which each warp or filling yarn floats across two or more fillings or

warp yarns with a progression of interlacing by one to the right or left to form a

distinct diagonal line or wale. Joseph (1980) and Lyle (1976) look at twill as the

second basic weave used in the production of woven fabric, characterized by a

diagonal line achieved on the front and back of the fabric. Joseph (1980), Hollen,
Saddler, and Langford (1979) indicate that, twill variations are in the number of

harnesses used. The simplest twill requires three or four harnesses. The more complex

twills may have as many as eighteen (18) picks inserted before repeating, and are

woven on a loom with a dobby attachment. They include; even slided twills and warp

faced twills.

[Link] Satin Weave

Satin weave, according to Joseph (1980), is characterized by long floats on the

surface. These threads are caught under cross threads at intersections as far apart

as possible for particular constructions. The author posits that, adjacent parallel

yarns do not interlace in a position of contact. In satin weave, it is warp yarns that

float on the surface of the fabric, however, there is opposite that has weft yarns

floating on the surface and it is called sateen. Joseph added that, satin weave is

produced based on five or more harnesses. Hollen, Saddler and Langford (1979)

have it that, satin fabrics are characterized by lustre because of the long floats that

cover the surface. When warp yarns cover the surface, the fabric is a warp-faced

satin and the warp count is high. Similarly, when filling floats cover the surface,

the fabric is a filling and the filling count is high. The above have been reviewed

based on their relevance to the study. However, there exist many other types of

weaves like Laces, Leno, Jacquard, Crepe and so on and so forth, which are also

very important in their own rights.

2.2.2 Designs or Patterns

Design, according to Buoye (1984), is composition of drawings (technically

calculated or freely drawn) made up of lines, shapes or forms whose combination

is appealing to the visual sense. It is described also, as a means of expression,

which must be pleasing to the eye and satisfying the sense of beauty. Design in

weaving, according to Thorpe and Larsen (1967), comprises three main parts:

texture, pattern and colour. The authors explained that, the basis of texture in the

cloth lies first in the fibre, the construction and size of yarns, (this could be fine,

coarse, thick, smooth and so forth). It is followed by the weaves which include the

manipulation of sett, grouping of yarns and combination of weaves, and thirdly in

the finishing of the fabrics.

Patterns can be characterized through a specific technique or interlacing,

manipulation of threading or sett, and the use of colour or values. This can be

produced by particular yarn sequences, colour and weave effect. The simplest

technique involves warp strips, which are set up during the process or warping up.

Warp stripping can become extremely complex, particularly in the case of

traditional cloths used for important ceremonies, and the cloths may be identified

by name. Traditional fabrics produced were initially plain without any pattern,

design or colour. Later, man was able to get other colours, apart from the plain

white or beige colour of the yarns, and was then able to create designs, with

coloured yarns.

The stripes, according to Eicher (1976), may be symmetrical or asymmetrical, or

may be a design with a series of repeats. The author however, reports that,

symmetrical (balanced or regularly arranged on opposite sides of a line or central

point) patterns are slightly more prevalent, while weft-striped patterns are
occasionally woven, but neither of these is as popular as the strips with warp

patterns. There are also patterns which combine both warp and weft stripes

forming plaids. An elaborate use of warp strip, is the employment of Ikat, which

can produce dramatic results on both the vertical and horizontal looms. The Ikat

technique or method of patterning involves tie and dying the warp yarn before

weaving. Patterning, by means of holes, could be achieved in two ways, by

separating the weft yarns with an object (metal rod) that forces the threads apart

and leaves holes called „aso eleya’ in Yoruba. Another method is by separating

parts of the warp into rows of bunched threads so woven as to leave spaces in

between. The holes are accompanied by carrying over the warp threads.

The inlay and inlay floats provide the most common form of pattern, next to warp

stripping woven today. The technique involves the use of supplementary weft

threads, which lie on the top of the web such that reveals the pattern on the surface

only. Lamb and Holmes (1980) report that, some kinds of inlay patterning are

found among most

Nigerian weavers using the vertical loom, but the most elaborate forms come from

Akwete, Okene and Owo. Murnane (1976) classifies vertical loom patterns into

four major groups. These include: plain weave consisting of a solid colour of warp

and weft; striped weave consisting vertical and horizontal strips; plain or checked

designs, were combination of strips warp and multi-coloured weft; patterns created

by adding extra heddles sticks to create shed openings, allowing a weft to float

over the warp.

The very texture of the web can be used for patterning by either decreasing or

increasing the density of weft. A variety of the technique is used for this purpose,

some involving the use of supplementary heddles. Some Okene cloths usually

white, with very delicate raised warp patterns, are particularly interesting in this

context. The use of pile weft is an ultimate in weave texturing where the weft

arrangement is such that is to turn, and when cut into rows, the tufts give the cloth

appearance of thick pile rug.

Finally, the use of weft band decoration, though partly obscured, is one of the

techniques of patterning which the vertical loom permits much warp strips. Such

examples are found in the production of Hausa luru patterns where weft band

decoration and tapestry are employed. Fashion is constantly calling into existence

new patterns and patterns, both old and new are covered by an elaborate system of

names.

Most fabrics produced on the horizontal loom (except for the luru blankets) in the

northern parts of Nigeria, are mainly strips not more than ten point sixteen

centimetres (10.16cm) in width and are mainly of one plain colour or warp strip

colours. The inlay technique, rather belongs to the southern weavers.

2.2.3 Colours and weave effects

The use of colour in weaving, is radically different from most other applications of

colour, according to (Thorpe and Larsen, 1967). The authors explain that, the

interlacing of warp and weft in weaving, creates contiguous colours in qualities so

remote that they appear as broken colour. Aspects of colour, which are of first
importance to the weaver, are chroma, hue and value, of which value is the

paramount. Chroma is the relative intensity or brightness of colour. Pure saturated

colours of nongray colours, are referred to as high chroma, while grayed by neutral

or earth colours are said to be of low chroma.

Hue is a shade or graduation within a colour family, while value for the weaver is

the most important property of colour, that is its dark-light aspect. Different

colours have specific meanings to users of traditional textiles. Lamb (1980)

speculates that, “the use of certain dominant colours in cloth weaving, may reflect

the mood of aspirations of the weaver. The author explains that the use of gold, for

instance, is presumably associated with warmth, long life and prosperity. White is

worn to symbolize deities or the spirits of the ancestors. Green on the other hand,

suggests newness and puberty, usually worn by young girls, while black stands for

melancholy, devils, old age, death and the like. Red is worn commonly for loss,

sadness, death and it indicates anger”.

According to Picton and Mack (1988) in sharing Lamb‟s view, traditional rulers in

Benin, Ebira and other parts of Nigeria wear red robes as part of their ceremonial

dress to display power as well as protect themselves and their people from evil,

witchcraft and enemies, as red is regarded as threatening. The basic colours

spectrum of Africa, the authors emphasize, are red, black and white, which are

rarely without specific meaning, although the precise nature of the meaning varies

from people to people. Woven fabrics were initially of white and those colours

obtained from the use of indigenous dyes. With imported dyes and variety of dye
stuff increased, factory or machine spun yarns are available in different colours

consisting of cotton, lurex, wool, silk, synthetic and even metallic yarns. With

fashion however, colours are loosing those significant values attached to them.

The author further adds that African textile is rich in colours, and textile made

from the hands of weavers, spinners and dyers, is related to ancient pre-colonial

traditions. Particular colours, shapes and decorations may have political and ritual

significance. The meaning of colour varies from place to place. In Benin for

instance, the colour red is part of their ceremonial court dress, among the Ebira red

colour is associated with success. Indigo is the most common dye, obtained from

various plants of genus indigofera. It gives various shades from pale blue to deep

black. Other colours like red, yellow, blue, green, brown and black are available

from local vegetable and mineral sources.

Specific colours for woven cloths are preferred by certain communities, which they

become identified with. For instance, the preference of red and black colours by the

Idoma, black and white by the Tiv, Indigo blue and white by Bachama, white by the

Waja and so forth. It is however, difficult to identify particular colours to the

Hausa and Yoruba, which could probably be due to their large spectrum in the use

of colour and design. Some of their major weaves are the Sanyan (Yoruba) or

tsamiya (Hausa), the ala ari (Yoruba) or barrage (Hausa), saki and sakakke

(Hausa) or aso oke (Yoruba). It could also be that, the weaves‟ names provide

their identities. The Idoma, Tiv and many others, may have weaves in other

colours but are rather identified with these particular or specific ones.
2.3 Historical Development of Cloth Weaving

The word textile, is derived from a Latin word „Texere’ (textilis) which literally

means to weave, (Igirgi, 2007; Kureave and Audu, 2005). According to the author,

this is because fabrics (cloths) were produced in the past only by weaving,

consequently, the word textile may be used here interchangeably with weaving

without incidences of ambiguities.

As much as weaving is so central to the existence of man and indeed the society

itself, its history still remains hazzy. Ada (2006) and Ali (2010) all agree that the

origin of loom weaving (in any African society) is as old as the society itself, but

the exact origin is difficult to establish till date. They further posit that, it is

evident that most cultures of the world practise weaving in its crude form until the

point that man started choosing flexible materials for warp ends. Wylly (2001)

also reports that, “no one knows when or where weaving process actually began,

but as far back as there are relics of civilized life, it is thought that weaving was a

part of developing civilizations. According to the author, the perishable nature of

textile goods, makes it a difficult task to trace its origin and actually poses a

tremendous challenge. As a result, much of what is written about textile is based

on speculation. However, the survival of remnants of early fabrics under certain

circumstances (sealed tombs, extremely cold areas, bog lands and arid regions),

have provided a real way into their history”.

As Wylly (2001) delves deeper into the recesses of history, the author reveals that,

the everyday needs (challenges) of the prehistoric man, led to the creation of

objects using fibres as a medium. Weaving was one of such creations, and is

believed to have been instinctively used as an aid in the quest for basic needs of

clothing, food and shelter.

Most likely this came about as people observed spider webs, bird‟s nests, beaver‟s

dams, and so forth. According to the author, “basket making and weaving were the

first crafts developed by man. Once the ancient people learned how to weave

structure, the possibilities became endless”.

2.3.1 The Prehistoric Origin of Weaving

According to Igirgi (2007), “weaving of cloths evolved from basketry and mat

making. The earliest evidence of both weaving and basketry comes from the

Neolithic cultures about 5000BC, although there are indications of the existence of

yet more ancient techniques from which these may have derived. Early examples

of basketry and matting, and those of weaving indicate that strands or threads were

interlaced by hand. With the passage of time however, textiles have changed

considerably, while basketry and matting have witnessed minimal changes of

transformation”. The author also indicates that, “the most important and very

revealing examples of the early manifestation of textiles (weaving) development

come from Egypt, where textiles of the periods from the Neolithic to the Medieval

times have been found in large quantities. Other sites include: Peru and dry caves

in Andahisian, Spain. The discovery of spinning, which its origin again shrouded
in uncertainty, formed the most important step on the road to modern textiles. This

was initially done with the use of body parts

(legs and hands), but was soon to be augmented by the invention of the spindle

(before 3000BC). This ensured the spinning of longer lengths of yarns”. Barber

(1994) opines on, “the early development of textiles that, women must have

invented textiles because, they primarily worked with food and clothing”. The

author seems to assume that, textile productions necessarily must have developed

around a home base by a more domestic segment of the population. The reasons

for this assumption, according to the author‟s critics, “are not convincing, no

consideration is given to the highly complex nature of the skills and technologies

involved in textile production, hence the unfounded ascription of its invention to

female gender. Moreover, there is no concrete or documented evidence to support

this claim”.

The invention of the loom actually revolutionized textiles production, paving way

for standardization, „patternisation‟ and specialization. Basically, any apparatus

that can be used for stretching a warp can be referred to as a loom. The earliest

loom recorded in history, according to Igirgi, was the horizontal ground loom

which was in use in predynastic Egypt around 3000BC. The vertical framed loom

with two beams appeared in Egypt around 1400BC. The author also opines that,

these were evidence in use from pictorial representations in Egyptian tombs.

Wylly (2001) agrees with this position, stating that, “since fabric remnants are

difficult to find, some historians use other sources as guide in piecing out together

textile heritage. One valued artifact is the funerary model of a weaver‟s workshop,
which was found in an Egyptian tomb”. The model, Wylly further posits,

“contains a horizontal loom warping devices and other tools and weavers in

action”. A third type of loom, is the warp weighted loom, the oldest known

example of which was recorded in Try (Greece), dating to 2500BC. This type of

loom was used in Greece and Palestine, but unlike the first two that still exist and

remain in use in the original or modified form, the warp weighted loom has gone

into extinct.” (Crowfoot, 1975).

From the foregoing, it is clear that textile production progressed steadily from

rudimentary to advanced stages long before the modern times. As reported by

Igirgi (2007), the industrial revolution of the 18 th and 19th centuries, completely

revolutionized textiles production, as it did virtually all the areas of economic

production. It meant that, new machines replaced human hands on most of the

function and operations, thus increasing output many times over. Indeed, modern

textile production is a major industry in the world today. It does not take care of

the basic human needs of clothing and shelter alone, but also a variety of other

socio-cultural and economic concerns.

2.3.2 The Art of Weaving in Nigeria

According to Eicher (1976) Lamb and Holmes (1980) Babalola (1998) and Igirgi

(2007), weaving is the most ancient and fundamental craft which developed

independently in many different parts of the world, the history of its origin though

remains generally absurd. According to the Federal Ministry of Information,

Youth and
Culture, Lagos (1970), “the production of art and crafts (cloth weaving inclusive)

has been one of the major occupations in traditional Nigerian society, which was

practised in almost every town, hamlet and family”. In the same view, Sigo (2001)

opines that, “there are two hundred and fifty distinct groups that enriched Nigeria

culturally, and distinguished themselves in designs and crafts. One of these

cultural groups are the

Hausa”.
Eicher (1976), observes that “Nigeria has always produced diversified crafts”.

According to Adetoro (1986) and Ahuwan (1981), “some of these crafts include:

weaving, pottery, dyeing, cotton spinning, embroidery, wood carving, leather work

and blacksmithing which are consumed mostly in villages and cities”. Leclerc

(1977) reports that, “the evolution of weaving in Nigeria can be traced through

archeological discoveries in eastern Nigeria. Dated back to over a thousand years,

these early textiles were supposedly woven from bast and leaf fibres”. Whether

strips were woven individually or the entire cloth woven simultaneously, is

however difficult to ascertain, since no further evidence was available to

substantiate this. Kparevzua (1983) equally reports that, archeological evidence

has shown that it is possible to believe that the history of cloth weaving in Nigeria

could be traced back to more than a thousand years. Since one cannot pin point the

exact date or time when weaving started, it is however obvious to say that weaving

is as old as man‟s existence.

According to Diogu (1989), “weaving is one of the ancient crafts of Nigeria which

are still carried on vigorously with little direct foreign influence.” Andah (1972)
states that, archaeological findings have proved that fibres other than cotton, were

employed for weaving around C700 to C1050 AD. These fibres include raffia,

bast, bark, and so forth. A good number of weaving cultures employed the use of

such fibres in recent times. These cultures include among others; the Mbube,

Benin, Igbo, Ekajuk, Bekwarra, Bokyi, Tiv, Bahumuno,Ebira and parts of northern

Nigeria. The use of bark fibres, persisted in Nigeria until the introduction of the

cotton fibres, more than 100years ago, especially after the contact with European.

Since the introduction of cotton fibres, it has become the most important fibres in

use. By the 14th century, according to archaeological evidence, weaving had

reached an advanced technical stage in Nigeria. Although cloth weaving

technology existed long ago in Nigeria, it is also a fact that many literature now

exist on the traditional cloth weaving of greater number of other Nigerian

communities, but this study is not aware of such document on Ushongo cloth

weaving culture. For example Aremu (1983) studied the Yoruba cloth weaving,

covering Oyo and Ogun states, with emphasis on the town of Oyo, Ogbomosho,

Iseyin, Owu and Ijebu in which the Kijipa motifs, colour and symbols of Yoruba

traditional hand woven were seriously considered. Okeke (1982) surveyed the

Igbo hand crafted woven cloth design techniques for Nigerian markets in which

the Akwete and Akwocha designs were extensively considered. Saliu (1984)

studied “Okene cloth, its position in the contemporary cloth weaving in Nigeria.”

The study was carried out to assess,

among other things the aesthetic characteristics, the functions, and the learning

level of the cloth. It was found that Okene cloth is one of the best hand woven

cloths in Nigeria. The aesthetics, functions, and durability of the cloth enable it to
feature well among its kinds in the contemporary art expression in Nigeria. Saliu

(2010) also examined what decorative art (that is cloth, body, wall, mat, furniture,

wood and metal decorations) is to people of Ebira and different ethnic backgrounds

in African in relation to types, motifs and functions of the decorative arts. The

types of decorative art that exist among the Ebira, and the relationship between the

arts and the people in their social, religious, political and technological set up were

examined. This was done with a view to developing the arts to meet both utilitarian

and aesthetic needs of contemporary clients.

2.3.3 The Origins and Early textile (Weaving) Production among the Tiv The

word Tiv has interrelated meanings; the first being the name of the patriarchal

ancestor believed to be the progenitor of the Tiv people. The second meaning is a

collection of persons who trace their origin and descent from Tiv. While the third

is the most obvious cultural expression, that is the language of the people. This

means that

Tiv can be understood as referring to a person, a people, and a culture. The word Tiv
can also be prefixed to features and items identified or associated with the ethnic group.
These can be Tiv land, Tiv dance, Tiv architecture, Tiv yam, and Tiv cloth among
others.

The origin of the Tiv as a Bantu people and speakers of a Bantu related language

was argued in “The Tiv People” by Abraham (1935). The author lists a large

number of words showing similarities between Tiv language and the language of

“Bantu Nyanza” in the present day Malawi. Additional evidence of the “Bantoid

origin” of the Tiv was provided by Abraham (1993) in the form of shared traits in

dance, physique and worship with other central groups. The Tiv and Bantu
connection which has also been popularized by an indigenous author, Gbor (1978)

and other linguist studies are inadequate in establishing Tiv origin. Apart from the

Bantu theory, another theory upon which the Tiv origin is based is the family

theory. This oral tradition has been documented by Rubingh (1969) and Ihembeato

(1987). The theory traces all Tiv to one man, thus members of a single family. The

mainstream historical tradition, asserts that the man named Tiv was the ancestor of

the Tiv ethnic group who was identified as father of all. The genealogy of the

group is hinged on two of his children, “Ipusu (uncircumcised) and Ichongo

(circumcised).” All Tiv today are believed to descend from these two sons of Tiv

through who are linked to the Tiv family tree. They are said to have originally

come from Cameroon, and settled in the Benue region in Nigeria in the 17 th

century, affected, as most people, by the intrusive and violent Muslim Fulani

horsemen (Anon, 2009). Another version of the oral tradition has it that the Tiv

migrated eastwards of Africa and crossed the river congo on a mysterious bridge

formed by a snake called emerald tree boa (green snake) (Ikyarem in Tiv) to their

present abode.

Information on textile production among the Tiv exists in two main forms: oral

and written. The oral form consists largely of testimonies given by current

practitioners as well as other informants who possess some knowledge of the

history and development of the industry. Generally, the trends picked from the

myriad of narrations from this source, indicate a knowledge of textile production

as early as the beginnings of the people‟s remembered history. Key points

concerning the origin, evolutionary stages and metamorphosis of the industry, and

possible sources of influence are also contained in these oral testimonies.

The question of the origins of textile production among the Tiv, in both the spatial

and temporal contexts, is difficult to address with a satisfactory measure of

certainty. Literature on early Tiv history, which is itself quite scanty is compared

to literature on the textile traditions of other Nigerian ethnicities like the Igbo,

Hausa and Yoruba, therefore it is silent on this subject matter. Akiga (1965), the

earliest written insider account of Tiv history and ways of life, acknowledges that

the Tiv produced their own clothing right from their days at Swem Hills, before

their descent and spread over the middle Benue valley at a date not later than the

beginning of the 17th century. Besides this direct averment, Akiga, (1965) further

describes certain practices and ways of life of the Tiv in ancient times, which

tacitly imply the production and use of textiles by the people. Some examples

include consummation of marriages, commemoration of events and occasions of

major significance, and exchange procedures of both commercial and non-

commercial character.

The issue of cloth production among the Tiv is undebatable. According to Anon (2009);
The Tiv possess a rich and diverse cultural heritage which finds
expression in colourful cloths, exotic masquerades, sophisticated
music and dances. Traditional dances of the Tiv have won
acclaim at national and international cultural festivals. These
dances include
Ingough, Ange, Anchanakupa and Swange. The Tiv Kwagh-hir
theatre provides memorable entertainment in its dramatization of the
Tiv folklore and social commentary.
In as much as the Tiv were known to produce a lot of cloths as early as recorded

history, this category of evidence is characterized by temporal and spatial vacuums

that nearly mar its historical authenticity. On the whole, in spite of the myriad of

problems associated with oral historical and ethnographic accounts, which

sometimes put their reliability into question, serious investigation of this subject

matter would not make much progress without their use. Thus, to get at the roots

of the matter, the researcher had undertaken extensive collection of oral historical

accounts and ethnographic evidence from Ushongo, the work of Igirgi (2007) is

the first insider account on the Tiv textile industry that is most detailed. Hence,

much reference is made to his work. Also of much essence is the work of Diogu,

(1989).

In this regard, Southeastern Tivland, in which the cloth making tradition is still

very strong, and where the textile industry is largely extant, incidentally has been

identified archaelolgically and historically as the corridor for the descent of the

Tiv. The indigenous weaving apparatus such as looms, heddles, shuttles, weft

sticks and related paraphernalia, are as traditional as could have been from the

earliest times. The main area of noticeable dilution of the tradition, is the use of

raw materials, especially the yarn, in which case modern factory spun threads have

largely replaced locally spun cotton yarn. It may be useful at this juncture to point

out that, although manifestations of the indigenous textile industry are basically

the same in character all over the land, the details of content and expression seem

to conform to a pattern of locational or regional variation.

However, with reference to operational processes, utilitarian practices, equipment,

materials and products of the industry, the oral information has been very useful,

especially as it has been mainly complementary because, these variables have not

changed fundamentally in form or essence through the years. Be that as it may, the oral
historical and ethnographic accounts, remain the most useful source for fundamental

and detailed information about the history of the textile industry among the Tiv.

As can be observed, Sargent (1975) mentions the use of textiles by the Tiv in the

reference period of mid-19th century. The most useful information that can be

derived from the author‟s work is that, by the mid-19 th century, the Tiv had the

knowledge and use of textiles and perhaps, an insight of some purposes for which

textiles were used. The best clue so far, is the averment by Akiga (1965) that, the

Tiv made and used their cloth since their days at Swem before their descent and

spread over the Benue Valley. Viewing this side by side with the chronological

computations of developments in Tiv history which puts the spread of Tiv over the

Benue valley not later than the beginning of 17 th century AD, it can be suggested

that by the 17th century AD, the Tiv were making and using their cloth.

Corroborative nature of various oral narrations suggests that, the earliest cloth type

produced by the Tiv, were made from bark of trees or other plants. Igirgi (2007)

states that, “the first cloth produced by the Tiv from tree bark was the Nyagba. The

author further asserts that Nyagba (or Anyagba) was non-woven cloth-like material

obtained from the bark of bast of certain local trees. The commonly used trees

were Vambe

(Ceiba pentandra), Kumenduur (Chlorophora excela), Nibiligh (Lannea schimperi),

Akinde Atsewe (Ficus thoningii), Mua (Ficus sycomorus) and Tur (Ficus capsicum)”.
All these tree types have barks that are fibrous and continuous, and used as

clothing material, that is production of clothing types like the Nyagba, Fiesegh-Ki-

Bar and Icha was done using tree bark and other bast fibres. According to Igirgi

(2007), advancement in textile production among the Tiv continued on this note

for a long time. However, with the discovery of cotton (plants) fibres, clothing

types among the Tiv was becoming refined. The first refined cloth type that was

produced from cotton spun yarns was the Tsar-Ikyondo. It is also known as Atsar,

comprised of two distinct strips of cloth. To wear it, one of the pieces was passed

between the legs, with one end terminating at the front around the navel, and the

other end at the back of the waist. The second piece was tied like a belt around the

waist so that it held both ends of the first piece in place. Perhaps, it was because of

its mode of wearing that was given the name

Ibor which translates as pant in English. Tsar-Ikyondo was made on the narrow band

(vertical two-beamed) loom, and it was a narrow band of cloth, probably not more than

15cm wide. This clothing type was used to cover the pubic area and the buttocks of the

wearer.

The Tsar-Ikyondo was replaced with another cloth type known as Bendeh, a small

piece of cloth configured with three arms. It was worn with the first two arms tied

around the waist and knotted at the back, while the third arm was passed in front

of the pubic area, between the legs, to be joined with the other arms at the back.

By virtue of its three-arm configuration, it is most likely that the production of

Bendeh involved stitching with the use of needle and thread. In this connection,

the production of Bendeh can be seen to have marked an increase in the

complexity of Tiv textile technology and dress design. This development could

have led to the acquisition of the ability and skill to produce larger pieces of

cloths. It should be noted that, the art of weaving on looms was the most important

single innovation that launched the textile industry on the path of an irreversible

advance towards unfettered development. This led to the production of both

narrow and large woven cloth types among the Tiv.

Many cloth types started emerging among the Tiv because of availability of hand

spun cotton yarns at the initial stage and later, machine spun yarns. Today cloth

type like Anger, Agbende-a-Kurugh, Ivav-tyo, Swem Karagbe, mule-u-Tiv, Godo,

Gbev-war, Ishundan and Tugudu are produced in large quantities. Both the vertical

and horizontal looms, are utilized in cloth production in Tiv land. It is also

important to note that, the broad loom facilitated the production of more expensive

cloths, while the narrow band loom encouraged the development of sewing skills

and the alternation of patterns. Other innovations in textile production in Tiv land

include the use of readymade (industrial) yarns and imported dye stuff.

2.4 Anger, Agbende-a-Kurugh and Ivav-tyo, Woven Fabrics.

“Chronological computation of evolutions of the Tiv, historically puts the

migration and spread of the Tiv over the Benue valley at a date not later than the

17th century A.D. Lamb and Holmes (1980) report that, Nigeria has a tradition in

the weaving and dyeing of textiles which was of international importance long

before the first Europeans reached the shores of West Africa in the fifteenth

century. By then the relationship between the Kano region where cloth was woven,

dyed, embroidered and tailored, and the nomads of the Sahara who greatly
appreciated this cloth, had been well established. By this time, moreover, we know

that there was an active complex of textile industries based upon the Niger Delta

and the costal lagoons of southwestern Nigeria. “It was around that time, that the

Tiv were producing their early clothing prototypes like Nyagba, Bendeh, Fiesegh-

Ki-Bar, Ibya, Icha, Tsar-Ikyondo and Bendeh. All these clothing photo-types,

usually came in the natural colour of the fibres used in their production” (Igirgi,

2007). The introduction of cloth dyeing, following the discovery of the indigo

plant by the Tiv, gave rise to designed patterns on Tiv cloth types, notably Ivav-

tyo,, Gbev-war and Anger. In order to achieve some level of design on fabrics, the

indigo dyed yarns could only be manipulated with the existing natural white cotton

yarns in the warp and weft directions as the case may be. At this time, the only

colour that was available was the indigo. With invention, some significant cloth

types such as Agbende-a-Kurugh, Anger, mule-u-Tiv, Tugudu, Ishundan and Godo

were produced on the narrow band loom.

2.4.1 Anger Woven Cloth (Plate I)

Anger is a black and white striped plain weave cloth that is produced on the

narrow band loom by the Tiv of the Benue valley (Central Nigeria). The Anger

woven fabric since its invention has become the most important woven fabric of

the Tiv. Hence its adaption as the cultural symbol of the Tiv (Tyorumun, 2008).

Akiga (1965) and Atagher (2006) also identify the Anger as one of the most

important legal tender in Tiv land before the introduction of money. Thus, the

importance of Anger woven fabric in the history and development of Tiv culture

and economy cannot be over emphasized. This position further lends credence to
the study. Oral tradition has divergent reasons for the patterns of Anger which

seem to conflict with each other. According to Ingyur26, the pattern is derived from

the striped pattern of the body of the tiger (Anyam). The bravery exhibited by the

Tiv during their wars of conquests as they migrated from the Cameroons, is equal

to the strength of the Tiger. Therefore, the strip pattern is adapted on Anger. Ikpa27

on the other hand posits that the strip pattern is derived from the body of the

Zebra. The author disagrees with the notion in some quarters that, the black and

white colours of Anger fabrics are symbolic. According to Ikpa27, the colours are

chosen for the mere beauty. Saaka (2010) points out that, in an interview at the

village compound of Tse-Dzurgba, the most reputable Tiv textile industrial site,

Ifam submitted that the progenitor of the Tiv race died in a mysterious fire

accident in the bush. For this reason, the cloth is produced by his children

depicting a combination of black and white, representing the ashes obtained as a

result of the burnt body of their ancestor, whose burnt body was said to be black

and white. The issue of the strip patterns of Anger fabric from logical thinking,

archaeological and anthropological activities on the Tiv, cannot be said to be of

any particular significance, but a happenstance.

 Plate I: A Sample of Anger
Source: Snapped Photograph by Ligom, (2015).

2.4.2 Agbende-a-Kurugh Woven Fabric (Plate II)

Agbende-a-Kurugh is a black and yellow striped plain weave products of the

narrow band loom. The weave is balanced in agreement with Sandstrom (1979)

who states that, “plain weave could either be warp faced, weft faced or balanced”.

“The strips are sewn together to achieve any width or length of cloth desired. The

fabric is aesthetically outstanding, usable by both sexes, but preferred by women,

and suitable for a variety of occasions” (Igirgi, 2007). It is worthy of note here

that, the warp and weft yarns used for the production of Agbende-a-Kurugh fabric,

are a combination of black and yellow colours. Woven on the narrow band

horizontal loom, the size of each strip (tsar) of cloth is about twelve centimetres

(12cm) in width, and two hundred and thirteen point thirty-six centimetres

(213.36cm) in length. The strips are stitched together to form a complete Agbende-
a-Kurugh cloth. The number of strips (atsar) sown together, determine the size of

the fabric. Example of Agbende-a-Kurugh of 12 or 14 strips

(Atsar pue kar ahar or pue kar Anyiin), can also be sown together to determine the size.

Plate II: A Sample of Agbende-a-Kurugh

Source: Snapped Photograph by Ligom, (2015).

2.4.3 Ivav-tyo Woven Cloth (Plate III)

The cloth named Ivav-tyo, which can literary be translated as (wound-on-the-

buttocks). Igirgi (2007) states that, is a special cloth type for the women folk

which is suitable for ceremonial and special occasions, is designed in a vertical

navy blue pattern at the right and left edges, two semi-circles at the top and bottom

edges and a big navy blue circle at the buttocks area. The white pattern at other

areas distinguishes the portion of the cloth that covers the buttocks area (see plate

III).

The two smaller semi-circles in navy blue at the two top and down edges of the

cloth are arranged in such a manner that the white area of the cloth forms another
beautiful design that gives the cloth a unique appearance. The colour combination

of this cloth type is complementary and it gives the wearer a unique, substantive

and distinguished outlook both by the young and old. The head-tie of the cloth is

also designed in the same form. The cloth is most preferred when woven with

local Tiv cotton wool. This is because it is thicker and coarse, as such it looks

more traditional than that which is woven with factory made thread. It can be

produced on vertical or horizontal loom. Colour of the fabric depends on the

natural colour of the yarn, which in the case of cotton is usually white. The colour

patterns of Ivav-tyo, results from the use of dyes (mainly the Indigo) and could be

determined by the particular method employed to dye the cloth. If woven on

narrow band loom, the strips of cloth (Atsar-a-Ikondo) measuring about 12cm are

sewn together to produce a complete Ivav-tyo, fabric. The size used by women as

wrapper usually measure eight strips (Atsar Anieni).

Plate III: A Sample of Ivav-tyo

Source: Snapped Photograph by Ligom, (2015).
 2.5 Types of Looms Used by Ushongo Hand Cloth Weavers

According to Igirgi (2007), “basically, any apparatus that can be used for

stretching a warp can be referred to as a loom.” It is not quite clear when looms

made their first appearance in the Tiv textile industry. However, Lamb and

Holmes, (1980) state that, the use of the vertical loom by men in some parts of the

country for the weaving of raffia or cotton, and the use, also by men, of horizontal

ground looms in certain rather remote corners of eastern Nigeria was by the

beginning of 16th century if not considerably earlier. Therefore one can say that,

the Tiv probably acquired the knowledge and practice of the use of the loom

around that time. Elsewhere in the Nigeria region, the weaving of cloth on looms

has been documented among the Hausa of Zaria, Katsina and Kano as early as the

12th century AD. Similar documentations have been made of the Yoruba, Benin,

Ebira, Nupe and Kanuri, all of who have textile traditions predating 15 th century

AD. Lamb and Holmes (1980) and Igirgi (2007) opine that the two main types of

manual looms being used by hand cloth weavers include: the vertical and the

horizontal looms. These are similar to the types found in other parts of the world,

Nigeria and Ushongo Local Government Area in particular.

2.5.1 The Vertical Loom (Figure 1)

Several authors have reported on the vertical loom as seen from Nigerian

traditional perspective, few of which include; Ali (1986), Clarke (2003) and Ada

(2006). Their reports agree that, the vertical loom is complex in construction when

compared to the horizontal loom, and is operated traditionally among the weaving

cultures of Nigeria. Ali (1986) describes vertical loom as a rectangular wooden

frame either learned against the wall of a house or a tree trunk, or dug into the

ground in a room or outside the compound or a house. In agreement with the

general observations about its structure, the author states that this type of loom, is

rectangular in nature with two horizontal cross beams, one at the upper and other

at the base of the frame respectively. Ali further explains that, the vertical bars are

either cut from locally available wood or simply from tree trunk.

As can be observed, Lamb and Holmes (1980) as well as Ali (1986) remark that the

smooth surface of the palm bamboo straw is ideal for warp laying on the horizontal

cross beams of traditional vertical loom. Usually, two long sticks (wood) of about 1.3

meters each, may be chosen with a diameter of about 6cm for the vertical bars. Other

material required is rope or twine to tie the horizontal cross beams to their respective

vertical bar positions which have been marked.

Ada (2006) states that, “other accessories of the vertical loom include: two sword

- like cross sticks, the temple, sword - like beater, long flat shuttle, hecking sticks

and twine or yarns”. Diogu (1989), in agreement avers that, “this type of loom, is

the oldest type of loom used by the Tiv (Ushongo) of Benue state”. In the author‟s

views clothing types like Gbagir, Chado and Bendeh to mention a few, are

produced on this type of loom. Diogu (1989) further lists the loom accessories to

include: A loom frame made of two wooden poles (bars), two wooden poles of

about six centimeters in diameter which serve as warping frames, yarns, shuttles,

the beater, two flat sticks which serve as the heddle and shed sticks. Others are

some heavy cords for lashing the loom bars to the frame, several meters of fine
cord for making the heddles, and two smooth and round sticks of about ninety

centimeters long which serve as loom bars.

Figure I: Vertical Loom

Source: Ada (2006).

2.5.2 The Horizontal Loom (Figure 2)

The description of a horizontal loom by several authors among whom are Lamb

and Holmes (1980), Adeniran (1983), Kparevzua (1983), and Adetero (1986,) is

similar to almost all traditional horizontal looms commonly found with many

communities in Nigeria. Kparevzua (1983) and Ada (2006), describe a horizontal

loom as the loom with basic shapes of the narrow band structure that often varies

only in relatively minor details from one ethnic group to other. These variations

can be observed in the size of their reed, construction materials and type of cloth

woven on them. The important point about the size of a reed in this loom is that, it

determines the width of the cloth. Eicher (1976), Lamb and Holmes (1980) remark
that, “horizontal loom produces long strips of cloth with varying widths. The strip

when measured to a desired length, is cut and sewn together to form a big piece”.

The origin of the narrow band horizontal loom, like that of the vertical loom among the

Ushongo people could not be ascertained. However, Igirgi (2007) reveals that,

“reconstructions based on oral historical accounts indicate that the looms were of

rectangular wooden framework (daar) which supported the reed, and two heddles

(Atumba-a-Ikyondo). Other components include two treadles (Ikpande) controlled

with the feet, a beater (chife) and a bobbin shuttle (Akusha)”. Igirgi (2007) and

Dzurgba (2007) also reveal that, “the narrow band horizontal loom is at present the

most popular loom used by Tiv people”. The loom is used for production of

narrow band clothing types like Agbende-a-Kurugh, Ivav-tyo,, Anger and others.
 Figure II: Horizontal Loom
Source: Ada (2006).

2.6 Weaving Centres in Nigeria

There are numerous weaving centres in Nigeria. Some of the weaving centres can

be found in Igbo land producing Akwete cloths. The Akwete cloth, according to

Anicho “is a native of Akwa Division of present Abia State. Akwete cloth was

introduced by a woman known as „dada Nwakata‟ who was famous for producing

the finest Akwete cloth of her own time.”

According to Lamb and Holmes (1980), there are women weaving centres

throughout Yorubaland. They are found in Ogun, Oyo and Kwara states. The

southwest confluence area, stretching from eastern Kwara state into northern Edo

state, which is one of the richest of all Nigerian weaving areas both in the number
of its weavers and in the diversity of the cloth which they produce. The main

weaving centres in this area, are in and around Okene, Amure, Igara, Ososo and

Kabba. Also, to Lamb and Holmes (1980), some of the ethnic weaving zones in

Nigeria include; the Angas, Nupe, Eloi and Gobari, Chadic group, Kanuri, Waja,

Kilba, Bata, Margal, Nzagi, Hausa, Tiv, Bumu, Jukum, Mumuye and Aworo. As

reported by Dzurgba (2012), Dzurgba village is one of the largest weaving centres

for Tiv traditional textile, while some of the weaving centres can be found in

Mbayegh, Mbagwaza, Mbagbe and Atirkyese in Ushongo Local

Government Area.

2.7 Functions of Hand Crafted Woven Fabrics

There is a general belief in the African art and crafts production practice that art

works are produced to meet the various needs of the society such as socio-

economic, historical, cultural and technological development. Therefore, Anger,

Agbende-aKurugh and Ivav-tyo, woven cloths are not left out. Nasir (1995),

believes that, “the functions of art generally in any society are tailored towards

providing socio-cultural and economic needs of the society”. According to

Polakoff (1994) and Ada (2010), textiles from their traditional times to the modern

age, have played major roles in the socio-cultural, economic and technological

wellbeing of many parts of this country. Generally in Nigeria, apart from

ceremonies, woven textiles were and are still articles of trade. Lamb and Holmes

(1980) report that, “it was found out that Turkudu type of Nigerian hand woven

narrow strip cloth was found on sales as wholesale and retail stock in Niamey,
Capital of Niger Republic as far back as 1977.” The authors further state that, “in

the fourteenth century we know that rolls of strips of cotton cloth were being used

as currency in Borno; and by that time the trade links between the weavers and

dyers of the Kano region and the Tuareg and other nomads of the Sahara had been

well established.” Kparevzua (1983) observes the role of Nigerian traditional

cloth. The author notes that, “hand woven fabrics serve as articles of clothing,

trade and cultural heritage of the people”. The author however, observes that, “it

would be difficult to adequately estimate the importance, and role of traditional

crafts in the domestic, social, economic and religious aspects of the people‟s lives

in West Africa”. Some hand crafted woven fabric also serve as a source of fabric

design inspiration both woven and printed fabric production. Babalola (1998)

reveals that, “Kwara textile mills in Ilorin, utilize and emulate design from hand

crafted woven fabric, produces a variety of Yoruba Aso-Oke cloth for the

contemporary local and international markets using industrial looms”.

These assertions are applicable to Ushongo people who are the case study here.

Apart from protecting the body, textiles evolved over time to gain importance in

the satisfaction of man‟s aesthetic need of body adornment. Chilver (1961) and

Igirgi (2007) agree that, even textiles, especially Anger, Agbende-a-Kurugh, Ivav-

tyo, were initially used in Tiv land as a symbol of social stratification. It is on the

basis of the above that, the Tiv textiles industry provides a means of social

identification through the production of cloth types such as Anger, Agbende-a-

Kurugh, Ivav-tyo,, Gbagir, Kwashi, Gbev-war and Ashira, which indicates the

status of the wearer. For instance, Shagba-Kwase (woman of abundance) would

normally be dressed in expensive cloths like Ivav-tyo, Ishundan, Agbende-a-

Kurugh and Kwashi. Most Tiv clothings are gender sensitive, but the Anger fabric

which is by far the most popular Tiv cloth is gender friendly. It is an average cloth

for both men and women, and volumes of the fabric can be freely seen at social

gatherings.

2.8 Socio-economic Impacts of Weaving

According to Igirgi (2007), “economy generally refers to the complex of human

activities that concern the production, distribution and consumption of wealth, and the

use of nature‟s resources to satisfy the needs and desires of man”. In specific reference

to economic functions of Anger, Agbende-a-Kurugh and Ivav-tyo, fabrics considered in

this study, Igirgi (2007) asserts that, “the Tiv textile industry, the assessment of its

impact on the economy has focused on five main activity areas: industrial and

entrepreneurship development; economic diversification, establishment of a

commercial network and trade relations, creation of opportunities for sustainable

livelihood and income generation as well as wealth accumulation”.

2.8.1 Industrial and Entrepreneurship Development

Anger, Agbende-a-Kurugh and Ivav-tyo, woven cloths are popular and most

important cultural cloth type of Tiv as attested to by Tyorumun (2008). Their

production have played a central role in shaping the industrial entrperneurship

capability of the Tiv society in general. The activities of the early textile producers

provided the basis upon which later achievements in the industry were founded.
For example, though the production of clothing began with the use of naturally

occuring configurations which required only minimal modification to meet

utilitarian needs, the evolutionary sequence of the industry later led to relatively

more complex process such as the preparation of yarn from plant fibres;

fabrication of machinery based on sound scientific knowledge and principles as

well as the acquisition of highly cloth weaving (Igirgi, 2007). This shows that the

spirit of enterprise is alive and active in the society.

2.8.2 Economic Diversification

The economy of the Tiv, according to Ahire (1993), Gbor (1993) and Atagher

(2006), is predominantly agrarian in nature. No wonder then, that the early

industrial capabilities of the Tiv were shaped by agricultural challenges. Other

traditional artisanal skills like ceramic production, wood and raffia works, basketry

or textiles all played supplementary economic roles to agriculture. Although textile

production featured later, its multi varied socio-economic ramifications portended

a greater propensity of leading in the area of economic diversifications. In fact,

Bohannan (1968) among other scholars on Tiv economy, indicate that, “before

money economy was introduced in Tiv land, cloth served as a valuable medium of

exchange (cloth money) with clothing types like the Anger and Tugudu playing

leading roles”.

According to Hir (2009), the textile industry has blossomed dramatically among

the Tiv, especially nowadays when many occasions demanding traditional attires

are on the increase, thus increasing its market share. The author further states that,
“the Anger fabric is the most notable of the clothing types that have created a local

economy for the people.” Hir (2009) notes that, “though these textiles are now

marketed in urban centres like Makurdi, the Benue State capital (probably for easy

accessibility) by lovers of the native fabrics, the traditional Tiv settlements remain

important places where the trade takes place”. This is not far from the belief of

most of these patrons that, quality comes from such quarters. This is applicable to

Ushongo people as the textile industry has become one of the major sources of

income generation in the area.

2.8.3 Commercial Network and Trade Relations

The production of the indigenous clothing types of the Tiv has since facilitated the

establishment of commercial networks and trade relations that have gone beyond

local boundaries. Textiles along with other local products played a crucial role in

the establishment of major markets in Ushongo. As reported by Atagher (2006),

“old market centres like Adikpo, Tsar, Aga (Jato-Aka), Zaki-Baim, Ugba, Annune,

Buruku, lessel and a host of others, emerged as a result of trade in local

commodities”.

On a more elaborate note, Atagher (2006) identifies the following as important early

trade routes:

i. Adikpo – Buruku – Gbajimba –

Keana ii. Makurdi – Abinsi –

Ihyugh – Ogoja iii. Obudu – Adikpo

– Katsina-Ala iv. Akpagher –

Buruku – Katsina-Ala

The author notes that, “all these trade routes served as supply channels for Tiv

products (textiles inclusive), as well as to obtain goods that were not locally

available like iron, billets and items of high utilitarian value (salt, palm oil and

spices). Apart from serving as commercial network, these trade routes also availed

an opportunity for the Tiv to acquire knowledge and skills from other societies,

which contributed significantly towards the enrichment of the economy and

culture of the Tiv”. In the case of textiles in particular, the contact with the Hausa

and the Jukun on the northern axis of the Tiv country, influenced (enriched) the

fabrication of machinery and configuration of clothing types in no small measure.

2.8.4 Opportunities for Sustainable Livelihood and Income Generation

The economy of the Ushongo people, though largely agrarian in nature like any

other Tiv society, has the traditional textile industry as a viable supplement.

Talking about the factors of sustainable livelihood and income generation via

indigenous textiles among the Tiv, Hir (2009) reports that, “it is one of the most

noticeable areas of the impact of the industry on the economy of the Tiv society”.

2.9 Historical Significance and Socio-Cultural Importance of Weaving

Tradition to the People in Ushongo Local Government Area

Textiles industry of most societies often assumes phenomenal dimensions. Besides

the fundamental function of protecting the body against the elements, textiles
evolved over time to gain importance in the satisfaction of man‟s aesthetic need of

body adornment.

Igirgi (2005), “historically beautiful fabrics and elegant attires have always been

venerated. They are regarded with respect by people of most varied cultural

backgrounds; they bring pleasure through beauty and craftsmanship and their

historical and social significance. Persons of esteem everywhere, honour each

other with gifts of intricately fashioned textiles and national dress as non-verbal

attributes of the highest order. In addition, fabrics are a direct way people could

relate to cultures”.

It is, therefore, not surprising that the textile industry has invented a vast array of

clothing items not just for covering the body but also for suitability of particular

times, events and occasions. It is in this light that the researcher has delved into the

historical significance and social-cultural importance of Anger, Agbende-a-

Kurugh and Ivav-tyo, fabrics to the people of Ushongo Local Government Area,

such as social stratification, gender differentiation and commemoration.

2.9.1 Social Stratification

Igirgi (2007) states that, “Anger, Agbende-a-Kurugh and Ivav-tyo, woven cloths as

those of other societies, served and still serve as a useful parameter of social

stratification which often implies various dimensions of inequality. The condition

of belonging to a particular class therefore, gives one a social identity. Usually, the

social identity of a person is known by the indices that define his position such as

wealth and material possessions, skill, power and achievement or practice”. Based
on these, Tiv (Ushongo) textile industry provides a dependable means of social

identification through the production of cloth types that indicate the status of the

wearer. In the case of status conferred by excellence in a particular field like

traditional medicine, there are particular cloth types that depict the status of the

wearer. For example, in the past, one of the most common ailments afflicting Tiv

people was Igbe, which was usually symptomized by continuous stooling and loss

of weight. A person who specialized in the treatment of Igbe (Orsoron Igbe) was

therefore highly rated in the society. The symbol of this specialty, was for the

Orsoron Igbe to dress in the cloth type known as Anger u chenge Igbee. No other

person no matter how rich or adept in another field, could wear this cloth type

without undesirable consequences. Although the Orsoron Igbe could wear cloths

used by other persons.

The author further states that, “apart from cloths which depict high social status,

there are those that reflect middle and low social statuses. The Anger (by far the

most popular Tiv cloth) for example, is an average cloth for both men and women,

where status is being assessed on the basis of wealth. Cloth types for average

status women are Ivavtyo,, Agbende-a-Kurugh and others”. It can be seen that the

Ushongo Textile industry invented various cloth types that have helped in the

identification of social categories within the Ushongo society. The correlation

between cloth type and social status has helped in no small way in determining and

regulating social relations among members of the society over the years.
2.9.2 Gender Differentiation

According to Igirgi (2007), tradition right from the early evolutionary stages of the

Tiv textile industry, cloth types tended to be specialized according to sex or

gender. The earliest recognized cloth in Tiv textile history, Nyagba, appears to

have been used mainly by men. Another early clothing known as Fiesegh-Ki-Bar

was also specialized for male use because structurally, it was a pouch designed to

sheath the male private parts. For the female folk, the earliest specialized clothing

was Icha which was also the first dress item, which was made completely from

spun cotton yarn.

The author further states that, even in modern times, cloth types used exclusively by

women are Ivav-tyo, Kumaashe, Pendaityo and others. Yet there are cloths that are

unspecialized and therefore, used by both sexes example Anger. The Anger fabric as

utilized by the Tiv or Ushongo people though gender friendly has a slight bias. The

Anger used by men, is always longer and wider in size than that of the female

gender. This is because, the male gender normally use the Anger to strap it on the

torso allowing it to drape far below the knees while the female only use their type

as a wrapper on a blouse with head gear to match. Hence, the disparity in the size

ratio of the Anger fabric as utilized by the male and female gender is there.

2.9.3 Commemoration

Situations always arise which require commemoration of times, events and

occasions in Ushongo cultural life. Such activities as celebration of achievements,

binding of marriages, observation of cultural phenomena and enthronement to

rulership positions. At these commemorative occasions, Anger, Agbende-a-

Kurugh and Ivav-tyo, fabrics feature prominently in almost all of such occasions.

(i) Celebration of achievement

From available information Gbor (2006), reports that, “celebration of individual

achievement has been part and parcel of the Tiv cultural environment. Tiv

celebrated achievement elaborately through activities which culminated in

memorable social outings that were noted by the entire community”. One most

important of such activities was the „Amar a mirin‟ (feast convention). Here, an

accomplished individual in terms of wealth and material accumulation assumed to

status of „Shagbaor’ (meaning man of abundance). The desire for social

recognition would also spur him to convene and host an arena of his in the

community to perform at an area of his choice where food and drink will be

lavishly used to entertain his guests. All the activities will be rounded up by the

outing of the „Shagbaor‟ (the celebrity). The celebrity will be clad in prestigious

traditional Anger with a cap to match. A decorated skin bag (Ikpa I abolough)

hung over his shoulder and a long shafted lance held in the right hand helped to

give an air of accomplishment to his appearance.

Though the practice of „Amar a mirin‟ is almost extinct in Ushongo culture,

however, it has been replaced with the practice of receptions that are periodically

organized by groups to celebrate their son or daughter who have achieved

politically, educationally and other wise. At such forums, cultural dances are

prominently featured, with elaborate entertainments with food and drinks. Most
significantly, the celebrity is always clad in the same prestigious attire as the

Shagbaor of the yesteryears.

(ii) Binding of Marriages

According to Igirgi (2007), “marriage as a social institution was one of the earliest

avenues where the socio-cultural relevance of Tiv indigenous textile industry

found expression. Long before money economy was introduced in Tiv land,

exchange of substance for substance (trade by barter) was the order of the day and

woven fabrics played a key role”. The author further states that, “before standard

(minted) currencies became common in the 19 th and 20th centuries, clothes featured

as the measure of value for many socio-economic transactions including the

payment of bride price.” Apart from the payment of bride price, gift by the bride

groom to key members (mother and father-in-laws) of the bride‟s family were

used to cement the relationship. These gifts included clothing items such as

“Ikyondo I Terkem” (father-in-law‟s cloth) and “Ikyondo I Ngokem” (mother-in-

law‟s cloth)”. Furthermore, according to Tiv tradition, it was the responsibility of

a man to cloth his wife to prove his capability. In all these transactions and

provisions, cloth types such as Anger and Agbende-a-Kurugh featured

prominently. This practice has persisted in traditional Tiv setting up to date.

(iii) Observation of Cultural Phenomena

Beyond body adornment for the purpose of gender differentiation, social

stratification and commemoration, Ushongo indigenous textile products are also of

great relevance in other aspects of Ushongo socio-cultural life such as initiation

ceremonies and burial

rites.

(a) Initiation

Admission into particular societies, organizations or social categories often

requires going through an initiations process which then confers full membership

on the person initiated. Though the Tiv do not have many secret societies with

restrict membership. Significantly, all the initiation processes were symbolized by

the use of specific textile materials. The most prominent cult that existed among

the Tiv is the „Girinya‟ cult (which is a borrowed culture from the „udam‟ of

Cross River State). Although the affairs of the „Girinya‟ cult are quite secret,

information available reveals that a person who satisfied certain stipulated

requirements was usually initiated, dressed in a traditional cloth which varied from

Anger, Godo, Gbagir or Tugudu, with amulets and a sheathed cutlass as

complementary items. It seems like the activities of „Girinya‟ cultists are

nowadays dwindling in frequency and importance especially as they often

precipitate grave repercussions on the peaceful co-existence and inter-group

relations of the respective communities. Other lesser cults like Veekombo, Akombo

dam and Gberkpugh which feature manifestations of various mystic and

supernatural powers all had textile materials as prominent features of their

initiation processes.
(b) Burial Rites

According to Torkula (2004) and Ushe (2007), human burial is the most solemn

cultural event among the Tiv. In Tiv worldview, the death of a human being is

much more a spiritual than a physical happening. As such, the Tiv observed burial

with absolute solemnity, reverence and dignity. This may explain why final

interment was always preceded by a period of mourning. The significance of

textiles materials, especially the Anger in the burial of human beings in the Tiv

society therefore, is not a difficult phenomena to explain. Among the Tiv, an

individual‟s status follows him to his grave. Thus, if an individual had a status that

distinguished him while he was alive, it was customary that he should also be

treated differently in death. Before the advent of coffins and constructed graves, it

was the shroud more than anything else that determined the dignity of a burial.

The Anger fabric played a prominent role in distinguishing the death. In modern

times, apart from expensively constructed graves and coffins for burial in Tiv land,

textiles of no mean value which are referred to by Torkula (2004) as “grave

goods,” are prominent features. Anger more than any other cloth type, is utilized

for such purposes. The corpse is shrouded in the “grave goods” before laying in

the coffin for final interment.

Apart from the use of textiles as “grave goods” in Tivland, it is used by the

relatives of the dead as the „Nyagba’ (a piece of cloth strapped around the belly to

show dejection and despondency).Igirgi (2007) observes that, “as an indication of

mourning a beloved one, Nyagba also depicted defiance of hunger and misery as

eating or any kind of body nourishment was reduced to the barest minimum. The
„Nyagba’ reflected the status of the deceased but more particularly, that of the

mourner”. It can be clearly seen that among all Tiv, textile materials carried

specific connotations of death at the pre-burial, actual burial and post-burial

stages. The use of textile items helped to tell not just who died, but also who his

close relatives were, his status in the society as well as the social standing of those

who he left behind. This practice has persisted among the Tiv or

Ushongo people up to date.

(iv) Enthronement to Leadership Positions

According to Makar (1994), “before the 19 th century, the Tiv society did not have

celebrated rulers in whom political authority was vested. By the beginning of the

19th century or perhaps earlier, clearly defined and more centralized leadership

positions began to emerge. The position of Tor-Agbande (drum chief) is

particularly noteworthy”. The Tor-Agbande was chosen by his own clansmen who

also inaugurated him into office. The occasion for the inauguration was usually

grand and festive with drumming, dance, food, and drinks featuring prominently.

In any case, the inauguration include dressing of the Tor-Agbande in the attire

such as Anger, Mule-u-Tiv, Gbagir or other related cloth types, with

complementary items like decorated skin bag, a cap, a long-shafted lance or a

walking stick. Since then, leadership structures have continued to emerge in the

Tiv society up to the present structure with the Tor Tiv as the Chairman of the Tiv

traditional council. In line with these, Makar (1994) and Gbor (2006) report that,

“the inauguration of chiefs in Tiv land is characterized by dressing the “Tor”

(chief) in attire which symbolized his new status and authority. Interestingly, all
these rulers were inaugurated and celebrated with the symbolic and strategic use of

textile materials especially the Anger”.

Other socio-cultural importance of the Anger, Agbende-a-Kurugh and Ivav-tyo,

fabrics include displays by different cultural troupes in Benue state and at wedding

reception ceremonies as gifts for the couples.

The literature has been relevant to this work by directing the work, but some

findings are in agreement with the researcher‟s findings while others are not. The

discrepancy is that the researcher has discovered what other literature have not

discover such as designs, styles and some functions. These also add to knowledge

or filling the gaps in knowledge.