Chapter 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES
This chapter presents various literature and studies found to be relevant to the present
study. These literature and studies consist of theories, concepts, and research findings that
served as the basis for the conduct of the current research investigation.
Language Policy in the Philippines: Its History and Development
The history of language policy in the Philippines is complex and influenced by various
factors such as colonization, nationalism, and education reform. Below is an overview of key
milestones in the evolution of language policy in the Philippines:
Pre-colonial Era
Before the arrival of Spanish colonizers in the 16th century, the Philippines was home to
various indigenous languages and writing systems. Oral tradition played a significant role in
communication and cultural expression among different ethnic groups.
Spanish Colonial Period (1565-1898)
With the arrival of Spanish colonizers, Spanish became the official language of
administration, religion, and education. The Spanish language was used in government
documents, religious services, and elite education, leading to its widespread adoption among
the ruling class known as the "ilustrados." However, indigenous languages continued to be
spoken among the majority of the population.
American Colonial Period (1898-1946)
Following the Spanish-American War and the Treaty of Paris in 1898, the Philippines
came under American rule. The United States introduced English as the medium of
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instruction in schools and as the language of government, replacing Spanish. The goal was to
Americanize the education system and create a workforce proficient in English to facilitate
trade and governance.
Commonwealth Period (1935-1946)
During the Commonwealth era, efforts were made to promote Filipino nationalism and
cultural identity. The 1935 Constitution declared both English and Spanish as official
languages, with plans to develop a national language based on Tagalog. However, English
remained dominant in government and education.
Post-Independence Period (1946-present)
After gaining independence from the United States in 1946, the Philippines continued to
grapple with language policy issues. In 1959, Executive Order No. 335 was issued, promoting
the use of the national language, now known as Filipino, as the medium of instruction in
schools alongside English. However, the implementation of this policy faced challenges due
to the linguistic diversity of the country and the continued dominance of English.
Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE)
In recent decades, there has been a shift towards recognizing and promoting the
importance of indigenous languages and mother tongues in education. The Department of
Education (DepEd) introduced MTB-MLE as a policy framework in 2009, advocating for the
use of mother tongues as the medium of instruction in the early years of schooling. This
initiative aims to improve learning outcomes, preserve cultural heritage, and promote
inclusive education.
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Current Status
As of the present, the Philippines maintains a bilingual policy with Filipino (based on
Tagalog) and English as official languages. However, the implementation of MTB-MLE
continues to face challenges such as limited resources, teacher training, and standardization of
instructional materials.
In the Philippines, the implementation of mother tongue-based instruction (MTBI) has
been a significant educational reform aimed at enhancing the quality of education, especially
in the early years. MTBI emphasizes the use of learners' native language or mother tongue as
the medium of instruction in the early grades, with a gradual transition to Filipino and
English.
Attitudes Towards Mother Tongue-Based Instruction among Filipino Teachers
Research indicates a range of attitudes among teachers towards MTBI in the
Philippines. Many teachers view MTBI positively, recognizing its potential to facilitate better
comprehension, enhance learning outcomes, and preserve cultural heritage. According to a
study by Gonzalez (2017), teachers perceive MTBI as a means to create a conducive learning
environment where students feel more comfortable and engaged.
Furthermore, studies have shown that teachers acknowledge the importance of MTBI
in fostering a strong foundation in literacy skills among learners (Muhlach, 2018). They
believe that using the mother tongue as a medium of instruction can bridge the gap between
home and school environments, leading to increased parental involvement and support
(Tupas, 2019).
Challenges Faced by Teachers
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Despite the perceived benefits, the adoption of MTBI in the Philippines is not without
challenges, and teachers encounter various obstacles in its implementation. One of the
primary challenges is the lack of resources, including instructional materials and teacher
training programs tailored to MTBI (Sibayan, 2020). Many teachers feel ill-equipped to teach
in the mother tongue due to limited training and professional development opportunities
(Tañedo, 2019).
Additionally, the multilingual nature of Philippine society poses a challenge, as
teachers often need to cater to students speaking different mother tongues within the same
classroom. This diversity complicates lesson planning and instructional delivery, leading to
concerns about equity and inclusivity (Magno, 2021).
Moreover, the standardized testing system, which primarily assesses students'
proficiency in English and Filipino, creates pressure on teachers to prioritize these languages
over the mother tongue (Galvez, 2020). This emphasis on national languages undermines the
implementation of MTBI and perpetuates the dominance of colonial languages in education.
In conclusion, teachers in the Philippines exhibit a mix of attitudes towards MTBI,
ranging from enthusiasm for its potential benefits to concerns about challenges in its
implementation. While many recognize the importance of using the mother tongue as a
medium of instruction, they face significant hurdles such as resource constraints, linguistic
diversity among students, and systemic pressures to prioritize Filipino and English.
Addressing these challenges requires comprehensive reforms, including increased investment
in teacher training, development of localized instructional materials, and policy changes to
support the integration of MTBI into the education system.
Teachers’ Attitude towards the Mother Tongue Instruction
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"Whenever languages come into contact, one is likely to find certain prevalent
attitudes of favor or disfavor towards the languages involved," according to Haugen (1956 as
cited in Grosjean, 1982). These can have a significant impact on a person's personality as well
as how they utilize language (p. 118). A linguistic power struggle between languages is
inevitable in the Philippines, where there are more than 180 languages spoken. For instance,
people in regions and provinces far from Manila have some reluctance toward Filipino, the
country's official language (Wa-Mbaleka, 2014), in part because only a third of Filipinos can
speak Tagalog (Smolicz & Nical, 1997), even though Tagalog makes up more than 90% of
the language. Additionally, a key element in determining which languages bilinguals learn,
use, and favor is their attitude toward the language (Grosjean, 1982). The widely believed
belief that language serves as a representation of social or group identification as well as the
attitudes and beliefs shared by both users and non-users is, in fact, accurate.
Teachers, parents, students, and other educational stakeholders have all expressed
varying opinions in response to the implementation of the MTB-MLE policy in the Philippine
educational system, which emphasizes the use of mother tongue as the medium of instruction.
The general acceptance of mother tongues as languages of instruction (LOI) presented a
significant problem given the significance of language in the educational process, especially
in the case of teachers who, according to Shohamy (2006), are recognized as one of the most
important groups to use LOI. Important stakeholder groups that are frequently overlooked in
the policy-making process even if they have a significant influence on a reform.
Some of the identified drawbacks of MTB-MLE that possibly contributed to teachers’
mixed reactions when MTB-MLE policy is mentioned have been identified by different
researchers (Malone & Paraide, 2011; Oyzon & Fullmer, 2014; Wa-Mbaleka, 2014). These
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challenges include the following: (1) instructional materials are not readily available in the
majority of local languages; (2) teachers are not trained in the local languages used for
instruction where they teach; (3) primary school teachers may not have solid training on L1 or
L2 learning research and theories; (4) some local languages may not be perceived as
important for formal education.
Teachers may also be obstacles to effective MTB-MLE, according to Paulson
(2010a), because of the following factors: (1) ingrained beliefs about indigenous languages
and their suitability for the classroom; (2) the perceived additional work associated with
teaching the mother tongue as a third language in the classroom; and (3) their own lack of
familiarity with the grammatical and orthographic systems of their mother tongue and lack of
confidence in teaching reading and writing in that language.
Because teachers directly influence classroom practice, such attitudes and beliefs
provide a barrier to MTB-MLE (Karavas-Doukas, 1996). In order to successfully execute
MTB-MLE policy, it is crucial to take the affective attitude of primary school instructors
seriously since they have a significant impact on how learners build their cognitive and
emotional language attitudes (Kovacs, 2011).
The Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE)
The Philippines' linguistic and cultural variety adds a great deal of complication to the
debate over language policies in schools. The Philippines presents a difficult environment for
the implementation of a language strategy that can serve the entire nation due to its more than
7000 islands and 181 unique languages (Lewis, Simons, & Fennig, 2013). As a result, over
the past century, language rules for Philippine schools have undergone periodic changes, with
a new policy being implemented for almost every generation. The 1974 and 1987 Bilingual
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Education Policies established English and Filipino as the official languages of teaching in
schools until very recently. Even though neither of these languages is the first language of
almost half the population, this is the case.
By issuing an order that demanded the institutionalization of mother tongue-based
multilingual education (MTB- MLE), the Department of Education (DepEd) challenged the
Bilingual Education Policy in 2009. With Filipino and English being taught as separate
courses, this directive mandates that all subject areas in pre-kindergarten through grade three
be taught in the learners' first language (Philippines Department of Education, 2009). Another
directive, which included more detailed instructions for MTB-MLE, was issued in 2012 and
included the reform in the newly adopted K–12 Basic Education Program (Philippines
Department of Education, 2012). By designating twelve significant regional languages to be
used as the languages of instruction, this order diverged from the original mother tongue
strategy.
Studies on attitudes in the field of education have mostly focused in recent years on
how students, teachers, and parents feel about learning a second or foreign language (Baker,
1992; Gardner and Lambert, 1972). However, in recent years, the emphasis of language
attitude studies has switched from L2 learning to L1 or mother tongue-based instruction in an
effort to better comprehend the intended language innovation and to support educational
achievement. Despite the importance of studies in this area, there are still relatively few
studies specifically focused on student attitudes.
The abundance of data regarding mother language teaching policy in international
literature points to the majority of African countries' experiences. In 2004, Ejieh conducted a
study to ascertain student teachers' opinions toward mother tongue instruction in Nigerian
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elementary schools and discovered that pupils had a negative attitude toward it since the
indigenous language had been accorded a lower value during the British colonial era. English
is useful since it appears to be a gauge of learners' educational progress because it is the
official language.
As a result, even parents agree that children should be taught English from an early
age because it is the language that promises job prospects and upward economic mobility.
Additionally, due to the prolonged exposure to the English language in the classroom, from
primary to upper levels, pupils have adopted English as their first language, making the native
tongue less appealing. Results also indicated that issues with inadequate teaching resources
and student textbooks were believed to have contributed to the student teachers' negative
attitudes.
In Grade 4 Mathematics lessons in Zimbabwean primary schools, Chivhanga and
Sylod (2014) contrasted the views of student teachers toward the use of English and
ChiShona as the language of instruction. In line with Ejieh's (2004) findings, the study found
that English was preferred by parents, teachers/lecturers, and college/university students as
the language of instruction from primary to university level because, in their eyes, it offers
better job opportunities and gives students more power in the face of international
competition. Native tongues, on the other hand, are soft options for them because they are
rarely declared mandatory.
Shona is only required for Grades 1 to 3, thus Webster, Mavies, Timothy, and Cordial
(2012) looked into how language attitudes of teachers and students will affect the decision to
utilize Shona as the primary language of instruction in secondary schools in Zimbabwe. The
professors and pupils both shown hostility toward Shona and preferred English as the
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language of instruction. The majority of pupils concurred that Shona is thought to be
insufficient for the efficient teaching of science and technology and has limited application in
their daily life. These findings led Webster et al. (2012) to draw the conclusion that the
adoption of Shona is negatively impacted by user attitudes toward language innovation.
Parents and pupils in the Sidama Zone of Ethiopia shared a similar negative attitude
and view about the use of mother language as a medium of education (Bachure, 2014).
Although they were aware of the various difficulties with regard to the accessibility and
availability of the learning resources in Sidama language, instructors, unlike parents and
students, demonstrated a favorable attitude and perception toward mother tongue-based
education. In addition to the alleged issues with educational resources, Sidama is a minority
language that is exclusively used in the local area, and it is notably challenging when utilized
by students in writing.
Using Gardner's (1985) Attitude and Motivation Test Battery, another study was
conducted. Magogwe and Ketsitlile (2015) discovered that pupils in Botswana generally had
favorable attitudes regarding Setswana and English. To them, Setswana should be taught as
one of the subjects rather than the language of teaching. According to the study's findings,
pupils had a positive opinion of bilingualism or multilingualism as well as native languages
being taught in schools.
Teachers in Kenya also recognized the many benefits that mother tongue brings, such
as cultural appreciation, better relationships between learners, enabling student participation,
and contributing to a smooth transition of learners from home to school, among other things
(Khejeri, 2014). Despite these benefits, teachers were not sure that mother tongue should be
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the right medium of instruction because one of the major obstacles they anticipated was a
lack of vocabulary to enhance the teaching and learning process.
The topic of the switch from English to mother tongue in the classroom has benefited
greatly from studies examining the relationship between age, gender, and location of origin
(province) and language attitude. Age and gender have an impact on students' attitudes
regarding using their mother tongue, according to Ajepe (2014). In his study, it was
discovered that students between the ages of 15 and 18 were more interested in using their
mother tongue. Additionally, compared to male students, female students are more supportive
of speaking their mother tongue. However, there was no gender difference in linguistic
attitude in Alieto's (2018) study. Assefa (2002) noted that place of origin (province) is
another key element that can influence language attitude in addition to age and gender.
Conceptual Framework
The socio-educational model that Robert Gardner created in 1985 serves as the
foundation for this study. The socio-educational model was developed on the premise that
learning a language helps a person develop an identity that allows them to adapt to and
function in a new context. The model consists of four interconnected variables: social milieu
(i.e., a person's culture and environment), individual differences (i.e., intelligence, aptitude,
motivation, and anxiety), second language acquisition context (i.e., formal and informal
settings), and outcomes (i.e., linguistic skills and non-linguistic skills).
The socio-educational paradigm places a high priority on the function of the unique
qualities of language learners in the field of social psychology. Therefore, in order for
language acquisition to take place, a learner must first and foremost want to learn, put forth
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effort to learn, and exhibit a positive outlook toward learning. As a result, according to
Gardner (1985), motivation should be seen as a tripartite complex, with each component
supporting the others.
Motivation is influenced by socially and educationally relevant attitudes in the model.
These attitudinal constructs are best understood through the learner's attitude toward the
learning situation, specifically the classroom setup or school environment, assessment of
modules, textbooks, and other course materials, and evaluation of the language teacher and
the language course. This attitudinal construct recognizes the likely difference between a
skilled teacher who has a good command of the language and a less skilled teacher who lacks
proficiency in the target language.
Another attitudinal concept is integrativeness, which displays a willingness, curiosity,
and openness to learning the target language in the society for socialization and cultural
learning (Lovato, 2011). This obviously highlights the ability to understand the language of a
group with which the learner is unfamiliar, as well as become aware of the distinct culture of
that society (Lovato, 2011).
Furthermore, the model postulates an interdependent relationship between motivation
and attitude, as these two variables directly or indirectly influence successful language
learning in both formal settings where language acquisition appears to be secondary and
incidental (Gardner, 1985).