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Language Science Monographs

Paul H. Voorhis

INTRODUCTION TO

THE KICKAPOO LANGUAGE

INDIANA UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS

 INTRODUCTION TO

THE KICKAPOO LANGUAGE

RESEARCH CENTER FOR THE LANGUAGE SCIENCES

INDIANA UNIVERSITY

Thomas A. Sebeok Chairman

Andrew Vazsonyi Associate Chairman, Publications

 Paul H. Voorhis

INTRODUCTION TO

THE KICKAPOO LANGUAGE

Published by

INDIANA UNIVERSITY, BLOOMINGTON

 <52-0 . V k to

INDIANA UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS

LANGUAGE SCIENCE MONOGRAPHS

Editor: C. F. Voegelin

Volume 13

Copyright © 1974 by Indiana University

All rights reserved

ISBN 87750-177-7

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 73-620165

All orders from the United States of America and from Canada should be sent to
Humanities Press, Inc., Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey 07716. Orders from all other
countries should be sent to Co-libri, P.O. Box 482, The Hague 2076, The Netherlands.

Printed in the United States of America

 CONTENTS

Preface .vii

[Link]

Introduction .xi

1. Pronunciation: Vowels and Consonants . 1

2. Syllables . 6

3. Pronunciation: Accent and Punctuation. 8

4. Sound Changes.10

5. Sentences: Accent, Punctuation, and Sound Changes.14

6. Inflexion .24

7. Nouns .26

8. Irregular Nouns.41

9. Pronouns .43

10. Relative Words.47

11. Verbs .53

12. Verbs: The Independent Modes .59

13. Verbs: The Conjunct Modes v • 74

252405
14. Verbs: Conjunct Participles.85

15. Verbs: The Interrogative Mode .92

16. Verbs: Interrogative Participles .97

17. Verbs: The Potential and Prohibitive Modes .98

18. Verbs: The Imperative Mode .106

19. Verbs: The Attributive.110

20. Irregular Verbs.111

21. Particles.114
 PREFACE

This is an old-style grammar.

In recent years, several new ways of writing grammars have been proposed,
and it has been claimed that certain facts of a language cannot be presented
elegantly, and that other facts cannot be presented at all, or only with great
difficulty, when the older methods of grammatical description are used.
Accordingly, the reader may wish to know the reason for using an older method
of grammatical description here.
The reason is the following. A grammar written in the old style is
understandable to the greatest number of people. This is because the ability to
read and understand grammars is not usually taught as such in our educational
system, but is acquired only in the course of study of foreign languages. And the
grammatical descriptions in most of the pedagogical textbooks are largely or
wholly written in the older styles. Indeed, this grammar is pedagogical, though it
lacks some of the typical pedagogical aids, such as exercises. For why should a
first grammar of a little-known language be written, if not to impart to the
reader some control over some part of the language?
Of course, it is not expected that this or any other grammar will be
understandable to everyone. But it is hoped that this grammar might at least be
understood by high school graduates with intellectual interests who have
successfully completed courses in the usually studied European languages.
The reader may wonder in what ways the deficiencies of the older
methods have affected this presentation.
To the extent that the older methods are inelegant, this presentation is
also inelegant. This deficiency is justified, if at all, by the aim stated above,
namely, that the grammar should be comprehensible to non-linguists. It is
assumed that the linguists will be able to understand it too, and that they can
convert the data that are given into more elegant statements according to their
needs.
That some aspects of a language are difficult or impossible to present in
the older styles will be neither proven nor disproven in this grammar. For this is
only an introduction to the Kickapoo language. The whole of the language is not
to be found in these pages. And the part of the language which is discussed here
is just that part of a language which is traditionally covered in the old grammars.
(An earlier attempt to describe some parts of Kickapoo grammar is Paul Voorhis,
Kickapoo Grammar, Yale University doctoral dissertation, 1967. The present
work is a wholly new undertaking, and was prepared with almost no reference to
the dissertation.)
 A CKNO WLEDGMENTS

My main informant was Alice Abraham. Without her intelligence, patience,

and skill as a teacher, this account would be much more defective, and without
the friendship of her and her family, my life and my wife’s and son’s would be
that much poorer.
James Wahpepah taught me my first words and sentences in Kickapoo. His
insight into linguistic structure and his interest in this work would have made it
both pleasurable and profitable to work with him further had not his many
other duties intervened.
In addition, the following persons gave anything from a few words in the
course of conversation to fairly extensive material: Lucille Birdcreek, Francisca
Garcia, Jonas Johnson, Emma Murdock, George Murdock, Lawrence Murdock,
James Howard Roubidoux, Susie Salazar, Mary Tecumseh, Elizabeth Trevino,
Simon Trevino, Herman Wahpekeche, and Charley White. This material, though
sometimes brief, often contained vital forms for the clarification of some point
of analysis.
I wish to express here my extreme gratitude to Alice Abraham, James
Wahpepah, and the others listed above, as well as to many other Kickapoo
people who had no occasion to help me with the language, but whose hospitality
and friendship made working and living among them an unforgettable pleasure,
and especially to Francisca Garcia, who took us into her home in Nacimiento.
I am very grateful to Yale University, to The American Council of Learned
Societies, and the Smithsonian Institution, for financing portions of my investi¬
gation of the Kickapoo language.
The book has been published with the help of a grant from the Social
Science Research Council of Canada, using funds provided by the Canada
Council. In addition, Brandon University has borne part of the cost of
publication. For both of these contributions, I am deeply grateful.
I wish to thank Floyd Lounsbury for directing my doctoral dissertation,
Charles Hockett for comments on that dissertation, and Ives Goddard for
comments on an earlier draft of this work.
I am especially thankful to my wife, Ruth, for the skillful and critical
preparation of the final typescript of this work, to our five-year-old son, David,
for his patience while his mother was typing, and to the Nishnawbe Institute in
Toronto, for providing time and congenial circumstances for the completion of
this study.
 INTRODUCTION

The Kickapoo language is the native language of Kickapoo Indians. Most

of the Kickapoo speakers live in Nacimiento, Coahuila in Mexico, and between
Shawnee and Jones, Oklahoma in the United States. The Kickapoo language is
the usual medium of communication among young and old alike in Nacimiento,
where there are very few residents other than Kickapoos. The language is also in
regular use in Oklahoma among many of the Kickapoos, but there are also
Kickapoo speakers who usually speak English, and there are persons, mostly
under twenty years of age, who speak and understand only English, although
their parents can speak Kickapoo.
A few Kickapoo speakers live elsewhere. The language was formerly in use
among Kickapoos near Hiawatha, Kansas; a few speakers may survive. In other
places there are scattered individuals and families who have moved away from
Nacimiento or from the Oklahoma community. Total Kickapoo speakers are
perhaps between 500 and 700, and the language is a member of the Algonquian
family of languages.
Speakers of the Kickapoo, Sauk, and Mesquakie or Fox languages say that
these three are for the most part mutually intelligible, and also that the native
cultures of the three groups are very similar. Many persons report contacts with
speakers of the other two languages where each used his native language. But
some degree of bilingualism or bidialectalism is also present in these com¬
munities, for many persons can cite words from one or both of the other
languages that differ from words in their native speech. And there are
misunderstandings. A tale of misunderstanding between Kickapoos and Mes-
quakies was current among the Mesquakies in 1968. Kickapoos recognize that
the Shawnee, Pottawatomie, Chippewa, and Menominie languages, unlike other
Indian languages with which they have contact, resemble their own language, but
they deny mutual intelligibility with any of these.
The Kickapoo data presented here were gathered between October of
1964 and August of 1965, between October and December of 1966, and
between April and June of 1970. Two weeks were spent in Nacimiento; the rest
of the time was spent in Oklahoma. The main informants have all lived or spent
quite a bit of time in both Nacimiento and Oklahoma, and have had extensive
contact with persons from both places, and dialect differences are not apparent
in their speech. They are all bilingual, some in Kickapoo and English, some in
Kickapoo and Spanish.
 INTRODUCTION TO

THE KICKAPOO LANGUAGE

 1. Pronunciation: Vowels and Consonants

1.1 Letters. The following letters are used here to indicate the pronunciation of
Kickapoo.
Four letters indicate vowels: a, e, i, o.
Eleven letters indicate consonants: p, t, c, k, 6, s, h, m, n, w, y.

1.2 Consonants, p is like French, Spanish, or Italian p, or like the p in English

‘spin’. It is not followed by a puff of breath like the p in English ‘pin’:
pesia cat.
paahkiflenooni they are open.
t is like the t in English ‘sting’, or like French, Spanish, or Italian t, but
with the tip of the tongue behind the base of the upper teeth, as in English,
instead of against the teeth, as in French, Spanish and Italian. It is not followed
by a puff of breath like the t in English ‘tin’:
teepi enough.
tahkiai it is cold.
c is like Spanish ch or Italian c in ‘cinque’. It is not followed by a puff of
breath but it is otherwise like the ch in English ‘child’:
ciipatapino sit down.
caaki all.
Some speakers intermittently pronounce c like the ts in English ‘hats’.
k is like French or Spanish qu, like Italian ch, or like the k in English
‘skin’. It is not followed by a puff of breath like the k in English ‘kind’:
kepahaateani they are closed.
kaata don’t.
6 is like the th in English ‘think’ for many speakers. Other speakers
pronounce it similarly, but with the tip of the tongue behind the base of the
upper teeth instead of between the teeth:
0ee0ee0ikenwi it is dangerous.
0aakici outdoors.
The pronunciation with the tongue between the teeth is more usual in
Oklahoma, and the pronunciation with the tongue behind the teeth is more
usual in Coahuila, but the latter pronunciation is becoming more frequent
among younger speakers in Oklahoma.
s is like the s in English ‘sing’:
2 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

siisiipeehaki ducks.
saaka nine.
A few older speakers pronounce s intermittently or exclusively like the sh
in English ‘she’. That this pronunciation was once more common is perhaps
indicated by the surname Ketcheshahnow from kehcisaanoa (“big Shawnee”).
But today the pronunciation like s is usual, and a characteristic of Kickapoo
English is the substitution of s for sh.
p, t, c, k, 6, and s are intermittently but infrequently voiced, that is,
pronounced like b, d, / or dz, g, th, and z respectively in English ‘be’, ‘do’, ‘just’,
adze’, ‘go’, ‘that’, and ‘buzz’. Some speakers voice these sounds more frequently
than other speakers.
h is like the h in English ‘hat’:
0ee@ahooni scaffold.
meSanohikani paper.

m is like the m in English ‘meet’:

miihkeceia he worked.
moopia automobile.

n is like the n in English ‘note’:

niiswi two.
noedenwi it is cold weather.

w is like the w in English ‘well’:

weeneeha who?
waaSei it is daytime.
niiswi two.

y is like the y in English ‘yes’:

ayesee a long while ago.
yooe formerly.
niihpya I’ll come.

1.3 Vowels, a, when it stands beside a vowel, whether beside another a or

beside a different vowel, is like the a in English ‘father’. Elsewhere it is like the u
in English ‘but’:
aahkamyai it is clean.
anemwa dog.
e is typically like the e in English ‘bed’, though speakers intermittently
pronounce it more like the i in English ‘gift’ when it stands between consonants:
kenataeenemene I want you.
seeski merely.
1 is like the ee in English ‘meet’:
piitikeeno enter.
inenia man.
Pronunciation: Vowels and Consonants 3

o is like the o in English ‘note’, but in Kickapoo the tongue does not glide
up to the oo in ‘boot’ toward the end of the o-sound, as it does in English. It is
like the French au, but in Kickapoo the lips are not as rounded as they are in
French. The tongue is like French au and the lips are like English o when
Kickapoo o is pronounced. Speakers intermittently, though infrequently,
pronounce o like the oo in English ‘boot’:
noohko grandmother (vocative).
penoa he went home.
Vowels are fully voiced, like the vowels in English, with the exception of
the last vowel in a sentence if that vowel is unaccented and followed by a pause.
An unaccented vowel at the end of a sentence before a pause is whispered
after p, t, c, k, 6, or s, and also after w or y preceded by one of these
consonants; the w ory is then also whispered:
niihkaanetike. My friends (vocative).
nifhtiiOe. My (male) friend (vocative).
niiswaapitaki niiswi. twenty two.
nfihpya. I'll come.
An unaccented vowel at the end of a sentence before a pause, together
with any preceding w or y, is murmured (glottalized) after all other consonants,
and after vowels:
nii'hkaane. My friend (vocative).
ohpenya. Potato.
anietei. It is hot weather. (The final i is murmured.)
nekiisineehwaa. I bought him. (The second a is murmured.)
Younger speakers often pronounce a glottal stop (like the sound between
the two syllables of English huh-uh no) before such a murmured vowel, w, or y.

1.4 Consonant clusters. Consonant clusters are hp, ht, he, hk, hm, hn, and sk.
In addition, most of these clusters and most single consonants occur before w
and y:
mehpoi it is snowing.
piihtai in addition.
piihci for a long while.
nepakaanehke I gathered pecans.
iihmiinenaani in order for me to give it to you.
eehniimiki when one danced.
neskiisekooni my eyes.
kepehtoeepwayow said it wrong.
maaneetwi there is a lot of it.
aakwi no, not.
weepenaanwi it is raining.
necaakahweepena we used it up.
4 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

nepaaskehkweamata I have a headache.

niihaskwi/7/ stay behind.
niihpya I’ll come.
ohpenya potato.
kekyahayour mother.

1.5 Vowel clusters. Vowel clusters are almost unlimited:

waieai it is round.
miicia he ate it.
oiiinaki horns.
There is little or nothing of semivocalic glides (w or y sounds) between
vowels in a cluster. The lips and tongue hold the position of each vowel for the
brief moment of its pronunciation, and then move directly to the position of the
next vowel.
This motion of the lips is particularly apparent to the eye when someone
pronounces a long vowel cluster like that in waieai above. The lips are slightly
open for i, a little wider for e, and a little wider still for a.
A cluster of two identical vowels is like a single vowel but extended twice
as long in pronunciation, and a cluster of three identical vowels is like a single
vowel but extended three times as long in pronunciation:
inenia man.
miicia he ate it.
oiiinaki horns.
neweepinaapaatotaado, neeepinaapaatotaado / began to read.

1.6 Rare sounds. In addition to the above, the following letters indicate sounds
which occur infrequently in words from other languages.
d is like the dd in American English ‘ladder’, or like the r in British English
Very’:
adimaanaki Germans,
f is like the / in English ‘four’:
feliipiiha Felipe.
I is like the l in English ‘listen’:
leeci canned milk.
r is similar to ur in English ‘church’, but the tongue is lower in the mouth:
maicrrciaki they went to church.

1.7 Rare consonant clusters. A few consonant clusters occur only infrequently
in words from other languages:
piinkeeheki in Binger, Okla.
wiinteki in Winters, Tex.
istaoohani states.
Pronunciation: Vowels and Consonants 5

1.8 Distributions of sounds in words. In their basic forms, words do not begin
with h followed by a consonant, nor with sk. In their basic forms, all words end
with a vowel.
 2. Syllables

2.1 Identification of syllables. One accent mark is used to indicate pitch,

namely, the acute accent ' . It is written over vowels, called accented vowels.
The accent is not fixed on a certain vowel or syllable in each word, but is
determined by the position of the word in the sentence, and by the nature and
number of syllables in the words of the sentence. So also, the pronunciation of
both accented and unaccented vowels is affected by the nature of the syllables
of words. Therefore it is necessary to identify syllables.
Each vowel which is not next to another vowel forms a syllable of one
vowel:
anemwa dog: a-ne-mwa.
(For Kickapoo, it is not necessary to assign consonants to syllables.
However, for dividing words, all consonants other than h or s before a consonant
can be assigned to the syllable of the following vowel.)
Vowel clusters are divided into syllables as follows.
The last vowel in a word forms a separate syllable of one vowel:
penoa he went home: pe-no-a.
Two vowels standing before the last vowel in a word, or the last or only
two vowels in any other vowel cluster, form a separate syllable of two vowels:
ihkweea woman: ih-kwee-a.
miei road: mie-i.
piitikeeno enter: pii-ti-kee-no.
anfeteizY is hot weather: a-nfe-te-i.
All the vowels preceding those two vowels form separate syllables of one
vowel each:
waieai it is round: wa-i-ea-i.
oiiinaki horns: o-i-ii-na-ki.

2.2 Kinds of syllables. A syllable of one vowel is called a short syllable, and a
syllable of two vowels is called a long syllable. There are two kinds of long
syllables, called strong and weak. Either vowel of a strong syllable can be
accented. Only the second vowel of a weak syllable can be accented.
poohkamaaki Peaches.
poohkamaaki nemiihkemaaki. I picked (harvested) peaches.
Syllables 7

poohkamaaki. In a peach.
poohkamaaki netotenaaki. I took them from a peach (e.g., bugs).
The first vowel of a weak syllable is called an unaccentable vowel. Any
other vowel is called an accentable vowel.
It happens that ei, ea, eo, ai, ae, and ao are always strong, while other
syllables are strong in some forms and weak in others.
When words and parts of words are cited outside of sentences, the acute
accent is written over the first vowel of a strong syllable, and no accent is
written on other syllables:
poohkamaaki peaches.
poohkamaaki in a peach.
Sentences are distinguishable here from words cited outside of sentences
by the fact that sentences end with a period or question mark.
 3. Pronunciation: Accent and Punctuation

3.1 Kinds of accents. Each sentence has at least one accented vowel, and that
vowel is either the third, the fourth, the fifth, or the sixth vowel from the end of
the sentence:
anemwa. A dog.
poohkamaaki. Peaches.
poohkamaaki. In a peach.
aanicik eesimiinaakweeni. I don’t know whether we gave it to him.
aanicik eesimiinaakweeni. I don’t know whether he gave it to him.
This accent is called the primary accent. One or more accented vowels may
occur in a sentence somewhere before the primary accent:
paaseki nepiecapi. I came on a bus.
These accents are called secondary accents. The final vowel of a sentence may
also be accented:
oskfkia? Is he new/young?.
This accent is called an emphatic accent.

3.2 Pronunciation of accented and unaccented vowels. An accented vowel has

high pitch:
(Examples above.)
The pitch of unaccented vowels is determined as follows.
All unaccented vowels between the primary accent and the end of the
sentence have low pitch:
poohkamaaki. Peaches.
paaseki nepiecapi. I came on a bus.
oskikia? Is he new/young?.
The next vowel after a secondary accent has low pitch. If that vowel is
followed by an unaccented vowel in the same syllable, both vowels have low
pitch:

tenaami netotamihekonaanak apenoohaki. My! The children hin¬

dered us.
nesaedipena. We’re hungry.
daakfcii noki netasiacaao. I cooked outdoors today.
twee nah piaki noohki. Later on they came again.
Pronunciation: Accent and Punctuation 9

The pitch of the remaining unaccented vowels in the sentence is

determined as follows.
An unaccented vowel before 6, s, or h has low pitch. If that vowel is
preceded by an unaccented vowel in the same syllable, both vowels have low
pitch:
asi'ci neekaikohkahikaneki n eehpaanaciaan eehkahkidoaani see
kehcin eehpiehpahoonekoaaci. Near the Sand Bridge I went
down and hid and now they came riding near.
All other unaccented vowels have high pitch:
asi'ci neekaikohkahikaneki n eehpaanaciaan eehkahkidoaani see
kehcin eehpiehpahoonekoaaci.
Note that accented vowels are not higher or louder or in any other way
different from unaccented vowels with high pitch. The accent merely indicates
the exceptions in each sentence to the rule that the vowel or vowels of a syllable
before 6, s, or h are low, and all other vowels are high.

3.3 Punctuation. Two punctuation marks are used to indicate the end of a
sentence, and to specify the following pronunciations.
The period, . , after an unaccented vowel indicates that the vowels
between the primary accent and the end of the sentence are lower in pitch than
other low vowels:
paaseki nepiecapi. I came on a bus.
The period after an emphatic accent indicates that the vowel with that
accent is higher in pitch or louder than other high vowels, and that the pitch of
the vowel is level or falling:
kaata nakamohkani. Don’t sing!.
The question mark, ? , after an emphatic accent indicates that the vowel
with that accent is higher in pitch or louder than other high vowels, and that the
pitch of the vowel is rising:
oskikia? Is he new/young?.
The question mark after an unaccented vowel indicates that all the high
vowels (whether accented or unaccented) in the last word or words of the
sentence are higher in pitch than other high vowels. A comma precedes the first
word to contain such vowels:
saaniiheki, kiaki ketoiikipwa? Do you still live in Shawnee,
Oklahoma?.

3.4 Spaces between words. Spaces are written between words in sentences.
They have no phonetic significance:
(Examples above.)
 4. Sound Changes

4.1 Lengthened and shortened vowels. A vowel is sometimes lengthened. This

means that a, e, i, and o are replaced by weak aa, ee, ii, and oo respectively, but
ya, ye, and yo after a consonant are replaced by weak ia, ie, and io respectively,
moopiiki in an automobile from moopi- and -eki.
A weak syllable is sometimes shortened. This means aa, ee, ii, and oo are
replaced by a, e, i, and o respectively, and ia, ie, and io after a consonant are
replaced by ya, ye, and yo respectively:
nemoodeehka I have a toothache from moodeehkaa-.
netakikwaapya I have a cold from akikwaapia-.
Note that long syllables occur only before consonants and final vowels. If
two vowels which form a long syllable before a consonant or a final vowel come
to stand before a nonfinal vowel or at the end of a word, if they are not
otherwise changed, the two vowels are changed as follows.
When two vowels which form a long strong syllable before a consonant or
a final vowel come to stand before a nonfinal vowel or at the end of a word, if
they are not otherwise changed, the two vowels are kept, but they belong to
different syllables.
If the two vowels are followed by a single vowel before a consonant, the
last two vowels form a strong syllable:
nemehtodeenem'ipena we are Indians.
mehtodeenenfia he is an Indian.
nemehto0eenenii / am an Indian.
eehmehtodeeneniiaake when we are Indians.
mehtodeenenifaki they are Indians.
When two vowels which form a long weak syllable before a consonant or a
final vowel come to stand before a nonfinal vowel or at the end of a word, if
they are not otherwise changed, the syllable is shortened.
If the resulting vowel is followed by a single vowel before a consonant, the
two form a strong syllable:
nekeciipena we went out.
keciia he went out.
nekeci I went out.
eehkeciaake when we went out.
keciaki they went out.
Sound Changes 11

These changes are diagrammed below, with “aa” representing the two
vowels which form a long syllable, and with “C” representing a following
consonant, “#” the end of a word, “W” a following vowel before a vowel,
“VC” a following vowel before a consonant, and “V#” a following final vowel:
Strong aa: Weak aa:
aaC, aaV#. aaC, aaV#.
aa#, aaVV. a#, aVV.
aaVC. aVC.
If a long syllable results from shortening a weak syllable after a vowel, that
syllable is strong:
inoea he said so from inoee- and -a.

4.2 Short and brief words. Words of certain shapes are subject to special
changes. These words are called short words and brief words. A word of only
two syllables is a short word when the first syllable is short. (The last syllable of
every word is short.)
see now, already.
isi tell him so, thither, thus, so.
mani this one.
nepi water.
mahkwa bear.
kekya your mother.
nepya I came.
A word of only two syllables is a brief word when the first syllable is long
and weak:
(y)ooe formerly.
piea he came.
aakwi no, not.
niina /.
yoohi here.
niihpya I’ll come.
A word of only three syllables is a brief word when the second syllable is
long and weak, and when the first syllable is short:
ineea he told him so.
nedeea he killed him.
tahkiai it is cold.
aniipi elm tree.
okieni his mother.
me0ooni boat.
sekaakwa all black skunk.
nepieto I brought it.
nesoopye. I’m slightly drunk.
 12 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

4.3 Deliberate and casual style. In careful, selfconscious speech, some words
and phrases are spoken differently from the way they are spoken in speech
which is not careful and selfconscious. Careful, selfconscious speech is called
deliberate style, and speech which is not careful and selfconscious is Called casual
style.
The form of a word or phrase which occurs in deliberate style is called
deliberate, and its equivalent in casual style is called casual. Deliberate forms are
considered more elegant and archaic than casual forms.
Many words have a deliberate form with certain sounds and a casual form
without those sounds. The sounds are said to be dropped in casual style.
In particular, w and y between vowels, or at the beginning of a word, are
often dropped in casual style:
newiiteemekooki, neiiteemekooki they went with me.
weepenaanwi, eepenaanwi it rained.
apahkwaya, apahkwaa cattail reed.
yeetoke, eetoke at the same time.
When w or y are dropped after a long weak syllable, the syllable is
shortened except in a brief word:
konepaaciheewa, konepaacihea he pestered him.
netenaawa, netenaa I said so to him.
keneewi, keneeiyou saw me.
When two vowels form a long syllable after w or y is dropped between
them, that syllable is strong:
neeneewaa, neneaa I saw him.
paahtaayai, paahtaai it is broken.

4.4 wii, wee, and waa in casual style. Probably wii, wee, and waa after a
consonant other than k or h are replaced by oi, oe, and oa respectively in casual
style.
The resulting sequence with o is the same syllabically as the sequence with
w which it replaces, namely disyllabic or monosyllabic, and if the latter, strong
or weak.
The difference between the sequences with w and those with o is easily
heard after k and h, and the sequences with w are retained unchanged in all
styles:
netaahkweepena. We are angry.
nenoohkoe seeski. I merely repeated it.
nekehkahwaaki. I specified them.
wacaahoaki. They cooked.
After other consonants the difference is slight, but the sequences with w
seem to be retained unchanged in deliberate style:
Sound Changes 13

nepwaamani. My thighs.
naahpoanini. The things which you took along to eat.
kekoohkoosemwaaki. Your pigs.
saakweenemoaki. They don’t want to.
nemenweeneta menoeni. I like drink.
menoeni nemenweeneta. I like drink.
kekwiflwaaki. Your sons.
pienaaSoaki. They were brought.
Presumably, the following occur in casual style:
nepoamani. My thighs.
kekoohkoosemoaki. Your pigs.
nemenoeneta menoeni., menoeni nemenoeneta. I like drink.
kekwidoaki. Your sons.
That the change occurs in casual style is not only evident to the ear, but is
also indicated in the native orthography where the sequences with w and those
with o are often written alike:
menoaki they drink it written menwaki.
oiipitwaani their teeth written owipitwani.
An attempt has been made in the following pages to write only the
deliberate forms of words with wii, wee, and waa after a consonant, but there
may be errors, both with o sequences written for w sequences, and with w
sequences written for o sequences.
 5. Sentences: Accent, Punctuation, and Sound Changes

5.1 Accent in sentences of one word. Sentences of one word are usually
accented as follows.
When single words are spoken alone, as in a discussion of grammar, they
are pronounced with this accent. The primary accent is on the third accentable
vowel from the end of the word:
anerawa. A dog.
poohkamaaki. Peaches.
nemiinaaki. I gave it to them.
poohkamaaki. In a peach.
mifnaapi. It was given to him/them.
If a strong syllable precedes 6, s, or h anywhere before the primary accent,
the first vowel of that syllable has a secondary accent:
o(9aaskwaanehkwea. He is blond.

5.2 Punctuation in sentences of one word. These sentences occur with the
following punctuations.
Nonemphatic affirmative sentences take the period without the emphatic
accent:
(Examples above.)
Emphatic sentences are formed with the period and the emphatic accent:
piitikeeno. Enter!.
Yes-or-no questions are formed with the question mark and the emphatic
accent:
oski'kia?/s he new /young?.

5.3 Sound changes in sentences of one word. In casual style, h is dropped

before the last vowel in a sentence if that vowel is unaccented:
soonlaai. Money.
omeOootaanai. His parents.
h is kept in all styles before the last vowel in a sentence if the vowel is
accented:
soomaahl? Money?
inem'ahf? Men?.
Sentences: Accent, Punctuation, and Sound Changes 15

In casual style, h before a vowel is dropped anywhere in the sentence

before the primary accent, and a preceding weak syllable is shortened, but low
pitch on the preceding vowel remains:
kemeehcipaoemwaa., kemeehcipahoohemwaa. Your automobile.

The low pitch is indicated by the grave accent, ' , in the examples above,
but elsewhere only deliberate forms with h retained are written, even where only
the casual forms were heard.
h before a vowel is kept in all styles anywhere in the sentence after the
primary accent except before the last vowel of the sentence:
kemesoohaki. Your grandfathers.
The last or only word in a sentence is subject to the following changes.
These changes are made before the determination of the/place of the accents.
The final vowel of a short word is doubled, and h is inserted between the
two. This h is then dropped when the following vowel is unaccented:
mahkwa bear in the sentences mahkwaa. A bear., and mahkwaha? A
bear?.
The long weak syllable of a brief word becomes strong:
medooni boat in the sentence medooni. A boat., compare
nemedooni. My boat.

5.4 Primary accent in sentences of more than one word. Sentences of more
than one word are usually accented as follows.
The primary accent is on the fourth accentable vowel from the end of the
sentence:
nemano wiidenieni. I bought food.
daakicii noki netasiacaao./cooked outdoors today.
oskikenian omahkedeehani. His shoes are new.
Compare wiidemeni. Food., netasiwacaao. I cooked there.,
omahkedeehani. His shoes.
The fourth accentable vowel from the end of the sentence is sometimes in
the next to the last word in the sentence:
piihcii nah nekiineewaapena nooda. For a long while we stayed there
around my father.
miisi kekyaha. Give it to your mother!.
Compare nooda .My father., kekyaa. Your mother.

5.5 Secondary accent on penultimate and ultimate vowels. A secondary accent

occurs on the next to the last vowel of the first word in the sentence:
paasdki nepiecapi. I came on a bus.
kededeeha nemiinaa. I gave it to your older brother.
kiihmanopena iidenieni. We 11 buy food.
16 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

nededeeha nepienekonaana nehciimeeha takwii. My older brother

brought me along with my younger brother.
There are several exceptions to this rule.
Sometimes this accent occurs on some word other than the first word in
the sentence, or on more than one word in the sentence:
nekotwaasika eehtadwipepoonweaani nepiapena meehikoohinaak
ocii. When I was six years old we came from Mexico.
aikaadoohikaaneki kiihisienaaki koosiilmaki. Take your grand¬
children to the movie theater.
If this secondary accent occurs with a short word, or with a brief word of
two syllables, the last vowel, instead of the next to the last vowel, is accented:
teepi nemanopena iihmuciaake. We had enough to buy what we II
eat.
aakwi nenohtaaki. I didn’t hear him.
iini see papyai eehasfmeci. And now he put us elsewhere.
Compare the treatment of kiaki still which is not a brief word because the
long syllable is strong:
kiaki man akikwaapyea. This one still has a cold.
kiaki yooh aia. He is still here.
The secondary accent cannot occur if a primary accent occurs on the
following accentable vowel:
kemiisi neehkaki. You gave it to me yesterday., not kemiisi
neehkaki.
aakwi mifnenaake. We didn’t give it to you., not aakwi miienaake.
Sometimes the secondary accent is lacking in a sentence where it could
occur:
maaneetooni pakaanani. There are a lot of pecans.
aikaadoohikaaneki kiihisienaaki noosidemaki. Take my grand¬
children to the movie theater.
Note that the accent merely indicates an exception to the rule that a
syllable has low pitch before 6, s, or h, and high pitch before all other
consonants. Where the secondary accent would precede a consonant other than
Q, s, or h, and where the following syllable precedes 6, s, or h, the presence of
the accent cannot be detected, for it does not provide an exception to the rule:
aakwi mehkamaaki. / didn’t find it for him. with aakwi?
Compare aakwi nenohtaaki. I didn’t hear him.

5.6 Secondary accent on strong syllables. If a strong syllable precedes 6, s, or h

anywhere before the primary accent, and if the secondary accent described above
neither occurs on the strong syllable nor on the vowel preceding the strong
syllable, then the first vowel of the strong syllable has a secondary accent:
se eehnaahkweeki katai. It was not almost noon.
Sentences. Accent, Punctuation, and Sound Changes 17

5.7 Punctuation in sentences of more than one word. Sentences of more than
one word occur with the following punctuations:
Nonemphatic affirmative sentences take the period without the emphatic
accent:
(Examples above.)
Emphatic sentences are formed with the period and the emphatic accent:
miisf kekyaha. Give it to your mother!.
Yes-or-no questions are formed with the question mark without the
emphatic accent.
The word in question takes a secondary accent on the third accentable
vowel from the end of the word, and is followed by the comma:

kemenweenetaapwa, nemahkedeehani?, nemahkedeehani,

kemenweenetaapwa? Do you like my shoes?
A short word before the comma takes a secondary accent on the first
vowel:
mani, eesikita? One like this?.
The long weak syllable becomes strong in a brief word before the comma:
medooni, kiisineehamooki? Did they buy a boat?.

5.8 Sound changes in sentences of more than one word: I. Sentences of more
than one word are subject to the same sound changes as sentences of only one
word:
In casual style, h is dropped before the last vowel in a sentence if that
vowel is unaccented:
nemiinaa kededeea. I gave it to your older brother.
h is kept in all styles before the last vowel in a sentence if that vowel is
accented:
miisi kekyaha. Give it to your mother!.
In casual style, h before a vowel is dropped anywhere in the sentence
before the primary accent, and a preceding weak syllable is shortened, but low
pitch on the preceding vowel remains:
kededea nemiinaa. I gave it to your older brother.
kemesoaki nemiinaaki. I gave it to your grandfathers.
n einaki. I told him so then.
The low pitch is indicated by the grave accent, , in the examples above,
but elsewhere only deliberate forms with h retained are written, even where only
the casual forms were heard.
h before a vowel is kept in all styles anywhere in the sentence after the
primary accent except before the last vowel of the sentence:
miinea odedeehani. He gave it to his older brother.
n eehici. He said so then.
18 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

The last or only word in a sentence is subject to the following changes.

These changes are made before the determination of the place of the accents.
The final vowel of a short word is doubled, and h is inserted between the
two. This h is then dropped when the following vowel is unaccented:
oskikia nekyaa. My mother is young.
miisi kekyaha. Give it to your mother!.
The long weak syllable of a brief word becomes strong:
piihcii nah nekiineewaapena nooda. For a long while we stayed there
around my father., compare nepeenian oodani. His father is
sleeping.

5.9 Sound changes in sentences of more than one word: II. In addition, any
word other than the last or only word in a sentence is subject to the following
changes.
A long weak syllable is shortened before the final vowel of a word:
ihkwea nemiinekwa. A woman gave it to me., compare miinea
hkweea. A woman gave it to him.
The final or initial vowel of a word may be dropped according to the
following rules.
The final vowel of a word is dropped before e, a, or o:
menwiteeheaki they are glad:
menwiteeheak eehneewi'ameci. They are glad to see us.
yoohi here:
yooh aia. He is here.
aakwi no, not:
aakw oskikeki. It’s not new.
kehcine near:
kehcimaskiekwii nahi kehcin ahteei. There is a big lake near there.
(w)iiteemea he went with him:
iiteeme odedeehahi. He went with his older brothers.
Initial i of a word is dropped after a vowel, including i in the last word of a
sentence:

inenia man:
iina nenia. That man.
Initial ii, other than ii replacing wii in casual style, is dropped after a
vowel, and the vowel is lengthened; initial ii in the last word of a sentence is also
subject to this change:
netaapipakaanehkeepena we have been gathering pecans and iinoki
today:
netaapipakaanehkeepenaa noki. We have been gathering pecans
today.
Sentences: Accent, Punctuation, and Sound Changes 19

A final vowel after h in a particle is dropped before a consonant:

taanahi where?'.
taanah ketai. Where are you?.
yoohi here:
yooh netai. I’m here.
meekweehe probably, perhaps:
meekweeh kwiena ni nahinaah iihpeekwahkii. Maybe the ground will
be dry then in time.
weeneehi what? is subject to the same change:
weeneeh neemeki. What did he see?
When the following vowel is dropped before a consonant, the h is not
dropped in casual style.
h is dropped before d, s, or h:
iinahi there:
eetokee na soomahkiihiki . . . Then a little dip in the ground there

A final vowel after h in a particle or in weeneehi is therefore only kept at

the end of a sentence and before dropped i or ii:
meekweehe probably, perhaps:
keeh meekweehee nini. Or maybe that one (obviative).
taanahi where?:
taanai. Where?.
Final vowels of other words are kept before consonants:
aakwi no, not:
aakwi kehkeenetaki. He doesn’t know it.
kehcine near:
kehcme netanemi. I went off a little ways.
mana this one:
mana nepehcienaa. I took this one by mistake.
weeneeha who?:
weeneeha piitikaata. Who came/went indoors?.
a(w)ieehi something:
awieehi netenoe. I said something.
kededeehayour older brother:
ke0e0eeha nemiinaa. I gave it to your older brother.
Vowels are often kept next to vowels contrary to the rules above:

iihmiinaci in order for you to give it to him.

aakw iihmiinaci aiaani. I don’t want you to give it to him.
miinea he gave it to him:
miinea oOedeehani. He gave it to his older brother.
The final i of a prior member of a compound stem, and a following
vowel, are subject to the same changes as the final and initial vowels of words:
20 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

kehci- big:
kehcanemwa. A big dog.
But the final i is kept after h before consonants in particles:
nahi- know how to:
nenahinaapaatotaado. I know how to read.

5.10 The effect of sound changes on accents. When final or initial vowels are
dropped, accents are affected as follows.
The primary accent is replaced on the fourth accentable vowel from the
end of the sentence:
netaapipakaanehkeep£naa noki. We have been gathering pecans today.
Before the last syllable of a sentence, the long weak syllable resulting from
lengthening a final vowel before dropped ii becomes strong:
iihpaipaneskamaanii ni. So that I won’t miss it.
aakwf oo na. That’s not him.
When a final vowel with a secondary accent is dropped, the secondary
accent is replaced on the following accentable vowel:
kaat ooteenekf haahkam., kaata ooteeneki haahkanf. Don’t go to
town!.

5.11 Accentuation of words with casual loss of initial syllables. Short words
and brief words sometimes result from the loss of one or more initial syllables in
casual style. At the end of a sentence, such words are treated like other short
words and brief words:
(kapoo)twee later:
tweee. Later.
But they take the secondary accent on the vowel on which it would occur
if the initial syllables were kept:
were kept:
(pa)kici my!:
kicii ni netenaapamaa . . . My! It looked like him to me . . .
(aa)kwi no, not:
kwf oo n iihnahipaahpi'htamani. You shouldn’t make fun of it.
So also yoohi here takes the secondary accent on the next to the last
vowel, but for yoohi no additional initial syllable has ever been recorded:
yooh netaipena. We’re here.

5.12 Exceptional position of primary accents. There are several exceptions to

the rules for the position of the primary accent given above. Certain sentences of
more than one word take the primary accent on the third, instead of the fourth,
accentable vowel from the end of the sentence.
Sentences: Accent, Punctuation, and Sound Changes 21

These are sentences of two words in which one of the words is one of the
following:
A pronoun with the stem taan- which one?, where is? including taanahi
where? and taanahka where to?.
A pronoun with the stem weeneeh- who?, what?
kasi what?.
iini that when the other word in the sentence is a conjunctive verb:
taana ne0ifmeea. Where is my younger brother?.
taan eesipemaatetfiani. How is your health ?.
taan eenoeeki. How does one say it?.
taanah tasiihkeceia. Where does he work?.
taanahka heewa. Where did he go?.
weeneehaa na. Who is that?. What is that (animate thing)?.
weeneehii ni. What is that (inanimate thing)?.
weeneeha piitfkaata. Who came/went indoors?.
kasi sfkenwi. Of what sort is it?, What is it like?.
kasi sikiisekatwi. How’s the weather?.
kasi ketesi0o. What is your name?.
n eeheepofleaake. And then we left.
n eehfnaki. I told him /them so then.
Compare iina nefliimeea. That’s my younger brother.
Otherwise these sentences are treated like other sentences of more than
one word, but the secondary accent on the next to the last vowel of the first
word in the sentence was not recorded.
Sentences of more than two words take the primary accent on the fourth
accentable vowel from the end of the sentence in the usual way:
taanii me meOanohikani. Where is that paper?.
weeneeh koonoci noohki neetaeenetamani. What more do you want
again ?.
ai kasi ketenaahpae. Well, what did you dream?.
ni pi siisiipeehani nekot eehne0aaci. And then, it is said, they killed
one duck.
Certain sentences of one word take the primary accent on the fourth
accentable vowel from the end of the sentence.
These are afterthoughts, intended as additions to the preceding sentence:
The female personal name kiisiikaapaahkwa in kiihapwihaapwa
kekya: netenaa. kiisfkaapaahkwa. “Wait for your mother,” I
told her. Kiisikaapaahkwa.
It is not known how afterthoughts are treated when they contain fewer
than four accentable vowels.
22 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

5.13 Noun plus and plus noun. A noun plus and plus a noun is often expressed
by making a separate sentence consisting of one of the nouns. These sentences
are treated in the usual way, with the primary accent on the third accentable
vowel from the end of a sentence of one word:
takwahaani newacaao. pesekidiiwiaa^i. I cooked hominy and deer
meat.

5.14 Sentences not followed by a pause. Sentences are regularly followed by a

pause with one exception, namely, the last sentence of a quotation is regularly
not followed by a pause before the sentence with the quote word say, tell, think,
etc.
Infrequently pauses occur or fail to occur after other sentences in
exception to this rule.
The absence of the pause after a sentence is indicated in writing by a
colon, : , in place of a period or following a question mark:
maamaya nifhpiapena: laki. We’ll come early, ” they said.
noohki?: netekoopi. “Again?”I was asked.
When a sentence is not followed by a pause, the last word in the sentence
is subject to the changes in section 5.9, instead of those in 5.3 and 5.8,
accordingly:
The final vowel of a sentence is dropped before e, a, or o when no pause
intervenes; the position of the preceding primary accent remains unchanged:
eeheenikiteeheeci when he laughed:
n eeheenikiteeheec: aakwi oo na. Then he laughed. “That’s not
him. ”,
i or ii (other than ii replacing wii in casual style) at the beginning of a
sentence are dropped after a vowel when no pause intervenes.
After an accented vowel they are lost without trace, even when they are
accented:
l'aa. He said so.:
piano: aa. He said, “Come here. ”.
iini that:
seeski koh kaahpiihi: n eehiti'aaci. “Just coffee!” they said to one
another.
But an unaccented vowel takes the pitch and accent of the following
dropped i or ii, and is lengthened before dropped ii; this is indicated in writing
by a single apostrophe, ’ , in place of dropped i, and a double apostrophe, ” , in
place of dropped ii:
kiihmaaapatoonenepwa I’ll show it to you:
eehneenemadoci kiihmaaapatoonenepwaa: ”n eehiaani./’/Z show you
where he stood,” I said then.
Sentences: Accent, Punctuation, and Sound Changes 23

h before a vowel is dropped in casual style anywhere after the primary

accent in a sentence not followed by a pause; the pitch of the preceding vowel
remains unchanged:
kaata niin apwiihkeeko: n eehinaki. “Don’t wait for me,” I told
them then, with apwihihkeeko.
Elsewhere only deliberate forms with h retained are written, even where
only the casual forms were heard.
The additional vowel and h are not added to a short word:
kiihapwihaapwa kekya: netenaa. “Wait for your mother,” I told her.
 6. Inflexion

6.1 Stems and affixes. Many Kickapoo words consist of a stem and one or more
affixes.
There are two kinds of stems, namely, nouns and verbs. Nouns occur with
one group of affixes, and verbs occur with another group of affixes. Nouns and
verbs are further divided into different kinds of nouns and verbs.
Other words do not consist of a stem with affixes. These are called
particles. Affixes are prefixes or suffixes. Prefixes precede stems, and suffixes
follow stems.
Inflexion is the description of the putting together of affixes and stems to
make words.
Sounds which are spoken in deliberate style, and omitted in casual style,
are surrounded by parentheses or otherwise specified.
A hyphen in front of a stem or affix indicates that the stem or affix must
be preceded by something else to make a word. A hyphen after a stem or affix
indicates that the stem or affix must be followed by something else to make a
word.

6.2 Personal pronouns. Kickapoo personal pronouns most often occur as

affixes. These affixes are called personal affixes. Personal affixes occur as the
possessors of nouns and as the subjects and objects of verbs.

The first person singular affixes denote the speaker, I, my, me.
The first person plural exclusive affixes denote the speaker and another or
others excluding the person or thing spoken to, we, our, us meaning he, she, it,
or they and I, etc.
The first person plural inclusive affixes denote the speaker and another or
others including the person or thing spoken to, we, our, us meaning you and I,
etc., or you and he, she, it, or they and I, etc.
The second person singular affixes denote a single person or thing spoken
to,you, your referring to one individual.
The second person plural affixes denote a person or thing spoken to and
another or others excluding the speaker, you, your referring to more than one
individual.
Inflexion 25

The third person affixes denote one or more persons or things spoken
about excluding the speaker and the person or thing spoken to.
Third person affixes are animate or inanimate, singular or plural, and
proximate or obviative.
Animate, inanimate, singular, plural, proximate, and obviative affixes
denote persons or things referred to by animate, inanimate, singular, plural,
proximate, and obviative nouns respectively. These different kinds of nouns are
identified below.
English equivalents of the third person affixes are the following.
Animate singular he, his, him; she, her; and rarely it, its when an animate
noun refers to something other than an animal. In the following pages animate
singular third person affixes are often translated just he, his, him, and it must be
borne in mind that she, her and it, its are equally possible translations.
Inanimate singular it, its.
Plural they, their, them.
Animate and inanimate are not distinguished in the plural in English, nor
are obviative and proximate in any forms.
When third person affixes are the same gender (animate or inanimate),
number (singular or plural), or obviation (proximate or obviative) as a noun, the
affixes are said to agree with the noun in gender, number, or obviation
respectively.
The indefinite affixes denote an unspecified person or thing, one, you in
the sense of someone, something, more exactly, French ‘cn’ and German ‘man’.
 7. Nouns

7.1 Genders. There are two kinds of Kickapoo nouns: animate and inanimate
nouns. These two kinds of nouns are called genders. The genders are so named
because all the nouns denoting animals and persons belong to the animate
gender, and most other nouns belong to the inanimate gender. But a number of
nouns denoting inanimate things belong nevertheless to the animate gender:
Animate:
ineni- man.
-ky- mother.
koohkoos- pig.
eenikw-ani.
-hci- arm.
moopi- automobile.
ahkohkw- bucket.
mhn- berry.
sekwaahkw- cedar tree.
anaakw-star.

Inanimate:
a0eny- stone.
ooteen- town.
-nehk- hand,
sked ten-hunger.
medoon- boat.
maate0- knife.
oteemin- strawberry.
mehtekw- tree.
kiisekw- sky.

7.2 Final suffixes. Animate nouns take the following suffixes:

Singular proximate -a.
Singular obviative -ani.
Singular vocative -e.
Plural proximate -aki.
Plural obviative -ahi.
Nouns 27

Plural vocative -etike:

koohkoos- pig:
koohkoosa pig.
koohkoosani pig (obv.).
koohkoosaki pigs.
koohkoosahi pigs (obv.).
-iihkaan- friend:
niihkaana my friend.
niihkaane my friend (voc.).
niihkaanetike my friends (voc.).
Inanimate nouns take the following suffixes:
Singular proximate and obviative -i.
Plural proximate and obviative -ani:
ooteen- town:
ooteeni town.
ooteenani towns.
Proximate and obviative are not distinguished in inanimate nouns
themselves, but in personal affixes agreeing with the nouns:
eehnemateeki ocihki where a stump stood (prox.).
caaki isiwiikideniakani eehahteeniki where every kind of delicious
food lay (obv.).
Animate and inanimate nouns both take the following suffixes:
Locative -eki.
Attributive -i-.
Prepositional -e:
paas- bus:
paasa bus.
paaseki on a bus.
-ood- father:
nooOa my father.
noo^ekiai my father’s home.
ooteen- town:
ooteeni town.
ooteeneki in town.
koohkoos- pig:
koohkoosa pig.
koohkoosi- pig (att.).
mehtodeeni- Indian:
mehto0eenenia Indian.
mehtofleenemi- Indian (att.).
mehtekw- tree, stick:
mehtekwi tree, stick.
mehtekwi- tree, stick (att.).
28 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

kiisedw- sun, moon, month:

kiisedwa sun, moon, month.
kiisedwe sun, moon, month (prep.).
saapwahkiih- street:
saapwahkiihi street.
saapwahkiihe street (prep.).
Singular and plural are not distinguished in locative, attributive, and
prepositional nouns.
A noun with a singular proximate suffix is called a singular proximate
noun, and a noun with the locative suffix is called a locative noun, and likewise
with all the suffixes listed above.

7.3 Usage of nouns with final suffixes. A singular noun refers to a single
individual. A plural noun refers to more than one individual:
(Examples above.)
Proximate and obviative nouns, like personal affixes, occur as the
possessors of nouns, and as the subjects and objects of verbs:
maaaka kwiedeeha oodani that boy’s father.
iina mehtodeenenia osaedfeni the Indian’s hunger.
oodani otooteemani his father’s brother.
maahaki inemaki otooteemwaani the brother of these men.
iinieeke eeskikiihaki maikiinaihieaki the young people went around
visiting.
nepeenfani okieni his mother is asleep.
eehnemateeki ocihki where a stump stood.
caaki isiwiikideniakani eehahteeniki where every kind of delicious
food lay.
netotamihekonaanaki apenoohaki children hindered us.
oiihkaanani tasikeekedaapamekwa his friend kept peeping at him
there.
inenia nedeea mahkwani a man killed a bear.
iina mehtodeenenia iinini eehketenaaci siisiipeehani when the Indian
took out the duck.
nedekwa iina inenia mahkwani a bear killed the man.
maikiisineehamooki awieehi kiisayooteeniki they went to buy
something used.
Within a sentence or sequence of sentences, of the possessors, subjects, and
objects, the first mentioned or more prominent is denoted by proximate nouns,
and the others by obviative nouns:
nededeeha neewea neniani eehnedaanici mahkwani. My older
brother saw a man kill a bear.
A noun possessed by a noun is always obviative:
Nouns
29

maaaka kwi'eSeeha oo0ani that boy’s father.

The obviative is sometimes neglected in inanimate nouns:
pietoaki eeskikeki ohkaaci they (an. prox.) brought a new (in. prox.)
tire.
Nouns of the same gender, number, and obviation are used to denote the
same individual or group of individuals. This is called apposition and the nouns
are called appositives:
mehto@eeneniaki pasitoohaki old Indian men.
Vocative nouns are used to address someone:
kepiihcihi inenie thank you, sir.
Locative nouns specify a location; -eki means at, in, on, and with nouns
denoting persons often at the home of:
paaseki nepiecapi/ came on a bus.
nepya noo0eki I came to my father’s home.
ooteeneki netaapena we went to town.
An attributive noun is prefixed to and modifies a noun or verb, yielding a
compound stem:
koohkoosiwiaafli pig meat, pork.
mehtekwiniicaapa wooden doll.
eecieepinahimehto0eeneminaapaatocikeaani whence I began to
know how to read Indian.
Prepositional nouns are used with certain prefixes and in certain phrases:
ni kiise0we in that month.
naisaapwahkiihe in the middle of the street.
The uses of proximate, obviative, locative, attributive, and prepositional
nouns are described in greater detail later.

7.4 Possessive affixes. The following prefixes and combinations of prefixes and
suffixes indicate the possessor of a noun; they are called the possessive affixes:
n- my.
k-your (singular).
o- his, her.
n-enaan- our (exclusive).
k-enaan- our (inclusive).
k-wa-your (plural).
o-wa- their:
niicaap- doll and -0e#eeh- older brother:
niicaapa doll.
ne#e0eeha my older brother.
neniicaapaki my dolls.
kedeOeehayour older brother.
o0e0eehani his older brother.
30 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

nededeehenaanaki our older brothers.

keniicaapenaanaki our dolls.
kededeehwaayour older brother.
odedeehwaani their older brother.
maated- knife and -hkian- nose:
maatedi knife.
nemaatedi my knife.
nehkiani my nose.
kemaatediyour knife.
omaatedi his knife.
nemaatedenaani our knife.
kehkianenaanani our noses.
kemaatedwai your knife.
omaatedwai their knife.
Some nouns do not occur without possessive affixes; they are called
dependent nouns. Others occur with or without possessive affixes; they are
called independent nouns:
Independent nouns are niicaap- doll and maated- knife in the examples
above.
Dependent nouns are -dedeeh- older brother and -hkian- nose in the
examples above.
Many independent nouns, when they have possessive affixes, take -em-
before all other suffixes:
koohkoos- pig:
koohkoosa pig.
nekoohkoosema my pig.
nekoohkoosemenaanaki our pigs.
Compare niicaap- doll in the examples above,
sooniaah- money:
sooniaahi money.
nesooniaahemenaani our money.
Compare maated- knife in the examples above.
Possessive affixes are followed by the singular, plural, or locative suffixes
listed above. But the vocative seems to occur only with n-, and the proximate
does not occur with o- or with o-wa-:
meehcipahooh- automobile:
meehcipahooha automobile.
meehcipahoohani automobile (obv.).
meehcipahoohaki automobiles.
nemeehcipahoohema my automobile.
nemeehcipahoohemani my automobile (obv.).
nemeehcipahoohemaki my automobiles.
Nouns
31

omeehcipahoohemani his automobile (obv.).

mahke0eeh- shoe:
mehkedeehi shoe.
mahkedeehani shoes.
nemahke(9eehi my shoe.
nemahkedeehani my shoes.
omahkedeehi his shoe.
omahkedeehani his shoes.
ineni- man and -iihkaan-friend:
inenia man.
inenie man, sir (voc.).
niihkaana my friend.
niihkaane my friend (voc.).
ooteen- town and -nehk- hand:
ooteeni town.
ooteenekim town.
nenehki my hand.
nenehkeki on my hand.
onehki his hand.
onehkeki on his hand.
That inanimate nouns are obviative with o- and o-wa- is apparent from
personal affixes agreeing with the noun:
oskikeniani omahkedeehani his shoes are new.

7.5 Possessor nouns. A noun as possessor of a noun is expressed by the

possessor with proximate or obviative suffix, and the possessed noun with third
person possessive affixes agreeing with the possessor in number:
maaaka kwfedeeha oodani that boy’s father, literally that boy his
father.
iina mehtodeenenia osaedieni the Indian’s hunger, literally the
Indian his hunger.
oodani otooteemani his father’s brother, literally his father his
brother.
maahaki ineniaki otooteemwaani the brother of these men, literally
these men their brother.

7.6 Sound changes with prefixes. Prefixes and the nouns which follow them are
subject to the following changes. Before a consonant, n- and k- add e; the
prefixes have the forms ne-, ke-, o-:
koohkoosa pig.
nekoohkoosema my pig.
kekoohkoosemwaayowr pig.
okoohkoosemani his pig.
32 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

w is dropped after o-:

newiisi my head.
oiisi his head.
Before a vowel in an independent noun, n- and k-add et,and o-adds t;the
prefixes have the forms net-, ket-, ot-:
apenooha child.
netapenoohema my child.
asika0oona sock, stocking.
otasika^oonahi his socks/stockings.
ooteeni town.
netooteenenaani our town.
i before a consonant is replaced by e after net-, ket-, and ot-:
ihkweea woman.
netehkweema my (man’s) sister,
o before a consonant is replaced by oo after net-, ket-, and ot-:
onenodwa cow.
otoonenodomwaahi their cows.
Before i in a dependent noun, the prefixes occur without change in the
forms n-, k-, o-:
niipici my tooth.
niiwa my wife.
kiiwayom- wife.
oiipitwaani their teeth.
Before o in a dependent noun, o- is dropped; the prefixes have the forms
n-, k-, zero:
nooda my father.
kooQ&your father.
oodani his father.
Dependent nouns do not begin with other vowels.

7.7 Grouping of suffixes. The suffixes fall into four groups: (1) suffixes which
consist of a single vowel, namely, -a, -e, -i, -i-; (2) longer suffixes beginning with
a, namely, -ahi, -aki, -ani; (3) longer suffixes beginning with e, namely, -eki,
-etike, -em-, -enaan-; (4) the suffix -wa-.

7.8 Sound changes with suffixes: stems ending in consonants other than w or y.
The suffixes follow consonants other than w and y without change in suffix or
stem with the following exceptions.
Some nouns have c before i, and t before other sounds:
-hkaat/c- foot:
nehkaaci my foot.
Nouns 33

nehkaatani my feet.
nehkaateki on my foot.
nehkaatenaanani our feet.
-iipit/c- tooth:
niipici my tooth.
oiipitwaani their teeth.
One noun has s before -i and 6 before other suffixes:
-iine0/s- hair of the head:
niinesi my (single) hair.
niinefiani my hair /hairs.
The singular vocative suffix -e does not follow h preceded by a long weak
syllable. Instead the h is dropped and the long syllable is shortened:
asamaakaah- soldier:
asamaakaaha soldier.
asamaaka soldier (voc.).
-mesooh- grandfather:
nemesooha my grandfather.
nemeso my grandfather (voc.).
The prepositional suffix, however, does follow h preceded by a long weak
syllable:
saapwahkiih- street:
saapwahkiihi street.
naisaapwahkiihe in the middle of the street.
Otherwise there are no changes in suffix or stem:
koohkoos- pig:
koohkoosa pig.
koohkoosaki pigs.
nekoohkoosema my pig.
koohkoosi- pig (att.).
-iihkaan- friend:
niihkaana my friend.
niihkaane my friend (voc.).
niihkaanetike my friends (voc.).
niicaap- doll:
niicaapa doll.
neniicaapaki my dolls.
keniicaapenaanaki our dolls.
-oo 9- father:
kood ay our father.
ooOani his father.
noodeki at my father’s home.
oo0waani their father.
ooteen- town:
34 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

ooteeni town.
ooteenani towns.
ooteeneki in town.
netooteenenaani our town.
maated- knife:
maatedi knife.
kemaatedwaaniyour knives.
meehcipahooh- automobile:
meehcipahooha automobile.
meehcipahoohaki automobiles.
meehcipahooheki in the automobile.
nemeehcipahoohema my automobile.
asamaakaah- soldier:
asamaakaaha soldier.
asamaakaahetike soldiers (voc.).
-dedeeh- older brother:
nededeeha my older brother.
kededeehakiyowr older brothers.
odedeehahi his older brothers.
nededeehenaanaki our older brothers.
kededeehwaayour older brother.
mahkedeeh- shoe:
mahkedeehisdoe.
mahkedeehani shoes.
saapwahkiih- street:
saapwahkiihi street.
saapwahkiiheki in the street.
sooniaah- money:
sooniaahi money.
nesooniaahemenaani our money.
-hkoneeh- blanket:
nehkoneehi my blanket.
nehkoneehenaanani our blankets.
ohkoneehwai their blanket.

7.9 Sound changes with suffixes: suffixes following -em- and -enaan-. The same
rules apply to suffixes following -em- and -enaan-:
-em:
meehcipahooh- automobile:
meehcipahooha automobile.
kemeehcipahoohema your automobile.
nemeehcipahoohemaki my automobiles.
omeehcipahoohemani his automobile.
Nouns 35

nemeehcipahoohemenaanaki our automobiles.

koohkoos- pig:
koohkoosa pig.
kekoohkoosemwaa your pig.
(w)iiskopaapo- soda pop:
(w)iiskopaapoi soda pop.
ne(w)iiskopaapoomi my soda pop.
apasy- pole:
apasi pole.
netapasiimani my poles.
otapasiimwai their pole.
sooniaah- money:
sooniaaahi money.
nesooniaahemenaani our money.

-enaan:
meehcipahooh- automobile:
meehcipahooha automobile.
kemeehcipahoohemenaana our automobile.
niicaap- doll:
niicaapa doll.
keniicaapenaanaki our dolls.
mahkahkw- box:
mahkahkwi box.
nemahkahkonaani our box.
nemahkahkonaanani our boxes.
moopi- automobile:
moopia automobile.
nemoopiimenaaneki in our automobile.

7.10 Sound changes with suffixes: stems ending in vowels. The suffixes of
group 1 follow a vowel without change in suffix or stem. But the attributive
suffix -i- forms a strong syllable with a preceding vowel.
The a of group 2 suffixes forms a strong syllable with a preceding vowel.
A vowel is lengthened before the suffixes of groups 3 and 4, and the initial
e is dropped in the group 3 suffixes:
ineni- man:
inenia man.
inenie man, sir (voc.).
ineniitike men (voc.).
moopi- automobile:
moopia automobile.
moopfaki automobiles.
36 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

moopiiki in an automobile.
nemoopiima my automobile.
pesekitli- deer:
pesekiftia deer.
pesekith'i- deer (att.).
poohkama- peach:
poohkamaa peach.
poohkamaani peach (obv.).
poohkamaaki peaches.
poohkamaaki in a peach.
nepoohkamaama my peach.
aamo- bee:
aamoa bee.
aamoaki bees.
netaamoomaki my bees.
-hci- arm:
nehcia my arm.
nehciaki my arms.
kehciinaanaki our arms.
ohciiwaahi their arms.
oskot e-fire:
oskotei fire.
oskoteeki in the fire.
0iipo- river:
0iipoi river.
0iipoani rivers.
fliipooki in the river.
(w)iiskopaapo- soda pop:
(w)iiskopaapoi soda pop.
ne(w)iiskopaapoomi my soda pop.
-iinani- tongue:
niinanii my tongue.
niinaniinaanani our tongues.

7.11 Sound changes with suffixes: suffixes following -wa-. The same rules apply
to suffixes following -wa-:
koohkoos- pig:
koohkoosa pig.
kekoohkoosemwaa your pig.
kekoohkoosemwaaki your pigs.
okoohkoosemwaani their pig.
okoohkoosemwaahi their pigs.
-0e0eeh- older brother:
Nouns 37

ne0edeeha my older brother.

kededeehwaa your older brother.
odedeehwaani their older brother.
o0e0eehwaahi their older brothers.
moopi- automobile:
moopia automobile.
kemoopiimwaaki, kemoopiiwaaki your automobiles.
kemoopiimwaaki, kemoopiiwaaki in your automobile.
apasy- pole:
apasi pole.
otapasiimwai their pole.
otapasiimwaani their poles.
-hkoneeh- blanket:
nehkoneehi my blanket.
ohkoneehwai their blanket.
ohkoneehwaani their blankets.

7.12 Sound changes with suffixes: stems ending in long weak syllables. A few
stems end in a long weak syllable. These stems all form brief words with the
group 1 suffixes:
ihkweea woman.
kepiii twig, switch.
mahweea wolf.
miei road.
pahteei smoke.
peneea turkey.
But the long weak syllable is probably shortened before the attributive
suffix -i-, and then treated like any other vowel before -i-.
Before group 2 suffixes the long weak syllable is shortened, and then
treated like any other vowel before group 2 suffixesjyea between consonants is
replaced by ia.
The long weak syllable is retained before the suffixes of groups 3 and 4,
and the initial e is dropped in the group 3 suffixes:
ihkwee- woman:
ihkweea woman.
ihkweaki women.
netehkweema my (man’s) sister.
kepii- switch:
kepiii switch.
kepfani switches.
mie- road:
miei road.
mfani roads.
38 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

mieki in the road.

nemiemi my road.

7.13 Sound changes with suffixes: stems ending in w. Some stems end in w
preceded by a consonant. The suffixes of group 1 follow w after a consonant
without change in suffix or stem.
When other suffixes follow these stems, the final w of the stem together
with the initial a, e, or w of the suffix are changed as follows.
wa is replaced by oo with some animate and all inanimate stems. With
other animate stems wa is kept unchanged.
we is replaced by o.
ww is replaced by o. When this o is the first vowel in a long syllable, the
syllable is strong:
onenodw- cow:
onenod wa cow.
onenodooki cows.
onenodoohi cows (obvj.
otoonenodomwaani their cow.
sekaakw- all-black skunk:
sekaakwa all-black skunk.
sekaakwaki all-black skunks.
sekaakwahi all-black skunks (obv.).
ahkohkw- bucket:
ahkohkwa bucket.
ahkohkoki in a bucket.
netahkohkonaana our bucket.
ketahkohkoaa your bucket.
otahkohkoaahi their buckets.
mehtekw- tree:
mehtekwi tree.
mehtekooni trees.
mehtekwi- tree (att.j.
mahkahkw- box:
mahkahkwi box.
nemahkahkwi my box.
mahkahkoki in the box.
nemahkahkonaanani our boxes.
kemahkahkoaijowr box.
kemahkahkoaaniyow- boxes.
-skiisekw- eye:
keskiisekwiyowr eye.
keskiisekooniyowr eyes.
Nouns
39

7.14 Sound changes with suffixes: stems ending in y. The remaining stems end
in y. They fall into three groups: (1) stems with a consonant other than s before
y; (2) stems with s before y; (3) stems with a before y.
-a follows y after a consonant other than s without change in suffix or
stem, y after a is dropped before -a, at least in some words, in casual style, y
after s is always dropped before -a.
y is dropped in all nouns before i.
The attributive suffix -i- forms a strong syllable with a preceding vowel.
-e was not recorded after stems ending in y.
When other suffixes follow these stems, the final y of the stem together
with the initial a, e, or w of the suffix are changed as follows.
After a consonant other than s, ya is replaced by ie.
After s and after a, ya is replaced by ee.
After a consonant other than s, ye and yw are placed by i and iw
respectively with some stems, and by ii and iiw respectively with other stems.
After s, ye andyvv are replaced by ii and iiw respectively.
aye and ayw are replaced by ai and aiw respectively with some stems, and
by aa and aaw respectively with other stems:
ohpeny- potato:
ohpenya potato.
ohpenieki potatoes.
-ky- mother:
nekya my mother.
okieni his mother.
kekinaana our mother.
kekiwaa your mother.
okiwaani their mother.
-teny- shoulder:
netenya my shoulder.
otenieni his shoulder.
neteniinaana our shoulder.
keteniiwaakiyowr shoulders.
a.6eny- stone:
adeni stone.
a0enieni stones.
otadenimwai their stone.
kahkaiisy- weed:
kahkaiisa weed.
kahkaiiseeki weeds.
-skasy- finger/toe nail, claw:
neskasa my nail/claw.
neskaseeki my nails/claws.
40 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

neskasiinaanaki our nails/claws.

keskasiiwaakiyow/- nails /claws.
apasy- pole:
apasi pole.
apaseeni poles.
netapasiimani my poles.
apahkway- cattail reed:
apahkwa(y)a cattail reed.
apahkwaeeki cattail reeds.
netapahkwaama my cattail reed.
-tay- possession:
netaya my possession.
otaeeni his possession.
netainaana our possession.
ketaiwaa your possession.
otaiwaahi their possessions.
-nookeenay- shadow, spirit:
kenookeenaa your shadow/spirit.
onookeenaeeni his shadow/spirit.
maakway- hat:
maakwai hat.
maakwaeeni hats.
nemaakwainaanani our hats.
neekay- sand:
neekai sand.
neekai-sand (att.).
-htaakay- ear:
nehtaakai my ear.
nehtaakaeeni my ears.
nehtaakaanaani our ear.
ohtaakaawaani their ears.
 8. Irregular Nouns

8.1 Nouns with different stems. A few nouns seem to have different stems with

different affixes:
askihki-, askihky- soil; land:
askihkii soil; land.
askihkieni lands.
-iiw-, -f- wife:
niiwa my wife.
niiwe my wife (voc.).
kiiwa your wife.
oi'ani his wife.
oskwaateem-, oskwaate- door:
oskwaateemi door.
oskwaateeki at the door.
(w)iikiaapy-, (w)iikiaap- house:
(w)iikiaapi house.
(w)iikiaapieni houses.
(w)iikiaapeki in the house.

8 2 Nouns with irregular vocative singular. Several dependent nouns have an

irregular vocative singular; some of these alternatively have a regular vocative

singular too:
-hcimeeh-younger brother/sister:
nehciimeeha my younger brother /sister.
ciime my younger brother/sister (voc.).
-kiih- aunt (mother’s sister):
nekiiha my aunt.
nekiihe my aunt (voc.).
-ky- mother:
nekya my mother.
neeke my mother (voc.).
-kwi@- son:
nekwida my son.
nekwise my son (voc.).
-oohkom ed-grandmother:
noohkomefla my grandmother.
42 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

noohko, noohkomede my grandmother (voc.).

-taane#- da ugh ter:
netaaneda my daughter.
taanese, netaane0e my daughter (voc.).
In addition, the following regular vocative singular dependent nouns were
recorded:
-iihkaan- friend:
niihkaana my friend.
niihkaane my friend (voc.).
-iihtiid- (male) friend:
oiihtiidani his friend.
niihtiide my friend (voc.).
-iiw- wife:
(Examples above.)
-mesooh- grandfather:
nemesooha my grandfather.
nemeso my grandfather (voc.).
-miOeeh- older sister:
nemideeha my older sister.
nemi6*e my older sister (voc.).
-006- father:
nooOa my father.
nooffe my father (voc.).
-semiih- niece:
nesemiiha my niece.
nesemi my niece (voc.).
-siOeeh- uncle (mother’s brother):
nesideeha my uncle.
nesifle my uncle (voc.).
Sekwid- aunt (father’s sister):
nedekwida my aunt.
ne#ekwi$e my aunt (voc.).
-OeOeeh- older brother:
nede0eeha my older brother.
nedeQe my older brother (voc.).
 9. Pronouns

9.1 Formation. The pronouns are nouns which belong to both genders. They
take the following suffixes:
Set one:
Animate singular proximate -a.
Animate singular obviative -ani.
Animate plural proximate -aki.
Animate plural obviative -ahi.
Inanimate singular proximate and obviative -i.
Inanimate plural proximate and obviative -ani.
Locative: irregular.

Set two:
An. sing. prox. -a.
An. sing. obv. -ini.
An. pi. prox. -iki.
An. pi. obv. -ihi.
In. sing. prox. and obv. -i.
In. pi. prox. and obv. -ini.
Loc. -ahi.

Set three:
An. sing. prox. -aaka, -a.
An. sing. obv. -eene.
An. pi. prox. -eeke.
An. pi. obv. -eehe.
In. sing. prox. and obv. -e.
In. pi. prox. and obv. -eene.
Loc: irregular.
Each pronoun takes the suffixes of one set:
awieeh- (deliberate), aieeh- (casual) someone, something takes set-one
suffixes:
awieeha an. sing. prox.
awieehaki an. pi. prox.
awieehi, aieehi in. sing.
 44 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

The locative is nekotahi somewhere.

(ii)n- that one recently mentioned or present (with proximity to the
speaker unspecified) takes set-two suffixes:
(ii)na an. sing. prox.
iiniki an. pi. prox.
(ii)ni in. sing.
iinini in. pi., an. sing. obv.
(ii)nahi loc. there, at that place recently mentioned or present.
iin- that one far from the speaker takes set-three suffixes with -aaka:
iinaaka an. sing. prox.
iineeke an. pi. prox.
iineehe an. pi. obv.
iine in. sing.
The locative is maahi there far from the speaker.
iini- that one known to the person spoken to but not present or recently
mentioned takes set-three suffixes with -a:
iinia an. sing. prox.
iinieeke an. pi. prox.
iinie in. sing,
iinieene in. pi.
The locative is iinaahi there, at that place known to the person spoken to
but not present or recently mentioned.
kotak- other one takes set-one suffixes:
kotaka an. sing. prox.
kotakaki an. pi. prox.
kotaki in. sing.
kotakani in. pi.
The locative is papiai elsewhere.
maa- that one far from the speaker, though nearer than iin-, iinaaka takes
set-three suffixes with -aaka. The aa of maa- is shortened except before -e:
maaaka an. sing. prox.
maeeke an. pi. prox.
maae in. sing.
maeene in. pi., an. sing. obv.
The locative is moohi there far from the speaker, though nearer than
maahi.
man-, maah- this one near the speaker takes set-one suffixes, man- precedes
suffixes of one syllable, and maah- precedes suffixes of two syllables:
mana an. sing. prox.
maahar.i an. sing. obv.
maahaki an. pi. prox.
mani in. sing.
Pronouns 45

maahani in. pi.

The locative is yoohi here near the speaker.
taan- which one?, where is? takes set-two suffixes:
taana an. sing. prox.
taaniki an. pi. prox.
taani in. sing.
taanini in. pi.
taanahi loc. where?.
weeneeh- who?, what? takes set-one suffixes:
weeneeha an. sing. prox.
weeneehani an. sing. obv.
weeneehaki an. pi. prox.
weeneehi in. sing.
There is no locative.

9.2 Usage. A noun and a pronoun agreeing with it in gender, number, and
obviation are used to form statements of the identity of the noun and pronoun;
such sentences are called nominal sentences:
ciisesa oo na. That's Jesus.
mana nehciimeea. This is my younger brother.
mana, ke@e0eea? Is this your older brother?.
weeneeh- and taan- in nominal sentences make supplementary questions:
taanii me me0anohikani. Where is that paper?.
weeneehaa na. Who is that?, What is that (item of animate gender)?.
weeneehfi ni. What is that (item of inanimate gender)?.
Pronouns other than weeneeh- and taan- occur as the subjects and objects
of verbs like other nouns:
neenemafloa awieeha someone kept standing there.
mana neewea ciisesani this one saw Jesus.
aakwi kiisimanoaake kotaki we didn’t buy another.
eehna0aaaci iinini when they roasted that one.
weeneeh- and taan- cannot be subject or object of an indicative verb.
Instead they occur with participles in nominal sentences:
taanaa na pyeaata. Which one came?.
weeneeha piftikaata. Who came/went indoors?.
weeneeh koonoci noohki neetaeenetamani. What more do you
want?.
When appositive, the pronouns have the meanings of English adjectives
that, other, etc.:
mana niihtiida this friend of mine.
maaaka kwfefleeha that boy.
kotakaki eeskikiihaki other young people.
46 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

mani kotaki this other one.

When appositive, (ii)n- iina iini etc., often has a meaning and use much like
the English definite article the. A noun with no appositive pronouns has the
meaning of the English indefinite articles a, an, some:
ciihi pi mehtodeeneniakii nah tasiideniaki pasi'toohaki. eetoke pi
maanidaatoeecii niki mehtodeeneniaki. Surprisingly, some old
Indian men were eating there. And at the same time the
Indians spoke English.
Locative pronouns and locative nouns occur in apposition:
iinahi pekoki in the ashes.
Proximate pronouns sometimes occur in place of locative pronouns in
apposition with locative nouns:
iini piotikaaneki, iinahi piotikaaneki in the peyote tent.

9.3 Independent personal pronouns. Independent personal pronouns are

formed with the stem iin-:
niina I.
niinaana we (excl.).
kiinaana we (inch).
kiinayou (sing.).
kiinwaayou (pi).
wiina he, she.
wiinwaa they (an.).
The independent personal pronouns are used with the corresponding
personal affixes for emphasis or contrast:
kiihapwihaapwa kekya: netenaa. kaata min apwihihkeeko: n
eehi'naki. “Wait for your mother, ” I told her. “Don’t wait for
me,”I told her then.
nf s eiiki niina iihmanoaani. Next, I’ll just buy one too.
 10. Relative Words

10.1 Relative words and their antecedents. A relative word specifies a

relationship between itself and another word or phrase which is called the
antecedent of the relative word.

10.2 Relative words with relative roots. In most relative words, the relationship
is specified by a relative root. The various relationships and the roots which
specify them are listed below.
ahkw- for so far/long specifies that the antecedent is the extent in space or
time of the situation or item denoted by the relative word.
ahpiiht- to such an extent specifies that the antecedent is the extent in
quality of the situation or item denoted by the relative word.
in- thither, to that place; thus, so, in that way, like that specifies that the
antecedent is the destination of the situation or item denoted by the relative
word, or the manner of the existence of that situation or item.
ot- thence, from that place; therefore, for that reason specifies that the
antecedent is the place of departure or the cause of the situation or item
denoted by the relative word.
tan- there, at that place specifies that the antecedent is the location of the
situation or item denoted by the relative word.
tadw- so much/many specifies that the antecedent is the quantity of the
situation or item denoted by the relative word:
ahkwateai it is so wide.
ahkwinepoohia he has been dead for so long.
ahpiihtoflea he walks/travels to such an extent.
inaapia he looks to that place.
inekea he dances in that way.
otenamwa he takes it from that place.
ocinenehkeenetamwa he thinks about it for that reason.
tanekea he dances at that place.
taSwipepoonwea he is so many years old.
Before i and before certain suffixes, final t becomes c, and final n becomes
s. in- becomes ih- before p. Final w is dropped before o:
ocinenehkeenetamwa he thinks about it for that reason.
48 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

isfenea he carries him to that place.

isaia he does so.
ihpenatoa he does so to/with it, he treats it so.
tadokone for so many days.

10.3 Relative words without relative roots. A number of stems and affixes
specify one of the in- relationships, or the tan- relationship, but do not contain
the relative roots:
thus, so:
ia he says so, he uses such a name.
ineea he tells him so, he calls him by such a name.
itamwa he tells it so, he calls it by such a name.
thither:
iheea he goes to that place.
piea he comes, he arrives at that place.
there:
aia he is there /at that place.
apia, -apia he sits, he sits there.
sekisinwa, -isinwa he lies, he lies there.
ahteei, -idenwi it sits/lies/is there.
a0eea, -isimea he puts him there.
ahtooa, -idetoa he puts it there.
nemadoa, -ikaapaa he stands, he stands there.
nematei, -ikaapai it stands there.
nemadohea, -ikaapaihea he places him standing, he stands him there.
nematoa, -ikaapaihtoa he stands it there.
aapomea he has been there.
nepeea he sleeps, he sleeps there.
oiikia he lives there.
kehkesia he stays and lives there, he camps there.

10.4 Relative preverbs. A non-relative verb can be made a relative verb by

prefixing a relative preverb; the following have been recorded:
ahkwi- for so far/long.
ahpiihci- to such an extent.
isi- thither, to that place; thus, so, in that way, like that.
oci- thence, from that place; therefore, for that reason.
tasi- there, at that place:
ahkwinepoohia he has been dead for so long.
ahpiihcimenwikenwi it is good to such an extent.
isiaapatamwa he looks at it in that way.
ocinenehkeenetamwa he thinks about it for that reason.
ocipyea he comes from that place.
tasikeekedaapamea he peeps at him at that place.
Relative Words 49

10.5 Relative prenouns. A nonrelative noun can be made a relative noun by

prefixing a relative prenoun; the following have been recorded:
isi- such.
tasi- there, at that place:
isiwiiki^eniakani such delicious food.
tasimeehikooha a Mexican at that place.

10.6 Relative particles. An antecedent and its relationship can be expressed

without reference to a particular relative word by means of the following relative
particles:
nehkiihi for so far/long, to such an extent.
isi thither, to that place; thus, so, in that way, like that.
oci thence, from that place; therefore, for that reason.
tadwi so much/many.

10.7 Locative relative words and non-locative relative words. Relative words
specifying destination, place of departure, or location are locative relative words.
Other relative words are non-locative relative words.

10.8 Words antecedent to non-locative relative words. Proximate nouns,

especially inanimate singular pronouns and conjunctive verbs used as inanimate
singular nouns, occur as the antecedents of nonlocative relative words:
Nouns except pronouns:
pieci0eehkwa isi(9oa her name is Piecideehkwa.
Pronouns:
mani nehkiihi for this long, this far, to this extent.
taani nehkiihi for how long?, how far?, to what extent?.
mani isi in this way /manner.
kotaki isi in another way /manner.
taani isi in what way/manner?, how?.
weeneehi oci for what reason?, why?.
iini ta0wi that much/many.
iini iihahkwaacimoaani that I will tell that far.
iini neeepinaatedi I began to feel that way.
mani eehisikonepeskaaani when I turned around in this way /manner.
mani eesikita he who is like this/of this sort.
iini inahinaaha, iini inaaha at that time.
taani inahinaaha at what time?.
Verbs:
eehaahkwamataki oci because he is sick, literally when he is sick for
that reason.
eehkatainepoohici inahinaaha a? the time when he was dying.
50 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

weeneehi seems to be replaced by kasi as the antecedent of in-:

kasi ke0ipwa what did you say?.
kasi isaiaki what are they doing?, what is the matter with them?.
kasi ihpenatoa what did he do to it?, how did he treat it?.
kasi isikenwi of what sort is it?, what is it like?.
kasi isikiisekatwi what is the weather?.
kasi ketesido what is your name?.
Certain particles occur as the antecedents of nonlocative relative words,
ise ketenaapiyou’re seeing things.
ise inoea he lied.
Particles expressing quantities seem to be particularly frequent antecedents
of nonlocative relative words:
aadi netahpiihteSi lam older.
aadi netenekine I’m bigger.
aadi tasfaki there are more of them (with tas- irregularly from
ta@ w-).
caaki isiwiikideniakani every sort of delicious food.
maane isi in many ways.
niananwaapitaki noohika netahpiihtedilam fifty seven years old.
teepi netahpiihtedo I was quite intoxicated.
teepi eehahpiihtediaani when I was old enough.
Some particles expressing quantities occur as antecedents of ta0w- while
others have roots which replace ta0w- in stems and particles:
nekoti one, root nekot-.
niiswi two, niisw-.
ne0wi three, nedw-.
nie(w)i four, nie-.
niananwi/zve, niananw-.
nekotwaasika six, nekotwaasika ta0w-.
noohika seven, noohika ta0w-.
neswaasika eight, neswaasika tadw-.
saaka nine, saaka tadw-.
metaaflwi ten, metaadw-.
keedwi how many?, keedw-.
maane many, maanee-:
nyeipepoonwea he is four years old.
keedwipepoonwea how many years old is he?.
nekotwaasika eehtadwipepoonweaani when I was six years old.
nekotoomehkwe one dollar.
metaafloomehkwe ten dollars.
nekotwaasika tadoomehkwe six dollars.
Relative Words
51

10.9 Words antecedent to locative relative words. Locative nouns and particles
of place occur as the antecedents of locative relative words:
Nouns and pronouns:
aikaa0oohikaaneki kiihisienaaki you will take them to the movie
theater.
aadeehcikaneki eehinaapici when he looked toward the window.
saaniiheki isi to Shawnee, Okla.
yooteki netaapena we went to Utah.
mesiikiaapeki piewa he came to a big house.
iinahi eehpiaake when we arrived there.
mahkahkoki oci from a box.
saaniiheki oci from Shawnee, Okla.
taanahi ketocipya where did you come from?.
teoneki ketoiikipwayow live in Dale, Okla.
0aakikaasimeaki pekoki they laid him in the ashes with his feet
sticking out.
iinahi eehtaatasiihkeceiaake when we kept working there.
iinahi'ahtookweeni he must have put it there.
taanahi ketai where are you?.
yoohi netai I am here.
Particles:
ahkoi ocisinwa he lay in back/behind.
kehcine netesieto I’m taking it near by.
kehcine netocipya I came from near by.
kehcine oiikia he lives near by.
kehcine netasiihkecei I work near by.
meehikoohinaaki iiheewa he will go to Mexico.
meehikoohinaaki eecikiciki those who are from Mexico.
penooci iheewa he went far away.
penooci oiikia he lives far away.
peteki inenikaea he waved him back.
peteki ihaatae let’s go back.
piitike eepita he who sat indoors.
0aakici netasiacaaho I cooked outdoors.
Locative nouns and [Link] place alone express the tan- relationship,
and there is no relative particle corresponding to tan-:
saaniiheki in Shawnee, Okla.
penocfci far away.
taanahi is replaced by taanahka when it is the antecedent of thither:
taanahka iheewa where did he go?.
52 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

10.10 Sentences antecedent to relative words. Sentences occur as the antece¬

dents of relative words.
In particular, quotations are antecedents of in:
maamaya niihpiapena: l'aki. “Well come early, ” they said.
eehneenema$oci kiihmaaapatoonenepwaa: ”n eehiaani. “III show
you where he stood, ”I said then.
noohki?: netekoopi. “Again?”I was asked.
kasi ketesaii: ”n eehisicii na hkwea kiii'teemaka. “What’s the matter
with you?” the woman whom I was with asked me then.
seeski koh kaahpiihi: n eehitfaaci. “Just coffee!” they said to one
another.
mesinootenwi. ketesfteehe? Do you think it’s windy?.
ai see niihiicimeno: n eehisiteeheaani. “Well now I’ll drink it along
with them!”I thought then.
 11. Verbs

11.1 Kinds of verbs. There are several different kinds of Kickapoo verbs.
Animate intransitive verbs are intransitive verbs which take animate
subjects:
maaneaki ooceaki there are a lot of flies.
Inanimate intransitive verbs are intransitive verbs which take inanimate
subjects:
maaneetooni paakaanani there are a lot of pecans.
Impersonal verbs are verbs which take no subject:
weepenaanwi it rained.
Transitive animate verbs are transitive verbs which take animate objects:
nemamaa meehcipahooha I bought an automobile.
Transitive inanimate verbs are transitive verbs which take inanimate
objects:
nemano wiikiaapi / bought a house.
Plain transitive verbs are transitive verbs which take animate and inanimate
objects:
netatae meehcipahooha I sold an automobile.
netatae wiikiaapi / sold a house.
Double-object verbs are transitive verbs which take two objects:
nemiinaa ne0e0eeha meehcipahoohani I gave my older brother an
automobile.

11.2 Classes of verbs. Certain different kinds of verbs almost always occur with
the same affixes, so the different kinds of verbs are grouped together in three
classes.
Class I includes animate intransitive, transitive inanimate, and plain
transitive verbs. These verbs take personal affixes denoting the subject:
-a he in oskikia he is new, neemwa he sees it, wacaahoa he cooked
him /it.
Transitive inanimate verbs have an implicit inanimate third person personal
pronoun object here translated it; them is equally possible:
neemwa he sees it.
54 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

Plain transitive verbs have an implicit third person personal pronoun object
of either gender here translated him/it; her and them are equally possible:
wacaahoa he cooks him/it.
Class I verbs have stems ending in i (other than ii), o (other than oo), ii,
oo, ee, aa, ie, ia, m, n, t, and one each in p and k. A group of stems ending in am
are treated differently from other stems ending in m:
(w)iideni- eat.
miici- eat it.
peno- go home.
mano- buy it.
ahpeenemo- depend on him /it.
noii-go outdoors.
mayoo- cry.
osihtoo- make it.
ki'odee- walk around aimlessly.
(w)eepaahkee- throw him /it.
nepaa- sleep.
ki'askweepie- be drunk.
pia- come.
katokwaam- be sleepy.
neem- see it.
kodekwan- be heavy.
meemenat- vomit.
naat- go to fetch it.
nep- be dead.
saasook- whistle.
aahkwamatam- be sick.
mehkam- find it.
Class II includes inanimate intransitive and impersonal verbs. These verbs
take personal affixes denoting the subject; impersonal verbs are treated as if they
have an inanimate third person singular subject:
-i it in oskikenwi it is new, weepenaawi it rained.
Class II verbs have stems ending in i (other than ii), o (other than oo), ii ee,
aa, ia, n, and t:
onaakwi- be evening.
mehpo- snow.
menoohkamii- be spring.
kesitee- be hot.
meskwaa- be red.
askipakia- be green.
oskiken- be new.
maaneet- be much/many.
Verbs 55

Class III includes transitive animate and double-object verbs. These verbs
take personal affixes denoting the subject and the object:
-ea he (prox.) - him/them (obv.) in neewea he sees him/them, miinea
he gave it to him /them.
In addition, double-object verbs have an implicit third person personal
pronoun object of either gender here translated it; him, her, and them are
equally possible:
miinea he gave it to him/them.
Class III verbs have stems ending in the following,
h.
n before all vowels,
s before i and n before other vowels,
s before i and 6 before other vowels,
s before i and t before other vowels,
w after a consonant or after a.
(w) after a vowel other than a.
a(w).
i (one stem only):
osih- make.
menah-grve it to ... to drink.
(w)aapam- look at.
asam- give it to ... to eat, feed it to.
kooken- wash by hand.
tapaan/s- love, cherish.
miin/s-give it to.
ad/s- put there.
noot/s- nurse.
kehkahw- specify.
amw- eat.
moosw- cut the hair of.
n oo 0 w-fum iga te.
aw- use.
nee(w)- see.
mehka(w)- find.
marnafw)- take it from.
(w)iicai- marry.
For Class III verbs, only the combinations of affixes which denote each
combination of subject and object are given below. The individual affixes in
those combinations are not specified. The combinations are listed in groups
whose members have the same suffix first after the stem. This suffix is called the
theme suffix.
56 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

11.3 Subject and object nouns. A noun as subject or object of a verb takes a
proximate or obviative suffix.
The verb takes third person personal affixes agreeing with the subject
and/or object nouns in gender, number, and obviation, or has an implicit third
person personal pronoun object agreeing with the object noun in gender:
iinieeke eeskikiihaki maiki'inaihieaki the young people went around
visiting, literally the young people they went around visiting.
nepeem'ani okieni his mother is asleep, literally his mother she is
asleep.
eehnemateeki ocihki where a stump stood, literally where a stump it
stood.
caaki isiwiikideniakani eehahteeniki where every kind of delicious
food lay, literally where every kind of delicious food it lay.
netotamihekonaanaki apenoohaki children hindered us, literally
children they hindered us.
mehtekwi deekihekwa a tree scared him, literally a tree it scared
him.
nemamaa meehcipahooha I bought an automobile, literally I bought
him an automobile.
maikiisineehamooki awieehi kiisayooteeniki they went to buy
something used, literally they went to buy it something used.
iina mehtodeenenia iinini eehketenaaci siisiipeehani when the Indian
took out the duck, literally when the Indian he took him out
the duck.
nedekwa iina inenia mahkwania bear killed the man, literally a bear
he killed him the man.
nemiinaa nededeeha meehcipahoohani I gave my older brother an
automobile, literally I gave it to him my older brother an
automobile.
nededeeha neewea neniani eehnedaanicf mahkwani. My older broth¬
er saw a man kill a bear., literally My older brother he saw him
a man when he killed him a bear.

11.4 Modes. Kickapoo verbs take affixes for ten different modes, namely, the
indicative, dubitative, conjunctive, subjunctive, iterative, irrealis, interrogative,
potential, imperative, and prohibitive. In addition, there are conjunct and
interrogative participles.
The modes are distinguished in part by certain mode affixes, and in part
by different sets of personal affixes. The modes are discussed in detail below.

11.5 Tenses. Kickapoo verbs take affixes for four tenses, namely, the future,
and the first, second, and third aorists.
Verbs
57

In some modes, no different tenses are distinguished. In some modes there

is just one aorist; first, second, and third aorists are not distinguished.
The future perhaps denotes a situation not yet begun at the time of
speaking or context. It generally translates English future tenses and English
present tenses referring to the future.
The future tense is indicated by the prefix (w)iih-:
niihwiiteemaaki 77/ go with them.
kiihnakamopetoke evidently you ’ll sing.
iihpenoaani in order for me to go home.
aakwi iihpiaaci they will not come.
wiihayoaani that which I will use.
iihniimiaanini whenever I’ll dance.
The aorists perhaps denote a situation already begun at the time of
speaking or context. They generally translate English present tenses referring to
the present, and English past tenses.
When different aorists are distinguished, the second seems to denote a
situation not yet terminated at the time of speaking or context, and the third
seems to denote a situation terminated prior to the time of speaking or context.
The first aorist does not have a different tense meaning but is used in place
of the other two aorists under certain conditions.
The first aorist has no tense affix:
neiiteemaaki I went with them.
kekiisideniepetoke you must have finished eating.
aakwi penoaani I didn’t go home.
aakwi piaaci they didn’t come.
aakwi (w)ii$eniaakini we didn’t eat at all.
nesianaatedikweeni he must be awful.
The second aorist is indicated by the prefix eeh-:
eehkatainaahkweeki when it was almost noon.
eehniimiaanini whenever I danced.
eehahteenikweeni wherever it is.
When the first syllable of a verb is short and followed by a consonant, the
third aorist is indicated by changing the vowel of that syllable to ee, but initial o
is changed to (w)ee, and o after k is changed to wee:
keetainaahkweeki when it had become almost noon, compare
eehkatainaahkweeki when it was almost noon.
eeyoaani that which I used, compare wiihayoaani that which I will
use.
meeskodita he who is red, compare meskodia he is red.
eenoeaneei however you said, compare inoea he said so.
kweehtaka he who fears it, compare kohtamwa he fears it.
eeskikita, weeskikita he who is new/young, compare oskikia he is
new/yourig.
58 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

When the first syllable of a verb is long, or when it is short and followed
by a vowel, the third aorist is like the first aorist:
kiisedonici after he was through being cooked, compare
eehkiise0onici when he was through being cooked.
pietookini whenever it had been brought, compare pietoa he brought
it.
waieaakini those which are round, compare waieai it is round.
The h of (w)iih- and eeh- is dropped before 6, s, and h:
niiseki I will urinate.
eesekisiki when he lay down.
eedadakaki where there is a thicket.
Modes in which no different tenses are distinguished take no tense affix.
The single aorist in modes in which different aorists are not distinguished
takes qo tense affix in some modes, and is like a third aorist in other modes.
The tenses in each mode are discussed in detail below.
A verb with dubitative and future affixes is called a dubitative future verb,
and a verb with conjunctive and third aorist affixes is called a conjunctive third
aorist verb, and likewise with all the modes and tenses.2
 12. Verbs: The Independent Modes

12.1 Independent Modes. There are two independent modes, namely, the
indicative and the dubitative.

12.2 Tenses. The independent modes have future and aorist tenses. The aorist
takes no tense affix.

12.3 Usage. Independent verbs are used to form statements. The indicative
implies actuality and the dubitative implies probability:
Indicative:
pahkweesikan eehkaaciiheki netaneda. I cooked bread in the dutch
oven.
se caah kfaki askipakiani. But they are still green.
niihawanekookii niki maanidaki penoaane. The white people will
take me when I go home.
kiihwiiteemfpena?: netekooki. “Will you go with us?” they said to
me.
kenenohtaaa? Did you hear him?.
teoneki, ketoiikipwa? Do you live in Dale, Okla?.
kiihwiiteemfpena? Will you go with us?.
Dubitative:
manootoke. He evidently bought it., He must have bought it.
niihnakamopetoke. Evidently I’ll sing.
The indicative future often expresses a mild or polite command:
kiihapwihaapwa kekya: Wait for your mother.

12.4 Sound changes with prefixes. Personal affixes of the independent modes
include the prefixes n- and k-.
Before a consonant, the prefixes add e; they have the forms ne- and ke-:
nemiinaa I gave it to him.
kemiinaa yon gave it to him.
miinea he gave it to him.
Before a vowel, the prefixes add et; they have the forms net- and ket-:
netadaa I put him there.
adeea he put him there.
60 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

ketoiikiyou live there.

oiikia he lives there.
i before a consonant is replaced by e after net- and ket-:
ketesiteehe you think so.
isiteehea he thinks so.
o before a consonant is not replaced by oo after net- and ket-:
netocikwaadopena we sewed.
ocikwaadoa he sewed.
When w is dropped at the beginning of a stem in casual style, the prefixes
have the forms ne- and ke- before i and e, but before a they have either the
forms ne- and ke-, or the forms net- and ket-:
newiisaacipena, neiisaacipena we are cold.
neweepinaapaatotaado, neeepinaapaatotaado / began to read.
newaapeskiihtaapena, neaapeskiihtaapena, netaapeskiihtaapena we
are dressed in white.
The prefixes replace (w) in the future prefix (w)iih-:
niihnakamoopetoke I’ll probably sing.
kiihnakamoopetokeyou?/ probably sing.
iihnakamoaki they ’ll sing.

12.5 Class I indicative. The indicative mode of Class I verbs is formed with the
following affixes:
n -I
n-pena we (excl.).
k-pena we (incl.).
k-you (sing.).
k-pwayou (pi.).
-a he (prox.).
-aki they (prox.).
-im'ani he (obv.).
-inrahi they (obv.).
-pi indefinite:
(w)iideni- eat, miici- eat it:
newiideni/ ate.
newiidenipena we ate, nemiicipena we ate it.
kiihwiidenipena we’ll eat.
kiihmiiciyon 7/ eat it.
kewiidenipwa you ate.
wiidenia he ate.
wiidem'aki they ate.
iideniniani he ate.
wiidenim'ahi they ate.
iihwiidenipi one will eat.
Verbs: The Independent Modes 61

At the end of a word, i and o (other than ii and oo) are unchanged, a long
weak syllable is shortened, the final m of am is dropped, and e follows other
consonants.
Before p, vowels are unchanged, am is replaced by aa, and e follows other
consonants.
Before -a, -aki, -iniani, and -infahi, aa and ia are replaced by ee and ie
respectively except in stems ending in hkaa, hkia, skaa, and kaapaa. ee, ie, and
the suffixes are then subject to the changes listed below.
Before -a, i and o (other than ii and oo) are unchanged; a long weak
syllable is shortened except in a brief word.
If the vowel resulting from shortening the weak syllable is preceded by a
vowel, the two form a strong syllable.
-a is preceded by w after certain long weak syllables in deliberate style.
With such stems, -a without preceding w is casual.
-a is preceded by (w) after am, and by w after other consonants.
Before -aki, i and o (other than ii and oo) are unchanged, and a long weak
syllable is shortened. Then ye and ya are replaced by i before -aki. The a of -aki
forms a strong syllable with the preceding vowel.
-aki is replaced by -ooki after all consonants.
-iniani and -infahi lose the first i after a vowel, are unchanged after am,
and have e in place of the first i after other consonants:
(w)ii0eni- eat, miici- eat it:
(Examples above.)

peno-go home, mano- buy it, nakamo-sing, aikaa0o- be pictured:

niihpeno I’ll go home.
nepenopena we went home.
kiihmanopena we’ll buy it.
kiihpeno you’ll go home.
penoa he went home.
iihnakamoaki they ’ll sing.
aikaa#omani he is pictured.

kecii- go out, padekwii-get up, miihkeceii- work, noii-go outdoors,

miihketii- play cards:
nekeci I went out.
nekeciipena we went out.
kekeci you went out.
kepadekwiipwa you got up.
miihkeceia he worked, keciia he went out.
kecfaki they went out.
noiinfani he went outdoors.
miihketiipi one played cards.
62 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

kaskihtoo- be able to make it, mayoo- cry, kiisihtoo- finish making

it:
nekaskihto I can make it.
nekaskihtoopena we can make it.
kaskihtoa he can make it, mayooa he cried.
mayoaki they cried.
kiisihtoonfani he finished making it.

inoee- say so, aapipakaanehkee- have been gathering pecans, naihiee-

visit, inaahpaee- dream so, pehtoee- say it wrong, kio0ee-
walk/travel around aimlessly, teepwee- tell the truth:
netenoe I said so.
netaapipakaanehkeepena we have been gathering pecans.
kiihnaihieepena we will visit.
ketenaahpae you dreamed so.
kepehtoeepwa you said it wrong.
inoea, inoeewa he said so.
inoeaki they said so.
kfodeemahi they walked/travelled around aimlessly.
teepweepi one told the truth.

kiipidaa- fall, nepaa- sleep, poocidaa- ride, kiisiihtaa- finish getting

dressed:
nekiipida / fell.
nenepaapena we slept.
kiihpoocidayou will ride.
kiihkiisiihtaapwa you will finish getting dressed.
kiipidea he fell, nepeea he slept.
kiipideaki they fell.
nepeeniani he slept.

moodeehkaa- have a toothache, tasodaamaaskaa- jump excessively

there, askikaapaa- be tired of standing:
nemoodeehka / have a toothache.
nemoodeehkaapena we have toothaches, netasodaamaaskaapena we
jumped excessively there, netaskikaapaapena we are tired of
standing.
moodeehkaa he has a toothache, tasodaamaaskaa he jumped exces¬
sively there, askikaapaa he is tired of standing.
moodeehkaaki they have toothaches, tasodaamaaskaaki they jumped
excessively there, askikaapaaki they are tired of standing.
moodeehkaamani he has a toothache.
kieepie-go around drunk, kiaskweepie- be drunk:
nekieepye I went around drunk.
Verbs: The Independent Modes
63

nekfaskweepiepena we are drunk.

kiaskweepyea he is drunk.
kiaskweepiaki they are drunk.
ki'askweepienfani he is drunk.
kiaskweepiepi one is drunk.

pia- come, akikwaapia- have a cold:

niihpya/7/ come.
netakikwaapiapena we have colds.
ketakikwaapya yon have a cold.
kepiapwa you came.
akikwaapyea he has a cold, piea, piewa he came.
akikwaapi'aki they have colds.
pienfani he came.

kehkia- be old:
nekehkya I am old.
nekehkiapena we are old.
kehkiaa he is old.
kehki'aki they are old.
kehkianfani he is old.

mehkam- find it, menweenetam- like it, kiisaapoo0 am- finish

brewing it:
nemehka I found it.
nemehkaapena we found it.
kemehka you found it.
kemehkaapwa you found it.
mehkamwa he found it, menweenetama he likes it.
mehkamooki they found it.
mehkamim'ani he found it.
kiisaapoo0aapi one finished brewing it.

neem-see it, aapom- have been there, katokwaam- be sleepy:

neneeme I saw it.
neneemepena we saw it.
ketaapomepwa you have been there.
neemwa he saw it.
neemooki they saw it.
katokwaamemani he is sleepy.
katokwaamepi one is sleepy.

ko^ekwan- be heavy:
neko@ekwane lam heavy.
64 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

nekodekwanepena we are heavy.

kodekwanwa he is heavy.
kodekwanooki they are heavy.
kodekwanenfani he is heavy.

aapinaat- have been going after it to fetch it, naat-go to fetch it:
netaapinaate I have been going after it to fetch it.
netaapinaatepena we have been going after it to fetch it.
naatwa he went to fetch it.
naatooki they went to fetch it.
naatenfani he went to fetch it.

12.6 Class II indicative. The indicative mode of Class II verbs is formed with
the following affixes:
-i it (prox.).
-ani they (prox.).
-inii it (obv.).
-infani they (obv.):
kesitee- be hot:
kesitei it is hot.
kesiteani they are hot.
kesiteenii it is hot.
kesiteenfani they are hot.
Before all the suffixes, aa is replaced by ee except in hkaa, skaa, kaapaa,
and -aa-, -ia- be. ee and the suffixes are then subject to the changes listed below.
Before -i, i and o (other than ii and oo) are unchanged; a long weak
syllable is shortened except in a brief word.
If the vowel resulting from shortening the weak syllable is preceded by a
vowel, the two form a strong syllable.
-i is preceded by w after certain long weak syllables in deliberate style.
With such stems, -i without preceding w is casual.
-i is preceded by w after a consonant.
Before -ani, i and o (other than ii and oo) are unchanged, and a long weak
syllable is shortened. The a of -ani forms a strong syllable with the preceding
vowel, and yea and yaa are replaced by ia between consonants.
-ani is replaced by -ooni after consonants.
-inii and -infani lose the first i after a vowel, lose in after n, and replace the
first i with e after t:
onaakwi- be evening:
onaakwii it is evening.

aseno- be lacking:
Verbs: The Independent Modes 65

asenoi it is lacking.
asenoani they are lacking.

menoohkamii- be spring:
menoohkamii it is spring.

kesitee- be hot, ah tee- be there, kepahaatee- be closed:

kesitei it is hot, kepahaateewi it is closed, ahteei it is there.
kesiteani they are hot.
kesiteenii it is hot.
kesiteem'ani they are hot.

teetetepi0aa- keep rotating, tetepiftaa- rotate:

teetetepiSei it keeps rotating.
tetepideani they rotated.
tetepi0eemani they rotated.

kiiskehkaa- move apart, meskwaa- be red:

kiiskehkai it moved apart, meskwaai it is red.
kiiskehkaani they moved apart.
kiiskehkaanii it moved apart.
kiiskehkaaniani they moved apart.

askipakia- be green, tahkia- be cold:

askipakyai it is green, tahkiai it is cold.
askipakiani they are green.
askipakianii it is green.
askipakianiani they are green.

oskiken- be new:
oskikenwi it is new.
oskikenooni they are new.
oskikenii it is new.
oskikem'ani they are new.

maaneet- be much /many, eecinoat- be easy /cheap:

maaneetwi there is a lot of it.
maaneetooni there are a lot of them.
eecinoatenii it is easy /cheap.
maaneeteniani there are a lot of them.

12.7 Class III indicative. The indicative mode of Class III verbs is formed with
the following affixes:
66 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

Combinations of affixes written with a preceding asterisk have not actually

been heard, but are inferred from the following assumptions,
n-I, me can be replaced by k-you (sing.).
n-enaan- and n-pena we, us (excl.). can be replaced by k-enaan- and k-pena
we, us (incl.) respectively.
-a he, him can be replaced by -aki they, them (an.), and -i it can be
replaced by -ani they, them (in.). The a of -aki and -ani forms a strong syllable
with a preceding vowel, -ekwaki and -ekwani are replaced by -ekooki and -ekooni
respectively.
Theme one
n-aa / - him.
n-aaki / - them.
n-aapena we (excl.) - him/them.
k-aapena we (incl.) - him/them.
k-aayou (sing.) - him.
k-aaki you (sing.) - them.
k-aapwayon (pi.) - him/them.
-eea in brief words, -ea otherwise, he (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
-eaki they (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
-eeniani he (obv.) - him/them (obv.).
-eeniahi they (obv.) - him/them (obv.).
-aapi indefinite - him/them.
-aa, -aaki, and -eea or -ea are -aawa, -aawaki, and -eewa respectively
in deliberate style.
Theme two
-em is inserted immediately after the stem in theme-one forms with first or
second person or indefinite subjects. In the indicative mode, theme-two forms
are deliberate. Theme two is replaced by theme one in casual style,
n-emaa I - him (obv.).
n-emaaki/- them (obv.).
n-emaapena we (excl.) - him/them (obv.).
*k-emaapena we (incl.) - him/them (obv.).
*k-emaayou (sing.) - him (obv.).
*k-emaakiyou (sing) - them (obv.).
*k-emaapwayou (pi.) - him/them (obv.).
-emaapi indefinite - him/them (obv.).
Theme three
n-ekwa he - me.
n-ekooki they (an.) - me.
n-ekwi it - me.
n-ekooni they (in.) - me.
n-ekonaana he - us (excl.).
n-ekonaanaki they (an.) - us (excl.).
Verbs: The Independent Modes 67

n-ekonaani it - us (excl.).
n-ekonaanani they (in.) - us (excl.).
k-ekonaana he - us (inch).
*k-ekonaanaki they (an.) - us (inch).
*k-ekonaani it - us (inch).
*k-ekonaanani they (in.) - us (incl.).
k-ekwa he - you (sing.).
k-ekooki they (an.) - you (sing.).
k-ekwi it - you (sing.).
k-ekooni they (in.) - you (sing.).
k-ekoaa casual, k-ekoaawa deliberate, he - you (pi).
k-ekoaaki they (an.) - you (pi).
*k-ekoai casual, k-ekoaawi deliberate, it - you (pi).
*k-ekoaani they (in.) - you (pi).
-ekwa he/it/they (obv.) - him (prox.).
-ekooki he/it/they (obv.) - them (prox.).
Theme four
n-ekoopi indefinite - me.
n-ekoopena indefinite - us (excl).
*k-ekoopena indefinite - us (incl.).
k-ekoopi indefinite - you (sing.).
k-ekoopwa indefinite -you (pi).
Theme five
k-ipenayou (sing., pi) - us (excl.).
k-i you (sing.) - me.
k-ipwayou (pi.) - me.
Theme six
k-enepena we (excl.) - you (sing., pi).
k-ene / - you (sing.).
k-enepwa I -you (pi):
miin/s- give it to, kehkeenem- know, otamih- hinder ad/s -put there,
koO/s-fear, deekih-scare, (w)aapam-look at:
Theme one
nemiinaa I gave it to him, nekehkeenemaa, nekehkeenemaawa I
know him, netadaa I put him there.
nekehkeenemaaki, nekehkeenemaawaki I know them.
nemiinaapena we gave it to him/them.
kemiinaapena we gave it to him/them.
kemiinaayou gave it to him, ketotamihaa^ou hindered him.
kiihkodaaki you will fear them.
kemiinaapwa you gave it to him/them.
miinea he gave it to him/them, adeea he put him/them there,
otamiheewa he hindered him/them.
miineaki they gave it to him /them.
68 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

miineenlani he gave it to him/them.

miineenfahi they gave it to him/them.
miinaapi it was given to him/them.
Theme two
nemiinemaa I gave it to him.
nemiinemaaki I gave it to them.
nemiinemaapena we gave it to him /them.
miinemaapi it was given to him /them.
Theme three
nemiinekwa he gave it to me, ne^eekihekwa he scared me,
newaapamekwa he looked at me.
nemiinekooki they gave it to me.
nefleekihekwi it scared me.
nedeekihekooni they scared me.
nemiinekonaana he gave it to us.
nemiinekonaanaki they gave it to us.
nefleekihekonaani it scared us.
ne@eekihekonaanani they scared us.
kewaapamekonaana he looked at us.
kemiinekwa he gave it to you.
ke^eekihekooki they scared you.
ke0eekihekwi it scared you.
ke0eekihekooni they scared you.
kemiinekoaa, kemiinekoaawa he gave it to you.
kemiinekoaaki they gave it. to you.
ke@eekihekoaawi it scared you.
miinekwa he/they gave it to him.
fleekihekwa he /it/they scared him.
miinekooki he/they gave it to them.
Theme four
nemiinekoopi it was given to me.
nemiinekoopena it was given to us.
kemiinekoopi it was given to you.
kemiinekoopwa it was given to you.
Theme five
kemiisipena you gave it to us.
kemiisi you gave it to me.
kemiisipwa you gave it to me.
Theme six
kemiinenepena we gave it to you.
kemiinene I gave it to you.
kemiinenepwa I gave it to you.
Some stems which end in n before a or e, and all stems which end in Q or t
before a or e, have s in place of the n, d, or t before i.
Verbs: The Independent Modes
69

No other changes occur in consonants other than w or (w), nor in the

suffixes after those consonants.
w after a consonant, w which is not dropped in casual style after a vowel,
and (w) after a vowel other than a, plus a following e before a consonant, are
replaced by o. A long weak syllable is shortened before this o. If the o forms a
syllable with a preceding vowel, the syllable is strong.
a(w) plus e in theme three or four suffixes is replaced by aa.
a(w) plus e in theme six suffixes is replaced by oo.
a(w) plus e before a consonant elsewhere is replaced by do.
w and (w) and a following a, e before a vowel, or i are unchanged:
0eekih- scare, maaneeh- have much /many of:
ne0eekihaa I scared him.
maaneehea he has a lot of him/them.
nedeekihekwi it scared me.
aakwi Seekihiki it/they/indefinite didn’t scare mc(conjunctive).
aakwi 0eekihehki he /it/they didn’t scare you (conjunctive).
(w)iiteem-go with, kehkeenem- know:
neiiteemaa I went with him.
aakwi kehkeenemaki I don’t know him/them (conjunctive),
iiteemea he went with him/them.
neiiteemekwa he went with me.
kiihwiiteemipenayou will go with us.
aakwi kehkeenemehki he doesn’t/they don’t know you
(conjunctive.)
caaken- gather all of, pemen- take care of, tasipemen- take care of
there:
necaakenaaki I gathered all of them.
caakenakeci after we had gathered all of him /them (conjunctive),
caakenea he gathered all of him/them.
nepemenekwa he took care of me.
eehtasipemenici where he took care of me (conjunctive).
taapaan/s- love:
netapaanaa I love him.
tapaanea he loves him /them.
ketapaasi you love me.
ketapaanene / love you.
ad/s- put there:
netaOaa / put him there.
a0eea he put him/them there.
netaflekonaana he put us there.
eehasiameci when he/they put us there (conjunctive),
kot/s- swallow, noot/s- nurse:
kiihkotaa you will swallow him.
 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language
70

nootea he nursed him.

nootekwa he nursed him.
kiihnootene I’ll nurse you.
noosi nurse him (imperative),
moosw- cut the hair of:
nemooswaa I cut his hair.
mooswea he cut his/their hair.
nemoosokwa he cut my hair.
kiihmooswiyou will cut my hair.
kiihmoosone I will cut your hair.
aw- use:
netawaa I used him.
netaokwa he used me.
kiihaone I’ll use you.
nee(w)- see:
neneewaa, neneaa I saw him.
neewea he saw him/them.
neneokwa he saw me.
keneewi, keneei you saw me.
kiihneone I’ll see you.
nenohta(w)- hear, miihkeceiinota(w)- work for, nahaakwata(w)- set
the table for, mehka(w)- find:
nenenohtaaa I heard him, nemiihkeceiinotawaawa I worked for him.
nenohtaea he heard him.
aakwi nenohtawaaaci they didn’t hear him /them (conjunctive),
eehnahaakwataoci when the table was set for him/them (conjunc¬
tive).
nenenohtaakwa he heard me.
kemehkai you found me.
aakwi nenohtoonaani I didn’t hear you (conjunctive),
nenohtaieeka I might hear him (prohibitive).

12.8 Dubitative. The dubitative mode is evidently derivable from the indicative
mode by the following rules.

12.9 Dubitative with no personal suffix. Where the indicative verb has no suffix
I, you (sing.), the dubitative has -petoke; the stem is subject to the same changes
as occur before p in the indicative mode:
CLASS I
n-petoke I
k-petokeyou (sing.):
(w)ii0eni- eat, nakamo- sing, kaicii- go out around, kiisidenie- finish
eating, mehkam-find it:
Verbs: The Independent Modes 71

niihnakamopetoke evidently III sing.

kewiidenipetoke you must have eaten.
kiihnakamopetoke evidently you 11 sing.
kekaiciipetoke you must have gone out around.
kekiisideniepetoke you must have finished eating.
kemehkaapetoke you must have found it.

CLASS III
Theme five
k-ipetokeyou (sing.) - me.
Theme six
k-enepetoke / - you (sing.):
miin/s-give it to:
kemiisipetoke you must have given it to me.
kemiinenepetoke / must have given it to you.

12.10 Dubitative with -pena, -pwa, and -pi. Where the indicative verb ends with
-pena we, us, -pwa you (pi), or -pi indefinite, the dubitative replaces them
with -penaatoke, -pwaatoke, and -petoke respectively:
CLASS I
n-penaatoke we (excl.).
k-pwaatoke you (pi).
-petoke indefinite:
(w)iideni- eat, nakamo- sing, kaicii- go out around, mehkam- find it:
niihnakamopenaatoke evidently we’ll sing.
nemehkaapenaatoke we must have found it.
kekaiciipwaatoke you must have gone out around.
kemehkaapwaatoke you must have found it.
wiidenipetoke one must have eaten.
mehkaapetoke it must have been found.

CLASS III
Theme one
n-aapenaatoke we (excl.) - him.
k-aapwaatoke you (pi.) - him.
Theme four
n-ekoopetoke indefinite - me.
k-ekoopetoke indefinite - you (sing.).
k-ekoopwaatoke indefinite - you (pi):
miin/s- give it to:
nemiinaapenaatoke we must have given it to him.
kemiinaapwaatoke you must have given it to him.
nemiinekoopetoke it must have been given to me.
72 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

kiihmiinekoopetoke it will evidently be given to you.

kemiinekoopwaatoke it must have been given to you.

12.11 Dubitative with third person suffixes. Suffixes denoting third persons are
treated as follows.
Where the indicative verb ends with -a he (prox.), -ani he (obv.), -ahi they
(obv.), -i it, or -ani or -ooni they, the dubitative replaces them all with -toke.
Where the indicative verb ends with -aki or -ooki they, the dubitative verb
replaces them with -tokeehiki.
When -toke and -tokeehiki replace these indicative endings, the vowels and
consonants which preceded the endings are changed as follows. A vowel is
lengthened if it is not already in a long weak syllable, and oo is inserted after a
consonant; w is dropped before oo:
CLASS I
-toke he (prox.).
-tokeehiki they (prox.).
-iniitoke he/they (obv.):
kiisiideni- finish eating, mano- buy it, kaicii-go out around, miihkie-
give it away, pia- come, mehkam- find it:
kiisiideniitoke he must have finished eating.
manootoke he must have bought it.
kaiciitoke he must have gone out around.
miihkietoke he must have given it away.
pietoke he must have come.
mehkamootoke he must have found it.
kiisiideniitokeehiki they must have finished eating.
mehkamootokeehiki they must have found it.
manoniitoke he must have bought it.
pieniitoke he/they must have come.

CLASS II
-toke it/they (prox.):
nesiitaflen- be much/many, maaneet- be much /many:
nesiitadenootoke there must be a lot of it.
maaneetootoke there must be a lot of them.

CLASS III
Theme one
-eetoke he (prox.) - him/them (obv.).'
-eetokeehiki they (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
Theme three
n-ekootoke he - me.
n-ekootokeehiki they (an.) - me.
Verbs: The Independent Modes
73

k-ekootoke it -you (sing.):

miin/s-give it to, deekih-scare:
miineetoke he must have given it to him /them.
miineetokeehiki they must have given it to him /them.
nemiinekootoke he must have given it to me.
nemiinekootokeehiki they must have given it to me.
kedeekihekootoke it must have scared you.

12.12 Dubitative with -naan- and -a(aw)-. -naan- us and -a(aw)- you (pi.) are
replaced by -naa- and -aa- respectively before -toke and -tokeehiki.
CLASS III
Theme three
n-ekonaatokeehiki they (an.) - us (excl.).
k-ekonaatoke he - us (incl.).
k-ekoaatoke he, they (in.) - you (pi).
miin/s-give it to, deekih- scare:
nemiinekonaatokeehiki they must have given it to us.
kemiinekonaatoke he must have given it to us.
kemiinekoaatoke he must have given it to you.
kedeekihekoaatoke they (in.) must have scared you.

12.13 Exception to 12.11. In exception to these rules, where the indicative

verb ends with -aa, -aawa I/you (sing.) - him or -aaki, -aawaki I/you (sing.) -
them, the dubitative replaces them both with -aapetoke:
CLASS III
Theme one
n-aapetoke I - him.
k-aapetoke you (sing.) - him/them:
miin/s- give it to:
nemiinaapetoke I must have given it to him.
kemiinaapetoke you must have given it to him/them.
 13. Verbs: The Conjunct Modes

13.1 Formation. The conjunct modes are the conjunctive, subjunctive, itera¬
tive, and irrealis.
The conjunct modes are formed with a set of personal affixes wholly
different from the personal affixes of the independent modes. Personal affixes
used in the conjunct modes are called conjunct personal affixes. They are all
suffixes.
The various conjunct modes are indicated by the following mode suffixes
after the conjunct personal affixes:
Conjunctive: -i except -e after -aak, -akw-, -eekw-, -ako-, and -aakw-.
Subjunctive: -e after all personal affixes.
Iterative: -ini.
Irrealis: -eha. we is replaced by o.
t is replaced by c before i in these suffixes.

13.2 Tenses. The conjunctive and iterative modes have all four tenses. No
different tenses are distinguished in the subjunctive and irrealis modes, and
subjunctive and irrealis verbs take no tense affixes.

13.3 Usage. Conjunct verbs (1)occur with certain particles to form statements,
(2) modify verbs, and (3) are used as inanimate singular nouns, though not all of
the conjunct modes and tenses occur in all these uses.

13.4 Usage: to form statements. The following conjunct modes and tenses
occur with specified particles.
Conjunctive verbs in the future or first aorist tenses are used with (aa)kwi
no, not to form negative statements implying actuality:
aakwf maaneehtoaake sooniaai. We didn’t have much money.
aakwi kaskipiitikanenaan iihasamenaani. I couldn’t take you inside
to give you something to eat.
kw aaac iihnataeenemaaci. He won’t even want him.
Iterative verbs occasionally occur with (aa)kwi in place of conjunctive
verbs. The iterative verb seems to add a slight emphatic meaning to (aa)kwi,
perhaps not at all:
Verbs: The Conjunct Modes 75

aakwi (wjiideniaakini. We didn’t eat at all.

Subjunctive verbs with tai express a wish:
amwake tai mesiimina. I wish I had an apple to eat.
Subjunctive verbs with kiihpene express an expectation. Often they seem
to be intended to reassure or to urge patience on the part of the individual
spoken to:
kiihpene eenikiteeheaane. I’m liable to laugh.
kiihpene koh kiisfkiane. Just wait and you’ll be grown up!.

13.5 Usage: as modifiers. The following conjunct modes and tenses occur as
modifiers with the following meanings exemplified by the verb go with the
subject he:
Conjunctive future in order for him to go, so that he would go:
nepekohkeenemekooki paki'ci iihisiideniaani. They looked after me
'so that I would eat plenty.
aakwi kaskipiitikanenaan iihasamenaani. I couldn’t take you inside
to give you food., literally ... in order for me to give you
food.
ni caah eehtasikwayahkwiteeheaan iihpooniwaiiceenwiaani. So that’s
where I decided to stop joining.
Conjunctive second aorist when he went:
menwiteeheak eehneewi'ameci. They were glad when they saw us.
man eiiki nemetaadehtaaak eehnaanakamoaaci. I also enjoyed
hearing them when they sang.
kw eehoskiinahpiaake aatamediaake. When we first came there we
weren’t efficient.
Conjunctive third aorist when he had gone, after he went:
naakeemeeh noohki kiisinaanakamoaaci nemetaadaapamaaki. After a
while again, when they had finished singing, I enjoyed
watching them.
eenaakwiki se eehpiaaci pietoak eeskikek ohkaaci. When they came
in the evening they brought a new tire., literally . . . after it
was evening. . .
The majority of conjunctive third aorist verbs which occur with this
meaning are verbs beginning with kiis- finish -ing or verbs denoting periods of
time:
(Examples above.)
Subjunctive when he goes (in the future), if he goes:
niihawanekookii niki maanidaki penoaane. The white people will
take me when I go home.
kaskihtoane kaata waiiceenwihkani. If you can manage it, don’t
join!.
76 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

This expresses the condition in future conditional sentences.

Iterative second aorist whenever he went:
eehmiicikini kaakika kiiha. Whenever it is eaten, always go there!.
Iterative third aorist whenever he had gone:
pietookfnii ni piotaapoi neiicimeno peepekwa. Whenever the peyote
tea had been brought, I felt compelled to drink it with them.
Irrealis if he went, if he had gone:
piaaneha neewfeekaaa. If I had come, I would have seen him.
This expresses the condition in contrary-to-fact conditional sentences.

13.6 Usage: as nouns. The following tenses of the conjunctive mode occur as
inanimate singular nouns with the following meanings exemplified by the verb
go with the subject he:
Conjunctive future that he will go, (the time) when he will go:
eenooskidenwi iiheenihenikiteeheaani it is easy for me to keep
laughing, literally that I will keep laughing is easy.
Conjunctive second aorist that he went, (the time) when he went:
menwikenwi eehpi'ani it was good when/that you came.
menweenetama eehmehpoki he likes it when it snows.
eeheepinenehkeenetamaani eehketemaakediaani when I began to
think about my being miserable, literally when I began to
think about (the time) when I was miserable.
Conjunctive verbs as inanimate singular nouns occur frequently with (ii)ni
and occasionally with mani to form statements:
n eeheepodeaake. And then we left., Next, we left., literally That’s
when we left.
kaata niin apwi'hihkeeko: n eehmaki. And then I told them, “Don’t
wait for me!”.
ni pi siisiipeehani nekot eehnedaaaci. And then, it is said, they killed
one duck.
nf s eiiki niina iihmanoaani. Next I’ll just buy one too.
yooh man eehweeneskaahiaani neteeheki newiiseki. And now I’m
wicked here in my heart and in my head., literally This is when
I’m wicked. . .
manii n eehisiaapatamaan ahkiki. Then I looked way down at it in
this manner.
seee ni meekweeh nyeikehkatw eehkwinepoohici. And now he has
been dead for about four years, (seee ni and now, and
already).

13.7 Usage: relative verbs without antecedents as nouns. Conjunctive relative

verbs without antecedents occur as inanimate singular nouns. These verbs have
Verbs: The Conjunct Modes
77

future and aorist tenses. Those which specify the tan- relationship take the
second aorist. Other relative verbs take the third aorist.
The meanings of these verbs are exemplified below for the aorist
indicative, and for the aorist conjunctive without antecedent. The meanings are
exemplified by the verb dance with the subject he:
ahkw-, indicative he danced for so far/long, conjunctive without
antecedent as far/long as he danced:
iin eehkoki. That’s how long it is.
ahpiiht-, indicative he danced to such an extent, conjunctive without
antecedent the extent to which he danced:
eehpiihcimenwikeki as good as it is, the extent to which it is good.
in-, indicative he danced thither/to that place; he danced thus/so/in
that way/like that, conjunctive without antecedent the place
to which he danced, where he danced to; how he danced, the
way that he danced:
eesiketemaakediaani nenehkotamooki they mentioned how misera¬
ble I was.
ot-, indicative he danced thence/from that place; he danced
therefore/for that reason, conjunctive without antecedent the
place from which he danced, where he danced from; why he
danced, the reason that he danced:
iin eeci'piaci. That’s where he came from., That’s why he came.
tan-, indicative he danced there/at that place, conjunctive without
antecedent the place where he danced, where he danced:
eehneenemadoci kiihmaaapatoonenepwa I’ll go show you where he
stood.
tadw-, indicative so many of them danced, conjunctive without
antecedent as many of them as danced:
eetadwipepoonweaani as many years old as I am, my age in years.
An example of a future conjunctive relative verb without antecedent is the
following:
aapatano iihpakisinaani look at where I’ll land.
Conjunctive relative verbs of manner without antecedent as inanimate
singular nouns occur with taani to form supplement questions meaning how
. . . ?:
taan eesipemaatediani. How are you?. How is your health?.
taan eenoeeki. How does one say it?.
taan eesihtoani. How do you make it?.
taan eenedamani. How do you cook it?.
Conjunctive locative relative verbs without antecedents occur as the
antecedents of locative relative verbs:
iinahi piemikatwi eehapiaani it arrived there where I sat.
78 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

eehtasimenwihpenasiki iihaiaani in order for me to be where I was

well treated.
eehoiikiaake eehtaatasiihkeceiaake when we kept working where we
lived.

13.8 Class I conjunct modes. Class I verbs occur with the following conjunct
personal affixes:
-aan- /.
-aak- we (excl.).
-akw- we (incl.).
-an-you (sing.).
-eekw-you (pi.).
-t-, -k- he (prox.).
-aat- they (prox.).
-init- he/they (obv.).
-ek- indefinite:
(conjunctive verbs)
peno-go home, mehkam- find it, waakaakenam- bend it by hand:
aakwi penoaani I didn’t go home.
iihpenoaake in order for us to go home.
eehpenoakwe when we went home.
eehpenoani when you went home.
eehpenoeekwe when you went home.
iihpenoci in order for him to go home.
aakwi mehkaki he didn’t find it.
iihpenoaaci in order for them to go home.
aakwi mehkaminici he/they didn’t find it.
eehwaakaakenameki when it was bent by hand.
(subjunctive verbs)
peno- go home, kiisiki- finish growing, ihaa- go to that place,
kiisayoo -finish using it:
penoaane when/if I go home.
kiisikfane when/if you grow up.
ihaeekwe when/if you go there.
kiisayoote when/if he finishes using it.
kiisayoaate when /if they finish using it.
(iterative verbs)
niimi- dance, (w)iideni- eat, miici- eat it:
eehniimiaanini whenever I danced.
aakwi iideniaakini we didn’t eat at all.
eehmiicikini whenever it is eaten.
(irrealis verbs)
pia- come:
Verbs: The Conjunct Modes 79

piaaneha if I had come.

piaakeha if we had come.
pfaneha if you had come.
pyaeekoha if you had come.
piateha if he had come.
Before -aan-, -aak-, -akw-, -an-, and -eekw-, i and o (other than ii and oo)
are unchanged, and a long weak syllable is shortened. Then ye is replaced by i
before a (but not aa) and ee, and ya is replaced by i before a and aa (but not
before ee).
Before -aan-, -aak-, -akw-, -an-, and -eekw-, m and n are unchanged, and e
follows other consonants.
The a of -akw- and -an- forms a strong syllable with a preceding vowel.
The third person singular proximate suffix is -t- after stems ending in a
vowel, and -k- after stems ending in a consonant. Vowels are unchanged before
-t-. Before -k-, the m of am is dropped, and e follows other consonants.
Before -aat-, vowels are treated the same as before -aan- and -aak-.o
follows a consonant before -aat-.
-init- is treated the same as -iniani and -ini'ahi in the indicative mode.
-ek- loses the e after a vowel. It is unchanged after a consonant:
ai- be there; want to, (w)ii0eni- eat, miici- eat it, isipemaate0i- be in such
health, keehteeSi- be old, niimi- dance:
aakwi aiaani I don’t want to.
aakwi iideniaakini we didn’t eat at all.
iihmiici'akwe in order for us to eat it.
eesipemaateth'ani how your health is.
eesipemaate^ieekwe how your health is.
eesipemaateflici how his health is.
eesipemaate^iaaci how their health is.
keehteedinicini he who is old (participle).
aakwi niimiki one didn’t dance.
peno- go home, aikaa0o- be pictured:
aakwi penoaani / didn’t go home.
iihpenoaake in order for us to go home.
eehpenoakwe when we went home.
eehpenoani when you went home.
eehpenoeekwe when you went home.
iihpenoci in order for him to go home.
iihpenoaaci in order for them to go home.
eehaikaaSonici when he was/they were pictured.
eehpenoki when one went home.
kecii-g’o out, maamiihkeceii- keep working:
aakwi keciaani I didn’t go out.
80 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

eehmaamiihkeceiiki when one kept working.

kaskihtoo- be able to make it, ahtoo- have it; put it there, kiisayoo-
finish using it, ayoo- use it, pietoo- bring it:
aakwi kaskihtoaani I couldn’t make it.
aakwi ahtoaake we didn’t have it /put it there.
kaskihtoane when/if you can make it.
kiisayoote if he finishes using it.
eehayoaaci when they used it.
pietookini whenever it had been brought.
inoee-say so, mehtodeeneniaatoee- speak the Indian language, ki'odee-
walk/travel around aimlessly, (w)eepodee- leave, depart:
aakwi inoeaani / didn’t say so.
iihmehtodeeneniaatoeaake in order for us to speak the Indian
language.
eenoeani what you said.
eehkfodeeci when he walked/travelled around.
eehweepodeaaci when they left.
eehkfodeeki when one walked/travelled around.
kaskipoocidaa- be able to ride, poocidaa -ride, tanekaa- dance there:
aakwi kaskipoocidaaani I can’t ride.
aakwi iihpoocidaaake we won’t ride.
aakwi kaskipoocidaaniyow can’t ride.
aakwi iihpoocidaeekwe you won’t ride.
aakwi iihpoocidaaci he won’t ride.
aakwi iihpoocidaaaci they won’t ride.
eehtanekaanici where he/they danced.
eehpoocidaaki when one rode.
kiaskweepie- be drunk:
aakwi ki'askweepyeaani lam not drunk.
aakwi ki'askweepyeaake we are not drunk.
aakwi kfaskweepi'akwe we are not drunk.
aakwi kiaskweepi'aniyou are not drunk.
aakwi ki'aksweepieekwe you are not drunk.
aakwi kiaskweepyeaaci they are not drunk.
eehkfaskweepieki when one was drunk.
pia- come:
aakwi iihpiaani I won’t come.
aakwi iihpianiyou won’t come.
aakwi pyaeekwe you didn’t come.
aakwi iihpiaci he won’t come.
aakwi iihpiaaci they won’t come.
eehpianici when he/they came.
eehpiaki when one came.
mehkam-/z>id it, waakaakenam- bend it by hand:
Verbs: The Conjunct Modes 81

aakwi mehkamaani I didn’t find it.

aakwi mehkamaake we didn’t find it.
aakwi mehkamakwe we didn’t find it.
aakwi mehkamani you didn’t find it.
aakwi mehkameekwe you didn’t find it.
aakwi mehkaki he didn’t find it.
aakwi mehkamoaaci they didn’t find it.
aakwi mehkaminici he/they didn’t find it.
eehwaakaakenameki when it was bent by hand.
neem- see it:
aakwi neemaani I didn’t see it.
eehneemani when you saw it.
eehneemeki when he saw it.
eehneemoaaci when they saw it.
ko0ekwan- be heavy:
aakwi kodekwanaani lam not heavy.
naat-go to fetch it, aapinaat- have been going after it to fetch it:
aakwi naateaani I didn’t go to fetch it.
eehaapinaateani when you went to fetch it.
aakwi naateeekwe you didn’t go to fetch it.
aakwi naateki he didn’t go to fetch it.
aakwi naatoaaci they didn’t go to fetch it.

13.9 Class II conjunct modes. Class II verbs occur with the following conjunct
personal affixes:
-k- it/they (prox.j.
-inik- it/they (obv.j:
(conjunctive verbs)
kesitee- be hot:
aakwi kesiteeki it is not/they are not hot.
aakwi kesiteeniki it is not/they are not hot.
(subjunctive verbs)
(w)eepenaan- rain:
eepenaake when /if it rains.
(irrealis verbs)
(w)eepenaan- rain:
eepenaakeha if it had rained.
Before -k-, vowels are unchanged, n is dropped, and t is replaced by h.
-inik- is treated the same as -inii and -ini'ani in the indicative mode:
onaakwi- be evening:
eenaakwiki after it was evening.
mehpo- snow:
eehmehpoki when it snowed.
82 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

menoohkamii- be spring:
eehmenoohkamiiki when it was spring.
kesitee- be hot:
aakwi kesiteeki it is/they are not hot.
aakwi kesiteeniki it is/they are not hot.
tetepidaa- rotate:
aakwi tetepi0aaki it/they didn’t rotate.
aakwi tetepi0aaniki it/they didn’t rotate.
askipakia- be green:
aakwi askipakiaki it is/they are not green.
aakwi askipakianiki it is/they are not green.
oskiken- be new:
aakwi oskikeki it is/they are not new.
aakwi oskikeniki it is/they are not new.
eecinoat- be easy /cheap:
aakwi eecinoahki it is/they are not easy /cheap.

13.10 Class III conjunct modes. Class III verbs occur with the following
conjunct personal affixes:
Theme one
-ak- / - him/them.
-aket- we (excl.) - him/them.
-akw- we (incl.) - him/them.
-at-you (sing.) - him/them.
-eekw-you (pi.) - him/them.
-aat -he (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
-aaat- they (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
-aanit- he/they (obv.) - him/themJobv.).
-et- indefinite - him/them.
Theme two
-em- is inserted before theme one forms as in the indicative mode. Theme
one forms are alternatively used instead of theme two forms.
Combinations of affixes written with a preceding asterisk have not actually
been heard.
-emak- / - him/them (obv.).
-emaket- we (excl.).- him/them (obv.).
*-emakw- we (incl.) - him/them (obv.).
-emat-you (sing.) - him/them (obv.).
*-emeekw->’0M (pi.) - him/them (obv.).
-emet- indefinite - him /them (obv.).
Theme three
-ekot- he/it/they (obv.) - him (prox.).
-ekoaat- he/it/they (obv.) - them (prox.).
Verbs: The Conjunct Modes
83

Conjunct verbs have no theme four forms.

Theme five
-iaak- you (sing., pi.) - us (excl.).
-iax\-you (sing.) - me.
-ieekw-you (pi.) - me.
-it- he (prox.) - me.
-iaat- they (an. prox.) - me.
-init- he/they (an. obv.) - me.
-ik- it/they (in.)/indefinite - me.
-lamet- he/they (an. prox.) - us (excl.).
-l'amenit- he/they (an. obv.) - us (excl.).
-l'amek- it/they (in.) - us (excl.).
-iinamek- indefinite - us (excl.).
Theme six
-enaan-/- (sing.).
-enaak- we (excl.) - you (sing., pi.).
-enako- / - you (pi).
-enakw- he/it/they/indefinite - us (inch).
-ehk- he/it/they - you (sing.).
-enek- indefinite - you (sing.).
-enaakw- he /it/they /indefinite - you (pi):
(conjunctive verbs)
mim/s-give it to, ned/s- kill, 6eekih- scare:
Theme one
aakwi miinaki I didn’t give it to him/them.
aakwi miinakeci we didn’t give it to him/them.
aakwi miinakwe we didn’t give it to him /them.
aakwi mimzci you didn’t give it to him/them.
aakwi miineekwe^ou didn’t give it to him /them.
aakwi miinaaci he didn’t give it to him /them.
aakwi miinaaaci they didn’t give it to him/them.
eenedaanici when he/they killed him/them.
aakwi miineci it wasn’t given to him/them.
Theme two
aakwi miinemaki I didn’t give it to him/them.
aakw'i miinemakeci we didn’t give it to him /them.
(Other examples below, participles.)
Theme three
aakwi miinekoci he/they didn’t give it to him.
aakwi miinekoaaci he/they didn’t give it to them.
aakwi deekihekoci it/they didn’t scare him.
aakwi deekihekoaaci it/they didn’t scare them.
Theme five
aakwi miisiaake you didn’t give it to us.
84 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

aakwi miisi'aniyow didn’t give it to me.

aakwi miisieekwe you didn’t give it to me.
aakwi miisici he didn’t give it to me.
aakwi miisiaaci they didn’t give it to me.
aakwi miisinici he/they didn’t give it to me.
aakwi deekihiki it/they didn’t scare me, I wasn’t scared.
aakwi miisiameci he/they didn’t give it to us.
aakwi miisi'amenici he/they didn’t give it to us.
aakwi fleekihfameki it/they didn’t scare us.
aakwi miisiinameki it wasn’t given to us.
Theme six
aakwi miinenaani / didn’t give it to you.
aakwi miinenaake we didn’t give it to you.
aakwi miinenakoe / didn’t give it to you.
aakwi miinenakwe he/they didn’t give it to us, it wasn’t given to us.
aakwi miinehki he/they didn’t give it to you.
aakwi miineneki it wasn’t given to you.
aakwi miinenaakwe he/they didn’t give it to you, it wasn’t given to
you.
aakwi deekihehki it/they didn’t scare you.
aakwi fieekihenaakwe it/they didn’t scare you.
Changes in stems and suffixes are described and exemplified under the
indicative mode.
 14. Verbs: Conjunct Participles

14.1 Formation. The conjunct participles are formed with the conjunct
personal affixes followed by the participial suffixes, namely:
-a animate singular proximate.
-ini animate singular obviative.
-iki animate plural proximate.
-ihi animate plural obviative.
-i or -e inanimate singular proximate and obviative.
-ini inanimate plural proximate and obviative.
A participle is a proximate or obviative noun.
-a occurs with verbs with an animate singular proximate subject or object
(whether represented by an affix or implicit in the stem), and forms animate
singular proximate nouns denoting that subject or object.
-ini occurs with verbs with an animate singular obviative subject or object
(whether represented by an affix or implicit in the stem), and forms animate
singular obviative nouns denoting that subject or object.
-iki occurs with verbs with an animate singular (sic) proximate subject or
object (whether represented by an affix or implicit in the stem), and forms
animate plural proximate nouns denoting the plural corresponding to that
singular subject or object.
-ihi occurs with verbs with an animate plural obviative subject or object
(whether represented by an affix or implicit in the stem), and forms animate
plural obviative nouns denoting that subject or object.
-i and -e occur with verbs with an inanimate singular proximate or
obviative subject or object (whether represented by an affix or implicit in the
stem), and form inanimate singular proximate or obviative nouns denoting that
subject or object.
-ini occurs with verbs with an inanimate plural proximate or obviative
subject or object (whether represented by an affix or implicit in the stem), and
form inanimate plural proximate or obviative nouns denoting that subject or
object.
The inanimate singular suffix is -i or -e where the conjunctive mode suffix
is -i or -e.
86 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

t is replaced by c before i in the participial suffixes.

The combinations of conjunct personal affixes and participial suffixes are
specified below for each kind of verb.
Combinations of affixes written below with a preceding asterisk have
not actually been heard, but are inferred from the rules above.

14.2 Tenses. The conjunct participles have future and aorist tenses. The aorist
is formed like a third aorist.

14.3 Usage. Participles are used like other proximate and obviative nouns:
pietapeneaki aapipakaanehkaaciki those who have been gathering
pecans arrived hungry.
nemanopena iihmiiciaake we bought that which we’ll eat.
iini iiskopaki eehmiiciki when one eats that which is sweet.
When appositive, the participles generally have the meanings of English
adjectives and relative clauses:
meenwikita meehcipahooha a good automobile.
naanahaakwatoota ihkweeaa woman who sets tables.
niimiciki eeskikiihaki dancing young people.
iina ihkweea kiiiteemaka the woman whom I went around with.
papaki'ayaahi awieehi waapeskiaki some white cloth.
eeskikeki ohkaaci a new tire.
opiidehkaahi waapaateeniki his light-colored shirt.
waieaakini eeyookini the round things which they use.

14.4 Class I conjunct participles. Participles of Class I verbs are formed with the
following suffixes:
With -t-, -k- hefprox.):
-ta, -ka he (prox.J who.
-ciki, *-kiki those (prox.) who.
With -init- he/they (obv.):
-inicini he (obv.) who:
*-inicihi those (obv.) who:
meskodi- be red, tepaham- pay it, pay for it, keehteedi- be old:
meeskodita he who is red, iihtepahaka he who will pay it /pay for it.
meeskodiciki those who are red.
keehteed inicini he who is old.
ee and ie are replaced by aa and ia respectively before -ta and -ciki:
piitikee- go indoors, aapipakaanehkee- have been gathering pecans,
kfaskweepie^ be drunk:
piitikaata he who went in.
aapipakaanehkaaciki those who have been gathering pecans.
kiaksweepiata he who is drunk.
Verbs: Conjunct Participles 87

Otherwise, stems and conjunct suffixes are treated the same in participles
as in the conjunct modes:
(Examples above.)

14.5 Additional conjunct participles with transitive inanimate and plain

transitive verbs. In addition, transitive inanimate verbs take inanimate participial
suffixes denoting the object, and plain transitive verbs take both animate and
inanimate suffixes denoting the object. These suffixes occur after all conjunct
personal suffixes.
The following were recorded with transitive inanimate verbs:
-aake that which we (excl.J.
-aakini those which we (excl.).
-akwe that which we (incl.).
-ani that which you (sing.).
-eekwe that which you (pi).
-ci, -ki that which he (prox.).
-eki that which one.
-ekini those which one:
miici- eat it, neenwee it, ayoo- use it, meemeno- keep drinking it:
iihmiiciaake that which we will eat.
eeyoaakini those which we used.
iihmiicfakwe that which we will eat.
miici'ani that which you ate.
miicieekwe that which you ate.
miicici that which he ate, neemeki that which he saw.
meemenoki that which one drinks.
eeyookini those which one used.
The following were recorded with plain transitive verbs:
-aani that which I.
-cini he (obv.) whom he (prox.).
-ci that which he (prox.):
ataee- sell him /it:
eetaeaani that which I sold.
eetaeecini he whom he sold.
eetaeeci that which he sold.

14.6 Class II conjunct participles. Participles of Class II verbs are formed with
the following suffixes:
With -k- it/they (prox.):
-ki that (prox.) which.
-kini those (prox.) which.
With -inik- it/they (obv.):
88 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

-iniki that (obv.) which.

*-inikini those (obv.) which:
mesaa- be big, waieaa- be circular, kiisayootee- finish being used:
meesaaki that which is big.
waieaakini those which are circular.
kiisayooteeniki that which is finished being used.

14.7 Class III conjunct participles. Participles of Class III verbs are formed with
the following suffixes:
Themes one and two
With -ak-, -emak- / - him/them:
-aka he (prox.) whom I.
-akiki those (prox.) whom I.
-emakini he (obv.) whom I.
-emakihi those (obv.) whom I.
Surely so also with the following:
-aket-, -emaket- we (excl.) - him /them.
-akw-, *-emakw- we (incl.) - him /them.
-at-, -emat-you (sing.) - him/them.
-eekw-, *-emeekw-yon (pi.) - him/them.
-et-, -emet- indefinite - him/them.
With these, the suffixes below were actually heard:
-aketa he (prox.) whom we (excl.).
-akeciki those (prox.) whom we (excl.).
-emakecini he (obv.) whom we (excl.).
-ata he (prox.) whom you (sing.).
-emacini he (obv.) whom you (sing.).
-eekwa he (prox.) whom you (pi).
-eekwiki those (prox.) whom you (pi.).
-eta he (prox.) whom one.
Themes one and three
With -aat- he (prox.) - him/them (obv.):
-aata he (prox.) who - him/them (obv.).
-aaciki those (prox.) who - him/them (obv.).
-aacini he (obv.) whom he (prox.).
*-aacihi those (obv.) whom he (prox.).
With -aaat- they (prox.) - him/them (obv.):
-aaacini he (obv.) whom they (prox.).
-aaacihi those (obv.) whom they (prox.).
With -ekot- he /it/they (obv.) - him (prox.):
-ekota he (prox.) whom he/it/they (obv.).
*-ekociki those (prox.) whom he/it/they (obv.).
-ekocini he (obv.) who - him (prox.).
Verbs: Conjunct Participles 89

-ekocihi those (obv.) who - him (prox.).

-ekoci that which - him (prox.).
*-ekocini those which - him (prox.).
With -ekoaat- he/it/they (obv.) - them (prox.):
*-ekoaacini he (obv.) who - them (prox.).
-ekoaacihi those (obv.) who - them (prox.).
-ekoaaci that which - them (prox.).
*-ekoaacini those which - them (prox.).
Themes five and six
With -it-, -init- he/they - me:
-ita he (prox.) who - me.
-iciki those (prox.) who - me.
*-inicini he (obv.) who - me.
*-inicihi those (obv.) who - me.
Surely so also with the following:
-l'amet-, -l'amenit- he (they - us (excl.).
-enakw- he/they - us (excl.).
-ehk- he/they -you (sing.).
-enaakw- he/they - you (pi).
With these, the suffix below was actually heard:
-ehka he (prox.) who - you (sing.).
With -ik- it/they (in.) - me:
-iki that which - me.
-ikini those which - me.
Surely so also with the following:
-l'amek- it/they (in.) - us (excl.).
-enakw- it/they (in.) - us (incl.).
-ehk- it/they (in.) - you (sing.).
-enaakw- it/they (in.) - you (pi).
With these, the suffixes below were actually heard:
-ehki that which - you (sing.).
-enaakwe that which - you (pi).
miin/s- give it to, (w)iiteem- go with, miihkeceiinota(w)- work for,
(w)iicai- marry, in/s- say so to; call by such a name, 0eekih-
scare, moosw- cut his hair:
Themes one and two
miinaka he whom I gave it to.
miinakiki those whom I gave it to.
miinemakini he whom I gave it to.
miinemakihi those whom I gave it to.
iihwiiteemaketa he whom we will go with.
miihkeceiinotaakeciki those whom we worked for.
miinemakecini he whom we gave it to.
90 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

wiicai'ata he/she whom you married, your husband/wife.

iicaiomacini he/she whom you married, your husband/wife.
miineekwa he whom you gave it to.
miineekwiki those whom you gave it to.
yeeneta he whom one calls so.
Themes one and three
miinaata he (prox.) who gave it to him/them (obv.).
miinaaciki those (prox.) who gave it to him/them (obv.).
miinaacini he (obv.) whom he (prox.) gave it to.
miinaaacini he (obv.) whom they (prox.) gave it to.
wiicaiaaacihi those (obv.) whom they (prox.) married, their hus¬
bands /wives.
miinekota he (prox.) whom he/they (obv.) gave it to.
miinekocini he (obv.) who gave it to him (prox.).
miinekocihi those (obv.) who gave it to him (prox.).
deekihekoci that which scared him.
miinekoaacihi those (obv.) who gave it to them (prox.).
deekihekoaaci that which scared them.
Themes five and six
miisita he who gave it to me.
miisiciki those who gave it to me.
deekihiki that which scared me.
deekihikini those which scared me.
moosohka he who cut your hair.
deekihehki that which scared you.
deekihenaakwe that which scared you.

14.8 Additional conjunct participles with double object verbs. In addition,

double object verbs take both animate and inanimate suffixes denoting the
implicit object. The suffixes occur after all conjunct personal affixes. The
following were recorded:
Theme one
-akini he (obv.) whom I - him/them.
-aki that which I - him/them.
-akini those which I - him /them.
-eekwe that which you (pi.) - him/them.
-aaci that which he (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
Theme six
-enaana he (prox.) whom I - you (sing.).
miin/s-gz>e it to:
Theme one
miinakini he whom I gave to him /them.
miinaki that which I gave to him/them.
Verbs: Conjunct Participles 91

miinakini those which I gave to him /them.

miineekwe that which you gave to him/them.
miinaaci that which he gave to him/them.
Theme six
miinenaana he whom I gave to you.
 1 5. Verbs: The Interrogative Mode

15.1 Formation. The interrogative mode is formed with the conjunct personal
affixes followed by -eeni, but with the following differences:
-t- and -k- at the end of third person suffixes are replaced by -kw-
before -eeni, but -kweehiki they (an. prox.) occurs in place of expected
-aakweeni.
Vowels and consonants are treated differently before -ek- indefinite in the
interrogative mode; the details are given below.
In themes one and six, the theme suffixes are different before certain
suffixes in the interrogative mode; the details are given below.
Combinations of affixes written below with a preceding asterisk have not
actually been heard, but are inferred from the preceding rules.

15.2 Tenses. The interrogative mode has all four tenses.

15.3 Usage: to form statements. Interrogative verbs in the first aorist tense are
used to form statements implying probability:
awieeha nah ahtookweeni papaki'ayaai. Someone must have put a
piece of cloth there.
weeenetokweeni? It must be beautiful?.
The meaning and usage seem to be the same as that of the aorist
dubitative.

15.4 Usage: as nouns. Interrogative verbs are used as inanimate singular nouns.
They occur in the same tenses, with the same meanings, as conjunctive verbs
used as inanimate singular nouns, but an interrogative verb is used in contexts
where the time, place, or manner, etc., expressed by the verb is unknown:
aanicike nahinaah ii'hpiakweeni. I don’t know when he’ll come.
kwi kehkeenetamaani nahinaah eehpiakweeni. I don’t know when he
came.
nenanaatohtaaak eehahteenikweeni. I asked them where it was.
aakwf nenohtoonaan eenoeaneeni. / didn’t understand what you
said.
Verbs: The Interrogative Mode 93

15.5 Usage: whether. Relative verbs with in- are used in the second and third
aorists with the meaning whether. The second aorist has the future meaning, and
the third aorist has the aorist meaning:
aanicik eehisfpiakweeni. I don’t know whether he will come.
aanicik eesimehkamookeeni. I don’t know whether it was found.

15.6 Class I interrogative. The interrogative mode of Class I verbs is formed

with the following affixes:
-aaneeni I.
-aakeeni we (excl.j.
*-akweeni we (incl.).
-aneenijvou (sing.).
-eekweenijow (pi.).
-kweeni/ze (prox.).
-kweehiki they (prox.).
-inikweeni he/they (obv.).
-ekeeni indefinite:
weeneskaahi- be naughty, inoee- say so, nesfanaatedi- be awful,
(w)iideni- eat:
weeneskaahiaaneeni/ must have been naughty.
weeneskaahiaakeeni we must have been naughty.
eenoeaneeni what you said.
weeneskaahieekweenijou must have been naughty.
nesianaatedikweeni he must be awful.
nesianaatedikweehiki they must be awful.
nesi'anaatedinikweeni he/they must be awful.
iideniikeeni one must have eaten.
Before -kweeni and -kweehiki, vowels are unchanged, and o follows a
consonant.
Before -ekeeni, i and o (other than ii and oo) are lengthened, other vowels
are unchanged, and oo follows a consonant; the first e in -ekeeni is dropped after
all these vowels.
Other suffixes are treated as in the conjunct modes:
weeneskaahi- be naughty, nesfanaatedi- be awful, (w)iideni- eat,
peno- go home:
weeneskaahiaaneeni I must have been naughty.
nesianaatedikweeni he must be awful.
nesianaatedikweehiki they must be awful.
nesianaatedinikweeni he/they must be awful.
iideniikeeni one must have eaten, penookeeni one must have gone
home.
ahtoo- put it there, inoee- say so, (w)iicaikee- marry, maanee- be
much/many, aahpaee- dream, pia- come:
 94 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

eenoeaneeni what you said.

ahtookweeni he must have put it there, wiicaikeekweeni he must
have married, iihpiakweeni when he will come.
maaneekweehiki there must be a lot of them, eehisipiakweehiki
whether they will come.
aahpaeenikweeni he/they must have dreamed.
mehkam- find it, kiisinatotam- finish asking for it:
eesimehkamokweeni whether he found it.
kiisinatotamokweehiki they must have finished asking for it.
eesimehkamookeeni whether it was found.

15.7 Class II interrogative. The interrogative mode of Class II verbs is formed

with the following affixes:
-kweeni it/they (prox.f
-inikweeni it/they (obv.):
nesfahki- be an awful place, ahtee- be there:
nesfahkikweeni it must be an awful place, they must be awful places.
eehahteenikweeni where it is, where they are.
Before -kweeni, vowels are unchanged, and o follows a consonant.
Other suffixes are treated as in the conjunct modes:
nesfahki- be an awful place, ahtee- be there:
(Examples above.)
menwiken- be good, weeenet- be beautiful:
menwikenokweeni it must be good, weeenetokweeni it must be
beautiful.

15.8 Class III interrogative. The interrogative mode of Class III verbs is formed
with the following affixes:
Theme one
-aakeeni / - him/them.
-aaketeeni we (excl.J - him /them.
-aakweeni we (incl.) - him/them.
-aateeni you (sing.) - him/them.
-aeekweeniyou (pi.) - him/them.
-aakweeni he (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
*-aakweehiki they (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
*-aanikweeni he/they (obv.) - him/them (obv.).
-aateeni indefinite - him/them.
Theme two
-em- is inserted before theme one forms as in the conjunct modes. Theme
one forms are alternatively used instead of theme two forms:
-emaakeeni I - him/them (obv.), etc.
Verbs: The Interrogative Mode 95

Theme three
-ekokweeni he/it/they (obv.) - him (prox.).
-ekokweehiki he/it/they (obv.) - them (prox.).
There are no theme four forms.
Theme five
-iaakeeni(sing, pi.) - us (excl.).
[Link] (sing.) - me.
-ieekweenijou (pi.) - me.
-ikweeni he (prox.), it, they (in.) - me.
-ikweehiki they (an. prox.) - me.
-inikweeni he/they (an. obv.) - me.
-iikeeni indefinite - me.
Tamekweeni he/they (an. prox.), it/they (in.) - us (excl.).
*-iamenikweeni he/they (an. obv.) - us (excl.).
-iinamekeeni indefinite - us (excl.).
Theme six
-enoaaneeni / - you (sing.).
-enoaakeeni we (excl.) - you (sing., pi.).,
-enakoeeni (not -enoakoeeni) / - you (pi.).
-enoakweeni he /it/they /indefinite - us (inch).
-enokweeni he/it/they - you (sing.).
-enookeeni indefinite - you (sing.).
-enoaakweeni he/it/they/indefinite -you (pi.):
miin/s-57've it to, deekih- scare:
Theme one
eesimiinaakeeni whether I gave it to him /them.
eesimiinaaketeeni whether we gave it to him/them.
eesimiinaakweeni whether we gave it to him/them.
eesimiinaateeni whether you gave it to him/them.
eesimiinaeekweeni whether you gave it to him /them.
eesimiinaakweeni whether he gave it to him /them.
eesimiinaateeni whether it was given to him/them.
Theme two
eesimiinemaakeeni whether I gave it to him I them.
Theme three
eesimiinekokweeni whether he/they gave it to him.
eesimiinekokweehiki whether he/they gave it to them.
eesideekihekokweeni whether it scared him.
Theme five
eesimiisiaakeeni whether you gave it to us.
eesimiisianeeni whether you gave it to me.
eesimiisieekweeni whether you gave it to me.
eesimiisikweeni whether he gave it to me.
96 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

eesideekihikweeni whether it/they scared me.

eesimiisikweehiki whether they gave it to me.
eesimiisinikweeni whether he/they gave it to me.
eesimiisiikeeni whether it was given to me.
eesimiisi'amekweeni whether he/they gave it to us.
eesideekihi'amekweeni whether it scared us.
eesimiisiinamekeeni whether it was given to us.
Theme six
eesimiinenoaaneeni whether I gave it to you.
eesimiinenoaakeeni whether we gave it to you.
eesimiinenakoeeni whether I gave it to you.
eesimiinenoakweeni whether he/they gave it to us, whether it was
given to us.
eesimiinenokweeni whether he/they gave it to you.
eesideekihenokweeni whether it scared you.
eesimiinenookeeni whether it was given to you.
eesimiinenoaakweeni whether he/they gave it to you, whether it was
given to you.
eesideekihenoaakweeni whether it scared you.
Changes in stems and suffixes are described and exemplified under the
indicative mode.
 16. Verbs: Interrogative Participles

16.1. Singular interrogative participles are probably formed with the singular
participial suffixes in place of the final i of -eeni.
Plural interrogative participles do not occur.
Presumably, there is a singular interrogative participle formed like each
singular conjunct participle; the interrogative participles indicate that the person
or thing denoted by the participle is unknown.
The following were recorded:
CLASS I
-kweena whoever:
aahpaee- dream:
aahpaeekweena whoever dreamed.
CLASS III
Theme one
-aateena whomever the indefinite:
miin/s- give it to
miinaateena whomever it was given to.
 17. Verbs: The Potential and Prohibitive Modes

17.1 Formation. The potential and prohibitive modes are formed with personal
affixes some of which resemble conjunct personal affixes, and some of which are
wholly different from the personal affixes of the independent, conjunct, and
interrogative modes.
These personal affixes are all suffixes.

17.2 Tenses. No different tenses are distinguished in the potential and

prohibitive modes, and they take no tense affixes.

17.3 Usage. Potential verbs ^re used to form statements implying potentiality,
and to express the result in contrary-to-fact conditional sentences:
eecinoateda. It would be easy.
kaskihtoohkaakeha? Would we be able to do it?
piaaneha neewfeekaaa. If I had come, I would have seen him.
Potential verbs are used with dita couldn’t, wouldn’t to form statements
denying potentiality, or to deny the result of a contrary-to-fact condition:
aita kaskihtooda. He wouldn’t be able to do it.
Prohibitive verbs are used to form statements implying possibility:
niididaahkici. He might fall down.
Prohibitive verbs are used with kaata don’t to express prohibitions:
kaata noiihkeeko! Don’t go outdoors!.
kaata wiideniaahkici. Don’t let them eat.

17.4 Class I potential. The potential mode of Class I verbs is formed with the
following affixes:
-hkaaha I.
-hkaakeha we (excl.).
-hkakoha we (incl.).
-hkapayou (sing.).
-hkeekohayou (pi).
-da he (prox.).
-aada they (prox.).
-inida he/they (obv.).
-eneeha indefinite:
Verbs: The Potential and Prohibitive Modes 99

kaskihtoo- be able to make it, niimi- dance:

kaskihtoohkaaha / would have been able to make it.
kaskihtoohkaakeha we would have been able to make it.
kaskihtoohkakoha we would have been able to make it.
kaskihtoohkapa you would have been able to make it.
kaskihtoohkeekoha^on would have been able to make it.
kaskihtoo0a he would have been able to make it.
niimiaada they would dance.
kaskihtooniOa he/they would have been able to make it.
niimineeha one would dance.
Before hk and 6, vowels are unchanged, m in am is dropped, and hk is
replaced by k after the resulting a. e follows other consonants before hk and 6.
-aa0a, -iniOa, and -eneeha are surely treated like -aat-, -init-, and -ek-
respectively in the conjunct modes:
kaskiideni- be able to eat, niimi- dance:
kaskiiSenihkaaha / would be able to eat.
niimiaa0a they would dance.
niimineeha one would dance.
kaskihtoo- be able to make it:
kaskihtoohkaaha I would have been able to make it.
kaskihtoo0a he would have been able to make it.
kaskihtoaa0a they would have been able to make it.
kaskihtoonida he/they would have been able to make it.
mehkam-find it:
mehkakaaha I would have found it.
mehka0a he would have found it.
neem- see it:
neemehkaaha I would have seen it.
neemeda he would have seen it.
(Other examples below, prohibitive.)

17.5 Class II potential. The potential mode of Class II verbs is formed with the
following affixes:
-0 a it/they (prox.f
-mida. it/they (obv.).
eecinoat- be easy /cheap:
eecinoateda it/they would be easy /cheap.
eecinoatenida it/they would be easy /cheap.
-da and -ini0a are surely treated like -k- and -inik- in the conjunct modes:
kaidaa-fall, topple:
kai0aa0a it would fall.
menwiken- be good:
menwikeda it would be good.
100 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

eecinoat- be easy /cheap:

(Examples above.)

17.6 Class III potential. The potential mode of Class III verbs is formed with
the following affixes:
Theme one
Combinations of affixes written with a preceding asterisk have not actually
been heard, but are inferred from the following assumptions.
The personal suffixes are the same as in Class I. The theme suffix is -iee-
with first and second person subjects, and the same as in the conjunct modes
with third person subjects, h is dropped after -iee-.
-ieekaaha/- him/them.
-ieekaakeha we (excl.) - him/them.
*-ieekakoha we (incl.) - him/them.
-ieekapayou (sing.) - him/them.
*-ieekeekoha you (pi.) - him /them.
-aaOa he (prox.) - him /them (obv.).
-aaada they (prox.) - him /them (obv.).
*-aanida he/they (obv.) - him/them (obv.).
-eneeha indefinite - him/them.
No theme two forms were recorded.
Theme three
-eko0a he/they (obv.) - him (prox.).
-ekoaada he/they (obv.) - them (prox.).
Probably the same suffixes denote it/they - him and it/they - them as in
the other modes.
There are no theme four forms.
Theme five
-ihkaakehayou (sing., pi) - us (excl.).
-ihkapayou (sing.) - me.
-ihkeekohayou (pi.) - me.
-ida. he (prox.)/it/they (in.) - me.
-iaada they (an. prox.) - me.
-inida he/they (an. obv.) - me.
-ineeha indefinite - me.
-l'ameda he/it/they (an. prox., in.) - us (excl.).
-iameniOahe/they (an. obv.) - us (excl.).
-iinameneeha indefinite - us (excl.).
Theme six
-enakaaha / - you (sing., pi).
-enakaakeha we (excl.) - you (sing., pi).
-enakoda he/it/they /indefinite - us (incl.).
Verbs: The Potential and Prohibitive Modes 101

-eneda he /it/they -you (sing.).

-eneneeha indefinite - you (sing.).
-enwaada he /it/they /indefinite -you (pi):
miin/s-give it to, deekih-scare:
Theme one
miisieekaaha / would have given it to him/them.
miisieekaakeha we would have given it to him/them.
miisieekapayou would have given it to him/them.
miinaada he would have given it to him/them.
miinaaada they would have given it to him/them.
miineneeha it would have been given to him/them.
Theme three
miinekoda he/they would have given it to him.
miinekoaada he/they would have given it to them.
Theme five
miisihkaakeha you would have given it to us.
miisihkapa would have given it to me.
miisihkeekoha you would have given it to me.
miisida he would have given it to me.
deekihida it/they would have scared me.
miisiaada they would have given it to me.
miisinida he/they would have given it to me.
miisineeha it would have been given to me.
miisi'ameda he/they would have given it to us.
deekihiameda it/they would have scared us.
miisiamenida he/they would have given it to us.
miisiinameneeha it would have been given to us.
Theme six
miinenakaaha I would have given it to you.
miinenakaakeha we would have given it to you.
miinenakoda he/they would have given it to us, it would have been
given to us.
deekihenakoda it/they would have scared us.
miineneda he/they would have given it to you.
deekiheneda it/they would have scared you.
miineneneeha it would have been given to you.
miinenwaada he/they would have given it to you, it would have been
given to you.
deekihenwaada it/they would have scared you.
Changes in stems and suffixes are described and exemplified under the
indicative mode.
 102 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

17.7 Prohibitive. The prohibitive mode is derivable from the potential mode by
the following rules.
Where the potential verb ends with -aaha, aakeha, -akoha, -apa, or -eekoha,
the prohibitive replaces them with -a, -aake, -akwe, -ani, and -eeko respectively.
Where the potential verb ends with -6a, the prohibitive replaces it with
-hkici. The h in -hkici is dropped after stems which drop m or n before -da.
In exception to the above, the prohibitive mode has -enakakwe
he/it/they/indefinite - us (incl.) instead of the expected -enakohkici, and -enakici
he/it/they - you (sing.) instead of the expected -enehkici.
Where the potential verb takes the suffix -eneeha, the prohibitive takes
-hkiiki. -hkiiki and the stem are subject to the same sound changes as occur with
other suffixes beginning with hk.
Combinations of affixes written below with a preceding asterisk have not
actually been heard, but are inferred from the preceding rules.

17.8 Class I prohibitive. The prohibitive mode of Class I verbs is formed with
the following affixes:
-hka I.
*-hkaake we (excl.J.
-hkakwe we (incl.).
-hkaniyou (sing.).
-hkeekoyow (pi.).
-hkici he (prox.).
-aahkici they (prox.).
-inihkici he/they (obv.).
-hkiiki indefinite:
niididaa- fall, drop, kiipidaa-fall, stumble, (w)iideni-eat:
niidid aahka I migh t fall.
niididaahkakwe we might fall.
niididaahkaniyon might fall.
kiipidaahkeekoyon might fall.
niididaahkici he might fall.
midiflaaahkici they might fall.
niididaanihkici he/they might fall.
wiidenihkiiki one might be eating.
Sound changes in stems and suffixes have been specified above for
potential verbs, and in the rules for deriving prohibitive verbs from potential
verbs:
waiiceenwi- keep joining, (w)iideni- eat:
kaata waiiceenwihkani don’t keep joining.
wiideniaahkici they might be eating.
nakamo- sing:
Verbs: The Potential and Prohibitive Modes 103

kaata nakamohkani don’t sing.

maanee- be much /many:
maaneehkici there might be a lot of him.
niididaa- fall, drop:
(Examples above.)
pia- come:
piahkici he might come.
paimehkam- fail to find it, mehkam-find it:
paimehkakeeko you migh t fail to find it.
mehkakici he might find it.
mehkamoaahkici they might find it.
neem- see it:
neemehkici he might see it.

17.9 Class II prohibitive. The prohibitive mode of Class II verbs is formed with
the following affixes:
-hkici it/they (prox.).
*-inihkici it/they (obv.).
kaidaa- fall, topple:
kai0aahkici it/they might fall.
Sound changes in stems have been specified above for potential verbs, and
in the rules for deriving prohibitive verbs from potential verbs:
kaiSaa-fall, topple:
(Examples above.)
oskiken- be new:
oskikekici it might be new.
maaneet- be much /many:
maaneetehkici there might be a lot of it/them.

17.10. Class III prohibitive. The prohibitive mode of Class III verbs is formed
with the following affixes:
Theme one
-ieeka / - him/them.
-ieekaake we (excl.) - him/them.
-ieekakwe we (incl.) - him/them.
-ieekaniyou (sing.) - him/them.
-ieekeeko you (pi.) - him/them.
-aahkici he (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
*-aaahkici they (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
*-aanihkici he/they (obv.) - him/them (obv.).
-ieekiiki indefinite - him/them.
No theme two forms were recorded.
104 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

Theme three
-ekohkici he/it/they (obv.) - him (prox.).
*-ekoaahkici he/it/they (obv.) - them (prox.).
There are no theme four forms.
Theme five
-ihkaakejon (sing., pi) - us (exclj.
-ihkani_yon (sing.) - me.
-ihkeeko (pi.) - me.
-hkici he (prox.) /it/they (in.) - me.
*-iaahkici they (an. prox.) - me.
*-inihkici he/they (an. obv.) - me.
*-ihkiiki indefinite - me.
-famehkici he/it/they (an. prox., in.) - us (excl.).
*Tamenihkici he/they (an. obv.) - us (excl.).
-iinamehkiiki indefinite - us (excl.).
Theme six
-enaka I-you (sing., pi).
*-enakaake we (excl.) - you (sing., pi).
-enakakwe he/it/they /indefinite - us (incl.).
-enakici he/it/they -you (sing.).
-enakiiki indefinite - you (sing.).
-enwaahkici he /it/they /indefinite - you (pi).
nee(w)- see, miin/s- give it to, dakipw- bite, deekih- scare, pakam-
hit:
Theme one
neewieeka I might see him/them.
neewieekaake we might see him/them.
kaata miisieekakwe let’s not give it to him/them.
kaata miisieekani don’t give it to him/them.
kaata miisieekeeko don’t give it to him/them.
neewaahkici he might see him /them.
neewieekiiki he/they might be seen.
Theme three
dakipokohkici he might bite him.
deekihekohkici it might scare him.
Theme five
kaata miisihkaake don’t give it to us.
kaata miisihkani don’t give it to me.
kaata miisihkeeko don’t give it to me.
neewihkici he might see me.
deekihihkici it might scare me.
neewi'amehkici he might see us.
neewiinamehkiiki we might be seen.
Verbs: The Potential and Prohibitive Modes 105

Theme six
pakamenaka I might hit you.
pakamenakakwe he/they might hit us.
neonakici he/they might see you.
neonakiiki you might be seen.
pakamenwaahkici he/they might hit you.
Changes in stems and suffixes are described and exemplified under the
indicative mode.
 18. Verbs: The Imperative Mode

18.1 Formation. The imperative mode with first person plural inclusive and
with second person subjects is formed with a set of personal affixes wholly
different from the personal affixes of other modes. These personal affixes are all
suffixes.
The imperative mode with third person subjects is derivable from the
potential mode by the following rule.
Where the potential verb ends with -6a, the imperative replaces it with -ce.
Combinations of affixes written below with a preceding asterisk have not
actually been heard, but are inferred from the preceding rule.
The imperative mode does not occur with first person singular, first person
plural exclusive, or indefinite subjects.

18.2 Tenses. No different tenses are distinguished in the imperative mode, and
it takes no tense affixes.

18.3 Usage. Imperative verbs express commands:

peteki haatae. Let’s go back.
wiidenino. Eat!.
wii^enice. Let him eat.
iiteemino. Come with me!.
miisf kekyaha. Give it to your mother!.

18.4 Class I imperative. The imperative mode of Class I verbs is formed with
the following affixes:
-tae casual, -taane deliberate we (incl.).
-noyou (sing.).
-oko you (pi).
-ce he (prox.J.
-aace they (prox.).
-mice he/they (obv.):
piitikee- go/come indoors, maiki'oflee- go walk/travel around,
(w)ii0eni- eat:
piitikeetaane let’s go indoors, maikio0eetae let’s go walk/travel around.
Verbs: The Imperative Mode 107

pii tikeeno go/come indoors.

piitikeeko go/come indoors.
wii0enice let him eat.
wiideniaace let them eat.
ii0eninice let him/them eat.
Before -taane and -tae, vowels are unchanged, am is replaced by aa, and e
follows other consonants.
Before -no, vowels are unchanged, the final m of am is dropped, and e
follows other consonants.
-oko loses the first o after a vowel; -oko and a preceding consonant are
unchanged.
-ce, -aace, and -inice, and the stems with which they occur, are surely
treated like -0a, -aa0a, and -ini0a in the potential mode, and the stems with
which they occur:
(w)ii0eni- eat:
wii0enitaane let’s eat.
wiidenino eat.
wiideniko eat.
wii0enice let him eat.
wii0eniaace let them eat.
ii0eninice let him /them eat.
nakamo- sing:
nakamono sing.
miihketii- play cards, pa0ekwii- get up, noii- go outdoors:
miihketiitaane let’s play cards.
pa0ekwiino get up.
noiikogo outdoors.
poonimayoo- stop crying:
poonimayoono stop crying.
piitikee- go /come indoors:
(Examples above.)
nepaa- sleep:
nepaano sleep.
pia- come:
piano come.
mehkam-/in<i it, kepaham- close it, (w)aapatam- look at it:
mehkaataane let’s find it.
kepahano close it.
mehkamoko find it.
waapatace let him look at it.
naat- go to fetch it:
naatetaane let’s go to fetch it.
naateno go to fetch it.
naatokogo to fetch it.
108 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

18.5 Class II imperative. The imperative mode of Class II verbs is formed with
the following affixes:
-ce it/they (prox.).
* -in ice it/they (obv.):
piemikat- come:
piemikatece let it come.
-ce and *-inice and the stems with which they occur are surely treated like
-6a and -ini0a in the potential mode and the stems with which they occur:
kaiOaa- fall, topple:
kaidaace let it fall.
piemikat- come:
(Examples above.)

18.6 Class III imperative. The imperative mode of Class III verbs is formed with
the following affixes:
Theme one
-aataane we (incl.) - him/them.
-i you (sing.) - him /them.
-ehko you (pi.) - him/them.
-aace he (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
*-aaace they (prox.) - him/them (obv.).
*-aanice he/they (obv.) - him/them (obv.).
No theme two forms were recorded.
Theme three
-ekoce he/they (obv.) - him (prox.).
*-ekoaace he/they (obv.) - them (prox.).
Surely the same suffixes denote it/them - him and it/they - them as in the
other modes.
There are no theme four forms.
Theme five
-inaakeyou (sing., pi.) - us (excl.).
-inoyou (sing.) - me.
-iko you (pi.) - me.
-ice he (prox.) - me.
-iaace they (an. prox.) - me.
*-in ice he/they (an. obv.) - me.
*-famece he/they (an. prox.) - us (excl.).
*-iamenice he/they (an. obv.) - us (excl.).
Probably -ice and -famece also denote it/they - me and it/they - us (excl.)
as in other modes.
Theme six
-enakoce he/they - us (incl.).
Verbs: The Imperative Mode 109

-enece he/they - you (sing.).

-enwaace he/they - you (pi).
Probably the same suffixes denote it/they - us (incl.), it/they -you (sing.),
and it/they - you (pi) as in other modes:
(w)iiteem-go with, miin/s-give it to, odemih- help, nee(w)- see:
Theme one
iiteemaataane let’s go with him/them.
miisigive it to him/them.
miinehko give it to him/them.
miinaace let him give it to him.
Theme three
miinekoce let him/them give it to him.
Theme five
miisinaake give it to us.
miisino ve it to me.
odemihiko help me.
neewice let him see me.
neewiaace let them see me.
Theme six
neonakoce let him/them see us.
neonece let him/them see you.
neonwaace let him/them see you.
Changes in stems and suffixes are described and exemplified under the
indicative mode.
 19. Verbs: The Attributive

19.1. Verbs of Class I and II occur with the attributive suffix -i-:
Class I
tasitaneko- play:
tasitanekoi- play (att.).
Class II
onaakwi- be evening:
onaakwi'i- evening (att.).
waa0ee- be day:
waa0ei- day (att.).
An attributive verb is prefixed to and modifies a noun or verb, yielding a
compound stem:
tasitanekoaahiimi toy, literally plaything.
waa0eikiise$wa the sun, literally day sun.
kiisonaakwiiiOeniaake when we had finished eating supper, literally
when we had finished evening eating.
A long weak syllable is shortened before -i-, and -i- forms a strong syllable
with a preceding vowel:
(Examples above.)
-i- was not recorded with stems ending in consonants.
 20. Irregular Verbs

20.1 Verbs with different stems. Several verbs have different stems with
different affixes.
i-, 6i- say so: 6i- follows the prefixes n- and k-, and i-, occurs elsewhere
including after the prefixes (w)iih- and eeh-:
ne@i I said so.
kedi you said so.
kiihi you will say so.
keflipwayow said so.
ia he said so.
l'aki they said so.
eehiaani when I said so.
eehici when he said so.
ihaa-, aa- go to that place: aa- follows all prefixes, and ihaa- occurs
elsewhere:
neta I went there.
niiha I'll go there.
netaapena we went there.
niihaapena we’ll go there.
keta you went there.
iheea, iheewa he went there.
iheaki they went there.
aakwi iihaaani I won’t go there.
eehaaani when I went there.
eehaakwe when we went there.
aakwi iihaaniyou won’t go there.
ihaeekwe if you go there.
ihaano go there.
kaata ihaahkani don’t go there.
in/s- say so to: the stem disappears entirely before suffixes of the third,
fourth, and sixth themes (initial e in the suffixes is replaced by i except after
net- and ket-):
Theme one
netenaa, netenaawa I said so to him.
ineewa he said so to him.
112 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

eehinaki when I said so to him.

isi say so to him.
Theme three
netekwa he said so to me.
ketekwa he said so to you.
ikwa he said so to him.
Theme four
netekoopi/ was told so.
Theme five
eehisfameci when he told us so.
isino tell me so.
Theme six
ketene I said so to you.

20.2 Verbs with irregular third aorists. Several verbs form the third aorist
irregularly.
i-, Q'x- say so; use such a name, in/s-, zero say so to; use such a name for,
and itam- say so to it; use such a name for it, change i to yee to form the third
aorist:
yeeta he who said so.
yeenaacini he whom he calls so.
yeeneta he whom one calls so.
yeetameki that which one calls so.
ihaa-, aa- go to that place is replaced by eeyaa- in the third aorist:
eeyaata he who went there.
pia- come is replaced by pyeaa- in the third aorist:
pyeaata he who came.
Stems beginning with the relative roots tan- and tadw- form the third
aorist by prefixing ee:
tanaaskaa- move /be in motion there:
eetanaaskaakini those which moved there.
tadwipepoonwee- be so many years old:
eetadwipepoonweaanias many years old as lam.

20.3 kiea and kyaea. In two verbs a long weak syllable is shortened before -a
even though a brief word would otherwise be formed:
kiea he turned away.
kyaea he is jealous.

20.4 Class I verbs ending in -sin-. Class I verbs ending in -sin- lose the final n
before -k- he (prox.) in the conjunct modes:
kehcisin- be tired:
Irregular Verbs
113

aakwi kehcisiki he is not tired.

Compare:
nekehcisine / am tired.
nekehcisinepena we are tired.
kehcisinwa he is tired.
kehcisinooki they are tired.
aakwi kehcisinaani lam not tired.
aakwi kehcisinoaaci they are not tired.
Class I verbs ending in -sin- lose the final in before obviative personal
suffixes:
0aadaakikaasin- lie with one’s feet sticking out:
0aadaakikaasinici when he/they lay with his/their feet sticking out.
Compare:
0aa0aakikaasinwa he lay with his feet sticking out.

20.5 (w)iicai-. After (w)iicai- marry initial e is dropped in suffixes of themes

three, probably four, and six. Initial e in other suffixes is replaced by o after
(w)iicai-. The final i forms a strong syllable with a following vowel before a
consonant or a final vowel.
kewiicai'aa you married him.
wiicaiata he whom you married.
iicafomacini he whom you married.
newiicaikwa he married me.
kewiicaine / married you.
 21. Particles

21.1 Formation. The particles do not take affixes like nouns and verbs.

21.2 Sentence modifiers. Most particles occur as modifiers of the rest of the
sentence.
seeski merely, (pa)kici my!, kfaki still, continue to, taataki some¬
what, as if, noohki again, meekweehe perhaps, probably,
kwi'ena in time, just now/then,, inahinaaha at that time, eiiki
also, see now, already, caahi but; so then:
eenikiteehea seeski. He merely laughed.
ki'ci kiaki taataki nekiikesaataatedi. My! I still felt somewhat
friendly.
aapake noohki niihmaipakaanehkeepena. Tomorrow we’ll go gather
pecans again.
meekweeh kwiena ni nahinaah iihpeekwahkii. Perhaps the ground
will be dry then in time.
n eiiki se eeheepinenehkeenetamaan eehketemaakediaani. And now I
also began to think about my being miserable.
kwi caah noohki peteki haaake. But we didn’t go back again.
Several of these cannot begin a sentence; they are called enclitic particles:
aapehe repeatedly:
n aapehee n iiskopak eehmiiciki. Then the sweet stuff is always
eaten.
aakwi ciih aapeh mehkamaake. Surprisingly we repeatedly failed to
find it.
iak aapee. They said so repeatedly.
The others can occur anywhere in a sentence; they are called independent
particles:
(ii)noki today :
nokii nieek eeskikiihaki maikiinaihi'eaki. Today the young people
went around visiting.
daakicii noki netasiacaao. I cooked outdoors today.
oo netaapipakaanehkeepenaa noki. Oh, we have been gathering
pecans today.
Particles
115

Enclitic particles probably include the following:

aapehe repeatedly.
caahi but; so then.
koho (emphatic).
keehe (emphatic), but not keehe or.
noohki again
o (contradiction marker).
(y)eepani ever, at any time.
(y)ooe in the past, formerly.
ipi one said so is treated like an enclitic particle:
ni pi siisiipeehani nekot eehnedaaaci. Then, it is said, they killed one
duck.

21.3 Particles used like nouns. Particles expressing quantities are used like
nouns. When a particle expressing a quantity is the subject or object of a verb,
the personal affixes of the verb, or the implicit personal pronouns, indicate the
gender, number, and obviation of the item which the particle denotes:
eehonemaineaaci caaki when they all prayed.
nesiitadwi nemeno I drank a lot of it.
Particles expressing quantities occur as appositives:
nekoti ihkweea one woman.
nekotwaasika koohkoosaki six pigs.
caaki ooteenania// towns.
maane mani meenenoki a lot of this stuff that one drinks.
kotakaki niei four others (animate).

21.4 Modifiers of locative nouns. Certain particles modify locative nouns:

ahpemeki above, over:
ahpemeki kohkahikaneki above/over the bridge.
akwici, akwitapahkwe upon, on top of:
akwici meehcipahooheki, akwitapahkwe meehcipahooheki upon/on
top of an automobile.
asici near:
asici iinahi piotikaaneki near the peyote tent.
asitapahkwe against:
opehkwaneki asitapahkwe against his back.
kehcine near:
kehcine iinahi eeyaaake near there where we were going.
manoci beside:
iinahi manoci beside that.
naamaahkwe under:
naamaahkwe kohkahikaneki under the bridge.
116 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

naameki inside:
naameki poohkamaaki inside a peach.
ohkwaai full:
mesikwaapahikaneki ohkwaai a big cup full.
piitoonaaki inside:
piitoonaaki meehcipahooheki inside the automobile.

21.5 Prenouns, preverbs, and preparticles. Certain particles are prefixed to and
modify stems or particles, yielding compound stems and particles. These particles
all end with the attributive suffix -i-.
Those which occur with nouns are called prenouns, those which occur
with verbs are called preverbs, and those which occur with particles are called
preparticles. The following include some of the more frequent prenouns,
preverbs, and preparticles:
aanwi- prev. be unable to:
aanwipoonieenikiteehea he couldn’t stop laughing.
aapi- prev. have been -ing:
aapipakaanehkaaciki those who have been gathering pecans.
ahkwi- prev. for so far/long (relative):
eehkwinepoohici as long as he has been dead.
ahpiihci- prev. to such an extent (relative):
eehpiihcimenwikeki the extent to which it is good.
anemi- prev. along on the way:
netanemiwaaacaahopena we kept cooking on the way.
apieni- prev. slowly:
netapieninaapaatotaafto I read slowly.
caaki- prev. all:
iihcaakipanaatetwi it will all be lost.
caki- pren. small, little; the noun takes the diminutive suffix -eeh- if it
does not already have it:
cakanemooha little dog, compare anemwa dog.
cakimesihkeeha little turtle, compare mesihkeeha turtle.
cei- prev. the same; the preverb is an antecedent to nonlocative
relative words:
ceisidetoono place it the same way.
neceinekinepena we ’re the same size.
neceitad wipepoon weepena we’re the same age.
iici- pren. fellow; the resulting noun is dependent:
niicikaanahanaaciihahi my fellow Caddo Indians (obv.).
isi- prev. thither, to that place (relative); thus, so, in that way, like
that (relative):
eehisiaapatamaani when I looked at it so.
isi- pren. such (relative):
Particles 117

lSiwiikiOeniakani such delicious food.

kaski- prev. he able to:
nekaskikota / was able to swallow it.
katai- prev. almost:
eehkatainepoohici when he was almost dead.
kehci- prev. much:
nekehciidenipena we ate a lot.
kehci- pren. large, big:
kehcimaskiekwi big lake.
kekeni- prev. fast, quickly, swiftly:
nekekeninaapaatotaaflo I read fast.
kfi- prev. around aimlessly:
niihkiinaihieepena we’ll visit around.
kiisi- prev. finish -ing:
kiisimiiciaake when we had finished eating it.
kiisi- often merely indicates that the situation denoted by the verb with
which it occurs terminated prior to the time of speaking or context, and it can
be translated by the English simple past tense:
nekiisinaacihie kiai Isought help from you.
koci- prev. try to:
kociniimia he tried to dance.
kokwi- prev. suddenly:
eehkokwikanaici when he suddenly spoke.
maaci- prev., pren., prep, most, to the greatest extent:
nemaacitasikehcimo I was most stubborn there.
nemaacine0e0eeha my oldest brother.
maacimenehta first of all.
maci- pren. bad, defective, mean:
maciskweedeeha bad girl.
mai- prev. go and, go to:
niihmaipakaanehkeepena we will go gather pecans.
mecimi- prev. constantly:
nemeciminaapaatotaado I read constantly.
memeesi- pren. large, big; the prenoun evidently occurs only with
plural nouns, compare mesi-:
memeesanemooki big dogs.
menwi- prev. good, well; right, correctly:
aakwi menwimainacihianiyou didn’t help me well.
mesi- pren. large, big; the prenoun evidently occurs only with
singular nouns, compare memeesi-:
mesiikiaapi big house.
miasi- prev. badly:
nemiasiwacaaho I cooked badly.
118 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

naaci- prev. stop and, stop to:

eehnaaciaapakeaake when we stopped to watch.
nahi- prev. know how to; after aakwi (w)iih- should not, ought not
to:
nenahiwacaaho I know how to cook.
aakwi iihnahipaahipihtamani you should not ridicule it.
nanai- prev. in vain:
nenanaiwacaaho I cooked in vain, I cooked for nothing.
natai- prev. seek to:
nenataiwacaaho I sought to cook.
nesi- prev. alone, by oneself:
kenesipiitike you went indoors alone.
nesii- prev., prep, extremely:
nesfimenwahkii it is an extremely nice place.
nesfita0wi much, many.
nootei- prev. insufficiently:
nenooteinaapaatotaaSo I didn’t read enough.
oci- prev. thence, from that place (relative); therefore, for that
reason (relative):
ketocipya you came from there.
kiihocinenehkeeneta you will think about it therefore.
oski- prev. pren .first, original, originally:
eehoskiinahpiaake when we first came there.
netoskinetaaneda my first daughter.
otami- prev. be busy at:
niihotaminahaapahkweepena we will be busy roofing.
oSaami- prev. too, too much, excessively:
ketodaamikodekwane you are too heavy.
p&i- prev. fail to, not; the preverb forms the negative of all modes except
the indicative (aakwi with the conjunctive or iterative), the potential (£ita with
the potential), and the imperative (kaata with the prohibitive):
eehpaahtoaake when we didn’t have it, when we didn’t put it there.
paiweepenaake if it doesn’t rain.
With the indicative, and with aakwi and the conjunctive, pdi- expresses
disappointment:
paipiea he didn’t come ( and I wish that he had/would).
aakwi paipiaci he didn’t fail to come, he came (and I wish he
hadn’t).
pakwaci- pren. wild:
pakwacohpenieki wild potatoes.
pehci- prev. wrongly, in error:
nepehcinaapaatota I read it wrong.
Particles 119

pieci- prev. come and, come to; in this direction:

nepiecanemehkaakooki they came and shook hands with me.
nepiecipenopena we came home.
pooni- prev. stop -ing:
iihpooneenihenikiteeheeci in order for him to stop laughing.
tasi- prev., pren. there, at that place (relative):
tasikeekedaapamekwa he kept peeping at him there.
akaameeheki tasimeehikooha Spaniard, literally Mexican across the
water.
weeeni- pren. pretty, handsome; good:
weeenimeehcipahooha pretty /good automobile.
(w)eepi- prev. begin to:
eeheepimayoaani when I began to cry.
(w)iici- prev. along with another or others:
niihiicimeno I’ll drink it too.

21.6 Particles used with prepositional nouns. Certain particles are prefixed to
prepositional nouns, forming compounds with the stem. These particles include
numeral roots with the attributive suffix -i-, and certain other particles including
akwami each, every, mayai- at/in/on the main, nai- in the middle of, nehkani-
during all of:
nekotikiisekwe for one day.
niiswikwaapahikane two cupfuls.
akwamitakwaake each/every autumn.
akwamonaakwe each /every evening.
mayaisaapwahkiihe on the main street.
naooteene in the middle of the town.
nehkanikiisekwe all day long.
A number of noun stems occur only in prepositional nouns, or in other
kinds of nouns only with different meanings:
eeflepane quarter dollar (eeflepana raccoon).
kiisekwe day (kiisekwi sky).
maine mile.
menoohkamie spring (season).
onaakwe evening.
paone pound.
penae summer.
pepoonwe winter.
takwaake autumn.
tepehkwe night.
120 Introduction to the Kickapoo Language

21.7 Other particles. Certain particles occur as antecedents of relative words.

These are described above under relative words.
Certain particles occur with verbs of certain modes to form sentences.
These are described above under the various modes.
 Voorhis, Paul H
lntr°duction to the Kickapoo I 010101 000

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FM1526 .V66
Voorhis, Paul H
Introduction to the Kickapoo
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