PLURALITY IN SABAOT VERBAL MORPHOLOGY
by Iver Larsen, BTL (1991). Revised and updated (2023)
Abstract
Sabaot, a Southern Nilotic language spoken in Western Kenya and Eastern Uganda, displays an interesting
phenomenon of what might be called ‘plural action’ verb stem formation. It uses techniques such as
suffixation on the verb root or reduplication of the root to express a variety of extensions of the meaning of
the verb, such as iterative actions, inchoative processes, intensified activity, disagreement among people,
reciprocal behaviour, simultaneous action distributed over a series of locations as movement takes place
away from or toward a point of focus.
Introduction
The notion of plurality is useful in understanding and describing several verbal derivations in Sabaot. Some
of these derivations express iterative actions, others express the idea of several agents involved in the same
action or the action performed on several patients (objects) at the same time. An action may also be
described as being performed repeatedly at several locations. This paper will explain these verbal
derivations and give examples of their use.
The data were supplied by Mr. Patrick Boiyo. We would like to express our appreciation to Prof. Ekkehard
Wolff for his explanations of the theory of verbal plurality.
The data are from the Koony dialect of the Sabaot language. Sabaot is a Southern Nilotic language spoken
by approximately 100,000 speakers (data from 1990, today about a quarter of a million) in Western Kenya
and a similar number in Eastern Uganda (with slightly different dialects). The Koony dialect has 13
consonants and 19 phonemic vowels corresponding to an underlying system of 20 vowels in a 5x2x2
system. Each of the five basic vowels, a, e, i, o, u, can be short or long (written with dobble letters) and
[+ATR] (Advanced Tongue Root) or [-ATR]. The [+ATR] vowels are in this paper written with a line over them
except for the [+ATR] āā which is written as oo because of its merger with the [-ATR] oo. The consonants are
transcribed according to the tradition of the national language of Kenya, Kiswahili, which means that the
palatal nasal is written as ny and the velar nasal as ng'. There is no phonemic contrast between voiceless
and voiced consonants in the language.
The data are written with surface tones. Because a diacritic is used over the vowels to show the feature
[+ATR], tones will not be marked with diacritics, but with capital letters after the words. The tone markings
are high (HH), mid (MM), low (LL), low-high glide(LH), low-mid glide(LM) mid-high glide(MH), mid-low
glide(ML) and high-low glide(HL).
The first section of the paper will deal with iterative actions; the second section with distributive actions,
that is plurality in subject, object or location; and the third section with two derivational processes related
to intensity and plurality.
1. Iterative plurality.
1.1. The -set suffix.
The suffix -set added to a verb root indicates that the action takes place several times in succession with
pauses in between. Therefore, I shall also use the description ‘intermittent actions’. The -set suffix has two
allomorphs which are phonologically conditioned and explained by the rule of compensatory vowel
lengthening which operates in Sabaot: if the vowel of the syllable preceding the suffix is long, the basic form
of the suffix is used, that is -set. If the vowel of the preceding syllable is short, the suffix is lengthened to
-seet. The suffix is inherently [-ATR] but changes to [+ATR] if the root vowel is [+ATR] or if another [+ATR]
suffix is added. This is the general rule of vowel harmony. (For further details of Sabaot phonology and
vowel harmony see Larsen[1984]). The suffix can be attached to either transitive or intransitive verbs.
In the examples below the suffix under discussion is underlined and the following tense abbreviations are
used: DP for distant past and MP for middle past (yesterday’s past). Sabaot has two morphological verb
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classes, Class 1 and Class 2, which have different sets of person prefixes. These person prefixes do not
distinguish between singular and plural for the third person, nor do they distinguish gender. When a person
prefix is translated as ‘he’, this can also mean ‘she’ or ‘they’. The person prefix for third person is zero for
Class 1 verbs and i- for Class 2 verbs. Only the verb forms are broken down to morpheme level.
(1) kiriirset LLMMMM leekweet LLLL ‘the child cried intermittently’ ki-riir-set leekweet
DP cry ITER child
(2) kōbīrsēēt LLMMMM leekweet LLMM ‘he beat the child several times ko-bīr- set leekweet
MP beat ITER child (the same day or on different days)’
(3) kiratseet LLMMMM teeta LLMM ‘he tied the cow several times’ ki-rat-set teeta
DP tie ITER cow
(4) kiratseet LLMMMM tuuka LLMM ‘he tied the cows several times’ ki-rat-set tuuka
DP tie ITER cows
(5) kwaamset MMMM āmīīk LLHH ‘he ate food intermittently’ ko-am- set āmīīk
MP eat ITER food
(6) kiirabaakset MMLLLLMM Maasay HHHL koorkēēt LLMM Maasay slapped his wife
ki-i- rabaak-set Maasay koorkēēt intermittently (several times)
DP he slap ITER Maasay wife/woman
1.2. Root reduplication with vowel insertion
Apart from the -set suffix, an iterative aspect can also be shown by reduplication of a monosyllabic verb
root with an -aa- inserted between the two reduplicated parts. The main difference is that the -set suffix
describes the whole proposition as repeated, i.e. the same agent and patient are involved in repeated
events, while the reduplication of the verb root emphasises that the verbal action itself is repeated, but it
may be repeated on different patients.
Another difference is that the verb stem with the -set suffix describes an action which is repeated with
pauses between repetitions, while the reduplicated verb stem focuses on the repetition of the action
without requiring any pauses in between.
If the object for the reduplicated verb stem is plural, then the action can be described as consecutive. For
example, from the root rat ‘tie’ is derived rataarat ‘tie consecutively’, as in
(7) kirataarat LLMMLLMM tuuka LLMM ‘he tied one cow after another, ki-rat-aa-rat tuuka
DP tie - tie cows
(8) kitilaatil LLMMLLMM nkwēēk HH ‘she chopped up the vegetables’ ki-til-aa-til nkwēēk
DP cut - cut vegetables
If the object is in the singular, then the repetition of the action and the focus on the verbal idea itself
combine to make it a habitual aspect, as in
(9) kōbīroobīr LLMMLLMM leekweet LLLM ‘he habitually beat the child’ ko-bīr-aa-bīr leekweet
MP beat - beat child
(The epenthetic -aa- changes to -oo- because of ATR vowel harmony. The middle past tense, when used in
its basic deictic sense, refers to actions of yesterday, but it is often extended to refer to actions which take
place in general without specifying any particular time reference).
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The imperfective suffix -ē can be added to a reduplicated verb stem. The imperfective aspect basically
expresses an uncompleted or continued action, but can also cover the habitual aspect.
(10) rātoorātē MMLLLLMM tuuka LLMM kwaak HL rat-aa-rat-ē tuuka kwaak
tie - tie Impf cows always ‘he habitually/always ties the cows one after another’
(11) kīīlūūchoolūūchē MMLLLLLLMM leekweet LLLM ki-i-luuch-aa-luuch-ē leekweet
DP he beat - beat impf ‘he used to beat up the child’
2. Distributive plurality
This section naturally splits into three sub-sections depending on whether the plurality concerns the
subject, the object, or the location.
2.1. Plurality of subject
2.1.1. The -yē/-yā suffix for subject plurality
The most commonly occurring suffix indicating subject plurality is -yē/-yā. The -yā suffix is written as -yo in
the standard orthography because of wordfinal position. The -yē HL form is used with first and second
person subjects, while the -yā HH suffix is used with third person subjects. This suffix normally occurs with
intransitive verbs but there are at least two exceptional cases where it occurs with transitive verbs.
[Link]. The -yē/-yā suffix with intransitive verbs
The -yē/-yā suffix is obligatorily attached to intransitive verbs with an inceptive meaning when these are
used with a plural subject, as illustrated in (12) - (17) below,
(12) kīkēēchōlyē LLLLHHMM mīīsīn MMMH ki-kee-chol-yē mīīsīn
DP we become_disappointed PL much/very ‘we became very disappointed’
(13a) kīkōryā LLLLHH ki-kor-yā ‘they became blind’
DP become_blind PL (Compare kikor LLMM ‘he/she became blind’)
(13b) kīkēēkōryē LLLLHHMM ki-kee-kor-yē ‘we became blind’
DP we become_blind PL
(13c) kīīkēēkōōryē MMLLMLLL kii-kee-ko:r-yē ‘we are blind, we have become blind’
DPP we become_ blind PL
(This form is marked for perfective aspect by a lengthened tense prefix vowel and a different tonal pattern.)
(14a) kīkēēmūyē LLLLHHMM ki-kee-mūy -yē ‘we became frightened’
DP we become_frightened PL
(14b) kīīkēēmūūyē MMLLMLLL kii-kee-mū:y-yē ‘we are (have become) frightened’
DPP we become_frightened PL
(15a) kīkēēnēryē LLLLHHMM ki-kee-ner-yē ‘we became fat’
DP we become_fat PL
(15b) kīīkēēnēēryē MMLLMLLL kii-kee-ne:r-yē ‘we have become fat’
DPP we become_fat PL
(16a) kīkēēbootyē LLLLHHMM ki-kee-bot-yē ‘we got lost’
DP we become_lost PL
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(16b) kīīkēēbootyē MMLLMLLL kii-kee-bot -yē ‘we have become lost/we are lost’
DPP we become_lost PL
(17a) kīkēēlāyē LLLLHHMM ki-kee-lay -yē ‘we got burned’
DP we get_burned PL
(17b) kīīkēēlāyē MMLLMLLL kii-kee-lay-yē ‘we have got burned’
DPP we get_burned PL
As illustrated above, if the verb root has a short vowel, that vowel is normally lengthened. The lengthening
may be conditioned by a semantic notion of inceptiveness or it may be connected to the perfective aspect.
However, it is difficult to explain why bot ‘get lost’ (16a, 16b) undergoes lengthening in both the perfective
and the unmarked aspects while lay ‘get burned’ (17a, 17b) does not undergo lengthening in either of the
two forms. Consequently, we conclude that the long and short vowelled forms have become
morphologized. There also seem to be dialectal differences involved.
The suffix -yē/-yā can also be attached to some intransitive verbs which do not have an inceptive meaning,
such as ‘shout’ in (18) below. For such verbs, lengthening does not take place and the segment of the suffix
is in some cases optionally deleted, with the suffix tonal influence remaining.
(18a) kībōlyā LLLLHH bīīkā LLLL ki-bōl-yā bīīkā ‘the people shouted’
DP shout PL people (Compare kībōl LLMM ‘he shouted’)
(18b) kīkēēbōlyē LLLLHHMM ki-kee-bōl-yē or kīkēēbōl LLLLHH ‘we shouted’
DP we shout PL
[Link]. The -yē/-yā suffix with transitive verbs
The -yē/-yā suffix can also be attached to a transitive verb root. Such verbs can then no longer take an
object, but the plural subject incorporates both the agent and the patient of the action to express
reciprocity.
In some cases, the original verb root has been more or less lost. This seems to be the case if the suffix
relates to a reciprocal action when different people clash with one another or separate. Since it requires at
least two people to clash or separate, only plural subjects can occur with such verbs, as exemplified in
(19) kītīīyā LLLLHH bīīkā LLLL ki-tīīyā bīīkā ‘the people failed to agree’
DP fail to agree people (tīīy means to support, but can also mean to push against)
(20) kīkēēbēēsyē LLLLHHHL acheek MMMM ki-kee-bēēsyē acheek ‘we disagreed/separated’
DP we disagree we
(21) kītooyā LLLLHH ki-tay-yā ‘they disagreed’
DP refuse (one another) PL
(22) kīchoomnyā LLLLHH ki-cham -yā ‘they loved one another’
DP love PL (A general assimilation rule requires that y -> ny /[+nasal]_)
2.1.2. The -chīīn suffix for simultaneous action
The basic meaning of the suffix -chīīn LH is simultaneous action (abbreviated SIM). (Cf. Toweet[1979:137]
for a discussion of similar suffixes in Kipsikiis. It is not used in Marakwet). It is therefore naturally connected
to plurality either in the subject or in the object. It cannot occur with both subject and object in singular
form. While the -yē/-yā suffix is normally used with intransitive verbs, the -chīīn suffix is normally used with
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transitive verbs. In this section I shall only give examples of the use of -chīīn with plural subject and singular
object, since the examples with plural objects will be dealt with in section 2.2.
[Link]. The -chīīn suffix with transitive verbs and plural subjects
When a verb with a -chīīn suffix is used with a plural subject and a singular object, as in (23) and (24) below,
the meaning is that several agents are simultaneously involved in the same action on the same patient.
(23) kībārchīīn LLMMMH bīīkā LLLL tyoonyto LLHH ki-bar-chīīn bīīkā tyoonyto ‘the people stabbed the
DP stab SIM people animal animal at the same time’
(24) kīkāsyīīn LLMMMH lēēkōōk LLLL teeta LLMM ki-kas-chīīn lēēkōōk teeta ‘the children saw the cow
DP see SIM children cow at the same time’
(A general assimilation rule requires that ch -> y/t_)
Occasionally the -chīīn suffix may transform a transitive verb into a reciprocal verb by uniting the agent and
patient into one subject to achieve a reciprocal significance. In this case, the subject has to be plural,
denoting at least two agents involved in the same reciprocal action at the same time. This is illustrated in
(25) with the verb kas ‘to see/hear/understand’:
(25) kīkāsyīīn LLMMMH lēēkōōk LLLL ki-kas-chīīn lēēkōōk ‘the children agreed together,
DP hear SIM children they understood one another’
This example is very similar to the use of the -yē/-yā suffix with cham ‘love, accept’ as in choomnyo ‘they
loved one another’. The difference is that the -chīīn suffix focuses on the simultaneous aspect of the action
while the -yē/-yā suffix only denotes several agents involved in one action. With a -chīīn extension, as in
example (25), it is not enough that I hear you or you hear me, we must both hear one another in mutual
understanding before we can agree together. With a -yā extension, as in (20), one may start loving the
other and after some time the other may start loving back, so that in the end both participants are agents
(or experiencers) of the same action, that is, they each love the other.
[Link]. The -chīīn suffix with intransitive verbs and plural subjects
Just as the use of -yē/-yā with transitive verbs, as in section [Link], was exceptional, so is the use of -chīīn
with intransitive verbs exceptional. The following is an example of such usage:
(26) kīībēēnchīīn MMLLMM mwoowōōk LLLL ki-i-been-chīīn mwoowōōk ‘the wounds bled at the same
DP [Link]. bleed SIM wounds time’
There may be semantic reasons why this particular verb goes with the -chīīn suffix instead of the -yā suffix,
or there may be historical reasons which are not obvious today. In Marakwet and some other Kalenjin
languages the two have merged into the -yā suffix.
2.2. Plurality of object
2.2.1. The -chīīn suffix with transitive verbs and plural objects
We have seen above that the -chīīn suffix, which means simultaneous action, can be used with a plural
subject and a singular object. We shall now turn to examples of the same suffix used in clauses with plural
objects and either singular or plural subjects.
The following examples illustrate its use with a singular subject. The action is performed by one agent on
several patients simultaneously.
(27) kyoomchīīn MMMM boontēēt MMMM āmīīk MMHH ki-am-chīīn boontēēt āmīīk ‘the man ate several
DP eat SIM (old) man food types of food at the same time’
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(28) kībārchīīn LLMMMH chīītā LLLL tyoong'īīk LLMM ki-bar-chīīn chīītā tyoong'īīk ‘the person shot the
DP shoot SIM animals in one go’
(29) kīkāsyīīn LLMMMH leekweet LLLL tuuka LLMM ki-kas-chīīn leekweet tuuka ‘the child saw the cows
DP see SIM child at the same time’
If both the object and the subject are plural there are two possibilities:
(a) The object is considered as a unity even though it is plural:
(30) kyoomchīīn MMMM bīīkā LLLL āmīīk LLHH ki-am-chīīn bīīkā āmīīk ‘the people ate food together/at
DP eat SIM people food the same time’
(31) kīībīsyīīn MMLLMM biikā LLLL nkwēēk HH ki-i-bīs-chīīn bīīkā nkwēēk ‘the people sprayed the
DP [Link]. spray SIM people vegetables vegetables at the same time’
(b) The object is considered as two or more separate individual entities, in which case the action is viewed
distributively as follows:
(32) kībārchīīn LLMMMH bīīkā LLLL tyoong'īīk LLMM ki-bar-chīīn bīīkā tyoong'īīk ‘the people each speared
DP spear SIM people animals an animal at the same time’
(33) kīkāsyīīn LLMMMH lēēkōōk LLLL tuuka LLMM ki-kas-chīīn lēēkōōk tuuka ‘the children each saw a cow
DP see SIM children cows at the same time’
Which of these two interpretations is in view depends on the context and on whether the particular noun
used as object normally lends itself to be seen as a unity, such as ‘food’ or as separate entities, such as
‘animals’. In many cases, both interpretations would be possible out of context.
2.2.2. The -chīīn suffix with ditransitive verbs
For tri-valent verbs, which may have both an object and an indirect object, there are even more
possibilities, as the following examples illustrate:
(34) kīībēsēēnchīīn MMLLLLMM boontēēt MMMM beesaanik ki-i-bēsēēn-chīīn boontēēt
DP he borrow SIM (old) man money ‘the man borrowed from several sources simultaneously’
(35) kīībēsēēnchīīn MMLLLLMM bīīkā LLLL beesaanik MMLLLM ki-i-bēsēēn-chīīn bīīkā beesaanik
DP 3p. borrow SIM people money ‘the people borrowed money from different sources
simultaneously’ or ‘the people borrowed money from one another’
2.3. Plurality of location
Two verb suffixes in Sabaot signify that the action of the verb root may take place repeatedly, at several
locations. These suffixes will be described in section 2.3.3, but before doing so, I shall in sections 2.3.1 and
2.3.2 briefly mention some other verb suffixes which are relevant as background for the discussion in 2.3.3.
2.3.1. Directional suffixes
Sabaot has three directional suffixes -te/-ta, -ū and -chī (cf. Toweet[1979:137]).
The -te/-ta suffix signifies in its basic deictic sense that the event expressed by the verb takes place in the
direction away from the speaker (AS), but in context it signifies that the event is directed away from the
focus point of the story at that particular time. The -te allomorph is used with first and second person
subjects, while the -ta allomorph is used with third person subjects.
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Similarly, the -ū suffix signifies direction towards the speaker or focus point of the story (TS).
The -chī suffix signifies direction towards a third person (T3).
The following imperative forms illustrate these basic directional derivations:
(36a) naakte MMHH ‘move away!’
naak-te
move AS
(36b) nookū MMHH ‘move over here!’
naak-ū
move TS
(36c) nookyī MMHH ‘move over to him/her/them!’
naak-chī
move T3
2.3.2. The applicative suffix -ee
A semantic role is added to the verb by the suffix -ee, which is therefore called applicative. The added role
can be either locative, instrumental, source, goal, or path. I shall here only exemplify the locative role:
(37) kichōōnēē LLMMMM mbareen MH ‘he came from the field’
ki-chōō-n-ee mbareen (The epenthetic suffix -n- serves to prevent long vowels from merging.)
DP come - from field-LOC
2.3.3. The plural location suffixes -aate and -aanu.
Plural (or distributive) location is shown by two related suffixes -aate and -aanu. Both suffixes indicate that
the action specified by the verb root takes place at several locations consecutively. The first suffix normally
indicates that the action of the verb root takes place while the subject (agent) is moving away from the
focus point; however, depending on the semantic content of the verb root, it may just signify that the
action takes place consecutively at various locations, as in (40a) and (41a) below. This suffix is therefore
called ‘andative’. The second suffix indicates movement towards the speaker or focus point while the action
of the verb root is in progress. It is therefore called ‘venitive’. (cf. Toweet[1979:137]).
These suffixes can be attached to both intransitive and transitive verbs, as illustrated in the following
examples.
(38a) kyaariiraate MMMMMMLL ‘I went away/around crying’
ki-a-riir-aate
DP I cry ANDAT
(38b) kyaariiraanu MMMMMMLL ‘I came crying’
ki-a-riir-aanu
DP I cry VENIT
(39a) kiriiraat LLMMML leekweet LLLL ‘the child went away/around crying’
ki-riir-aate leekweet
DP cry ANDAT child
(Note that the final vowel of these suffixes is dropped if the subject is in third person).
(39b) kiriiraan LLMMML leekweet LLLL ‘the child came crying’
ki-riir-aan(u) leekweet
DP cry VENIT child
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(40a) kicheeng'aat LLMMML kwaan LL leekweet LLLM ‘the father went out/round
ki-cheeng'-aat kwaan leekweet looking for the child’
DP search ANDAT his-father child
(40b) kicheeng'aan LLMMML kwaan LL leekweet LLLM ‘the father came looking
ki-cheeng'-aan(u) kwaan leekweet for the child’
DP search VENIT his-father child
These two suffixes can be combined with several other suffixes including the applicative suffix -ee. In this
case a locative phrase is required in the sentence:
(41a) kiriiraatee LLMMLLLM leekweet LLLL wōloo LLLL tukul HHHH ‘the child went
ki-riir-aate-ee leekweet wōloo tukul around all over crying’
DP cry ANDAT LOC child where all
(41b) kiriiraanunee LLMMLLLM leekweet LLLL mbareen HHMM ‘the child came from
ki-riir-aanu-n-ee leekweet mbareen the field crying’
DP cry VENIT - LOC child field-LOC
It is also possible to combine the directional suffixes (2.3.1) and plural (distributive) location suffixes as, for
example, in:
(42a) wiirunaanu LLLLHHMM ‘throw (it) here as you come!’
wiir -ū -n-aanu
throw TS - VENIT
(Note here a rare example of reverse vowel harmony. The -ū suffix is not strong enough to change the
[-ATR] high front vowels (-i- and -ii-) to [+ATR] vowels. Instead, the -ū suffix is changed to become [-ATR] -u).
(42b) kiwiirunaan LMLM ‘he threw it towards me as he came’
ki-wiir -ū -n-aan(u)
DP throw TS - VENIT
3. Intensity and plurality
3.1. Root Reduplication
We saw in section 1.2 how reduplication of the verbal root with an epenthetic -aa- signifies an iterative
extension of the verb. This derivation is productive in relation to many verb roots, and the meaning
attached to the extension is fairly stable, although the details may vary with the semantic content of the
verb root.
There is another reduplicative derivation which does not have the epenthetic -aa-. This derivation seems to
be connected with the basic meaning of intensity, but only a few verbs can undergo this reduplication
process, and the meaning is not stable. In most cases, where both the simple verb and the reduplicated
verb stem exist, they are best treated as two separate lexical items. In some cases only the reduplicated
form exists and the original verb root has been lost.
The reduplication process involves a lengthening of the root vowel and, usually, a change from verb Class l
to Class 2. The following examples illustrate the process:
(43a) kibin LLLL keey HH ‘he stood firm (in a debate)’
ki-bin keey
DP stand self
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(43b) kiibinbiin MMLLML ‘he persisted’
ki-i- binbiin
DP he persist
(44a) kwēēbīs MMML roobta LLLL lang'at LLLL ‘rain drizzled (short and light) yesterday’
ko-i- bīs roobta lang'at
MP it spray rain yesterday
(44b) kwēēbīsbīīs MMMLLM roobta LLLL lang'at LLLL ‘rain drizzled continuously yesterday’
ko-i- bīsbīīs roobta lang'at
MP it drizzle rain yesterday
(45a) kibat LLMM kweenik LLMM ‘she split firewood’
ki-bat kweenik
DP split firewood
(45b) kiibatbaat MMLLLM kēētīt HHHH ‘he removed pieces of bark from a tree’
ki-i- batbaat kēētīt
DP he de-bark tree
(46a) kibul LLMM chēēbtā LLLL leekweet LLLM ‘the girl made the child look good’
ki-bul chēēbtā leekweet
DP beautify girl child
(46b) kibulbul LLLLHH chēēbtā LLLL leekweet LLLM ‘the girl put the child in a comfortable place’
ki-bulbul chēēbtā leekweet
DP exalt girl child
(47a) kichuut LLMM mooyta LLLL chootīīkaab LLMMML kaamet LLHH ‘the calf passed under the hind-legs
ki-chuut mooyta chootīīk-aab kaamet of its mother’
DP enter calf hind-legs of its-mother
(47b) kichuutchuut LLLLHH mooyta chootīīkaab kaamet ‘the calf kept on passing under the
ki-chuutchuut mooyta chootīīk-aab kaamet legs of its mother’
DP enter-enter calf hind-legs of its-mother
3.2. The -īīs suffix
Another suffix which seems to have been an intensifying extension of the verb, but is no longer productive
and is only used with some verbs in Class 2, is the -īīs suffix (INT). For some verbs it is connected with
plurality, and such verbs cannot take the -yē/-yā plural subject suffix.
The following examples show some of the diversity of meaning attached to the -īīs suffix:
(48a) kiibeen MMML mwaayeet LLLL ‘the wound bled’
ki-i- been mwaayeet
DP it bleed wound
(48b) kīībēēnīīs MMMLMM mwoowōōk LLMM ‘the wounds (all) bled’
ki-i-been-īīs mwoowōōk
DP it bleed INT/PL wounds
(The Sabaot verb is tonally marked for perfective. The wound was bleeding in the past, but the bleeding has
now stopped. This particular verb is obligatorily marked for either perfective or imperfective aspect in the
past tense. It does not have the simple unmarked past tense as most other verbs have. Compare also with
example (26) above).
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(49a) kībīkīyēn LLMMLLMM lēēkōōk LLLL ‘the children played happily’
ki-bīkīyēn lēēkōōk
DP play-happily children
(49b) kībīkīyēnīīs LLMMLLLLMM lēēkōōk LLLL the children played happily for a long time’
ki-bīkīyēn-īīs lēēkōōk
DP play-happily INT/PL children
(50a) kiibut LLHH lēēkōōk LLLL ‘the children fell down’
ki-i-but lēēkōōk
DP they fall children
(50b) kīībūtīīs MMLLMM lēēkōōk LLLL ‘(a lot of) children fell down’
ki-i-but-īīs lēēkōōk
DP they fall INT/PL children
(The verb in (50b) is marked tonally for perfective aspect, whereas the verb in (50a) is unmarked for this
aspect. The perfective aspect is semantically related to the idea of intensity.)
(51a) kiibuus LLHH bīīkā LLLL ‘the people breathed’
ki-i- buus bīīkā
DP they breathe people
(51b) kīībūūsīīs MMLLMM bīīkā LLLL ‘the people breathed heavily’
ki-i-buus-īīs bīīkā
DP 3ps. breathe INT people
(Again the second form is tonally marked for perfective aspect).
4. Summary
We have seen that Sabaot has several derivational extensions to show both iterative and distributive
notions.
The -yā/-yā suffix is connected with a plural subject and is used especially on inceptive verbs.
The -chīīn suffix has the meaning of simultaneous action and therefore requires that either the subject or
the object or both are in the plural form.
The -aate and -aanu suffixes indicate actions which take place repeatedly at several locations, or
continuously, as motion progresses over multiple locations.
The imperfective and perfective aspects are marked in the inflectional system, the imperfective by the suffix
-ē and the perfective by tonal changes on the verb prefixes. The derivational processes discussed in section
3 seem to have been connected with the intensive notion, although, in the present stage of the language,
this notion has been largely taken over by the perfective aspect (which may be a later development).
Again, while habitual actions are normally covered under the imperfective aspect, the reduplicative
derivation discussed in section 1.2 is also connected with the notion of habitual action.
REFERENCES
Larsen, Iver A. 1984. Vowel Harmony in Koony, in: OCCASIONAL PAPERS in the study of SUDANESE
LANGUAGES, No. 3. Juba: College of Education, University of Juba and Summer Institute of Linguistics and
Institute of Regional Languages.
Toweett, Taaitta. 1979. A Study of Kalenjin Linguistics. Nairobi: Kenya Literature Bureau.
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