DIRE DAWA UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE OF LAW

ASSESSING THE PRACTICAL CAUSES OF CONFLICT BETWEEN STUDENTS AND

RESOLUTION MECHANISM IN DIRE DAWA UNIVERSITY

THESIS SUBMITTED AS REQUIREMENT FOR THE LEGAL RESEARCH

COURSE,DEPARTEMENT OF LAW, DIRE DAWA UNIVERSITY

By - Law Students Class Of 2016 E.C

Advisor; Alemseged Dejene (LLB, LLM),

School of law; Dire Dawa University

April 2025
DECLARATION PAGE

We, the undersigned, hereby declare that this group research paper titled "The
Causes of Conflict Between Students and Resolution Mechanisms in Dire Dawa
University" is our joint and original work which is done exclusively for academic
purposes. All sources and references utilized have been duly acknowledged according
to academic standards. This research has not been submitted to any other institution
for academic credit. The research is submitted as requirment for the Legal Research
course under the supervision of Instructor and advisor, Alemseged Dejenie, School of
Law, Dire Dawa University.

Declared by:

Group Members: Signature:

Abenezer Godana – ID: 1600805 __________

Samira Zahir– ID-1600638 __________

Yeabsirs Demisew – ID:1601136 __________

Mabrat Birhanu – ID: 1601014 __________

Rahel Alemayehu – ID:RMD2023 __________

Ashenefech Morka–ID 1600838 __________

Advisor:Alemseged Dejene…………………..………Signature: _______________

Date: _______________

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 Acknowledgments

First and foremost, we give all thanks and glory to the Almighty God, whose grace,
wisdom, and strength guided us throughout the process of completing this research.
Without His presence and support, none of this would have been possible.

We would also like to express our sincere gratitude to our respected instructor, Mr.
Alemseged Dejene, for his guidance, constructive feedback, and continuous support
throughout the development of this research. His critical insights and encouragement
helped us refine our ideas and maintain academic direction.

We also appreciate various Dire Dawa University college of law staff, especially
those who participated in data collection time. Specifically, we value dorm
supervisors,student leaders, and discpline committee members who gave their time
and experience voluntarily.

We also thank the genuine cooperation and joint commitment of our group members
whose cooperation, late night efforts, and dedication converted this research from an
idea in to final product.

To all those who assisted in any manner or way — directly or indirectly — we are
deeply grateful to them.

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Abstract
This study researches the causes of conflict among students at Dire Dawa
University[DDU] and assesses the effectiveness of the conflict resolution mechanisms
at the university. Admitting that conflict among students is a perennial issue in most
higher institutions of learning, the research aims at establishing structural and
behavioral factors behind such conflicts — i.e., academic pressure, conflicts within
the dormitories, communication failure, and dissatisfaction with administrative
response. By adopting a qualitative legal research approach supported by a doctrinal
and applied research background and also quantitative legal reasearch method ,the
paper investigates not only the daily lives of the impacted students and university staff,
but also the legal and institutional structures embracing conflict resolution in
Ethiopian universities.

Interviews, focus group discussion, questionnaires, and documentary review were

employed to collect data for the research. Results are expected to emphasize gaps in
the existing mechanisms of the university, chart best practice, and provide
recommendations for practical reform of laws and institutions. Combining normative
inquiry with field-based research, the research develops conflict management and a
more peaceful academy.

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Acronyms

DDU Dire Dawa University

HEI higher education proclamation

MoSHE minister of science and higher education

FGD focused group discussion

EHEP Ethiopian Higher Education proclamation

HR human rights

NGO non governmental organization

GBV gender-based violence

EPRDF Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front

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 Table of contents

DECLARATION PAGE ....................................................................................................................... 1

Acknowledgments .......................................................................................................................... 2
Acronyms ........................................................................................................................................ 4
CHAPTER ONE...................................................................................................................................7
1.1 Background of the Study .............................................................................................................. 7
1.2 Statement of the Problem ............................................................................................................ 9
1.3 Research Objective...............................................................................................................10
1.3.1 General Objective ........................................................................................................10
1.3.2 Specific Obejctive.........................................................................................................10
1.4 Research Questions..................................................................................................................10
1.5 Scope of Research....................................................................................................................10
1.6 Research methodology.............................................................................................................11
1.6.1 Research Approach and Design................................................................................11
1.6.2 Source of Data.........................................................................................................11
1.6.3 Methods of Data Collection Tools and Sampling techniques and Data analysis
technique.......................................................................................................................................12
[Link] Data Collection Methods................................................................................12
[Link] Sampling Technique ....................................................................................... 12
[Link] Sample Size .....................................................................................................13
1.7 Significance of the Study ............................................................................................................ 13
1.8 Limitation of the Study ............................................................................................................... 13
1.9 Expected Outcome ..................................................................................................................... 14
1.10 Organization of the Paper ........................................................................................................ 14
CHAPTER TWO................................................................................................................................14
2.1 Concept of Conflict in Higher Education............................................................................14
2.1.1 Definition and Nature of Conflict in Higher Education ................................................... 15
2.1.2 Common Causes of Student Conflicts ............................................................................. 16
2.2 Legal and Institutional Framework governing student conflict.........................................17
2.2.1 Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation as a Legal Framework for Student Conflict
Resolution ......................................................................................................................................... 17
2.2.2 Application of the Ethiopian Criminal Code in University Conflict Contexts ................18
2.2.4 Dire Dawa University Internal Framework for Student Conflict Resolution .................20
2.3 Doctrinal Review on Conflict Resolution Models...............................................................22
2.3.1 Doctrinal Legal Research and Its Relevance to Conflict Resolution ........................ 22
2.3.2 Conflict Resolution Models in University Contexts ................................................. 23
2.4 Conceptual Clarification.....................................................................................................24
2.4.1 Conflict .......................................................................................................................24
2.4.2 Student Conflict ........................................................................................................24
2.4.3 Grievance ..................................................................................................................25

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 2.4.4 Disciplinary Measures .............................................................................................. 25
2.4.5 Dispute Resolution ................................................................................................... 26
2.4.6 Due Process .............................................................................................................. 27
2.4.7 Gender-Based Violence (GBV) ................................................................................. 27
2.4.8 Mediation ................................................................................................................. 27
2.4.9 Access to Justice ....................................................................................................... 28
CHAPTER THREE
Data Presentation and Analysis
3.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 28
3.2 Thematic Data Analysis Based on Field Findings...............................................................29
3.2.1 Types and Nature of Student-to-Student Conflict in ddu ...............................................29
3.2.2 Causes of Student-to-Student Conflict in DDU ................................................................30
A. Behavioral Conflicts in Shared Spaces .......................................................................... 30
B. Academic Pressure and Unequal Collaboration ........................................................... 30
C. Ethnic, Regional, and Cultural Divisions ........................................................................31
D. Lack of Accessible Conflict Resolution Mechanisms .................................................... 31
E. Distrust in the Disciplinary System ................................................................................31

3.2.3 Reporting and Trust in Conflict Resolution Mechanisms ................................................31

3.2.5 Fairness, Access to Justice, and Student Perception .......................................................33
3.2.6 Special Issues: Gender-Based Violence and Silent Conflicts ........................................... 34
3.3 Summary of Key Findings ........................................................................................................... 35
CHAPTER FOUR
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
4.1 General conclusion............................................................................................................37
4.2 Practical and Legal Recommendations ...................................................................................... 38
BIBLIOGRAPHY.....................................................................................................................41

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 CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

University student conflict is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon founded on a

range of interconnected factors including sociocultural diversity, academic
competition, political forces, and interpersonality. In universities such as DDU that
attract students from different ethnic, religious, and economic backgrounds, such
conflict not only becomes more likely but also more unstable owing to prior tensions
and identity-based alignments. Ethnic peer choice and ethnocentrism have been
established by research to be a significant source of peer relationships among students
and are likely to evolve into conflicts, particularly where institutional diversity
management practices are weak or inconsistent1. Further, the relatively new and still
developing nature of Ethiopian higher education institutions limits their capacity to
address such conflicts in a comprehensive manner.2 Dysfunctional conflict resolution
processes and limited student participation in governance similarly result in
unresolved grievances that appear as repeated disruptions of academic and social
campus life.3

Universities by their very nature are institutions where the multiplicity of ideas,
ideologies, and methods are converge. Consequently, they become conflict sites either
in the form of differences of opinion among students relating to academic or social
issues or between students and university officials on the grounds of unmet
expectations or imagined grievances. Conflict resolution in this case is of paramount
importance since it not only assures the safety and well-being of both sides but also
ensures the academic integrity and social stability of the institution.

The historical context of student conflicts in Ethiopian universities has been

significantly shaped by political and social developments. In the early years after the
establishment of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in
the early 1990s, student protests and activism were widespread, particularly in
response to government policies and socio-economic [Link] movements often
reflected deeper societal divisions and were influenced by the broader political
climate of the country. However, over the years, student activism has evolved from
political protests to include concerns about student rights, academic freedom, and
social justice, thus broadening the scope of conflict to include not only political
ideologies but also personal and societal dynamics.

In the context of higher education in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Higher Education

Proclamation (EHEP) and other relevant legal documents have attempted to set out
the rights and responsibilities of students, as well as the mechanisms for resolving
conflicts. However, these frameworks often lack the flexibility and accessibility

1
Demwez [Link] (2012). Ethnocentrism and Ethnic-Based Peer Preferences in Higher Education Institutions:
Challenges and Implications for Ethiopia. Review of Black Political Economy, 39(4), 431–449.
2
Abebaw Yirga Adamu (2022). Student Ethnic Diversity Management in Ethiopian Universities: Practices, Challenges, and
Way Forward. Frontiers in Sociology, 7, Article 949358. [Link]
3
Mesfin Manaze,& Zeleke, B. (2019). Managing Students’ Diversity in Ethiopian Public Universities: Practices and Challenges.
Ethiopian Journal of Higher Education, 13(1), 55–77. [Available at [Link]]

7
 needed to address the complex nature of student [Link] the years, Dire Dawa
University, like many other institutions, has made efforts to establish conflict
resolution structures that address both academic and social conflicts, such as student
disciplinary committees, mediation boards, and conflict resolution workshops.
Despite these efforts, the effectiveness of such mechanisms has been limited due to
various factors, including understaffing, lack of awareness about available resources,
and the slow pace of legal reforms in adapting to emerging student needs.

In the past, student conflict has been a serious issue for DDU to deal with. DDU is
one of the largest and most respected public universities in Ethiopia with an
enrollment representative of a microcosm of broader Ethiopian social and ethnic
diversity. Rich as this diversity is, it also presents extremely challenging issues to
resolve when dealing with conflict management. Student body cleavages among
students inducted from diverse ethnic groups, political orientations, and economic
levels tend to overspill, especially when such students believe that their rights are
ignored or trampled. Further, student-teacher conflicts over school standards, marks,
and disciplining have created higher tensions within the campus.

In recent years, the nature of student conflict at DDU has evolved. While earlier
student conflicts were largely driven by political and ideological differences, today,
student disputes often stem from issues of access to resources, gender discrimination,
harassment, academic pressure, and social inclusion. Gender-based violence (GBV),
in particular, has become a significant concern on campus, with female students
frequently reporting incidents of harassment and violence. These challenges are
compounded by the university’s rapid expansion, which has strained its ability to
effectively manage conflicts in a way that is both fair and timely.

The legal and institutional framework for conflict management in DDU, although
present, is not strong. The Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation (EHEP)
mandates the universities to institutionalize some mechanisms of conflict resolution,
including student councils and grievance committees. The mandate of these
institutions is very narrow and cannot address the deep-seated causes of conflict and
provide meaningful help to all victims of conflict.4 In addition, though there are
national laws of that provide for the address of gender-based violence and harassment,
they are usually enforced inequitably within the universities with limited awareness
and enforcement of the laws by employees and students.5

With such issues, there is a need for a more robust more inclusive need for a stronger,
broader, and student-centered system of conflict resolution in DDU. The current
mechanisms are, in their efforts to address conflicts, not strong enough to cope with
increasing complexity and variety of problems that students encounter. Above all,
there has to be a legal framework that integrates preventive and response systems
ensuring that student rights are protected and that conflicts are resolved in a way that
fosters social cohesion and academic success.

This research attempts to explore the causes, manifestations, and resolutions of student
conflict at DDU and analyze how the current paradigms can be transformed to become more

4
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Ministry of Education (2003). The Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation.
Ethiopian Government Press.
5
Andry Setiawan, Gender Based Violence in Higher Education: A Model of Protection and Law Enforcement

8
responsive. Through a discovery of the legal, institutional, and socio-cultural drivers of DDU
student conflicts, this study will provide insights into how university policies and practices
can be improved to better address the needs of students and promote a harmonious academic
environment.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Conflicts have increasingly been a central issue in the campus or university life of higher
learning institutions within Ethiopia, and DDU is no exception. Though there are formal
institutions whose function is to resolve variations, e.g., discipline committees and students'
councils, these still lack application. The growing rate and pitch of student conflicts are
indicative of a deeper, underlying pathology of institutional capability, socio-political
diversity, and insufficiency in training in conflict resolution.6

Having students with different ethnic, cultural, religious, and socio-economic backgrounds
enriching academic life also presents challenges in interpersonal relationships and group
dynamics. Such concerns have a tendency to escalate into conflicts that could interfere with
learning, undermine institutional reputation, and have adverse effects on student
psychological well-being and academic performance.

At DDU, there have been a number of cases of student conflict reported, ranging from
interpersonal conflicts and hostel fights to group conflicts ethnically or politically inspired. In
some cases, such conflicts turned violent, resulted in classes being disrupted for a period, or
included mass disciplinary action. Despite the existence of student grievance offices,
disciplinary committees, and guidance counselors, the efficacy of these institutional
frameworks is questionable. Students they typically complain that there is no responsiveness,
fairness, or confidentiality in resolving grievances.

Moreover, the legal and administrative frameworks meant to guide conflict resolution often
suffer from poor implementation. The EHEP provides general guidelines for grievance
handling, student rights, and disciplinary procedures. However, these mechanisms are
frequently limited in scope, poorly staffed, and inaccessible to many students due to language
barriers, fear of retaliation, or lack of awareness.7

Most disturbing is the response of the university to gender-based violence (GBV), bullying,
and discrimination. Even though there is a national law and university regulations prohibiting
such incidents, the majority of victims are not willing to report due to a lack of trust in the
system or fear of stigmatization. Therefore, conflicts remain unresolved and shape campus
peace and student security.8

This study aims to critically examine the underlying causes of conflict among DDU students,
examine the effectiveness of current resolution mechanisms, and identify gaps in student
attitudes and institutional practice. Unless addressed and enhanced comprehensively, there is
a high likelihood of recurrence and escalation of such conflicts.

1.3 Research objectives

1.3.1 General objectives

6
Ministry of Education (MoE), Education Sector Development Program V (ESDP V), Addis Ababa, 2015, pp. 56–58
7
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019, Articles 49–52
8
Addressing Gender-Based Violence (GBV) in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) Project, July 2024

9
-To assess the major causes of student conflict and evaluate the effectiveness of conflict
resolution mechanisms at Dire Dawa University

1.3.2 Specific objectives

-To identify and categorize the key causes and primary sources of conflicts occurring among
students at Dire Dawa University.

-To investigate the University’s manangement on conflict resolution among students.

-To examine the effectiveness of conflict resolution mechanisms, including mediation

processes, disciplinary panels, and university policies.

-To assess the level of student awareness regarding their rights, duties, and available legal
remedies.

-To provide recommendations on improving conflict prevention and resolution in accordance

with existing legal frameworks.

1.4 Research questions

What are the key causes and primary sources of conflicts among students at Dire
Dawa University?

How does Dire Dawa University currently manage conflict resolution among its
students?

How effective are the university’s existing conflict-resolution mechanisms—such as

mediation processes, disciplinary panels, and relevant policies?

What is the level of student awareness regarding their rights, duties, and available
legal remedies?

What improvements can be recommended to enhance conflict prevention and

resolution in line with the applicable legal frameworks?

1.5 Scope of research

This study focuses on identifying the causes of conflicts among students and their
resolution mechanisms in DDU with special reference to interpersonal and group-
based conflicts that emerge due to academic, social, cultural, and legal issues. It is
aimed at critically examining how existing practices within the universities and
applicable legal instruments address such conflicts with priority attention to student-
to-student and student-to-administration interface. Geographically, the research is
limited to the main campus of DDU since it is a representative setting due to its
variability in student population and administrative [Link], the
research dives into pivotal determinants such as the mediation effect by the university
and disciplinary action, student awareness about their rights and obligations at law,
and institution-wide sensitivity to conflict. Temporally, the research simply deals with
the 2017 Ethiopian calendar year (2024/25 Gregorian) chosen purposively to capture

10
today's trends and societal dynamics at the university because the period has been
marked with intensity of activities, reform, and transformation of students' conduct
and institutional activities.

1.6 Research methodology

1.6.1 Research Approach and Design

This research applies a mixed-methods approach—mixing qualitative, quantitative,

applied, and doctrinal legal research—to possess a comprehensive inquiry of reasons
of disputes between students and how efficacious conflict resolution mechanisms are
within Dire Dawa University. The qualitative dimension is of primary significance in
the reconstruction of individual experience of students, justiciable perception, and
attitudes toward processes of conflict resolution. By employing interviews, focus
group interviews, and observational data, the study will be able to determine the
underlying emotional, cultural, and social determinants—fear of reporting gender-
based violence or ethnic identity—on the way students feel and respond to conflict.
The quantitative component, on the other hand, is utilized to verify these findings
using measurable information like the incidence of disputes, patterns of grievance
filings, and student knowledge of their rights and remedies. This entails formal
surveys, statistical tests, and organizational records. The research also utilizes an
applied character to the extent that it extends beyond mere diagnosis to propose
implementable and actionable policy changes. Its ultimate objective is to promote the
efficiency, equity, and accessibility of mechanisms for conflict resolution at
[Link], the doctrinal legal research component entails a critical
examination of binding legal documents such as the Ethiopian Higher Education
Proclamation, student disciplinary regulations, and relevant country law on
discrimination and students' rights. The legal view is necessary to examine the
sufficiency, coherence, and enforcement of current rules and how these condition
institutional responses. Methodologically, the research utilizes a descriptive and
exploratory research design aimed at systematically defining the nature and
underlying causes of conflict on one hand and investigating innovative institutional
and legal solutions best suited to Dire Dawa University's complex and diverse
environment on the other.

1.6.2 Sources of Data

In an attempt to enhance the validity and reliability of this research, both primary and
secondary data sources are utilized in a complementary manner. The primary data is
obtained directly from students who have firsthand experience or from representatives
of institutions involved in issues related to student-related disputes. These include
students from various departments, levels, and backgrounds to ensure representative
diversity; student union leaders and dorm representatives who tend to become
intermediaries in case of complaints; university staff working in student affairs, legal
offices, disciplinary committees; and campus security personnel who tend to be
wherever or whenever conflicts occur or are intervened. These initial perceptions
offer practical insight into the processes under which conflicts arise and resolve
themselves in real [Link] the other hand, secondary sources provide the
policy, legal, and academic context for interpreting these primary records. Some of

11
these sources are the Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation (EHEP), which
establishes the law on conflict resolution in institutions of higher education; DDU
internal policies, discipline records, and official letters; and existing research on
student rights, university administration, and conflict resolution. National gender-
based violence, discrimination, and access to justice laws are analyzed to see how
they are applied in practice. The dual-pronged strategy provides equal and thorough
examination so that the study can understand both the students' experiences and the
official institutions and laws that are meant to govern such issues.

1.6.3 Methods of Data Collection Tools and Sampling techniques and Data analysis
technique

[Link] Data Collection Methods

In order to gain depth, range, and validity of information on data pertaining to student
conflicts and their resolution process at DDU, the research utilized an array of data
gathering instruments. Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) were held with individuals
who were in directly involved in student affairs, including members of disciplinary
committees, student union leaders, and university advisors. The interviews yielded
detailed information on the institutional setup, gaps in practice, and informal conflict
[Link] of different departments and backgrounds participated in focus
group discussions (FGDs) to study cultural dynamics, prevailing beliefs, and
extrajudicial solutions to [Link] research into sensitive topics like stigma,
ethnic conflict, or reluctance to report incidents, the method was very helpful. Besides,
more students were given a standardized questionnaire in an attempt to collect
quantitative estimates of the rate of conflict, knowledge of rights, and self-efficacy in
the university grievance procedures. Higher generalizability was made possible by
the quantitative methods, which complemented the qualitative [Link], a review of
the legal and policy documents was done, such as the Criminal Code, the Ethiopian
Higher Education Proclamation (EHEP), Proclamation No. 1152/2019, internal
disciplinary by laws of Dire Dawa University, and case files that had been stored
away. This assisted in establishing the practical enforcement issues that occur in the
school as well as the normative standards regulating student behavior.

[Link] Sampling Technique

This study used a combination of stratified random sample and purposive sampling
methods to help achieve representativeness and relevance. Respondents with
institutional or firsthand experience of conflict resolution processes, such as members
of disciplinary committees, student union leaders, student polices, and dorm
representatives, were chosen using purposeful sampling. They were selected due to
their direct engagement of the formal and informal mechanisms for resolving conflict,
coupled with their first-hand engagement with student [Link] random
sampling was employed to draw the overall student population for focus groups and
survey distribution interime. The researchers was able to capture a wider range of
student experiences and perspectives by ensuring proportionate representation across
variables including department, academic year, gender, and residency origin.
Creswell (2014) advocates for the use of several sampling strategies in order to satisfy

12
the scope and depth requirements of mixed-method research, and methodological
triangulation is needed to enhance validity. 9

[Link] Sample Size

Practical feasability and methodological needs constituted the basis for setting the
sample size in this research. Principle of data saturation was used for the qualitative
component, which included focus groups and key informant interviews. This means
that participants were kept active until further responses would no longer be possible
to gather more new information. This flexible method assured richness and depth of
information. For the purpose of giving a fair amount of confidence for the quantitative
portion, the survey respondents' sample size was chosen with respect to time and cost
[Link] order to make broad inferences on conflict trends, grievance
mechanisms, and legal perception, a minimum rate of approximately 10–15% of the
target student population from the major campus was deemed to be required. In
adhering to mixed-method study protocols in academia, sample size determinations
should be according to the precise goals of each study phase, and there should be
ample data for statistical analysis as well as for thematic richness.10

1.7 Significance of the Study

This study holds substantial significance as it explores a pressing issue affecting

student life and institutional stability at Dire Dawa University. By investigating the
underlying causes and nature of conflicts among students and evaluating the existing
legal and institutional response mechanisms, the research provides valuable insights
for improving university governance. The findings are expected to assist university
administrators, policymakers, and student representatives in strengthening conflict
resolution strategies and aligning them with national legal frameworks such as the
Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation. Additionally, the study contributes to the
academic discourse by filling a gap in legal and socio-educational research focused on
conflict resolution within Ethiopian higher education institutions. It further enhances
student awareness of their rights and legal remedies, empowering them to participate
more actively and responsibly in campus life.

1.8 Limitation of the Study

The study is not without limitations. It is constrained by time, as the research focuses
solely on events and developments during the 2017 E.C. academic year, which may
not capture long-term trends or patterns. The scope is limited to Dire Dawa University,
and as such, its findings may not fully reflect conditions in other Ethiopian
universities. Moreover, access to certain internal documents, disciplinary records, or
legal proceedings was restricted, potentially affecting the comprehensiveness of the
analysis. The sensitive nature of some topics, such as gender-based violence or
interethnic tensions, might also have influenced the openness of participants during
interviews or surveys, despite assurances of confidentiality. Nonetheless, the study

9
John W. Creswell, (2014). Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches (4th ed.). SAGE
Publications
10
Alan Bryman, (2012). Social Research Methods (4th ed.). Oxford University Press

13
employs diverse methods to mitigate these challenges and ensure the reliability of its
conclusions.

1.9 Expected Outcome

The study will generate a synthesis perception of the nature, causes, and patterns of
student conflict at Dire Dawa University, with particular focus on those that have
arisen in the 2017 E.C. academic year. It aims to identify the strength and weakness
areas of the existing mechanisms of conflict resolution, for example, the manner in
which legal and institutional systems are evoked or applied in pracice. By comining
field data with doctrinal analysis of the law, the study is anticipated to identify areas
of knowledge deficiency, use, and access to grievance facilities among students.
Moreover, beyond this, the study seeks to provide evidence-based recommendations
that can potentially inform legal and administrative reform, enhance student
engagement in addressing dispute resolution procedures, and result in an even more
harmonious and just university community overall. It can also function as a guide to
further research on conflict management within Ethiopian higher learning institutions.

1.10 Organization of the Paper

This research paper has a total of four chapters. Chapter one is the general
introduction, comprising background of research, statement of the problem, research
objectives and questions, scope, significance, methodology (research plan, approach,
data sources, and process of collection), limitations, expected outcomes, and this
summary of [Link] Two addresses literature and laws on the study,
including academic literature, national legislations like the Ethiopian Higher
Education Proclamation (EHEP), gender-based violence laws, and internal directives
of Dire Dawa University in developing a theoretical and legal foundation for the study.
Chapter three describes and relates the empirical data achieved through the interviews,
focus group discussions, and documentation analysis, the origin and type of conflicts,
existing mechanisms resolving such conflicts, and awareness of student rights and
resources. Finally chapter four provides summaries of main findings of the study and
makes utilitarian, law-based recommendations intended to enhance mechanisms for
conflict resolution at the university.

14
 CHAPTER TWO

Theoretical and Normative Foundations of Conflict

Resolution Mechanisms in Universities

2.1 Concept of Conflict in Higher Education

2.1.1 Definition and Nature of Conflict in Higher Education

Conflict in higher education refers to situations of incompatibility, tension, or open

disagreement that arise among individuals or groups within academic
[Link] perceptions, expectations, and interests are usually the root
cause of such conflicts, particularly in hierarchical and multicultural environments
like colleges. Conflict arises when one perceives that the other has harmed or will
shortly harm something precious or cherished by the first. Scholars say [Link]
(2001) describes it as “a process that begins when one party perceives that another
party has affected or is about to affect negatively something that the first party cares
about.’’11 These perceptions may be in relation to unequal grading systems, student
allocation of resources, lack of acknowledgment, punishment, ineffective
administrative processes, or ethnic and cultural group conflicts within the university
environment.

Conflict is not always a bad idea in academic circles. Appropriate identification and
control of conflict can be quite useful in advocating reforms in favor of students'
interests and rights, enhancing institutional processes, and igniting debate. Scholars
of higher education contend that healthy conflict promotes healthy intellectual
exchange, citizens' involvement in ruling, and policymaking.12 However, poorly
handled or uncontrolled conflict can be highly detrimental in terms of interrupting
learning, psychological trauma, campus unrest, and even violence. This is especially
the case in colleges like Ethiopian colleges where the student body is comprised of
mixed socioeconomic, ethnic, and geographic backgrounds and where redressal may
not be firmly rooted or easily accessed.13

Formulating preventive and response strategies then requires a fundamental

appreciation of the definition and nature of conflict. University conflict will generally
reflect power disparities, legal lacunae, and administrative difficulties and will be
situated in larger institutional systems and social relations. The study of conflict in
higher education should therefore delve into underlying causes, perceptions, and
systemic variables and not merely superficial conflict.

11
Stephen [Link], (2001). Organizational Behavior. 9th ed., Prentice Hall
12
Deutsch, M. & Coleman, P. T. (2000). The Handbook of Conflict Resolution: Theory and Practice. Jossey-Bass.
13
Damtew Tefera. (2016). "African Flagship Universities: Their Role in the Transformation of Higher Education." International
Journal of African Higher Education, 3(1)

15
2.1.2 Common Causes of Student Conflicts

Academic, social, cultural, administrative, and gender challenges are some of the
reasons behind conflicts that students face in the complex environment of college life.
Understanding why students encounter is required if tackling the challenge they face
or offering a justifiable learning process. Thorough analysis about the primary reason
students conflict while in colleges could be accessed here below:

[Link]-Related Conflicts

One of the most common and evident causes of conflict among college students is
academic disagreement. Disagreements over grades, conflicts between students and
professors, and perceived unfairness in academic procedures are just a few of the
topics that might spark these discussions. Students may fight about final grades or test
fairness, for example, if they believe that grading is unfair or confusing. Similarly,
conflict can arise when students and teachers disagree over expectations,
communication, or teaching strategies. These conflicts are often exacerbated when
students feel that their academic performance is directly threatened or
[Link] conflicts and fostering positive student outcomes depend
heavily on effective faculty-student interaction. When students feel ignored or
unfairly treated, conflicts can intensify, particularly when academic restraints and
high performance expectations are present.

[Link] and Cultural Differences

While diversity on campus can be an asset for many students, social and cultural
disparities can also create a rift. Students form a variety of linguistic, religious and
ethnic traditions, each with its own tradition, values and beliefs, often attends
universities. Such distinctions might result in misunderstandings, rejection or
potentially even violent encounters. For example, students may experience color or
religious discrimination, or have language or cultural barriers that prevent them from
assimilating into the typical school environment. A multiethnic country like Ethiopia
could experience severe ethnic strife. Conflicts based on ethnic identities were
identified in 2017 research by Dawit, relating to group projects, campus unity, and
student unity and collaboration and unity.14 Social integration issues, like the
exclusion of specific groups because of cultural or religious practices, make these
inequalities worse and might lead to complaints that the organization may find
difficult to address.

[Link] Issues

Administrative issues are another source of conflict in academic [Link] students

might get frustrated due to lack of resources, unsatisfactory institutional response to
complaints, vague communication, late response to requests, etc. Perceived
imbalances in the allocation of resources are sometimes at the root of these problems,
including housing, scholarships and campus [Link] allocation of
resources, or undefined bureaucratic process may seriously piss students off. And the

14
Dawit Daniel,. Getachew Liben,. Ashenafi Adugna. Assessment of Students’ Satisfaction: A Case Study of Dire Dawa
University, Ethiopia, Vol.8, No.4, 2017

16
bureaucracy surrounding the resolution of student complaints, whether disciplinary
actions or staff complaints, can at times cause more frustration. Bensimon and
Neumann (1993) suggest good administrative efficiency and openness are crucial in
establishing a congruent campus climate environment.15 When students feel that the
administration is inept or unsympathetic to their issues, there may be widespread
dissatisfaction and a hostile environment.

[Link]-Based Tensions and Harassment

Gender conflict is a key issue within most academic institutions and gender-based
harassment and violence form part of these problems. Indeed, female students – in
particular – were at an increased risk of GBV, sexual harassment, discrimination, and
exclusion, which caused girls to experience emotional, psychological, and academic
pain. In some cases,male students too might be subjected to social pressures that
are part of gender bias and have their own [Link] UNESCO study (2015)
reveals that sexual harassment and gender-based violence in higher education
institutions are largely unattended to and where attended to, are not effectively
addressed.16 It is in this context that students at universities, such as that of Dire Dawa
University in Ethiopia, are also not exempt from such problems an
encounter complaints of harassment and gender-based discrimination. Furthermore,
tension also might be conflictual for policies of gender equality in practices and
policies during the [Link] addition to physical harassment, this problem
encompasses more covert manifestations of gender bias, like unequal involvement in
extracurricular or academic activities, which can make students feel alienated. In
order to create a campus climate where all students feel safe, respected, and supported,
gender-based conflicts must be addressed.

2.2 Legal and Institutional Framework governing student conflict

2.2.1 Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation as a Legal Framework for

Student Conflict Resolution

Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019 is the primary law that
controls the rights of students, the obligations of an institution, and conflict resolution
means in public institutions of higher education. It makes provisions for a range of
inherent rights of students, including academic conviction freedom to practice,
discrimination freedom, and official complaint and redress mechanisms.17 They are
not intangible or abstract; rather, they are firmly grounded in the manner in which
students experience and resolve conflict, specifically whether or not they are faced
with unequal treatment under the disciplinary system, academic injustice, or
interpersonal conflict on [Link], the Proclamation also spells out
students' obligations such as adherence to institutional regulations, refraining from
conduct that obstructs academic peace, and employing legal means to settle disputes.18

15
Bensimon, E. M., & Neumann, A. (1993). Redesigning College and University Administration: A Framework for Student-
Centered Leadership. Praeger.
16
UNESCO (2015). Addressing Sexual Harassment in Higher Education. UNESCO Publishing.
17
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019, Article 38
18
Ibid., Article 39

17
EHEP mandates institutions to implement their own grievance-management rules and
disciplinary codes that are aligned with the national framework for proper application
of such rights and responsibilities.19 Additionally, the universities are also mandated
to implement internal policies protecting the rights of students through participatory
mechanisms.20 This not only empowers students but also makes institutions legally
liable and accoutable for failing to provide adequate redress mechanisms. Moreover,
the academic staff's contribution towards assisting students with grievances and
guiding them through institutional procedures is specifically referred in the
proclamation, emphasizing the collective responsibility of university actors in
resolving conflict positively.21

It sounds good on paper, but in practice the system too often comes up short. Data
gathered from interviews and documents during this research indicates that many
Dire Dawa University students are not aware whether the law protects them. In
addition, bureaucratic slowness, lack of transparency, and the difficulty of reaching
grievance committees all combine to make students reluctant to file complaints, and
tensions simmer unresolved on campuses, with occasional informal — and
sometimes disruptive — responses to perceived offenses. In that regard, the failure to
enforce the law is one of the factors behind the continued proliferation of student
conflict in Ethiopian universities and the gap between law and its enforcement
underscores the requirement for both legal reform and for education efforts and
further institutional capacity building.

2.2.2 Application of the Ethiopian Criminal Code in University Conflict

Contexts

The criminal law deals with some criminal acts that are a problem, specifically those
involving physical harm, damage to property, or hurting one's dignity. Regulations in
most student misconduct are dealt with in the university. The general legal
requirements for student behavior that contravenes national and school policies are
established in Ethiopia's 2005 Revised Criminal Code. Minor instances of cruelty or
humiliating people fall under Article 840 of the Code of Petty Offenses. Physical
attacks that cause distress or alarm may be liable under Article 560, even if there is no
permanent injury. They are extremely handy when people who become involved in
student fights or public altercations that escalate beyond disciplinary
[Link] 685 and 689, criminal for wilful or negligent destruction of
another's property, can be applied in the same way to cases of destruction of student
or university property.22 But these will first be dealt with by the university's internal
disciplinary machinery. Only when the case is serious, persistent, or done with
evident ill-will will it be beyond the university's ability to deal with and need to be
referred to outside legal authorities for prosecution under national [Link] as matter of
fact this things handled by unversity internal rules then under certain conditions will
be criminalized.

Additionally, disputes resulting from insult by words, spreading rumors, or damage to

one's reputation may be resolved under Articles 613 to 616 of the Criminal Code that

19
Ibid., Article 39(2).
20
Ibid., Article 38(2).
21
Ibid., Article 32(d).
22
FDRE Criminal Code, 2005, Article 685 and 689

18
deal with defamation, insult, provocation, and acts of reprisal.23 Such forms of
misconduct are common in the relationship among students, particularly in the case of
cyberbullying or online harassment, group harassment, or slander based on gender.
But such behavior is typically addressed in the first instance by university disciplinary
processes, which accord top priority to administrative remedies such as warning,
mediation, or suspension. Only when such acts are severe, recurrent, malicious, or
cause serious psychological or reputational harm do they become potential criminal
offenses that may warrant [Link] is crucial to understand that many disruptive
activities, such as verbal threats, hostile group pressure, or threatening gestures, do
not cleanly fit under one of the Criminal Code's [Link] these circumstances, the
university has the authority and obligation to act as the primary [Link]
they clearly lie outside the institutional jurisdiction, extreme instances like sexual
assault, severe physical assault, or stabbing must be brought before public prosecutors
as criminal charges.

The link between criminal law and conflict on a campus points to some limitations of
institutional autonomy and a necessity for universities to have clear procedures for
alerting law enforcement—which involve students—when internal procedures fall
short. Moreover, UNESCO (2015) states that this inaction or lack of coordinated
response by institutions in cases of harassment or violence encourages impunity and
undermines the trust in the governance of the university.24 Accordingly, the Criminal
Code acts not as a substitute to the university's own internal rules but as a needed
supplement once student conduct turns into an illegal act. In this regard, universities
such as Dire Dawa University are, therefore, not only educational establishments but
also important participants within the legal system that have a role in enforcing the
national law and making sure that no impunity exists when institutional measures are
not enough to secure accountability.

2.2.3 Gender-Based Violence and Constitutional Protections in the

University Context

One of the most serious yet little-recognized types of student conflict at Ethiopian
colleges is gender-based violence (GBV). It often takes the form of sexual harassment,
verbal abuse, intimidation, or coercion between students, particularly targeting female
students. The Revised Criminal Code of Ethiopia criminalizes rape, indecent acts and
various forms of sexual violence (Articles 620–628), confirming that these are not just
institutional problems but also grave legal infractions, even though university policies
may treat such acts as disciplinary matters.25 This is also supported by the FDRE
Constitution, which stipulates protection from violent and harmful practices against
women (Article 35) and the right to equality (Article 25). 26 Despite all these
safeguards, a study conducted at Bahir Dar University found that GBV is an everyday
occurrence on the campus among female students. However, since they do not believe
in the processes that operate within an institution and the threat of being retaliated
against, they will never report what happens27 This is in line with a broader national

23
Ibid Article 613-616
24
UNESCO. (2015). Addressing Violence and Harassment in Higher Education: A Policy Guide. Paris: UNESCO Publishing
25
FDRE, Revised Criminal Code (2005), Arts. 620–628.
26
FDRE, Constitution, Arts. 25 & 35
27
Melak Mengistab,.Gender-Based Violence Against Female University Students in Ethiopia: The Case of Bahir Dar University,”
Jan 2012

19
pattern, as highlighted in reports submitted to the Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which identified university campuses as
locations of high-risk unaddressed gender-based harm.28 Universities like Dire Dawa
University should therefore go beyond issuing warnings or reporting incidents to
campus committees; they must meet constitutional and criminal standards, ensure
access to justice, and create an environment where victims feel protected and can
report abuse. Missing from these reforms, still outstanding GBV becomes both a
failure in law and a human rights issue.29

2.2.4 Dire Dawa University Internal Framework for Student Conflict

Resolution

Dire Dawa University (DDU), being in line with its mandate of Higher Education
Proclamation No. 1152/2019, has already put into action a detailed Student Code of
Conduct (2007) for managing students' conduct, discipline rules, and mechanisms for
conflict management. This policy is the minimum legal instrument inside the
university for dealing with students' malpractice and ensuring institution [Link]
outlines in particular forbidden behavior, disciplinary measures, the structure of
disciplinary bodies, and students' rights in proceedings — thereby forming the
institutional legal framework for the settlement of student-to-student conflict.

The Code of Conduct mentions a general range of misconduct normally responsible

for the conflict, such as aggression by word and violence, bullying, gender harassment,
group-based discrimination, destruction of property, and defamation.30 Offenses are
defined as light, serious, and very serious — with ensuing punishments ranging from
warning and probation to suspension and termination.31 Most specifically for purposes
of this research, the Code makes specific reference to student-to-student misconduct
like threats, intimidation, and gender-based abuse that are the most frequently
reported grounds for conflict within Ethiopian universities.

Procedurally, the DDU Code of Conduct provides for the establishment of

disciplinary committees at levels of administration. These committees are tasked with
inquiring into misconduct, hearing both sides, and imposing sanctions on the basis of
evidence and seriousness. The laws also provide students' rights of due process, e.g.,
the right to notice of charges, the right to respond, and the right to appeal decisions —
in harmony with constitutional principles of justice and equality before the law.32
Further, some provisions enjoin safeguards against harassment on grounds of
membership of a group, religious and ethnic slurs, and violence on discriminatory
grounds, in harmony with Ethiopia's broader constitutional responsibilities under
Articles 25 and 35 of the FDRE Constitution.33

28
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, “Consideration of the Report of Ethiopia,” OHCHR, 2019,
[Link]
29
Lamessa Gudeta Guder (2019), “The Problems of Legal Gaps to the Protection of Women Against Domestic Violence in
Ethiopia,” Int’l Journal of Law and Society, 2(2), 16–21
30
Dire Dawa University, Student Code of Conduct, 2007, Articles 5–8
31
Ibid., Article 10
32
Ibid., Articles 9, 11, 14
33
FDRE, Constitution of Ethiopia, Arts. 25 & 35

20
Despite having its regulated legal framework, institutional limitations and loopholes
in enforcement persist. Lack of training for disciplinary committees, informal
complaint procedures, and threat of retaliation can nullify the effectiveness of the
system — especially in gender-based violence. Additionally, lack of a specific
grievance-redress mechanism independent of disciplinary committees limits the
freedom of students to submit problems voluntarily. These real-world limitations
underscore the merit of conforming university internal regulations to national law in
letter and harmonization with spirit of access to justice and fair protection under
FDRE Constitution and international human rights standards.

Overall, student conflict resolution procedures are superseded by the DDU Student
Code of Conduct, an important institutional legal instrument. Even though its
provisions indicate fundamental legal ideas like accountability, nondiscrimination,
and due process, this study reveals that crucial reforms can be implemented in the
areas of implementation, student exposure, and institutional sensitivity to achieve a
just and equitable campus environment.

2.2.5 Institutional Weaknesses in DDU Conflict Handling

Notwithstanding the existence of a written Student Code of Conduct at Dire Dawa

University, there are various procedural and legal weaknesses in the process of
handling student complaints. As Ayantu Woyesa (2023) notes, the Code is not clear
on laying down important due process rights such as the right to counsel, access to
records of evidence, nor the right to confront negative witnesses.34 Such loopholes put
accused students at risk of disciplinary action without adequate procedural protections.

Also, while Article 263.7 of the Code of Conduct requires written notice to students
for charges against them,35 some interviewees, including accused students and student
union members, confirmed that written notice is hardly ever provided in practice, with
some finding allegations on entering a hearing room.36 The discrepancy between the
policy and practice erodes faith in the in the system and violates hearing principles.

As well, students do not have an independent appeal mechanism. Disciplinary

decisions can only be appealed to the university president, which limits impartiality,
and discourages students from redress access.37 Sometimes confidentiality was also
breached, accused students’ names were published publicly before a final
determination, causing stigma and reputations destroyed.38

These normative and practical deficits in the internal regulations of DDU are evidence
of a disjunction between constitutional pledges of greater equality, immunity from
arbitrary punishment, and the right to be heard and institutional processes.

34
Ayantu Woyesa (2023), The Due Process Rights of an Accused Person…, p. 29
35
Dire Dawa University, Student Code of Conduct, Art. 263.7
36
Ayantu Woyesa (2023), p. 31
37
Ibid., p. 34
38
Ibid., p. 34.

21
2.3 Doctrinal Review on Conflict Resolution Models

2.3.1 Doctrinal Legal Research and Its Relevance to Conflict Resolution

Foundational to legal scholarship, doctrinal legal research, or "black letter law"

research, has always been at the core of it. It involves the analysis, systematization,
and interpretation of the highest texts of law: constitutions and statutes, proclamations,
judicial decisions, and commentaries.39 Doctrinal research differs from empirical or
socio-legal research in that it does not investigate behavior or perception but is rather
concerned with stating what law is, what it commands, and how it should be
interpreted in specific conditions. In higher education, and especially in the Ethiopian
legal setting, it is fundamental to ascertain the extent to which institutional practices
are such that student conflict resolutions stem from and are in harmony with
enforceable national legal frameworks.

Doctrinal research is crucial for two main purposes in this study. It helps us learn
about the rights and responsibilities of students, as well as the protections they have in
conflict situations. To achieve this, we examine Ethiopia's national laws in detail.
The main documents to know are the Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019,
which lays out the rules for universities, and the FDRE Constitution, which is the
main set of laws in Ethiopia. Another important document is the Revised Criminal
Code of 2005, which discusses legal penalties. Considering these papers, the research
indicates how laws protect students from harm and their rights, particularly in cases of
conflict. The process ensures students are treated fairly. It prioritizes their well-being,
even under challenging circumstances. It is crucial to learn about these rules because
they ensure students are in a secure and fair environment and assist schools in
managing conflicts.

Doctrinal analysis, for instance, can help determine whether institutional practices
provide due process, protections from discrimination, right to legal remedy, as well as
adjudicative and administrative laws within the system, where greatly violent
gendered or ethnic conflict amongst the student body is involved in the case
concerning a university’s response. By exploring whether a university's student
disciplinary system and grievance mechanisms function as legal enforcement systems
within the framework of national law jurisdictionary as logic enables us to do, makes
doctrinal research possible. In the case of Dire Dawa University, the student
complaint handling system is analyzed in regard to basic legal principles of due
process and fundamental human rights in relation to the institution’s policies, rules,
and procedures against local and global standards of law. In order to determine
whether the processes in place for resolving student grievances are legally compliant
and respect fundamental due process and rights, the research evaluates Dire Dawa
University's internal rules, conflict management systems, and within conduct policies
in conjunction with national and international legal frameworks.

39
Hutchinson, T. (2010). Doctrinal Research: Researching the Jury. In: Research Methods in Law. Routledge.

22
Additionally, in higher education policy analysis, doctrinal research assists in
determining which conflict resolution frameworks are evident or lacking within the
legislation. These are adjudication (formal disciplinary hearings), mediation (informal
facilitated negotiation), restorative justice (repair-focused dialogue), and negotiation
(no third-party facilitators).40 The predominant focus of the research is determining
which legal frameworks underscore institutional policies and which frameworks are
left to institutional interpretation. In a good number of instances, universities seem to
apply informal or blended models guided by vague legal instruction, which poses the
risk of infringing students’ rights.41

In a nutshell, doctrinal research does not simply describe the legal environment
applicable to student conflicts but is an instrument for holding institutions accountable
under the law. It serves this study to acknowledge Dire Dawa University and other
institutions in their due course to protect students and resolve disputes in a just, legal,
and transparent way. It also allows for recommendations of improvement in areas
where poor implementations are found, based not on mere opinion but on principled
legal reasoning and established normative principles.

2.3.2 Conflict Resolution Models in University Contexts

Student conflicts are resolved in universities mostly by means of a variety of models

in conflict resolution, which are either guided by legal provisions or designed by
organizational policy. Among others, adjudication, mediation, negotiation, and
restorative justice are of utmost relevance to conflicts that arise in the higher
education context. Each model implies a particular legal philosophy and procedural
framework: degrees of formality and student participation vary accordingly.

Adjudication refers to a formal and rule-governed process where an empowered

committee, such as an ethical committee or a disciplinary committee, hears each side
and makes a final and binding determination.42 Being an adversarial model, it
dovetails with due process principles and is more often instituted in situations of
serious misconduct or infraction of institutional codes. Mediation mainly builds upon
voluntary effort and mutual understanding. It looks to a third, neutral individual to
help to strike some form of resolution between the two students in conflict, without
imposing an outcome.43 This model is favored more and more in situations of social
or interpersonal conflicts where preserving the relationship and confidentiality rank
high.

People can resolve their issues amicably through negotiation without the assistance of
a third party. Although it pushes pupils to take initiative, it won't always work if there
is a power imbalance or intense emotion present. Conversely, restorative justice is a
more recent approach that is being employed in academic institutions. It focuses on
repairing the harm rather than merely punishing the offender. This frequently occurs
through community-based problem-solving, apology, and discussion.44 It is being
promoted in colleges to help create a more resilient campus environment, and it is
40
Boulle, L. (2005). Mediation: Principles, Process, Practice. LexisNexis Butterworths
41
Choudhury, N. (2019). “Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in Higher Education: Comparative Legal Analysis.” African Legal
Review, 11(2), 112–134
42
Menkel-Meadow, C. (2001). “Dispute Resolution: Beyond the Adversarial Model.” Aspen Publishing
43
Boulle, L. (2005). Mediation: Principles, Process, Practice. LexisNexis Butterworths
44
Braithwaite, J. (2002). Restorative Justice & Responsive Regulation. Oxford University Press

23
particularly helpful when emotions are running high or when a community has been
upended.45

Without dictating a particular model, Ethiopia's legislative and educational

framework's Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019 grants universities the
autonomy to adopt procedures that uphold the values of justice, fairness, and
proportionality.46 However, studies show that many universities, including Dire Dawa
University, primarily use informal or adjudicative bargaining strategies, sometimes
without the use of restorative frameworks or structured mediation. 47This causes
inconsistencies and, in some cases, undermines trust in the resolution process.

2.4 Conceptual Clarification

2.4.1 Conflict

In social science and legal analysis, conflict is defined as a situation in which two or
more people or groups believe that their goals, interests, values, or expectations are
not compatible.48 Conflict can take many different forms, such as verbal arguments,
social exclusion, threats, or even physical violence. At universities, conflicts can get
pretty tricky due to the mix of student backgrounds, academic stress, school rules, and
not always having easy access to fair solutions.49 At places like Dire Dawa University,
issues might come up over grades, cultural differences, competition for resources,
gender discrimination, or confusing school [Link] conflict is not always
bad, when it is handled poorly, it can cause major legal or disciplinary problems,
disturb learning settings, and undermine confidence in university governance.

From the legal point of view, conflict involves rights and obligations as well as
institutional accountability. It is in fact not only a behavioral problem but also a
normative one since even small disagreements may be considered violations of
constitutional rights such as equality, safety, and due process (the latter in a common
sense, they do not).Consequently, conflict in this study is considered as a social
phenomenon and as a legal issue that requires an organized settlement within the
framework of institutional rules, human rights standards and national law.

2.4.2 Student Conflict

Student conflict is defined broadly as disputes, tensions or confrontations between

students (or between students and university authorities) in the context of higher
education. Unlike general conflict, student conflict is determined by the institutional,
academic and social context of the university environment.50 Different forms of
student conflict may occur: academic (e. g., disagreement over grading or cheating
accusations), social (e. g., ethnic or cultural tensions), administrative (e. g.,
dissatisfaction with rules or decisions), or personal (e. g., harassment or verbal
45
Zehr, H. (2015). The Little Book of Restorative Justice. Good Books
46
FDRE, Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019, Art. 38(2) & Art. 39(2
47
Choudhury, N. (2019). “Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in Higher Education: Comparative Legal Analysis.” African Legal
Review, 11(2), 112–134
48
Burton, J. (1990). Conflict: Resolution and Prevention. Macmillan Press
49
Galtung, J. (1996). Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization. SAGE Publications
50
Astin, A. (1993). What Matters in College? Four Critical Years Revisited. Jossey-Bass

24
confrontations). Often student conflicts in Ethiopia are escalated by political
polarization, ethnic identity dynamics, limited institutional responsiveness, and
insufficient student support systems.51

What has made student conflict one of the most unique legal phenomena resides
within a semi-autonomous institutional situation — universities have their own
internal norms and disciplinary systems – but they also operate under the local
legislation (e. g., the Higher Education Proclamation, the Criminal Code and the
FDRE Constitution).52 This means that student conflict is a social phenomenon as
well as a legal problem, which requires rights and responsibilities as well as the need
for institutional due process. In the present investigation study, student conflict has
been considered as a legally significant event, a test on whether the structures for
resolving the conflict at Dire Dawa University are accessible, equitable, and
consistent with national standards.

2.4.3 Grievance

A grievance is a complaint in writing brought by a student (or any right-bearing

individual) in response to a perceived injustice, violation of rights, unfair treatment, or
dissatisfaction with institution-specific actions or omissions.53 In the university setting,
grievances tend to be on academic evaluations, disciplinary action, harassment, denial
of services or administrative inefficiencies; a grievance is distinct from general
dissatisfaction in that it is generally expressed in a formal fashion -- usually through a
written response, an investigation and a formal response by the University
authorities.54

While Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019 confers general rights to

students, including academic freedom, being informed of decision-making and
protection from discrimination (Art. 38), it does not provide specific grievance
procedures55. These are normally anchovies raised in the faculty itself through
internal regulations and student code of [Link] in practice a number of
universities including Dire Dawa University encounter issues in making grievance
mechanisms both accessible and effective. In this research the concept of grievance
itself is not simply a domain of administrative procedures but is also an area of legal
protection that represents the accountability of institutions in respect of respecting and
responding to student rights in the rule of law.

2.4.4 Disciplinary Measures

Disciplinary measures are formal sanctions or corrective measures committed by a

university against a student who has committed a disciplinary offense against the
institution's rules, regulations, or code of conduct.56 Such formal sanctions might

51
Abebaw, Y.A. (2019). Ethnic Violence Challenging Ethiopian Universities. Inside Higher Education,Retrieved from
[Link]
52
FDRE, Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019, Arts. 38–39
53
Vardi, I. & Quin, R. (2011). “Grievances and Appeals in Higher Education.” Higher Education Research &
Development, 30(4), 417–429
54
Luescher, T.M. (2013). Student Representation in African Higher Education Governance. African Minds
55
FDRE, Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019, Article 38
56
Kaplin, W. A., & Lee, B. A. (2014). The Law of Higher Education. Jossey-Bass

25
include verbal warnings and probation, to suspension, dismissal, or expulsion against
a student, based on the severity of the [Link] the Ethiopian legal framework,
disciplinary authority belongs to higher education institutions through the application
of article 39(2) of the Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019, in which
universities are authorized to adopt internal rules regulating student conduct and
academic order.57 The implementation of disciplinary measures shall be governed by
the principles of due process, fairness, proportionality and transparency.

At Dire Dawa University, as with many public universities in Ethiopia, disciplinary

actions are generally adopted by a designated student disciplinary committee (a
mandate that is adopted with internal guidance or student handbooks). Usually these
boards are mandated to provide students with notice of the allegations of violation, an
opportunity for hearing and a reasoned decision, although the procedural guarantees
used are not always fulfilled in practice. Inadequate or biased disciplinary measures
can have legal and reputational consequences for institutions, especially where they
violate student rights guaranteed under national law. In this context, disciplinary
measures are considered institutional instruments for maintaining order and as lawful
processes that must be conducted in line with constitutional and administrative norms.

2.4.5 Dispute Resolution

Dispute resolution is the term used to describe the procedures and systems employed
to resolve differences, misinterpretations, or clashes between parties without engaging
in protracted conflict or outside court action. Dispute resolution is especially
important in the university setting especially with student-to-student conflict
preserving a quiet learning environment and making sure justice is carried out fairly
and quickly.58 Common forms of dispute resolution include adjudication, mediation,
negotiation, and increasingly, restorative justiceeach with their own degree of
formality and involvement of third parties.59

Whereas the Higher Education Proclamations No. 1152/2019 gives institutions

leeway to come up with internal policies and rules of discipline consistent with
constitutional norms thereby resolving disputes does not lay down a formula.60 In
Ethiopian universities like Dire Dawa University, such dispute resolution methods are
sometimes incorporated in student handbooks and implemented through disciplinary
committees or ad hoc mediation programs carried out by student counselors or
complaint officers. But where such conflicts relate to such sensitive matters as ethnic
conflict, harassment, or social ostracism, the accessibility, uniformity, and reliability
of these systems fail.

This study envisions conflict resolution not as a procedural matter but as a rights-
based responsibility: universities ought to provide accessible, lawful, and context-
relevant mechanisms for student conflict resolution to prevent escalation,
psychological harm, and legal violation. Effective conflict resolution is not only about
fixing the immediate issue but about maintaining a culture of accountability and
justice among the campus community.
57
FDRE, Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019, Article 39(2)
58
Menkel-Meadow, C. (2001). “Dispute Resolution: Beyond the Adversarial Model.” Aspen Publishing
59
Zehr, H. (2015). The Little Book of Restorative Justice. Good Books
60
FDRE, Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019, Articles 38–39

26
2.4.6 Due Process

Due process is the notion that disciplinary and legal processes must be fair,
transparent, and consistent. In universities, it implies that students are not arbitrarily
treated or grievances dismissed. It involves the right to notice of charges, hearing on
one's behalf, access to evidence, and appeal rulings.61 In Ethiopian universities, due
process plays a significant role in safeguarding student rights in conflict resolution
and disciplinary settings.

While the FDRE Constitution guarantees equal before the law and personal freedom
(Arts. 17 & 25),62 the Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019 authorizes
institutions to set rules of discipline (Art. 39(2)), which shall be enforced equally.
Nevertheless, in practice, due process protections are undermined by such problems
as procedural obscurity or potential committee bias — especially in controversial
cases involving violence or discrimination.63 In this study, due process is employed as
a legal standard for measuring whether conformity exists with constitutional and
ethical demands within conflict resolution systems at Dire Dawa University.

2.4.7 Gender-Based Violence (GBV)

Gender-based violence (GBV) is defined as any act of harm against a person on the
basis of his/her gender, i.e., physical, sexual, psychological, or economic abuse.64
GBV in higher education takes the shape of sexual harassment, threat, coercion, or
exclusion of often female students. Not only do such acts compromise personal safety
and dignity, but they also disrupt academic involvement, social integration, and
mental well-being.

Whereas institutions of higher learning may address GBV as an in-house disciplinary

matter, it is a serious criminal violation under the Revised Criminal Code of Ethiopia
that criminalizes rape, sexual assault, and harassment (Arts. 620–628).65 The FDRE
Constitution, Article 35, also provides protection to women against violence and
harmful practices. Here, GBV is not only imagined as a social problem, but also as a
problem of law and rights that the universities must address through prevention and
remediation strategies in harmony with the laws of the land.

2.4.8 Mediation

Through the process of mediation, a neutral third party helps parties to a dispute
communicate with one another in an effort to reach a voluntary and mutually
agreeable solution.66 Interpersonal conflict, group dispute, or low-level wrongdoing
can all be resolved through mediation in academic settings, particularly where
maintaining relationships and maintaining secrecy are crucial. Mediation is more
adaptable, private, and harmonization-focused rather than blame-focused than formal
adjudication.
61
Kaplin, W. A., & Lee, B. A. (2014). The Law of Higher Education
62
FDRE, Constitution, Arts. 17 & 25
63
FDRE, Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019, Art. 39(2)
64
UN Women (2016). Gender-Based Violence in Education Settings
65
FDRE, Revised Criminal Code of Ethiopia (2005), Arts. 620–628
66
Boulle, L. (2005). Mediation: Principles, Process, Practice

27
While not officially required by the Higher Education Proclamation, mediation is
increasingly coming to be regarded in Ethiopian universities as the go-to method of
resolving student-to-student conflicts, particularly in cases of dormitory squabbles,
misunderstandings, and cultural clashes.67 Its effectiveness, however, depends on the
mediator's neutrality, the fairness of the process, and students' cooperation. For this
research, mediation is seen as a potentially effective but underutilized tool for
managing student conflict in a rights-based, community-sensitive way.

2.4.9 Access to Justice

Access to justice is a phrase used to refer to individuals' ability to access and enjoy
equitable treatment and legal remedies in adequate, fair, and effective procedures and
institutions.68 On the university level, it means that students ought to have the
facilities for complaining, appealing against disciplinary measures, and receiving
equitable results — especially where there is violence, discrimination, or abuse of
power. Challenges like ignorance, fear of punishment, institutional bias, or
bureaucratic delays can all undermine access to justice.

Although the FDRE Constitution of Ethiopia guarantees equality before the law (Art.
25), access to justice at the universities largely depends on internal arrangements —
like grievance offices, discipline committees, and student help units — being well
designed and implemented.69 In this research, access to justice is utilized as a critical
analytical lens in assessing whether DDU students are really protected by such
institutions purportedly for their goals.

Chapter Three

Data Presentation and Analysis

3.1 Introduction
This chapter presents and analyzes data collected through various research tools that
were designed to explore the causes, nature, and resolution mechanisms of student-
student conflict at Dire Dawa University. The aim is to assess how institutional
responses comply with legal demands, internal policies, and student expectations of
justice and [Link] was obtained from different respondent groups such
as students from many departments and years, legal counselors and members of the
university's disciplinary committee, and student-filed and/or lower level staff who
mediated early-stage or low-level conflict cases. Data were collected using structured
questionaire, semi structured interview, focus group discussion, and institutional
documents such as Dire Dawa University Student Code of Conduct.

67
Tefera, E., & Mulugeta, G. (2009). Alternative Dispute Resolution – Law Ethiopia. Justice and Legal System
Research Institute
68
UNDP (2005). Programming for Justice: Access for All – A Practitioner’s Guide.
69
FDRE, Constitution, Art. 25

28
The data is analyzed thematically based on the research aims in Chapter One. It
manages to identify key issues such as the nature and origins of student conflict,
knowledge and confidence in reporting mechanisms and institutional reactions, due
process in disciplinary procedures, and problems associated with [Link] strong
qualitative data that complements the quantitative aspects further enhance the
complex picture of the conflict terrain in the university. The chapter seeks to reveal
the DDU’s problems with student conflict management, advantages, and real
challenges through investigating the data in the legal and institutional context. These
set the basis for some of the findings and recommendations in Chapter Four.

3.2 Thematic Data Analysis Based on Field Findings

3.2.1 Types and Nature of Student-to-Student Conflict in ddu

The research findings show that the most reported type of student-student conflict at
Dire Dawa University has its origins in behavioral conflicts occurring in dormitory
settings. Students consistently cited examples of loud conversation when studying,
playing music at late hours, and in some instances, very intense conflicts up to
physical altercation when others were disturbing those in prayer or sleep.70 These
conflicts are often sparked by the absence of observable dormitory rules and poor
early-stage mediation, in which students are left alone to deal with the conflict
themselves, with no guidance or neutral intervention provided. As a FGD with
students from different departments,shows that in such general and usually crowded
spaces, students coming from different cultural, ethnic, or regional backgrounds are
expected to cohabit peacefully, with scant monitoring or preventive measures against
conflicts.

Another big category of conflict found during the study involved tension related to
academics. Among these, students complained whenever disagreements arose
concerning group work, unequal workload division, or limited campus resources like
lab facilities or instructor attention. Sometimes, academic grouping even tends to take
on political or ethnic connotations, so it stirs tension also exclusion in classrooms.
Focus group discussions further suggested that favoritism and performance
competition may create student antagonism.

A further recurring issue involved conflicts that were based on identity, particularly
along ethnic, religious, or regional lines. Some students stated on their questionnaire
responses that they felt excluded from student groups or leadership opportunities due
to their background, also this made them feel marginalized. When unregulated, these
conflicts can easily strengthen now, especially in emotionally charged environments
even though such conflicts may appear subtle at first, emerging in student politics or
social cliques.

Though common, physical fights were reported especially from within dormitories.
Students noted verbal disagreements can quickly become physical if provocations are

70
Interview with’’,Ahmediin Abdi and Mekbib Kefiyalew a 2nd-year student accused of dorm misconduct, DDU, May 7, 2025

29
ignored.71 Several conducted interviewes shared that petty misunderstandings
escalated simply because no formal mechanism addressed the tension until it
worsened, also these misunderstandings included seat disputes, late-night noise, or
personal insults.

In summary, the DDU student conflict is largely interpersonal and behavioral, driven
by dorm life, academic stress, and deeper social forces. The recurring nature of such
conflicts suggests the need for more accessible and responsive conflict resolution
mechanisms at the grassroots level—especially in classroom and dorm settings.

3.2.2 Causes of Student-to-Student Conflict in DDU

Individual attitudes, academic pressures, social identification processes, and
institutional limits are some of the factors that contribute to student-to-student conflict
at Dire Dawa University. Although each of these factors has a unique role, they
frequently come together to transform what appears to be a small argument into a
more serious and intense one. Below is a description of the main factors that
identified during the study.

A. Behavioral Conflicts in Shared Spaces

According to a 2024 internal report by the university, over 60% of student

disciplinary cases at Dire Dawa University originate from dormitory-based behavioral
clashes.72 The report emphasized repeated quarrels among students over noise, lack of
sleep, and disrespect of personal space. Roommates have to share spaces where
personalized habits such as playing music too loudly, being talkative during study
times, or leaving lights on late at night cause friction. Most students explained that
such types of habits are always read as intentional disrespect whenever there is no
conversation or tolerance being exercised. The absence of written or enforced rules of
the dorms leaves each group of students to "self-govern," which typically fails and
culminates in hot arguments or even fights.

Because there is no resident authority or early-stage resolution system in place at the

dorm level, these behavioral conflicts escalate quickly, giving students the impression
that ‘whoever is louder or more aggressive wins’.

B. Academic Pressure and Unequal Collaboration

Another major contributing factor is academic stress, especially during

competitive semesters or when group projects are assigned. Students often
report that these collaborative tasks lead to considerable disagreement among
group members. They vie uncomfortably for authority and leadership, and
when they do, they often reveal their personal deficiencies and shortcomings
as human beings. In trying to get what they want and prove what they can do,
or in trying to survive (as they feel they must) a group project that threatens to
become all-consuming, some students manifest interstitial fits of rage and
anger, or they just feel miserable and depressed.
71
Interview with’’,Firew Yibeltal Head of student police[discipline],DDU,May 7, 2025
72
DDU. (2024). Student Conduct and Disciplinary Records. Internal Reportr

30
C. Ethnic, Regional, and Cultural Divisions

As a questionnaire responses from majority of sudents shows that differences

based on identity, particularly regional and ethnic identity, also give rise to
conflicts. Even if not openly confessed, students mentioned feeling excluded
from group conversations, student body elections, or leadership roles in the
class because of where they came from. Ethnic jokes or veiled insults while
socializing sometimes generated deep resentment in some cases. When
students feel excluded on the basis of language, religion, or place, even trivial
disputes are perceived as attacks on their identity — aggravating the conflict.

Such conflicts have a tendency to creep silently through class politics or dorm
cliques and tend to intensify if no initial effort is made.

D. Lack of Accessible Conflict Resolution Mechanisms

Most student conflicts escalate simply because there is no easy and accessible
mediation system in the first place. Students tended to complain that they don't know
where to turn to report conflicts unless the conflict becomes violent or reaches the
disciplinary committee.73 Lower student councils (those that address dormitory or
minor conflicts) are likely not to be trained or have authority, and dorm supervisors at
times do not intervene until things get out of hand. This lack of informal mediation or
peer-guided resolution mechanisms compels students to repress problems, which
subsequently burst.

E. Distrust in the Disciplinary System

Finally, There exists a portion of students who feel hesitant to share conflicts or
request support because they lack trust in the system.74 In response of the
questionnaire we distributed the students think that reporting will lead to negative
consequences including punishment and neglect. The students mentioned that their
past reports about issues were either poorly managed or left unresolved making them
reluctant to report the same issues again. Student distrust in the system pushes them
toward personal actions which generally involve direct confrontation rather than
communication.

The powerless feelings experienced by students when they confront this decision
between silence or revenge lead to violence that keeps repeating itself.

3.2.3 Reporting and Trust in Conflict Resolution Mechanisms

The findings of this study show that the student conflicts are not reported by the
majority of DDU students, even if the conflict is a violent type. This is because of
various reasons, such as fear of not being heard, lack of trust in the disciplinary
mechanism, and believing nothing will be done even after reporting. Whereas

73
Ayantu Woyesa (2023), The Due Process Rights of an Accused Person…, p. 33
74
Interview with Gutama F.,Head of Peace forum in DDU,May 15,2025

31
institutions have mechanisms in place — i.e., discipline committees and student
affairs — students do not know how to utilize them or find them to be unjust or too
slow to act.

In some other cases, students just keep the conflicts to themselves or resolve them
among themselves by arguing, fighting, or drawing in close friends. Some of the
interviewees said that asking for assistance would make them appear weak or like
troublemakers. One student revealed that after she complained about her roommate
who kept disturbing her, "nothing happened except more problems for me in the
dorm."75 Such incidents discourage others from reporting, especially when the
complaint is about ethnic tension or potential group retaliation.

Students also pointed out that some of the committee members or dorm supervisors
take sides, especially when they have personal friendships with one of the parties.
This creates an unreliability in the system. A FGD with students from different
departement explained the ways in which minor issues like verbal harassment or
repeated late-night noise problems are not dealt with, so that it seems "only big cases
get attention."This gap between student expectation and institutional response has
created a culture of frustration and silence.

On the other hand, certain students did confess that in extreme cases — such as
physical fights or documented harassment — the university does take action.
However, this usually only happens once the situation gets out of control, rather than
early on. As had been noted by one student police member, "It is difficult to address
all conflicts happening at ddu and some cases becomes too big to handle and this case
is brought to be resolved."76 This corroborates the idea that reactive rather than
preventive justice dominates the conflict solution mechanism at DDU.

In short, the results demonstrate a huge gap between policy and practice: while formal
mechanisms for dealing with student conflict are in place, the absence of accessible,
unbiased, and early-stage mechanisms guarantees that students are neither enabled nor
encouraged to lodge concerns until too late.

3.2.4 Institutional Conflict Resolution Mechanisms

Dire Dawa University also has formal mechanisms through which student discipline
cases, including student conflict, are handled. Such conflicts can be taken care of by
mechanisms which include the Student Disciplinary, Dormitory Supervisors, Student
Affairs Offices, and lower-level student conflict management in certain cases.
However, based on field data, a huge disparity is seen between the availability of such
mechanisms and their accessibility, efficiency, and credibility.

The majority of the respondents, according to the questionnaires distributed to

students, were aware that there is a disciplinary committee but were unaware on how
one reports a case, where to begin, or what procedures are [Link] most
common complaint among the respondents was that cases typically take a long time to

75
Interview with’’,Kalkidan Ashenafi,a student involved in a conflict,DDU,May 2025
76
Interview with’’, Eskindir D., Student police Member, DDU,May 11, 2025

32
solve, after disagreements have already escalated, as opposed to early intervention or
mediation.

Interviews with the members of the disciplinary committee revealed that their
function tends to be reactive. In other words they only get when the case is officially
brought to their notice and generally by then it has escalated too much to mediate.
What this indicates is that there is little proactive intervention by institutional
mechanisms, especially for cases of student-to-student conflict that have an informal
origin but increase with the passage of time.

Field interviews also revealed that the advisors of students and dormitory supervisors
generally lack either the training or willingless to handle small disagreements. In
some dormitories, small fights are sidestepped unless there are physical altercations or
massive disruptions. This leaves the students with the impression that only serious
cases receive attention, hence eroding trust in the system's ability to prevent conflict
at an early stage.

Moreover, though procedure is detailed in the Student Code of Conduct, several

committee members confessed that they rarely receive training that is current, and
there is no standard guideline for lower-level mediation bodies. In this way,
inconsistency in addressing incidents arises from dorm to dorm and department to
department.

In a few positive cases, students reported that student committees and dorm monitors
could diffuse tensions before they reached the formal committee, especially in case
there was a neutral and respected person among the students. These results were,
however, described as being exceptional and not normative.

In conclusion, institutional conflict resolution mechanisms are available at DDU but

are weak in terms of accessibility, transparency, and responsiveness. The findings
conclude that the mechanisms need to be decentralized, strengthened with training
and accountability, and more accessible and student-friendly before conflicts get out
of hand.

3.2.5 Fairness, Access to Justice, and Student Perception

Students' perception of justice and fairness at DDU is, at best, mixed. While there are
formal mechanisms in place, students' confidence in the objectivity and fairness of
disciplinary processes is low. Based on field evidence, the majority of students holds
that decisions are taken on the grounds of personal relationships, ethnicity, or
dormitory politics, rather than being consistently applied on the grounds of university
rules.

According to questionnaire reports, some students have the view that disciplinary
decisions are not open, especially if committee members are seen socializing casually
with one of the parties. Students voiced worry in FGDs that some accused individuals
are not listened to carefully enough, while others are subjected to decisions without
ever having a chance to see the evidence presented against them. One summed it up
simply: "Sometimes, who you know matters more than what really happened."

33
These concerns are supported by Ayantu Woyesa,in her 2023 study, she noted that
DDU's student code of conduct does not clearly provide rights like legal
representation or access to evidence, which raises questions about the universality of
university procedures with national court standards.77 As a result, most students view
the process as one they undergo — not protection.

From interviews with committee members and dormitory supervisors, some admitted
that formal regulations are enforced loosely, especially in minor situations. When
rules are loosely phrased, or where coflict handlers are not regularly trained,
enforcement reduces to unofficial judgment, to which bias is invited.

In addition to this, fear and silence also affect access to justice. Students mentioned
that they rarely ever appeal even if they believe a decision was unfair, either because
they believe it would not change anything in the judgment, or for fear of being
targeted thereafter. This does not allow for genuine grievances and turns it into a
system where justice is perceived to be selective and capricious.

In general, even though the university is de jure prohibited or has rules on paper,
students feel that justice is undermined by poor communication, inaccurate
procedures, and lack of trust in the impartiality of decision-makers. What will be
required to improve access to justice at DDU is not only procedural reform but also
student confidence in institutional integrity.

3.2.6 Special Issues: Gender-Based Violence and Silent Conflicts

Apart from overt and disciplinary-level conflict, this study discovered deeper, more
covert student conflict that is largely unspoken or unreported, particularly on the
issues of gender-based violence (GBV) and implicit psychological tension. These
conflicts, though veiled from official statistics, contribute heavily to influencing the
well-being of students, academic performance, and feeling safe in the campus.

As per information compiled with the help of questionnaires and focus groups, some
of the female students reported having been verbally abused, subjected to unwanted
advances, or unwanted body contact — in most cases in dorms, hallways, and study
[Link] though these events are not uncommon, victims interviewed explained
that the lack of reporting is due to fear of judgment, lack of confidentiality, or threat
of retaliation.

In even more deplorable situations,interview responses from different female

students indicates that rapes are said to occur on campus by a few students but rarely
get reported and are not included for consideration by the university administration.A
student who want to be anonymous commented that, "It's only if something is public
or a brave person reports it that it's dealt with — otherwise, it remains secret." Such
occurrences, though rare, from an official report point of view, are treated as criminal
offenses according to Ethiopian law and are addressed under the provisions of
Articles 620–628 of the Revised Criminal Code, which address sexual assault and
rape.78

77
Ayantu Woyesa (2023), The Due Process Rights of an Accused Person at DDU, pp. 29–34
78
FDRE Revised Criminal Code (2005), Articles 620–628

34
Interestingly, the study's findings indicate that DDU does react discursively in GBV
cases if they are brought to their attention either by formal complaint or through
discovery. Members of the disciplinary committee interviewed claimed that as soon as
the complaints are filed, they respond very fast. This reactive action is, however, not
enough as most of the cases are not reported due to fear, shame, or because they are
concealed. There are no systems of confidential reporting, no psych support units, and
no systemic process to handle trauma-based cases or gender-based cases — all of
which make the system insufficiently oriented to deal with sensitive interpersonal
violations proactively.

Another issue highlighted by students was the issue of "silent conflicts" —

psychological or emotional tension caused by unresolved conflict, resentment, or
long-term social exclusion. Not always apparent, these conflicts have serious
consequences for student mental health, social cohesion, and classroom participation.
In the absence of a culture of communication or mediation, these conflicts are not
noticed and can later manifest as overt expressions of conflict.

In short, though the university acts when GBV incidents are officially reported, it
lacks institutional capacity, prevention measures, and secure reporting mechanisms to
deal with such issues at any serious length. The burden still lies with the victim to
report — a thing which silences many and exposes them to danger.

3.3 Summary of Key Findings

Data collected from students, disciplinary staff, and university officials show that
student-student conflict in Dire Dawa University is widespread, multifaceted, and
well-established in behavioral, academic, and identity-based disputes. The most
common reasons for conflict are in settings within dormitories where shared living
arrangements are more likely to foster conflict around noise, personal space, or
normality. A few of the trigger conflicts are intellectual groupings, competition for
resources, and ethnic or geographical groupings that exert subtle pressures on peer
relationships.

One of the key problems that runs across the findings is that minor misunderstandings
get exaggerated because there are no early mechanisms for conflict resolution. While
formal structures such as the disciplinary committee exist, their reactive function of
only taking action against officially reported and escalated cases works to weaken
their potential to stop conflict in its tracks before it becomes serious.

The research also found that students rarely report interpersonal conflicts, and the
major reason for this is typically fear of revenge, lack of self-esteem, or belief in the
system as biased or sluggish. This is especially so for sensitive issues such as
discrimination or gender violence, where the victims do not feel safe reporting despite
the fact that the damage may be serious. Though the university does respond to a
complaint of this nature when it is formally brought to its attention, there is no early
reporting promotion system, confidentiality, and trauma-sensitive processing.

On the upside, the university have an official discipline system, and there are student-
conflict resolvers or dorm monitors who have been able to hijack issues from

35
becoming out-of-control in most dorms. These examples suggest that informal
mediation and peer-based systems may offer a valuable foundation for future reform.

But the more common picture continues to be one in which student conflict resolution
is blocked by institutional refusal, selective enforcement of the rules, and absence of
student awareness. Overcoming these will entail some mix of procedural reform,
increased student involvement, and the development of accessible, equitable, and
trusted mediation mechanisms at the dorm and classroom levels.

36
CHAPTER 4
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

4.1 GENERAL CONCLUSION

This current research aimed at investigating the nature, causes, and resolution
methods of student-student disputes in DDU, with special focus on ascertaining legal,
institutional, and pragmatic loopholes in handling such conflicts. Based on the field
data findings and doctrinal analysis, the following are some of the most critical
findings made.

Student conflicts first are most often behavioral and interpersonal, resulting from the
challenges of living in groups in dorms, academic pressures, and group-based social
or cultural processes. These conflicts typically result from minor disagreements —
e.g., noises, group project mismatches, or identity-exclusion — but they escalate
because there is no prevention-mediation mechanism in place and no good and clear
communication.

Second, as effective as the formal conflict resolution channels in the university such
as the disciplinary committees and the dorm advisors are, they are primarily reactive.
They only respond after issues have been reported to them and already at late levels.
This is a lacuna in conflict resolution at the source, especially with interpersonal and
informal conflicts, which are left to be controlled by the students themselves.

Third, Dire Dawa University reacts on cases brought before it — for instance, gender-
based violence and gross misconduct cases — but there is no institutional process to
address sensitive or silent complaints in a proactive manner. Cases of verbal
harassment, social exclusion, or even physical assault go unreported due to fear of
retribution, distrust of institutions, or stigmatization. This deficit mandates the
provision of secure, safe, and confidential reporting mechanisms for at-risk students.

Fourth, there is inconsistency between legal and institutional norms. Yes, the
Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation, the Revised Criminal Code, and DDU's
Student Code of Conduct each contains procedural protection and student obligations,
but in practice, it is otherwise. Students are faced with prejudice, bias, or both these,
as well as inaction in discipline issues, and that damages confidence in the justice
system and results in more silence or conflict management by others.

Finally, the report says, it is time to move towards prevention-based, student-centered

conflict resolution. Successful implementation of quality peer mediation, regular
application of dorm regulations, and committee member training can render a campus
conflict resolution system more fair, accessible, and transparent.

37
4.2 Practical and Legal Recommendations
Based on the results of this study, the following recommendations are proposed to
strengthen student-student conflict prevention and resolution systems at DDU and the
concerned stakeholders:

A. Behavioral and Dormitory Conflicts

 Most of the conflicts among students begin at dorms due to the lack of rule
adherence and uncontrolled living environments.

Recommendation:

- Create dormitory-level conflict resolution teams, composed of student

representatives and trained monitors.

- Prominently post dormitory rules and noise rules at every block.

-Assign proctors with task of de-escalation of conflicts.

B. Academic Conflicts and Group Work Strain[tension]

 Conflicts based on unequal academic group participation and competition

for resources.

Recommendation

-Instructors must provide clear guidelines and role definitions in group work.

-Add a simple complaint process for reporting unfair group dynamics.

-Make access to resources (e.g., lab time, instructor time) equitably distributed.

C. Identity-Based Conflicts (Ethnic, Religious, Regional)

 Such tensions create long-term division and exclusion in class or residence

hall living.

Recommendation

-Organize inclusive campus discussion forums facilitated by neutral staff or senior

students.

-Conduct cross-cultural events to enhance understanding and debunk bias.

- Train student leaders and residence supervisors in bias recognition and neutrality.

38
D. Sensitive Conflicts and Gender-Based Violence

 Harassment and GBV are not reported even when they are severe.

Recommendation

-Establish a Gender & Conflict Desk in the Office of Student Affairs

-Provide a confidential web page for reporting GBV and harassment using the internet.

-Cooperate with legal aid clinics and psychology departments to make referral service
available.

-On the orders of Articles 620–628 of the Criminal Code, serious cases should be
immediately reported to the police.

E. Fear and Lack of Trust Leading to not reporting

 Complaints are not being reported by students due to stigma or perception

that nothing will be done.

Recommendation

-Implement anonymous complaint boxes and complaint portals on the internet.

-Provide assurances of confidentiality and protection against retaliation in all

committee processes.

-Student awareness campaigns on rights and procedures should be initiated.

F. Weakness in Institutional Structures and Due Process

 Disciplinary committees are inconsistent; policies aren't always followed.

Recommendation

 Revised the Student Code of Conduct to explicitly state:

-When and how accused students are notified

-How they may defend themselves, including right to respond to evidence

-Right to cross-examine witnesses when appropriate

39
 Ensure disciplinary action follows a fair, formal process in accordance with due
process and EHEP requirements.79

 Regular training in procedure fairness and accused students' rights should be

given to committee members80

G. Appeal and Oversight

 Appeal mechanisms do not exist currently and are not independent.

Recommendation:

-Establish an independent second-tier appeal body, ideally under the student

ombudsman or legal aid clinic structure.

-Legislate in the code explicitly that students have the right to appeal, and written
reasoned decisions must be made.

-The Directorate of Student Affairs must ensure that disciplinary committees are
constituted and functioning according to the code.

79
Ayantu Woyesa (2023), The Due Process Rights of an Accused Person at DDU, p. 29–34
80
Ibid., p. 35–36

40
Bibliography

A. Legal and Policy Documents

-FDRE Constitution (1995). Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

Constitution.

-FDRE Higher Education Proclamation No. 1152/2019.

-Dire Dawa University. (2007). Student Code of Conduct. Dire Dawa

University Internal Policy Document.

-Revised Criminal Code of Ethiopia. (2005). Proclamation No. 414/2004.

B. Academic and Legal Literature

 Alemayehu, T. (2018). “University Disciplinary Systems and Legal Gaps in

Addressing Campus Violence.” Ethiopian Journal of Legal Studies, 9(1), 77–95.

 Bensimon, E. M., & Neumann, A. (1993). Redesigning Collegiate Leadership:

Teams and Teamwork in Higher Education. Johns Hopkins University Press.

 Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed

Methods Approaches (4th ed.). SAGE Publications.

 Kaplin, W. A., & Lee, B. A. (2014). The Law of Higher Education. Jossey-Bass.

 Robbins, S. P. (2001). Organizational Behavior (9th ed.). Prentice Hall.

 UNESCO. (2015). Gender-Based Violence in Higher Education: A Global

Review. Paris: UNESCO Press.

C. Primary Data Sources

-Interview with Dormitory Supervisor, Dire Dawa University, May 2025.

-Interview with Student Disciplinary Committee Member, Dire Dawa University,

April 2025.

-Interview with Student Police Representative, Dire Dawa University, May 2025.

-Interview with Accused Students (Various), Dire Dawa University, May 2025.

-Interview with Student Union Representative, Dire Dawa University, May 2025.

-Questionnaire Response Data, Administered May2025, Dire Dawa University.

41
-Internal Report: Student Disciplinary Records and Conflict Incidents, DDU Office of
Student Affairs, 2024 (unpublished

42