CHAPTER 3: INDIGENOUS COMMUNALITIES
INTRODUCTION
According to United Nations (UN), Indigenous communalities, people and nations are those
which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on
their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing on
those territories, or parts of them.
Indigenous people are inheritors and practitioners of unique cultures and ways of relating to
people and the environment. They have retained social, cultural, economic and political
characteristics that are distinct from those of the dominant societies in which they live. Despite their
cultural differences, indigenous people from around the world share common problems related to
the protection of their rights as distinct peoples.
The explanation of communal components takes us into the cerebral-spinal dimension of
community, its immanence. We refer to its dynamics, to the underlying and active energy between
and among human beings and of human beings with each and every one of the elements of nature.
It means that when we speak of organization, rules, communal principles, we are not referring just
to the physical space and material existence of human beings, but to their spiritual existence, to
their ethical and ideological code and, therefore, to their political, social, legal, cultural, economic,
and civil behavior.
The essence of the phenomenon is explained under the concept of communality, which for
me defines the immanence of the community. To the extent that communality defines other key
concepts for understanding indigenous reality, it should be understood not as something in
opposition to, but as simply different from Western society. Coming to understand its elements
requires taking into account certain notions: the communal, collective, complementarily and
completeness.
This module will present dominant classifiers of determining the cultural structures of
different cultural group and races in different parts of the region of Southeast Asia. They will be
classified in terms of tracing their origin based on the common Language Tree, their perspective and
over view on gender and sex.
SPECIFIC LEARNING OUTCOMES
The following are the specific learning outcomes expected to be realized by the learner after
the completion of this module:
1. Relate the relevant issues related to indigenous people of Southeast Asia.
2. Trace the group of languages related through descent from a common ancestral
language or parental language of different cultural group in Southeast Asia.
3. Determine how language and culture affect the social processes such as cultural
diffusion in the different Southeast Asian indigenous communalities.
4. Contrast aspects of family and kinship from the point of view of gender among cultural
groups and indigenous people of Southeast Asia.
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LEARNING ACTIVITIES
A. Preparatory Activity
Unlock the difficulties by performing this preparatory activity first. Get the
understanding of the following main concepts before you proceed to the next part of this
module by writing your understanding in the space provided after the terms.
1. Indigenous
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2. Language
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3. Social Process
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4. Social Relations
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5. Gender Role
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B. Content Readings
Read the content and acquire further detailed information by accessing the sources
provided.
INDIGENOUS COMMUNALITIES
A. INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
Indigenous people are inheritors and practitioners of unique cultures and ways of
relating to people and the environment. They have retained social, cultural, economic and
political characteristics that are distinct from those of the dominant societies in which they
live. Despite their cultural differences, indigenous peoples from around the world share
common problems related to the protection of their rights as distinct peoples.
The explanation of communal components takes us into the cerebral-spinal
dimension of community, its immanence. We refer to its dynamics, to the underlying and
active energy between and among human beings and of human beings with each and every
one of the elements of nature. It means that when we speak of organization, rules,
communal principles, we are not referring just to the physical space and material existence
of human beings, but to their spiritual existence, to their ethical and ideological code and,
therefore, to their political, social, legal, cultural, economic, and civil behavior.
The essence of the phenomenon is explained under the concept of communality,
which defines the immanence of the community. To the extent that communality defines
other key concepts for understanding indigenous reality, it should be understood not as
something in opposition to, but as simply different from Western society. Coming to
understand its elements requires taking into account certain notions: the communal,
collective, complementarily and completeness.
We are using the term Indigenous People with a meaning that is different from that
given in many dictionaries, or how it is understood by many governments. Over the past
decades, the concept of Indigenous Peoples has evolved beyond the original meaning found
in dictionaries, and it is now well established in international law. That is why we are writing
it with capital initial letters.
It is a foreign term for most of us, and it is often difficult to translate into our own
languages. Some governments in Southeast Asia use names to refer to us collectively - like
“ethnic minorities”, “hill tribes”, “native people”. There are also the names given by
outsiders, some of which are not appreciated by many of us, since they often imply notions
of cultural inferiority, being “primitive” or “backward”. Examples are chuncheat (meaning
“ethnicity”, or literally “national people” in Cambodia) or sakai (literally meaning “slave”)
used in Thailand for some hunter-gatherer groups. We ourselves though prefer to use the
names which our ancestors have given us.
We have our own distinct language, culture, customary laws, and social and political
institutions that are very different from those of the dominant ethno-linguistic groups in our
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countries. Self-identification is crucial for us. When we call ourselves Indigenous People we
do not mean to claim to be the only people native to our countries. In most cases we are the
“aboriginal” or “native” people of the lands we live in, and other people have come to settle
there later. But we have also lived side-by-side with other peoples, native to their own lands,
who however do not call themselves Indigenous People. These are usually the dominant
people, who have the economic and political power in our countries.
In some cases, we are forced to leave our lands because of violent conflicts, and to
move to another country, like to Thailand, Vietnam or Laos. In these countries, we are
clearly not the first inhabitants, the original or native people. But we strive to continue with
our way of life and keep our traditions and practices alive and we still remain Indigenous
People.
Most of our people are small in numbers. Some have populations of just a few
thousand or even just a few hundred. While we find an enormous diversity among
Indigenous Peoples, common to us all are the strong cultural attachment to and the
dependence of our livelihoods on land, forests or the sea and the natural resources therein.
Our ways of life, spirituality and identity is very much attached to our territories, and
displacement from our territories does not just imply the loss of livelihood, but of our
identity and therefore is a threat to our very existence as people.
B. COMMON LANGUAGE TREE
There are thousands of spoken languages in the world and most can be traced back
in history to show how they are related to each other. By finding patterns like these,
different languages can be grouped together as members of a language family. When
linguists talk about the historical relationship between languages, they use a tree metaphor.
A language family is a group of languages related through descent from a common
ancestral language or parental language, called the proto-language of that family. The term
"family" reflects the tree model of language origination in historical linguistics, which makes
use of a metaphor comparing languages to people in a biological family tree, or in a
subsequent modification, to species in a phylogenetic tree of evolutionary taxonomy.
Linguists therefore describe the daughter languages within a language family as being
genetically related.
The Sino-Tibetan, Austronesians, the Austro-Asiatics and the Tai: Originally one family?
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Sino-Tibetan is one of the largest language families in the world, with more than 400
languages, also known as Trans-Himalayan. This includes both the Chinese and the Tibeto-
Burman Language.
Austronesian language are a language family widely spoken throughout Taiwan, Malay
Peninsula, Maritime Southeast Asia, Madagascar and the islands of the Pacific Ocean. There
are also a few speakers in continental Asia. They are spoken by about 386 million people.
Austro–Asiatic Language Family consists of 169 languages spoken in Southeast Asia, in
countries located between China and Indonesia. A few are spoken to the west of this
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area in the Nicobar Islands and in India. The austro- part of the name comes from the
Latin word
‘south.’
Tai or Zhuang–Tai languages, are a branch of the Kra–Dai language family. The Tai languages
include the most widely spoken of the Tai–Kadai languages, including Standard Thai or
Siamese, the national language of Thailand; Lao or Laotian, the national language of Laos;
Myanmar's Shan language and Zhuang, a major language in the Southern Chinese province
of Guangxi.
Language patterns in Southeast Asia are highly complex and are rooted in four major
language families: the Sino-Tibetan, Tai, Austro-Asiatic, and Austronesian (Malayo-
Polynesian). Languages derived from the Sino-Tibetan group are found largely in Myanmar,
while forms of the Tai group are spoken in Thailand and Laos. Austro-Asiatic languages are
spoken in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. The languages of Malaysia, Indonesia, and the
Philippines are rooted in an Austronesian and Polynesian stock. Despite this broad
generalization, it must be noted that innumerable separate languages as well as dialects are
used in the region. This linguistic diversity is especially conspicuous in fragmented areas such
as the Philippines and Indonesia and in highland and remote areas on the mainland, and it
has been a retarding factor in national integration and development. Notable in this regard
is Myanmar.
Dominant languages do exist in most of the nations. Burmese and Thai are spoken
by large groups of people in Myanmar and Thailand, respectively. Similarly, Khmer is the
primary language in Cambodia, as is Vietnamese in Vietnam. Within the Philippines, Pilipino
(Filipino) and English are the official languages, but Tagalog and Visayan also are important.
Malay and Indonesian are, respectively, the official languages of Malaysia and Indonesia;
these languages are quite similar and are mutually intelligible. Indonesian is a good example
of a true national language and is spoken widely across the archipelago. Thus, unlike in
Myanmar, language actually has been a unifying element in the country.
Numerous languages also have been introduced into the region by immigrant
populations. Perhaps most significant are the variety of dialects spoken by the Chinese
communities in many Southeast Asian countries. The most commonly used are Cantonese,
Hokkien, Hakka, and Teochew, reflecting the southern Chinese coastal origins of many of the
immigrants. The largest concentration of Chinese speakers is in Singapore, where they
constitute the majority population. Concentrations of ethnic Chinese also live in most of the
larger urban areas of the region.
Language and Culture
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On a practical level, language has to do with sounds, symbols and gestures that a
community puts in order and associates so that they can communicate. On a deeper level,
language is an expression of who we are as individuals, communities, nations. Culture refers
to dynamic social systems and shared patterns of behavior, beliefs, knowledge, attitudes and
values. Culture provides the environment in which languages develop, even as it influences
how they are used and interpreted. For example, in many European cultures a “good day” is
a sunny day, while in many African cultures a “good day” is a rainy day. Different culturally
shared values provide the context for interpreting the term for “good”.
Language and culture are intertwined. A particular language usually points out to a
specific group of people. When you interact with another language, it means that you are
also interacting with the culture that speaks the language. You cannot understand one's
culture without accessing its language directly.
When you learn a new language, it not only involves learning its alphabet, the word
arrangement and the rules of grammar, but also learning about the specific society's
customs and behavior. When learning or teaching a language, it is important that the culture
where the language belongs be referenced, because language is very much ingrained in the
culture.
Origins and Diffusions
Cultural diffusion is the spread of cultural trends across locations. Beliefs, practices,
and ideas get shared from person to person, and sometimes even around the world through
this diffusion, as happens with viral videos.
Many cultural practices are spread by a type of cultural diffusion called expansion
diffusion. This is when a trend is spread from its originating place, outward. There are
several forms of this type of diffusion: contagious, hierarchical, and stimulus diffusion.
Contagious diffusion, or when a cultural trend is transmitted from person to person from an
original source to numerous others, similar to a virus. As cultural trends gain in popularity
and draw our attention, profit may become a motive in perpetuating the trend. Another
form of expansion diffusion is hierarchical diffusion, or when a cultural trend is spread from
one segment of society to another, in a pattern. Consider how hip hop culture emerged from
within urban areas, but is now known in all regions of society including suburban and rural
areas, as well. Finally, stimulus diffusion is when a cultural trend spreads, but is changed by
those adopting the idea.
Expansion diffusion and its various forms are not the only way that ideas and
practices are passed along to others. Another way that culture spreads is by relocation
diffusion, when a person migrates from their home and shares their culture with a new
location.
The countries of Southeast Asia have a closely interrelated cultural history, shaped
by the passage of cultures and religions that accompanied the historic trade routes. Caught
between the economic demands of the Roman and Chinese Empires, the countries of
Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam, and Laos came to be increasingly exposed to new
cultures from both east and west, which were to have a long lasting effect on their artistic
traditions. Buddhism spread east from India and left a clear legacy in the art and architecture
of these societies.
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Around four thousand years ago people speaking languages belonging to the
Austronesian family (originating in southern China and Taiwan) began to trickle into island
Southeast Asia. Cultural changes began to affect Southeast Asia around two thousand years
ago with influences coming from two directions.
The local cultures in the region are diverse, distinct and vibrantly unique, but the
legacy of the Indian and Chinese traders and soldiers that have crisscrossed the area for
millennia is undeniable. In this post specifically, I will focus on the Indian traders who
imbued the fore bearers of millions of today’s Southeast Asians with the hallmarks of their
cultures: written language, cuisine, dance, architecture, religion. Over the past two
millennia, these all have combined to create a complete package of high culture that has
seeped into today’s popular culture. What’s more, it is the classical culture of southern India
that has been most influential.
Southeast Asia, and the diverse cultures of the hundreds of millions of people that
live there, is a true melting pot of cultures. While the states of classical India did imbue the
Southeast Asian kingdoms with many of its traditions, they were not the only contributors.
As the name Indochina implies, the Han Chinese state also had an impact on the
development of the states to its south, most notably the Dai Viet Empire that rose in the Red
River valley. However, Chinese and Indian traditions contributed mostly to the high culture
of the Southeast Asian states. Oftentimes, the complex cosmologies and exotic ways of
faraway empires had little effect on the peasants that made up the bulk of the populace.
Local traditions and folk customs made up the core of mass culture and despite the millennia
long process of Indian cultural infusion, they still do.
C. KINSHIP AND GENDER
According to the Dictionary of Anthropology, kinship system includes socially
recognized relationships based on supposed as well as actual genealogical ties. These
relationships are the result of social interaction and recognized by society. While Gender is a
term that refers to social or cultural distinctions associated with being male or female.
Gender identity is the extent to which one identifies as being either masculine or feminine.
As their relationship, it represents a model of social relations, we made the
assumption that it is in studies of kinship can be found specifics of gender relations. To
confirm this hypothesis, we turned to the work of the famous anthropologist, a
representative of comparative sociology Radcliffe-Brown. According to the observations of
Brown, in a society can be identified quite certain set of actions and interactions of people
who are conditioned by the relations of kinship or marriage, and that in a given society,
these actions and interactions are linked in such a way that we can analytically describe
them as a system. It is a system of kinship, the examination of which will help to understand
the mechanism of some form of social life.
Asia harbors a variety of kinship systems of three principal types: patrilineal,
matrilineal and bilateral. South Asia is predominantly patrilineal, with two important pockets
of matrilineal in the south- west and the north-east of the subcontinent and significantly
bilateral Sri- Lanka. Southeast Asia, is predominantly bilateral, in which both parents are
relevant for reckoning kinship, with a significant presence of matriliny among the
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Minangkabau of West Sumatra and the people of Negri Sembilan in Malaysia, as well as
some patrilineal communities. South and Southeast Asia comprise countries from
Afghanistan in the west to the Philippines in the east.
Today, look at and contrast aspects of family and kinship from the point of view of
gender among some populations of Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan,
the Philippines and Thailand.
Was the bilateral kinship system the norm before the coming of the Great Traditions?
Bilateral descent is a system of family lineage in which the relatives on the mother's
side and father's side are equally important for emotional ties or for transfer of property or
wealth. It is a family arrangement where descent and inheritance are passed equally through
both parents. Families who use this system trace descent through both parents
simultaneously and recognize multiple ancestors, but unlike with cognatic descent it is not
used to form descent groups.
While bilateral descent is increasingly the norm in Western culture, traditionally it is
only found among relatively few groups in West Africa, India, Australia, Indonesia,
Melanesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Polynesia. Anthropologists believe that a tribal
structure based on bilateral descent helps members live in extreme environments because it
allows individuals to rely on two sets of families dispersed over a wide area.
Under bilateral descent, every tribe member belongs to two clans, one through the
father (a patriclan) and another through the mother (a matriclan). For example, among the
Himba, clans are led by the eldest male in the clan. Sons live with their father's clan and
when daughters marry they go to live with the clan of their husband. However, inheritance
of wealth does not follow the patriclan but is determined by the matriclan i.e. a son does not
inherit his father's cattle but his maternal uncle's instead. Javanese people, the largest ethnic
group in Indonesia, also adopt a bilateral kinship system.
Does kinship still matter in today’s globalized, increasingly mobile world? Do family
structures continue to influence the varied roles that men and women play in different
cultures? Answering with a resounding ‘yes!', Linda Stone offers a lively introduction to and
working knowledge of kinship. She firmly links these concepts to cross-cultural gender
studies, illuminating the malleable nature of gender roles around the world and over time.
Stone considers current evolutionary research on kinship and gender, and offers new case
studies addressing international adoptions and polygynous marriage. An entirely new
chapter explores the globalization of kinship in the 21st century. The result is a broad and
captivating exploration of anthropological approaches to family and gender.
The Relatively High Position of Women
The 11 countries of Southeast Asia include over 550 million people. Despite great
linguistic and cultural diversity, the region is characterized by the relatively favorable
position of women in comparison with neighboring East or South Asia. This has been
explained by several factors: traditionally, kinship was traced though both maternal and
paternal lines; a daughter was not a financial burden because of the widespread practice of
bride price; a married couple often lived with or near the wife’s parents; women had
prominent roles in indigenous ritual; their labor was essential in agricultural, and they
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dominated local markets. Over time, however, the rise of centralized states and the spread
of imported philosophies and religions (Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, Islam, and
Christianity) increasingly privileged males and stressed female subordination. Although such
influences were most noticeable among the elite, the strength of local traditions was always
a moderating force.
In the nineteenth century Southeast Asia’s economic resources and strategic
position between India and China led to increasing European involvement. By the 1890s the
entire region except for Siam (Thailand) was under European control. In some areas women
were recruited as cheap wage labor on plantations (tea, sugar, tobacco, rubber) and in
processing factories. At the village level colonial regimes strengthened the male position as
head of the household and “reformed” customary laws that had given women considerable
autonomy. Similar trends can be found in Siam, the only non-colonized country, where legal
codification strengthened patrilineality. These developments encouraged a preference for
sons rather than daughters. Nonetheless, women were still influential in community life, at
times even leading anti-colonial rebellions. Increasing female literacy (especially in the
Philippines) and exposure to Western feminism encouraged elite women to confront issues
of gender inequality.
From the late nineteenth century nationalist movements developed across
Southeast Asia. Male leaders focused on political independence, but educated women were
equally concerned with polygamy, divorce, domestic abuse and the financial responsibilities
of fathers. For the most part, however, politicized women accepted the male argument that
attention to “female” concerns should be delayed until after independence was attained. Yet
despite active involvement in anti-colonial movements, sometimes as fighters, but more
often as strike organizers, journalists, couriers and clandestine agents, women were viewed
as auxiliaries rather than partners. Such attitudes were still evident in the independence
movements that exploded after the surrender of the Japanese, who occupied most of
Southeast Asia between 1942 and 1945.
The end of World War II signaled the demise of European colonialism in Southeast
Asia. Theoretically, the independent states that emerged over the next 15 years were
committed to gender equality, but this has rarely been translated into reality. In recent years
the number of women holding public office has increased, especially in local government,
but only in the Philippines has female representation in national government risen above 10
per cent. When women do manage to enter the political arena, they often find themselves
marginalized in a male-dominated culture, with real power remaining in men’s hands. The
few individuals who have attained the highest political offices (such as President in the
Philippines and Indonesia) have done so because they are the daughter or wife of a famous
man. They have not become advocates of women’s issues, for this would risk alienating their
male colleagues or the male electorate.
Greater female involvement in politics is impeded by the way candidates are
recruited as well as entrenched attitudes that see women’s primary role as that of wife and
mother. Gender stereotypes that favor males over females are often reinforced in school
textbooks and are sometimes encouraged by religious teachings. For example, Buddhists still
believe that rebirth as a woman rather than a man indicates that less merit was accrued in
past lives. Southeast Asian Islam has traditionally been very tolerant, but over the last 20
years there has been greater stress on “correct” dress (notably head covering) and public
behavior. Although all Southeast Asian countries except Laos and Vietnam have signed the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and have made
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advances promoting gender equality, it is difficult to change the preference for sons,
especially in Vietnam with its strong Confucian heritage.
It is not easy to generalize about the economic position of Southeast Asian women
because of the gap in development between Timor Lorosae, Cambodia and Laos (among the
poorest countries in the world), and prosperous Singapore and Brunei Darussalam.
Nonetheless, the continuing acceptance of the idea that a woman can generate and control
her own income is still evident, although women receive less pay than men for the same
work and the options for unskilled workers are limited. In poorer countries and
impoverished regions this is apparent in the prevalence of prostitution and the disturbing
trafficking of women. From the mid-1960s, however, as Southeast Asian countries gradually
shifted to export-oriented economies, lower-paid women have become essential to factory
work. In consequence, women have been more active in labor movements. As overseas
domestic workers, they have also been increasingly important to national economies,
remitting large amounts of money to their families. Because of world-wide shortages,
qualified women can find employment abroad in skilled occupations such as nursing.
Obtaining vocational skills and academic qualifications is far more possible than
hitherto as Southeast Asian women gain greater access to education. With the exception of
Cambodia and Laos, the numbers of women progressing to post-secondary training is also
rising, and in Brunei, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines there are more female
graduates than males; the rates for Vietnam and Indonesia are almost equal. The expansion
in education has contributed to the blossoming of female-oriented Non-Governmental
Organizations (NGOs) since the 1980s, which have given the knowledge and organization
skills that equip them to argue for issues.
Despite the region’s economic, political and cultural diversity, Southeast Asian
countries generally fare well in measures of human development. The heritage of relatively
favorable gender relations and the resilience and pragmatism of local societies indicate that
Southeast Asian women can look towards a promising future.
“Paradise is to Lie at Mother’s Feet”
The Prophet Muhammad said, “Paradise is at the feet of the mother.” This is
variously interpreted to mean that the mother is responsible for teaching her children their
religious obligations and good behavior that will win them Paradise; or it may mean that we
earn Paradise by serving our mother throughout her life. Either way, it shows the great
esteem, honor and respect that Islam has for mothers. While the fourth Commandment in
the Bible is “Honor thy father and thy mother”, the Bible does not mention the mother
separately as deserving good treatment.
Southeast Asian women are known for their vital economic roles. Besides being
wives and mothers, they have always engaged in income-earning activities. The undertaken
of a wide range of tasks has contributed to their economic independence and a large
measure of autonomy and power. This is true of most Thai, Malaysian, Indonesian and
Filipino women. In societies like the Atjehnese, where men are away from home for much of
the time, women manage both agricultural and family affairs.
In general, women are integral to the peasant economy. Speaking of Malaysia and
Indonesia, Manderson emphasizes that women alone are responsible for establishing and
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tending nurseries, transplanting seedlings, weeding, harvesting, and winnowing and
thrashing the paddy. She mentions women’s role in the cultivation of other crops such as
rubber and in the production of copra. Women are almost entirely responsible for the
commercial production of vegetables, for domestic animals and for silviculture. The Javanese
household is a woman's domain, where her control over strategic resources is near
complete. She also takes the decisions in household matters.
Throughout Southeast Asia women are thought to be ‘good with money and
generally superior to men in financial management and business dealings. What a woman
actually gains from these qualities depends upon her resources and the class to which she
belongs. Many women are at least assured of the regular income that is necessary to meet
their families’ needs. About the power and autonomy that they might derive from this, Ann
Stoler observes about a part of Java that while among poor households women's earnings
give them a position of considerable importance within the household, for the wealthier
women their incomes provide a material basis for acquiring social power.
SOURCES:
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10. [Link]
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1. Outcome-Based Assessments
After reading the content, answer the following questions and perform the
suggested activities.
CHALLENGE YOUR SELF
1. Relate your knowledge on the different significant issues concerning indigenous
people in Southeast Asia. Write your answer on the space provided below.
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2. Explain the connecting ideas and relatedness of the following combined concepts.
Write your answer on the space provided.
a. Language and Culture
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b. Origin and Diffusion
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c. Kinship and Gender
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3. Trace the lineage of the common language tree of the given cultural group by
completing the diagram and filling-in the boxes of the parent languages.
a.
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Lao
b.
Pearic
c.
Cebuano and Tagalog
d.
Kamarupan North India
4. How language and culture affect the social processes such as cultural diffusion in the
different Southeast Asian indigenous communalities? Write your answer on the
space provided below.
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5. Contrast different aspects of family and kinship system from the point of view of
gender by filling-in the table below.
Kinship System Emotional Ties Transfer of Position of
Property or Wealth Women
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patrilineal
Kinship System Emotional Ties Transfer of Position of
Property or Wealth Women
matrilineal
bilateral
TRY THIS OUT
1. “You cannot understand one's culture without accessing its language directly.”
Expound this statement by constructing an essay. Cite several readings and articles
as support and bases of your essay.
2. Collect and compile at least five issues related to gender equality and women’s
right comprising in a particular Southeast Asian country. Write a reflection and
personal reaction about the issues you have compiled. Try to relate it on your
impression towards the dominant culture of the country where the issues are
happening.
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