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The Ethics of Subversive Operations Abroad
Goorjian A. Ferrell
INTL 200: Introduction to Intelligence
15/01/2024
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The United States (U.S.) has long practiced its foreign policy through the actions of
covert and clandestine activities from its intelligence agencies, using their methodologies to
interfere in the affairs of foreign countries. Should the U.S. practice these ‘special’ activities and,
if so, can it do so by maintaining its own morals? Or are these secretive actions an exemption
when done in furtherance of national security? The Intelligence Community (IC) performs a
necessary function and have evolved accordingly over the years, the purpose of this paper is to
argue that these covert and clandestine activities are necessary, that they are neither malicious
nor evil, and can abide by the United States laws.
Before we can debate whether clandestine and covert actions can be considered ethical or
in line with U.S. laws, they must be defined. Covert action, by its definition of the 1948 National
Security directive was as stated, “an activity or activities of the United States Government to
influence political, economic, or military conditions abroad, where it is intended that the role of
the [government] will not be apparent or acknowledged publicly, but does not include…
traditional counter-intelligence, diplomatic, military, or law enforcement activities.” Covert
actions, coined by Eisenhower as ‘special activities’, are commonly committed overseas,
however other governments operate differently, an example being the KGB within the Soviet
Union during the Cold War conducting operations within their soil to detain dissidents and
poison oppositionists. (Scott, 2010) Operations conducted covertly are intended to be strategic in
nature, focusing on a larger goal beyond that of a single activity, to influence a location overseas
without the need of a large military force and with the targeted goal to further foreign policy
objectives. (DeVine, 2022) Covert actions are designed to alter foreign political, economic, and
military realities, their very nature is controversial compared to any other intelligence activity as
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they sometimes require lethal force. What differentiates covert from clandestine is that it requires
presidential findings, a notification to Congress.
Clandestine operations are defined by the Department of Defense (DOD) as “an
operation sponsored or conducted by governmental departments or agencies in such a way as to
assure secrecy or concealment.” Usually passive in nature, their role is tactical and their methods
which involve classified sources and methods of military operations and intelligence collection,
if disclosed without authorization, would pose a significant risk to the lives of operational
personnel but also national security. Examples of clandestine operations would be intelligence
recruitment of foreign agents, the collection of intelligence from foreign assets, operations in
cyberspace, and surveillance of facilities in denied areas. (DeVine, 2022)
An important factor to consider with covert and clandestine operations is the lack of
knowledge around the activities themselves, aside from those who fail, most of these actions are
never known to the wider public and this intervenes with the crucial element of understanding
and evaluating them. The means by which covert actions are learned about is often through
authorized and unauthorized disclosure of the subject; such as unclassified documents from
agency archives, memoirs, journals, released bibliographies of defectors, or whistle-blowers.
While any released documentation is circumspect, as the veracity of the source must come unto
question, nevertheless it allows us pertinent insight into the methodologies and actions that could
be undertaken within them. (Scott, 2010)
Covert action, much as clandestine, presents a wrinkle within the congressional method
of oversight and how it handles its investigations, primarily it is that covert actions are not
visible to the wider population and the awareness of lawmakers on the ethical and operational
methods conducted within the activity will be limited unless it fails or a significant scandal is
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uncovered, (Haas, 2022) as can be seen during the Iran-Contra Affair in which senior
administration officials covertly facilitated the sale of armaments to Iran to fund the rebel
Contras in Nicaragua. This event, along with previous actions within the IC such as the infamous
uncovering of unethical and unlawful behaviors during the Pike, Church, and Rockefeller
Committee’s cemented a level of distrust among the population to the unsupervised actions of
covert and clandestine actions committed by federal agencies. It is important to point out that
numerous revisions, inquiries, and modifications by legislators following the 1974 hearings
(known as the Year of Intelligence) has ensured that special activities within these organizations
follow the countries laws and its ethical values, providing guidance to prevent future scandals,
and ensuring that the president notifies Congress of any covert actions that are deemed of high
importance to the goals of the country. Committees such as the House Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI) and the Senate Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
(SPSCI) reviews of the intelligence communities capabilities frequently through hearings and
internal debates of its members, these officials who are given a seat without a term limit, can use
their knowledge of intelligence operations to address national security concerns, what agencies
would need to evolve their capabilities, and ultimately through their scrutiny prevent the
likelihood of unlawful actions. (Haas, 2022)
Having addressed the definitions and the U.S. Congressional view on covert and
clandestine actions, I would address a final important category, which is the ethics of intelligence
and how these plays into the secret actions conducted agencies such as the Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). For as long as there have been
countries and there have been governments, the act of spying and collecting information on
friends and foes has existed, the acts of intelligence itself is inherent benign as it involves the
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actions of information and its gathering, it is not however the action of committing to an action.
Clandestine activities operate around this exchange and collection of information, with the intent
of never being public noticed and tactically obscured from government and military entities due
to its intelligence sensitive nature. While it could be argued that snooping and prying into the
business affairs of allies and enemies alike is unethical and beneath a secular society, one should
be aware that information allows policymakers to conduct essential work in maintaining an
effective foreign policy strategy. Covert actions, in contrast to clandestine operations, are
actionable by inception and due to lying out of the scrutiny of public view, it often pulls into
question their ethical and legal constraints. This is a valid concern by the public, and one
underscored by a history of scandal, however it would be remiss to not point out that covert
actions are used as preventative measures to forestall or neutralize a threat before it can grow.
Compared to the earliest days of the ICs existence, specifically within the CIA and FBI, who
were left to conduct these activities using their own judgement and with little supervision, there
is more supervision on covert activities as there had ever been in the past. Knowing that covert
actions are actionable, controversial, and by this extension questionable, it does beg the question,
if there is to be a free society, should it be able to engage in covert action and still maintain its
fundamental values? (Strait, 1989)
As mentioned earlier in this paper, covert action includes any operation that seeks to
influence foreign political, economic, or military conditions, while remaining entirely unnoticed
or unidentifiable. It could be argued that covert action is, if not entirely unethical, then it is
certainly unlawful as it violates the Vienna Convention’s diplomatic injunctions on interference
within domestic affairs of a host country. (Stempel, 2007) However, not all covert activities
actively interfere with domestic affairs; covert collection activities, while much harder to conceal
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now than in previous decades, have proven effective in creating stronger bonds between
countries and their governments by sharing intelligence required to overcome emerging threats
and even the locating of dangerous criminals. The truth is, that covert actions fall between the
lines of being ethical and non-ethical, as stated by the Catholic theologian John Courtney Murray
says:
“…the gulf between individual and collective morality: The private life is governed by
the will of God as stated in the Scriptures. It is to bear the stamp of…patience, gentleness,
sacrifice, forbearance, trust, compassion, humility, forgiveness of injuries and, supremely and
inclusively, love. On the other hand, it is the plainest of historical fact that the public life of the
nation-state is not governed by these values. Hardly less plain is the fact that it cannot be.”
To bring it into context, those sanctioned to act in the defense and betterment of society
and the state, their view of ethics is pragmatic and separate from that of individual-tiered
morality, for they are confronted by the political and social state of reality itself and must
confront the threats that face the state as well as meet the goals laid down by the countries
founding values. A countries use of covert action to fulfill its concern for security, does not itself
raise a moral or ethical concern if the action itself meets the requirements of the sacred duty
entrusted to the public official. This does not mean, that an unrestrained pursuit of immoral and
unlawful actions is justifiable, which would violate the core values of the United States which
emphasize justice and freedom. (Strait, 1998)
Covert actions are deliberate, cautious, and highly involved activities, they are not done
on a whim, often invoked as a last resort when all other options have become exhausted. While
Covert actions are discouraged and unacceptable within international law, there is no denying
that it persists, however there are moments in history within the United States in which covert
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activities often pursued a more vigorous covert action policy. Throughout the Cold War, it was
determined by General James Doolittle and a select panel of appointees that because the Soviet
Union’s policy of pursuing victory at all costs and its proliferation of Communist ideals within
foreign policy, the U.S. should reconsider its concept of ‘fair play’ and seek to actively subvert,
sabotage, and destroy its enemies. While this was not a recommendation to use the aggressive
tactics of the KGB and the ‘realpolitik’ (a pragmatists approach to governance) as it was so
prevalent in the Soviet Union during its time, it nevertheless was far too aggressive and left open
the option for misuse and disregard for national values. (Stempel, 2007)
Examples of these more aggressive covert action tactics such as the 1953 coup in Iran
where U.S. and British backed forces overthrew the elected leader Mohammad Mosaddegh and
placed a pro-western monarch in place to secure access to the country’s vast oil reserves, or the
1961 Bay of Pigs invasion by CIA-backed exiles on Cuban soil to dispose of Fidel Castro which
ultimately led in failure. The disclosed history of covert action is filled with mixed results, some
entirely unexpected victories and others crushing defeats due to unforeseen circumstances. The
raid on Osama bin Laden’s compound in 2011 highlights one of the few public examples of a
resounding success. (DeVine, 2022)
As the IC has matured over time and the global conflicts waxed, there has slowly been a
shift in which covert actions are conducted. When done properly, covert actions are neither
unethical nor immoral as they are performed within the United States best interest in mind and
accordance with its laws. (Strait, 1989) It is often personal ethics and biases during the planning
and approval stages of covert operations that lead to problems, for their ethical or moral
standards lower that of the countries which, as it becomes routine, would taint its foundation.
Considering the adversaries the United States faces, there may be times in which deception in
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foreign operations is a necessity, even if it conflicts with the public forum of U.S. democracy,
and could prove necessary at times. However, they must meet the standards of the agency by
rigorously examining its feasibility, proportionality, and its decency of means so that it does not
damage the reputation of the United States if revealed.
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Bibliography
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