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AFRICAN THEATRE, HISTORY AND POSTCOLONIAL

RESISTANCE: AN APPRAISAL OF OLA
ROTIMI’SOVONRAMWENNOGBAISI

*Mubarak Ibrahim Lawan, **HabibAwais Abubakar

*Al-Qalam University Katsina
**Kano State College of Arts, Science and Remedial Studies

ABSTRACT

The upward trend in African historical plays drew much attention of researchers to the relationship between
history proper and the historical plays or imaginative reconstruction of history. The contention was that,
although these plays were primarily regarded as fiction or imaginative reconstruction of the past based on
the playwrights' interpretation of history, many theatre scholars argued that the value of these plays prevailed
over history to the audience if there is a clash with history proper. This began with Aristotles's assertion that
"poetry/literature is more philosophical and elevated than history", and that literary plot tends to be
unabridged, corrective and therefore more permanent. Following on from that, this paper theorized, in this
work, that historical plays resist and counteract imperial discourse, or jaundiced imperial historians in their
biased history of their clash with African monarchs and heroes. Secondly, the paper argued that through the
shades of Cultural Resistance that hybridize conventional theatre, postcolonial plays are central in the
promulgation of anti-colonial resistance and therefore have the tendency to change a distorted history. Hence
theatre, the most symbolic form of art, can be historically corrective and evocatively accurate. To illustrate
this, the paper examined a postcolonial play; Ola Rotimi'sOvonramwenNogbaisi. The play reconstructs and
corrects a badly damaged and awfully misrepresented African monarch; Oba OvonramwenNogbaisi of the
old Benin Empire. The researchers examined the colonial resistance captured by the play, through
postcolonial theory, and cast light on the attitudes the play reflects regarding the coloniser and the colonised,
the extent to which the play helps in decolonisation process and how the play reconstructs the images of the
damaged heroes, so as to restore national pride and integrity.

INTRODUCTION
This paper studies an African historical play and critically uncovers its predisposition towards
Postcolonial Resistance. Thus, it examines the role of theatre in Postcolonial Resistance. By the
same token, the paper studies the dramatist's effort to reconstruct the image of the historical villain
but legendary figure in Nigerian history, so as to restore national pride and integrity. In justification
of this effort, the researchers survey the nature of modern theatre which gives template to theatrical
resistance and the concepts concerned in order to conceptualise the topic.
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To begin with, theatre has undergone a sort of complex revolutions in recent times. Technological
innovations, said Downs, Wright and Ramsey (2013), and "new perspectives on the human
experience led to avant-garde theatrical styles, each with its own systems and theories" (388). "The
word avant-garde", Downs et al., continued:

Can describe any artist or work of art that is experimental, innovative, or

unconventional. Symbolism, Expressionism, Futurism, Dadaism, Surrealism
and Absurdism are some of the avant-garde styles, or "isms" that
playwrights, directors and designers created in order to rebel against Realism
and Naturalism and draw audiences back to the live stage (388).

Furthermore, political developments, two WorldWars, the attainment of independence of many

countries especially in Africa from erstwhile colonial masters, the rise of feminism and so forth have
all made a profound impact on theatre. Despite the complex nature of the Modern world, Dasylva
(2004) devided modern theatrical forms into three as follows;

(1) The Theatre of entertainment: melodrama, farce, romantic comedy and

musical plays which are now common with our mass media drama
productions... (2) The Theatre of Realism involves plays that give insight
into the problems of real people. The playwrights, as well as those who
patronize the production of such plays believe in man's ability to improve
through rational and pragmatic understanding.... (3).. The theatre of
disillusionment. It is generally informed by the post-world wars philosophy
of Existentialism, which is foregrounded by despair, cruelty, and general
absurdity. It has no faith in religion, conventional values or any rational ideas
(97).

As Henrik Ibsen (1828- 1906) and Bertolt Bretcht (1898- 1956) championed The Theatre of
Realism, playwrights like Samuel Beckett (1906-1989), Harold Pinter (1930-2008), and Edward
Albee (1928-) were the promoters of The Theatre of Disillusionment. The Disillusioned playwrights,
after seeing the devastation and genocide of World War II, concluded that the universe is cold,
hostile and that our existence is futile. Hence, Absurdism, one of the "isms", was born. It is a
philosophy that regards human condition as absurd because, humans continue to seek order and
reason in a universe that is not built on these principles. Absurdist dramatists experimented with
audience' expectations and also share a rejection of traditional, cause-and-effect realistic drama and
created characters of unusual theatrical traits. The Absurdists' central idea was that "there are no
fixed standards of conduct, no verifiable moral codes. Each person must choose his own set of
values and live by it. To live by the conventions of others is the response of a robot, not the act of a
human (Downs et al., 398)".

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Furthermore, the famous German playwright and theatre practitioner, Bertolt Bretcht (1898 - 1956),
introduced what he called Epic theatre. In this theatre, Brecht rejected total immersion in a play,
made his audience feel and think and finally forced them, during performance to reexamine their true
condition. In other words, Brecht used theatre to arouse man's consciousness to the peril surrounding
his existence. He began by attacking the ideological stance of bourgeoisie theatre of Aristotle which
coaxed audience into sympathising with the tragic hero. To him, Aristotelian theatre reflected an
ideological belief that portrayed both man and the world as static and unchangeable. He advocated
that reality is a dynamic process produced by men and can be changed by men. Therefore, if theatre
has to serve its function it must not reflect a static society and reality, but should instead provoke
rational self-reflection and a critical view of the action on the stage. He wanted his audience to adopt
a critical perspective in order to recognise social injustice and exploitation and to be moved to go
forth from the theatre and effect change in the world outside. Brecht observed:

The audience in the Epic theatre says: "I wouldn't have thought that- people
shouldn't do things like that- this person's suffering shocks me because there
might be a way out for him.- This is a great art:nothing in it is self-evident. I
laugh over the weeping, weep over the laughing (cited in Weiss, 1968:680).

This observation explains that the objective of any theatre is to stimulate the epic spectator into
thinking through a process of questions and answers and by implication, stirring the desire and
clamoring for change.

Downs et al., (2013), explained that:

Brecht eliminated the vicarious experience of theatre by using various

staging techniques. Sometimes he would have the actors step out of character
and address the audience directly, or he might exposes the theatrical lights
and remove the curtains to remind the audience they are in theatre...
Alienated from the play, the audience would then be motivated to
intelligently and objectively reflect on the moral issues of the story rather
than being lulled into the theatrical illusion that puts the audience into a non-
thinking, trance-like state where they accept what they are told without
serious contemplation (398).

Back in 19th century, the famous Norwegian playwright and theatre director, Henrik Ibsen (1828 -
1906), asserted that theatre "... should be a source of insight, a creator of discussion, a conveyor of
ideas, something more than an entertainment... (1)." This statement gives the theatre practitioner a
newer vision of his role rather than a mere clown of no ambition and purpose. He is expected to
promote, revolutionise and facilitate change by unveiling the tyrannical antics of the oppressors. In
essence, Boal (1979), asserted that theatre "classifies concepts, reveals truth, exposes contradiction

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and proposes transformation... (61)." Hence, "theatre is used as a means of education, celebration,
protest and discovery" (Banham, 1975:15).

Thus, Ola Rotimi's OvonramwenNogbaisi, a play that re-enacts the famous Benin Massacre, is
studied here in order to examine the attitude the play reflects regarding the colonizer and the
colonized, the extent to which it helps in Cultural Resistance and how it reconstructs the images of
the historically misrepresented but great figures in Nigerian history, so as to restore national pride
and integrity.

Conclusively, The above survey shows that theatre is used for different purposes and, therefore,
there are different forms of theatre. Primarily, the forms include "conventional and non-conventional
theatres" (Dasylva, 2004:25). The conventional theatre involves "tragedy and other tragic forms and
comedy and other comic forms" (Adelugba, 1990 in Dasylva; 25). These are those theorised by
Aristotle, the first theatre theorist. And, having been identified with better use of "theatricals,
thespians or dramaturgicals, they are regarded as conventional. On the other hand, the non-
conventional theatre consists of modern theatres such as Brecht's revolutionary epic theatre, theatre
of the absurd, the avant-garde theatre, the neo-rationalist theatre, postcolonial theatre and so on.
These are regarded by many critics as non-conventional because they are characterized by an
unorthodox use of theatricals. They are theatres that jolt their audience "and by so doing stir it to
action" (Dasylva: 28). Ola Rotimi, the playwright under discussion, belongs to postcolonial theatre, a
theatre that resists the power of colonial domination and comments on social and political situations
of the country.

"Can OneResistWithoutViolence?", Ashcroft (2001). "Can one even resist without obviously
opposing"? The answer to this these questions is obviously 'yes!' Ghandhi's 'passive resistance' to the
British Raj is a famous and effective example" (20). Bearing this in mind, this paper examines such
elements of PassiveResistance in the post-colonial play of Ola Rotimi (OvonramwenNogbaisi).

Furthermore, the paper explores the interpolation of language, dramaturgicals and how interpolating
history disrupts and blurs the boundary between Literature and History. This is because, according to
Ashcroft (2001);

the most fascinating feature of postcolonial societies is a 'resistance' that manifests itself as a refusal
to be absorbed, a resistance which engages that which is resisted in a different way, taking the array
of influences exerted by the dominating power, and altering them into tools for expressing a deeply
held sense of identity and cultural being (20).

OLA ROTIMI (1938-2000)

Emmanuel Gladstone OlawaleRotimi, famously known as Ola Rotimi, was born on April 13,
1938, at Sapele, Nigeria. He had been a scholar, playwright, and director. Rotimi was one of
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Nigeria‟s and Africa‟s finest dramatists. Two of his plays; Kurunmi and OvonramwenNogbaisi, are
historical tragedies that re-enact the history of the Yoruba people and the glorious empire of Benin.
Adding The Gods Are not to Blame to the collection, Rotimi became a notable playwright for the
representation of monarchical tragedies in his dramatic work. By creating royal tragic heroes who
fall as a result of particular personal flaws, scholars came to describe his style as "Aristotelian".
Kurunmi (1971) and OvonramwenNogbaisi (1974) are Rotimi‟s original creations, while The Gods
Are Not to Blame (1971), is an adaptation of the classical Greek tragedy, Oedipus Rex by Sophocles.
His other plays like Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again, If, and Hopes of the Living Dead, examine
the themes of struggle and integrity of leadership. This eclectic approach made Adelugba (1978)
described him as a playwright who;

achieved... a mastery of the theatrical medium and (that) his greatest strength
as an artist seems to lie in directing... (His) proven excellence is in stage
iconography (In Ogunba&Irele, 1978:217).

Rotimi examined Nigeria‟s history and ethnic traditions in his works. Obafemi (2001), summarised
his purpose of examining history as one that stems from his;

conviction that the Nigerian historical past is instrumental to the shaping of

our contemporary experience"...and therefore his "purpose is to raise his
audience's perception of these (historical) events in a way that makes the
material relevant to the contemporary reality (33).

His plays include To Stir the God of Iron (1963), Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again (1977), The
Gods Are Not to Blame (1971), Kurunmi (1971), OvonramwenNogbaisi (1974), Holding Talks
(1979), If: A Tragedy of the Ruled (1983) and Hopes of the Living Dead (1988).

HISTORY AND LITERATURE

Although many scholars, ancient and modern, have discussed the relationship between history and
literature, this part, with reference to Ola Rotimi'sOvonramwenNogbaisi, adds a layer of discourse
upon the existing data on the debate. Bhadmus (2006), for example, Observed that:

The conflictual, if not outrightly dubious relationship between history and

literature, dates back to the antiquity. Philosophers such as Plato and
Aristotle, who in their treatises such as The Republic and Poetics tested the
boundaries and veracity of factuality (110).

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Bhadmus argued, conclusively, that "neither History nor Literature has greater claim to truth...as
they are both compromises of, and compromised by language (110-112)". However, this paper
argues that, in situations where the veracity of a certain history is contentious, theatre, the most
symbolic form of literature, can be historically corrective and evocatively accurate. As Poetics IX
put it, literature generally or theatre, in particular,"is more philosophical and more elevated than
history, since poetry (literature) states more univerasal things whereas history states particular
things" (Halliwell, 1995:5-9).

Victoria Adeniyi (2007), explained that;

History which is written in the form of drama is, on a higher plane, more
intense, more universal, and more philosophical than history which is written
in a chronological manner and is more particular. A historical drama
(therefore) deals with a particular point in the history of the society. It gives
insight into what life was like at the particular period chosen by the
playwright as focus (In Adeoti (ed), 2007:97-8)

This view is definitely linked with another Aristotelian conception that the unity of plot in literature
differs from that of history. While the former, being always chiselled after a long and hard thought,
tends to be unabridged, corrective and therefore more permanent, the latter is automatically
fragmentary, one-sided, and eternally boring. And, as a result, history always brings about discord,
mistrust and conflicts. For example, Abdurrahman al-Jabarti'sHistory of French Occupation of
Egypt, exposes the falsehood of the ideological template upon which the French invasion of Egypt
took place. And, antithetically, Napoleon Bonarparte'sDescription of Egypt seeks to portray the
conquest as the best thing that could ever happened to Egypt. To that effect, Oladosu (2009),
explained that:

The two works appear to be "monumentalistic" in [Link] call attention

to the inner fissures, frictions, and contradictions in the historiography of
domination and resistance in and on the (African) continent. For example,
whereas Al-Jabartî details, in part, the inhumanity and violence that
Napoleon‟s invasion eventuated in Egypt, the writers of the Napoleonic‟s
version, on the other hand, chronicle the invasion as that of a benevolent
conqueror who respects the culture of the dominated (186).

This explains why literary writers and historians are always at loggerheads over the veracity of
African history. So, the question: Can there be an unbiased history that gives true accounts of pre-
colonial Africa? This mind-boggling question gives intellectuals, in and outside Africa, a reason to

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parade their theories, philosophies and their intellectual depths on the subject. But the answer
remains hitherto elusive as African history is still seen as disputable and conflicting in nature.
Oladosu (2009) continued:

The dissonance and lack of complimentarity in versions of African history by

the European historians (perpetrators) and that of African griots (victims),
show...and awaken us to the fact that extant histories of domination and
resistance written in/on Africa are patently and essentially human records,
that are, according to Ibn Khaldum, "by their nature prone to error" (187).

May be this is the reason why Femi Osofisan (1977), when commenting on the relationship between
the Dramatist and Historian, submitted that:

A similarity of purpose unites the playwright and the historiographer, both

apparently feeding, as contemporaries fashioned by and responding to the
same historical mutations, from essentially the same sources (cited in Adeoti
(ed), 2007:97).

Following on from that, some scholars have interpreted the Africa of the late nineteenth and
twentieth centuries as a period of struggle between Imperialism and Resistance, (Bhabha; Chatterjee;
Hasting; Sa,I'd). Abu Alfa Umar Muhammad Shareef bin Farid (2005), noted two types of African
Resistance to European Colonialism, namely; Primary Resistance and Secondary Resistance. Bin
Farid defined Primary Resistance as "the type of resistance wherein there is a cohesive African belief
system intact backed up by an African nation-state or polity and a continuous sense of historical
conscience" (13).

There, he gives examples of this Resistance such as the Resistance of the Unitary State of Ethiopia to
Italy, Asante against the British, The Resistance of SamoreTaore in Guinea, Muhammad Ahmad Al-
mahdi in the Sudan, Abdalqadiri al-Jaza,iri in Algeria, Somalian Resistance against Britian, Italy and
France led by Muhammad Abdalla Hassan, the undaunted Sokoto Resistance against the British
hegemony in Northern Nigeria and a host of others. These victims intended to end what they
percieved as unjust and inhumane occupation and control.

Similarly, Bin Farid (2005) defined the Secondary Resistace as;

The type of resistance which emerges after the loss of national sovereignty
and the destruction of the collective historical conscience, which then forces
the people to adopt the ideals of the colonizers to liberate themselves from
colonization (13).
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At this juncture, anti-colonial writers like Franz Fanon, Walter Rodney, Amilcar Cabral, Ali Mazrui,
Cheikh Anta Diop, AimeCessaire, Julius Nyerere and a host of others, appear on the scene. These
writers develop the ideas of Liberation, Identity and Independence. They write to encounter the
historiography of European domination which, prejudicially, portrays Africans as primordially
inferior, brutish and backward.

In the light of that, historical drama, or, in a more general sense, postcolonial theatre, comes to
reclaim the precolonial forms of history and culture, and to re-construct national identity based on
specific local knowledge and histories. By enacting oral traditions and surviving national myths of
the indigenous cultures, theatrical performances allow those who fight against the colonial power to
rediscover their ancestors, histories and their identity in creative ways.

Furthermore, re-enacting the life of heroes and heroic episodes in the precolonial history becomes a
significant means of developing the fervour of national revolution in the postcolonial context. Thus,
post-colonial dramatists seek to revise their history while simultaneously celebrating their
precolonial heritage and traditions. A number of playwrights explore history in their dramatic works,
echoing Fredric Jameson (1981), who believed that "the literary text must be seen as the re-writing
or restructuring of a prior historical or ideological sub-text" (81-2). Also, Ola Rotimi in his play;
OvonramwenNogbaisi, re-writes, re-constructs and re-enacts the contentious reign of
OvonramwenNogbaisi and the subsequent Benin Massacre of 1897. Many scholars have studied
both the play and the history and thereafter discovered some chasms and lacunas in the historical
versions of the happenings which, accidentally, influence the play. But, this paper examines the
playwright's effort in counteracting the history.

REVIEW
To begin with, Rotimi‟s literary popularity comes from his historical recreation and interpretation. In
an interview with KunleAjibade of the African Concord (1991), Rotimi said;

I„m concerned with history first of all because of its pedagogic motivation.
Most of us Africans are ignorant of our history. When I was in secondary
school, we learnt tangentially African History and usually from a myopic,
jaundiced perspective of Western scholars…. My second mission is, of
course, to see whether we could emulate some heroic figures in history (7).

On the play OvonramwenNogbaisi, Uwatt (2002), quotes Rotimi affirming that: "I set out to write a
drama of resistance. Resistance to imperalist incursion on a people united in espousal of the cause of
the land and king" (28). This declaration can testify the claim that the playwright is correcting a
crooked history.

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In an attempt to capture the substance of the play, Adeniyi, (In Adeoti; 2007) makes a comparative
study of Rotimi'sOvonramwenNogbaisi and Yerima'sTrials of Oba Ovonramwen. Both plays re-
interpret the historical materials on the same historical figure in order to correct some
misrepresentations of African history. The palys, Adeniyi asserts;

...assess the past, comment on the present and warn about the future. It is
noteworhty that the plays end tragically with the looting of the Benin
Kingdom, the massive massacre of Benin people, and the deposition and
exile of Oba Ovonramwen. Although they are produced to unravel the
inhumanity and cruelty associated with the era of colonialism in African
history, they provide insights into the disposition of the imperial West
towards Africa. They equally provide warnings against neocolonialism,
which is colonialism in native apparel (109).

Nevertheless, Ola Rotimi's characterization of Ovonramwen in the play causes dissatisfaction among
crritics like Michael Etherton (1982) and Chris Dunton (1992). Etherton reveals some gaps in the
characterization of the Oba that should have been filled by the playwright. After exposing the
lacunas, Etherton's study shows that Rotimi's play signifies that 'Ovonramwen was the victim of fate
(155).' The conclusion is that "Ola Rotimi would appear to be fatalistic, therefore, in his view of
history. The colonial biases of history have been replaced by a fatalistic bias: 'this was the way it was
bound to happen (155)."

On the other hand, Chris Dunton (1992) describes Rotimi'sOvonramwen as "a totally inflexible
entity,.. neurasthenic.. and a statuesque figure" (21/22). Because Rotimi presents him as weak and
slow all round; failure among his people and coward in confronting external agressors, Dunton
observes that Ovonramwen's characterization is a faulty depiction of Tragic Hero who suppose to be
noble by birrth and by conduct; passionate, committed and strong; good-natured but with a flaw that
ruins him and causes his downfall at the end. But, Rotimi'sOvonramwen lacks these traits and he is
beset by more than one flaw. These are indeed excellent explorations that help students understand
and appreciate the play much better. Nonetheless, this Work pays attention to resistant markers of
the play.

Obafemi (2001) explores Rotimi'sKurunmi and OvonramwenNogbaisi. He examines the

playwrights's recourse to Nigerian pre-colonial and colonial history, his dramatic vision of the tragic
hero and, finally, his creative vision of the protagonist's fate in society. Obafemi maintains that;

Rotimi succeeds in appropriating the theatrical and dramatic potential of

history to project a tragic vision: the tragic heroism of grand historical
figures whose inevitable fall is a result of the flaws in their own character
combined with unforseen external forces. The relevance of the struggles of
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these individuals to our contemporary existence is that their struggles lend

insight to our own present struggles (107).

Thus, the axiomatic relationship between Theatre/Drama and History is accentuated in this historical
play to the extent that their seemingness blurs the boundary between reality and fiction. One
important thing about the play is that it resists colonial domination in the language used, the culture
portrayed and the theatricals. Therefore, this paper explores these elements as forms of Cultural
Resistance put up by Rotimi in his Postcolonial, historical play.

In a nutshell, Postcolonial writers and theorists redefine and restructure politics, identity, gender,
history, ethnicity, culture, literature, education and psychology of the former European colonies.
This urge begins in the wake of political independence sought by third world countries in Africa
(Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, etc), Asia (India, Pakistan and Bangladesh) and the Caribbean (Jamaica,
Trinidad and Guyana, etc). The Postcolonial theorists include big names like Frantz Fanon (1925 -
1961), Edward Said (1935 - 2003), Homi K. Bhabha (1949 - ), GayatriCharkravarthySpivak (1942 -
), AimeCesaire and so on.

Furthermore, African Nationalists, prose writers, poets and playwrights all engage in the same
struggle. The list of such prose writers include. Thomas Mofolo, Chinua Achebe, Mungo Beti,
Ferdinand Oyono, CamaraLaye and so on. Ola Rotiomi, Femi Osofisan, Ahmed Yerima and a host
of others populate the list of the playwights. These intellectuals engage in unearthing the rich
history, culture, philosophy, poetry and dignity of Africa that the colonialists had wantonly
entombed and destroyed.

Hence, exploring history in African dramatic works is seen by David Kerr, „as a means of asserting
the African identity and legitimating African nationalism”. Similarly, Umokoro(1995), opined that
“Ola Rotimi‟sKurunmiandOvonramwenNogbaisi are devoted to the examination of our pre-colonial
and colonial past as a way of reclaiming indigenous histories and cultures” (9). Kurunmirecreates the
intense struggles and power politics of the second half of the nineteenth century which culminated in
the Ijaye war of 1860‟s. Also, In OvonramwenNogbaisi, he narrates the story of European scramble
for Africa, based on the British expedition which brought about the Benin massacre in 1897. Hence,
as Knipp(1980) put it, the playwrights “write to create a useable past, to relate and interpret their
culture and its past in their own subjective confession, and define their own relationship to it” (42).

Arguably, the play, OvonramwenNogbaisi, is avery much frontal attack on colonialism. It is indeed a
great example of how theatre rehabilitates historical figures through post-colonial reconstruction of
history and critical efforts to encounter the Eurocentric images and impressions of Benin Kingdom.

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CULTURAL RESISTANCE IN POSTCOLONIAL THEORY

Stephen Duncombe observes (in his Cultural Resistance Reader, 2002) that "Cultural Resistance is
used to describe culture that is used, consciously or unconsciously, effectively or not, to resist and/or
change the dominant political, economic and/or social structure" (5). Hence, Cultural Resistance
offers a sort of "free space" for developing ideas and practices. The freedom from the limits and
constraints of the dominant Western culture gives ample scope for experiments with new ways that
help in developing tools and resources for resistance. Transforming or decolonizing the imperial
culture itself is a source of Cultural Resistance or is an attempt to subvert the Colonial strategies that
try to erase the native culture.

In Postcolonial Theory, therefore, Cultural Resistance is affected by the process of Hybridization.

The Colonized carefully reshape and adapt the tools of the masters to dismantle the master's own
voice or power. Because of its potential to actively involve a wide range of physical, emotional and
imaginative resources, Theatre is one such powerful cultural tool of the master. It brings together
many facets of cultural creativity; socio-political, religious, ritualistic, mythological and story-
telling; dance, music, satire, mimicry, role-playing and the festive celebration of a community.

In other words, Cultural Resistance can be expressed through narrative discourses like myths and
tales, rituals and ceremonies. Therefore, Resistance can be demystified as a practice of everyday life.
Dramatization of these cultural practices of everyday life finds expression in Postcolonial Theatre. In
their method, the Postcolonial dramatists domesticate the techniques of Western dramaturgy. Their
incorporation of native forms is in fact a part of this resistance to dominant forms. The by-product of
this incorporation is a syncretic Theatre which can be defined as those theatrical products which
result from the interplay between the Western theatrico-dramatic tradition and the indigenous
performance forms of Postcolonial culture. Finally, the narratives of Postcolonial playwrights are
strongly anchored in the native culture.

Similarly, Cultural Resistance to Western tradition can be observed in the choice of language. The
choice is often a political one. As Gilbert and Tompkins observe in their Postcolonial Drama:
Theory, Practice and Politics; "when a playwright chooses an indigenous language over English,
s/he refuses to submit to the dominance of the imposed standard language and to subscribe to the
'realty' it sustains" (169).

OVONRAMWENNOGBAISI: PLOT SUMMARY

OvonramwenNogbaisiby Ola Rotimi, the other primary text of this study, is also a historical play
about the historically damaged Oba of Benin Empire who reigned between 1888 and 1897. The play,
in precision, centres on the political tension, after the death of Oba Adolo, that surrounds the
ascension of his son OvonramwenNogbaisi and his hubris on the one hand, and the colonialist

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pressure on the other. The play is opened with the Oba Ovonramwen sentencing some prisoners to
death. These people happened to be Oba's chiefs before they connived in killing his Chief Adviser
who killed their dissenting brothers on Oba's ascension. Therefore, the Oba turns deaf ears to the
plea for mercy of other chiefs in the palace and executes the prisoners. This gesture explains part of
the tension within the Empire.

Subsequently, Ola Rotimi presents us with the other tension which the Oba faces on inside by
introducing the traders from Ijekiri and the elders of Ekpoma. The Ijekiris have cheated, traded with
the whiteman and wanted to break away from Benin. Therefore the Oba warns them. The Ekpomas
rebel against the Oba's choice of a leader. He warns them too and enforces them. Throughout these
judgements, Uzazakpo, the court jester, is telling the Oba that "that is not the way to go about it... the
way you talked to the chiefs was not the right way". There after, comes the Ifa Priest who foretells
the doom of Benin.

The tension on the outside comes from the Whiteman. The white imperialists bring with them a
tricky trade treaty to the Oba, persuading him to sign, so that they 'buy the rubber trees from him'.
But, the Oba refuses to sign. Like in Attahiru, the whiteman, being in a mysterious haste to trade or
rather siphon off Benin, the unwelcome Phillips and his company enter Benin, calamitously, during
Ague Festival. According to Bini tradition, it is a taboo for the Oba to receive strangers during Ague
Festival. Therefore, when Consul Phillips and his party enter the city, Benin warriors kill them and
subsequently, the British launches a punitive expedition, sacks Benin City, sends the Oba on exile to
Calabar, and takes over the area in order to establish the British colony.

However, the European historians portray Oba Ovonramwen as the "most abominable sadist", "a
fetish priest-king" and "murderous monarch". Hence, they launched war against him in order to free
his people from his tyranny. This study, proves that the play counteracts all these biased versions by,
verisimilarly or authentically, providing a template for African version of the history. Using
Postcolonial Theatre, the playwright (Ola Rotimi) dramatizes political, literary, linguistic and
historical resistance. In the play, Rotimi adopts a common strategy of Post-colonial self assertion by
rediscovering some authentic pre-colonial cultural practices in order to redress the impact of the
destructive colonial Imperialism.

ANALYSIS OF THE PLAY

The struggle between the Imperial power and Post-colonial identity in this play is so far captured in
the highly interpolated language and dramaturgicals of the play that finally give birth to a hybrid
mode of representation. Rotimi blends the traditional indigenous performance arts, which need to be
rediscovered and reinvented, with the sophisticated western theatrical techniques. Analysing this
practice in Postcolonial Theatre, Crow (1996) commented that:

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In contrast with the Western tradtion of realist drama and acting, these
traditional modes of performance are usually stylized, often incorporate
dance, music and song and operate from an oral rather than a literary
base (12).

The playwright, from the begining, opens with a certain traditional song sung by female voices,
punctuating drumbeats; rhythmic clatter of gourd-rattles, as the Isikhien (members of the royal
women's cult) enter and take position. Since, "indigenous song/music recalls pre-contact methods of
communication, affirms the continued validity of oral traditions, and helps to break the bonds of
conventional (western) representation" (Gilbert & Tompkins, 2002: 78), Rotimi resists the dominant
western forms here. While other dramatists infuse the indigenous music with western to create a
hybrid version, Rotimi uses indigenous songs/music in its pure form. This is a considerable act of
resistance. Such a thing is repeated everywhere in the play as in the following examples:

O-o-o-o-o- Evbavba!
Obugie O! Evbavba!
Obugie O! Evbavba!
Ugiegha do re ofurhufurhu
Oba gha to o kpere!

The crowd, excepting the prisoners, thunder:

I-s-e ! (4).
Omi, Omi- Omi-o!
O-omi-o!
Omi, Omi-o!...(5).
Osa wo-o-o, Iwori wo-wo-wo-o-o! (16). E .T. C.
This is indeed a stylistic device of Postcolonial Theatre. "It highlights the fact that colonialism has
not destroyed local pre-contact customs or traditions" (Gilbert & Tompkins, 67). The music/songs,
dance and traditional musical instruments used bring in some indigenous moods and enhance the
overall effect of the play. Furthermore, In place of using lighting to signify change of scene, music,
drumming and songs are used as the theatrical device. Gilbert and Tompkins (1996) observed that:

When music is combined with Theatre, its signifying power inevitably

multiplies: in addition to its own signification, music contributes to the
mise-en-scene to, for instance, enhance a mood, or effect an
atmosphere. Moreover, if Post-colonial Theatre provides an occasion
for a vocal expression of solidarity, resistance, or even presence, song
can intensify the reactions of both the actors and the audience (194).

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Rotimi uses native language in order to invoke the gods, to ceremonially bless the king and,
accordingly, challenge western tradition. Gilbert and Tomkins (1996) observed; "when a playwright
chooses an indigenous language over English, s/he refuses to submit to the dominance of the
imposed standard language and to subscribe to the 'reality' it sustains" (169).

Theplay addresses the story of Ovonramwen in a wider scope. It includes “Ovonramwen‟s tasks of
controlling a growing rebellion within and outside his kingdom”. He confronts and executes some of
his rebellious chiefs and, at the same time, stands up to the British who are searching for economic
domination over the rest of the world. This historical play is divided into three Acts, with a prologue
at the beginning and an Epilogue at the end. Act One establishes Ovonramwen‟s revenge judgment
on his two chiefs (Obaruduagbon and Esasoyen) that both of them must die for killing
UwangueEgiebo, Ovonramwen‟s Chief Adviser, after the Oba had executed their own brothers, who
opposed his enthronement. This is captured in:

Ovonramwen: ...This night, you all die…I have spoken.

Obaruduagbon: Today is your day: Tomorrow belongs to another!
Esasoyen: Indeed: the white man who is stronger than you, will soon come! (6)

At the same time, the Oba places a ban on trading with the Ijekiris and also imposes on them some
drastic conditions that they must meet so he may lift the ban. He sends messengers and soldiers to
warn and recapture the loyalty of neighbouring towns and tribes, whom his forefathers had ruled, but
are now signalling or hoping for freedom: Ijekiriland, Ekpoma, Akure, Ife, Agbor, et cetera. This is
captured in:

Ovonramwen: ...if you want the ban on trade removed, your chiefs must meet my
terms: first, Ijekiriland is still part of thr Benin Empire. In matters of trade, you listn
to me and not to the Whiteman. Secondly, no more cheating (8-9).

Furthermore, the Ifa Priest enters. He comes to tell the Oba that his oracle sees death coming to
Benin, “not the death of one man. Bodies of men…fire…and blood bodies floating " and warns that
all that can be done to avoid this fire is “Caution” (15). There, enter two white men, Gallwey and
Hutton, bringing him gifts and greeting from Queen Victoria as well as a trade treaty, which Her
Majesty requires him to sign. The Oba rejects the gifts and the treaty as he has some qualms about
making business with the Queen. In fact, the Oba interprets the white men's visit as a bad omen for
the empire.

This casts fear in the Oba's mind and therefore becomes doubtful of everybody including his chiefs.
Hence, on the advice of the aged court jester, Uzazakpo, who admonishes the King to beware of
people, especially his chiefs, and to also seek the loyalty of Ologbosere, the third in command,
against the growing hypocrisy of his Chiefs, the Oba secures the loyalty by giving Ologbosere his
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eldest daughter, Evbakhabokun, as wife. The Oba confides and warns his new son-in-law: “Disaster
threatens the empire, Ologbosere. Even the oracle of Oghenen'Uhe has seen its face: heavy, dark,
closing upon the land” (23).

Act II begins with a dramatic celebration of a Benin‟s traditional festival, the Ague festival, and the
irreverent intrusion into the Kingdom by the white men under the command of Acting Consul-
General Phillips. Now Ague Festival, being a traditional enactment in form of ritual, contributes to
the hybrid nature of the play. It also serves as a form of resistance to dominant European traditions.
In this context, Gilbert and Tompkins (1996) asserted that;

Rooted in folk culture, these enactments are not only mnemonic

devices that assist in the preservation of history but are also effective
strategies for maintaining cultural differences through specific systems
of communication- aural, visual, and kinetic- and through specific
values related to local customs (54).

This cultural event asserts and maintains the precolonial structure of the community. As a ritual of a
kind, it subsumes a non-european element into Theatre, so that the playwright indigenizes theatrical
practice. In the same context, Gilbert and Tompkins (1996) discuss how Postcolonial playwrights
use Ritual to provide the context of their plays. Thus:

Rather than being the central thematic and/ or structural focus, ritual
supports the action in such a play and tends to be used as part of a
larger recuperation of tradition/history, as an expression of
hybridization, as a device to establish settings/context, or as a
performative model for various sections of the action/dialogue (73).

Furthermore, employing rituals in Postcolonial plays, according to Gilbert and Tompkins (1996), can
be a subversive political act that resists the colonial ban of rituals. Therefore, the Ague Festival in
this play is a subversive act. It revives the community and encourages the people to return to their
root and defend the honour of what they are. The aforementioned critics observe that:

...many rituals were officially banned by imperial agents. Such

forbidden events became subversive activities under colonial role and
can now function as symbols of liberty for an independent post-
colonial system, especially when ritual is contextualized by- and/or
located in a particular community (76).

Back to the play, Okavbiogbe, the Chief Policeman of the Kingdom, stops and warns the white men
against seeing the Oba during the Ague festival and this encounter with Phillips sets the confict of
this play. Still, Phillips insists on entering Benin and the Oba together with his people hold this in
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contempt. The spiritual nature of the ritual emphasises the profanity of Philiph's act. For Phillps, that
is necessary: it is the first crucial step in the implementation of his decision “to deal with Benin”.
This encounter runs as follows:

Okavbiogbe: you cannot see the Oba…

Phillips: I am sorry, but we‟ve come a long way and we have been sent by the queen of-.

Okavbiogbe: I said go--you!

Etherton (1982), summarized the tragic conflict that ensues this argument as follows:

They arrogantly decide to press on into Benin City despite being

warned by one of the Benin war lords that the Ague Festival is in
progress which debars foreigners from entering the city during its
seven days duration. The whites are massacred. This action has been
taken by the Benin war lords against the advice and instruction of
Ovonramwen.... They go out and ambush the whites who ignorantly
insist on entering the city, and decapitate them (149).

After a while, the Benin people celebrate the death of Phillips and his party through a dance drama
ritual where the „warriors re-appear, dancing wildly, but the chiefs among them are carrying
decapitated heads of white men‟. This shocks the Oba as he says: Ovonramwen: Children of our
fathers, Benin, I fear, has this day swallowed a long pestle: now we shall have to sleep standing
upright (37).

In Act III, two Benin chiefs, Obaseki and Osodin, meet Acting Resident Roupell and they promise to
find Ovonramwen and give him up. The King, however, gives himself up and Roupell demands that
he surrenders to the British Authority and after serious persuasion from his Chiefs, Ovonramwen
removes his crown from his head and surrenders to the British Monarch; an act which Roupell
confidently and heroically celebrates: Roupell: (himself perturbed, but...her imperial Majesty's task
must be done.) From this day, this land of Benin belongs to her Royal Majesty Queen Victoria!
(54).

The chiefs are tried and seven of them are to die for killing seven white men. Obayuwana (a Benin
Chief), however, refuses to be shot, instead he heroically stabs himself and Ovonramwen leaves for
Obaseki‟s house to re-strategise for the continuation of the war against the white imperialists.
Ovanramwen hides and sleeps in the bush with Uzazakpo, the Court Jester who makes things easy
for him on their way to Okemue to meet Ologbosere. Before they reach Okemue, Roupell and his
soldiers apprehend Ovonramwen and he paradoxically rejoices with the white men on their success

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in capturing Benin: Not much. Tell Queen Victoria that at last the big pot of corn has been toppled;
now mother hen and her children may rejoice! (78).

In order to have a distinct voice and to return to his indigenous culture and traditions, Rotimi uses
proverbs of cultural tastes and a hybrid narrative language as in:

 Obaruduagbon: If a provoked houseboy can not match his wicked master strength with strength,
he maims the master's favourite goat! (5)
 Ologbogsere:.. Our brothers, a man does not test the depth of a river with both feet together (5).
 Ifa Priest: ..when the little child boasts that he can kill a riddle, he lies: he can only solve a riddle.
When the elder swears he is about to kill a riddle, he too lies, for he will only solve a riddle (15).
 Ovonramwen: children of our fathers, Benin, I fear, has this day swallowed a long pestle; now
we shall have to sleep standing upright (37).

These are but few of the instances of the use of proverbs In the play for cultural resistance. It also
takes a gut to claim that the post-colonial theatre of this play resists the dominating tendencies of
western forms as native narrative structures are used. A new theatrical form is then born through the
traditional contamination of Standard English and the hybridization of the theatricals. Therefore, the
playwright now has a voice, after being subjected to mere mimicry or even silenced by the western
dominance, to reach the common people and to appeal to their sensiblity. In other words, this is a
quest for Identity in the Postcolonial scene. Crow (1996), describes this movement as "return to
roots" (9).

On the other hand, many scholars and literary writers concur that Rotimi has flawed the
characterization of Ovonramwen. The fact that Oba Ovonramwen surrenders at the end, without
rebelling to death against the tyrannical power of the imperialists, that is an unfortunate lacuna that
modern African playwrights avoid. But, why has Rotimi focused solely on Ovonramwen as an
individual? The answer to this may be that Rotimi's intention was to correct “the biases of colonial
History”, which painted the Oba “in the mien of the most abominable sadist” (“Background” to
OvonramwenNogbaisi xi). Also, Rotimi intended this to be a response to EvbinmaOgie's play; Oba
Ovonramwen (first performed 1965 and published 1977), that characterised the Oba as “bland,
unable to engage in the defence of the empire” (152). However, as Etheron rightly observed, “his
hero seems to end up more deeply indicted than before” (146).

In response to Rotimi's play, Ahmed Yerima's play under the title of The Trials of Oba
Ovonramwen, comes on stage. Jegede (2007), after a rather comparative analysis of both plays,
noted that Yerima's version;

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Pays particular attention to the gaps, omissions, silences and absences in

Rotimi'sOvonramwenNogbaisi, especially those that have to do with
portraying the king in the right light. Rotimi portrays the king as weakling
who is troubled within by political unrest and without by British attack. In
the face of attack, he goes into hiding and later comes begging to surrender
to British supremacy. In Yerima's portrait, the king is amore courageous
character who, despite all the wrangling within and without, could still face
the challenge without subjecting his position to ridicule (85).

This disclosure may damage or spoil the joyful flow of this important history in some ways, but the
major imperial distortions in the history are successfully corrected by both plays. These include; the
objective of Phillips' visit to Benin, exonerating African kings from being allegedly fetish and
murderously ritualistic, and finally, exposing the hideous issues in the 1892 Treaty.

Through their theatrical performances, the plays have successfully achieved their goal. This is
because, as Brown (1980), claimed, Theatre:
Would seem to be the better bet as a medium for protest. Of its very nature, it
is a communal experience and has to do with a corporate rather than an
individual response. It will move more people more quickly (50).

Undoubtedly, Theatre achieves this, as Nasidi (2003) put it, through an "integrated manipulation of
various forms of art such as music, mime, poetry, dance, painting and symbols which are directed
either at our auditory or visual senses". And therefore, it inevitably "engages and appeals to all the
senses at the same time (Vincent, 1980). Hence, national consciousness and development can
possibly be achieved through any enactment that engages us in learning about some ethics, customs,
true identity and history of our nation.

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