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Tangkhul Naga Grammar & Dictionary Guide

The document reviews 'Tangkhul Naga Grammar and Dictionary' by Rev. W. Pettigrew, highlighting its thorough study of the Tangkhul Naga dialect and its grammatical features. It notes some inaccuracies and areas for improvement in annotations and proof-reading, while also emphasizing the sociolinguistic insights provided by the dictionary. Overall, the work is deemed valuable for understanding the language and culture of the Tangkhul Naga people.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
11 views5 pages

Tangkhul Naga Grammar & Dictionary Guide

The document reviews 'Tangkhul Naga Grammar and Dictionary' by Rev. W. Pettigrew, highlighting its thorough study of the Tangkhul Naga dialect and its grammatical features. It notes some inaccuracies and areas for improvement in annotations and proof-reading, while also emphasizing the sociolinguistic insights provided by the dictionary. Overall, the work is deemed valuable for understanding the language and culture of the Tangkhul Naga people.

Uploaded by

elajam11111
Copyright
© All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

TANGKHUL NAGA GKAMMAR AND DICTIONARY 249

The editor has done his work with restraint and in


a satisfactory manner on the whole. A few more notes in
certain places would have been an improvement. For
instance, the statement (p. 27 n. and elsewhere) that
Muhsin Fan! wrote the Dabistdn is erroneous (see Akbar,
p. 465 n.), and some of the annotations on the history of
religions and other miscellaneous subjects are hardly up to
date. On p. 287 the word " first" in line 9 should be
amended to "just".
V. A. S.

TANGKHUL NAGA GRAMMAR AND DICTIONARY (UKHRUL


DIALECT), with illustrative sentences. By Kev. W.
PETTIGREW. pp. 476. Shillong: Government Press.
Price 4s. 6d.
This is a thorough and practical study of the principal
dialect of an interesting group of Naga tribes inhabiting
the hills north-east of the valley of Manipur, written by
the Rev. W, Pettigrew, an American missionary who
has lived in the "village of Ukhrul since 1896.
A sketch of Tangkhul Naga grammar appeared in
vol. iii, pt. ii, of the Linguistic Survey of India, when
it was assigned to the Naga Kuki group of the Tibeto-
Burman family of Indo-Chinese languages. The classi-
fication of these languages in accordance with sound
philological and phonetic principles is a task of considerable
magnitude, which for the credit of British scholarship
must soon be taken in hand. Certain features of
grammatical construction are clearly marked. The
system of numbers is decimal. The negative is formed
by a prefix ma, and in some cases, which are interesting
but have to be extracted from the illustrations, the
negative is both prefixed and suffixed to the verbal root.
The use of infixes, prefixes, and suffixes is conspicuous.
Shades of meaning are thus expressed which convey

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250 NOTICES OF BOOKS

a high degree of precision and definition of verbal action.


In these general respects it differs in no degree from
other Tibeto-Burman dialects. The author's intimate
knowledge of Meithei has enabled him to point to many
interesting parallels and similarities. Tangkhul, however,
differs from Meithei in its numerical system and in
the method of forming the negative, both important
characteristics. It agrees in respect of the formation
of the relative, and of the distinction between questions
involving a direct or an extended answer, in the general
order of sentences, and in general vocabulary.
The author points out the existence of two tones as in
Manipuri " in a great number of words which to the
ignorant sound the same ". There are other words which
he tells us " are sounded alike and only the context can
decide what is referred to ". He notes, too, that " unlike
Manipuri, where emphasis or stress on words is made
known by the addition of emphatic particles, Tangkhul
Naga depends more on intonation of words and on
adverbial forms infixed to the verb". " A distinct
tendency exists to aspirate k in the otiose particles ka
and kha," but while there would appear to be no " hard
and fast rule regarding the aspirating or non-aspirating "
of these particles, " it will be noticed in the dictionary
that all words whose verbal roots begin with an 'I, m, n,
r, u, v, iv, or y have the aspirated otiose particle kh," not
a bad collection as a foundation for a rule. On the
subject of pronunciation it may be noted that th is
pronounced as in " hot-house". Are we to infer that
kk and ph are pronounced as in " back hand " and " strap-
hanger " ? Is this pronunciation used for both initial and
medial positions ? Eo, too, is pronounced as in " egeo "
(Latin). There's a rub' Is the Latin pronunciation
that of twenty years ago or the revised system which
has had the recent blessing of the Board of Education ?
Z, too, is pronounced as in English, but the unwary

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TANGKHUL NAGA GRAMMAR AND DICTIONARY 251

should Be cautious, since in the dialect which forms the


substance of the grammar z should be pronounced as ts
in " parts". (p. 2). The remarks as to noticeable
changes of vowels (p. 3) are not very clear. It will,
I think, be admitted that accurate scientifically prepared
records of the pronunciation of these dialects would be
of great importance to students of phonetics. They
would clear up misunderstandings on the part of the
zealous but ignorant student as to what is really meant
by tones, intonations, emphasis, and stress. It may be
found that our ultimate classification of these Tibeto-
Burman dialects will have to proceed largely on the data
of phonetic variations recorded by scientific modern
means. Languages such as these are often unstable and
are liable to be affected by all that affects the social life
of the community. And a simple, clear, straightforward
system of tone notation is also greatly to be desired.
The dictionaries contain much that is of interest to the
student of Indian social conditions at this level. Although
in the English-Tangkhul part the word " to kill" is given
as shokathat (which does not appear in the Tangkhul—
English part) and as taikatluit (which is given in the
Tangkhul-English portion as taikathata2 = slayer of
animals), I find in the Tangkhul—English portion thirty-
five words nearly all containing the root that (which is
a common Kuki root, cf. Meithei Iwbt), denoting various
ingenious methods of killing animals and human beings.
It would hardly do to infer that the Nagas had made
great advances in the study of Constitutional Reform
from the presence in the dictionary of Tangkhul phrases
for Prime Minister, Vice-President, Ministry, and Parlia-
ment, or that their educational system had attained to
1
Is there in Tangkhul an aspirated I, m, n, as in other languages in
this area * The absence of such aspirated letters may prove to be a fact
of cardinal importance to those who may be tempted to classify these
languages by their phonetics.
2
The suffix a should be noted.

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252 NOTICES OF BOOKS

the dignity of a TJnivei'sity, with colleges, tutors, and


a stationer, or that their knowledge of the Navy and the
sea was extensive and profound, as on p. 368. For an
infinite variety of combination, condensation, humour,
and insight, I suggest a perusal of pp. 258-9, where the i
variants clustering round the root hang are duly recorded. 1
The psychology of the people is sketched in outline ;
in pp. 394-9, which deal with the root ning (in ]
Manipuri = to wish or desire). Here and there, in the \
thumbnail notes describing the knowledge possessed by *
these people of simple surgery or of the medicinal s
properties of jungle trees and herbs and of the anatomy
of the human frame, are facts supremely interesting to
the sociologist as evidence of the real nature and extent
of their culture. In the words denoting social relations
is material for the reconstruction of the principles on
which semi-civilized societies such as this are or have
been built up. The mother-in-law and the paternal aunt
are ani. The father-in-law, the maternal uncle, the
grandfather, and the great-grandfather are all awo. The
grandmother (which one ?—maternal ? paternal ?or both ?)
and the mother's brother's wife are ayl. A male cousin
is igato, and the same word is used for the younger
brother. Achei is a brother-in-law and a nephew, as
well as the name given to all male and female below the
rank of chiefs. Amui is the husband's sister and the
brother's wife as well. Imdk is the brother-in-law and
the son's wife's father. Cross cousin marriage may be;
suspected as well as other forms of marriage organization.
Kathima (p. 294) means surely a disinterested witness—
not quite the same thing as an uninterested witness. The
word "otorrhoea" (earache) is spelt "orrtorrhrea" on pp. 358
and 377. On p. 308 khanmyut, to pull off (as a rat's
"tale"—sic), is an obvious slip which the printer should
have noticed. How the word kltaiigachu eina sakahal
(j). 309)can mean both "accustomed" and "unaccustomed"

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SEMITIC RITES OF MOURNING AND RELIGION 253

is a little difficult to understand. The proof-reading has


left a good deal to be desired, and pp. 439 to 446 are
bound in twice.
Apart from the minor blemishes which have been noted,
the book contains a straightforward and reasonably clear
account of the grammar; and the dictionaries at the end
are full of interest, philological as well as sociological.
Whether the Tangkhul Nagas who have been in
France during the War will take back with them new
words, as they will surely take back new experiences and
new ideas as to killing their enemies, has yet to be seen.
I came across a party of them some six months ago in the
neighbourhood of a large and important ammunition
depot, when I had the pleasure of a few minutes'
talk with them in Meithei, which some of them spoke
quite well.
T. C. HODSON, Colonel.

SOME SEMITIC RITES OF MOURNING AND RELIGION.


STUDIES ON THEIR ORIGIN AND MUTUAL RELATION.
By A. J. WENSINCK. Verhandelingen der Koninklijke
Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam.
pp. 101. Johannes Muller, 1917.
The subject dealt with in this book justly claims the
interest of students of comparative religion, and Oriental
religions in particular. Although the author apparently
did not intend to treat the matter exhaustively, he has
given a fairly complete survey of the religious aspect of
the rites of mourning as practised in the tents of Shem.
The connexion between mourning and religion is an
easily explained psychological phenomenon, because the
mourner sees himself brought into direct contact with
higher powers over which he has no control.
The first topic of the book is the use of the thrashing-
floor both for mourning and marriage ceremonies. As
to the former the author sees in it "a symbolic
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Common questions

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The phonetic variations in Tangkhul Naga dialect suggest significant implications for linguistic classification as they highlight the dialect's instability and susceptibility to social influences. Accurate, scientifically prepared phonetic records are crucial for proper classification, as tone, intonation, and emphasis play key roles in the dialect. Such an endeavor could clear up misunderstandings and more accurately reflect the dialect's position within the Tibeto-Burman family .

The presence of vocabulary for social roles and political titles like 'Prime Minister' and 'Parliament' in the Tangkhul-English dictionary indicates an interaction with modern governance concepts, potentially due to external cultural influences. However, more traditional roles and practices are also captured, reflecting the complexities of their social structures and the probable assimilation or coexistence of diverse cultural influences .

Rev. Pettigrew's approach in the Tangkhul Naga grammar emphasizes the use of intonation and context to understand nuances in meaning, differing from the emphasis found in Manipuri on adding emphatic particles for stress. He notes that words sounding alike can be deciphered only by context, which showcases a departure from more standard phonetic practices where distinct phonetic markers might be used to denote different meanings .

Context plays a critical role in Tangkhul Naga as many words are phonemically identical but semantically distinct. Rev. Pettigrew notes that words which sound the same to the uninformed can only be accurately interpreted within their context, thus emphasizing the importance of situational cues over standalone phonetic markers for understanding and communication .

Inaccuracies in phonetic records can severely impact the study and classification of the Tangkhul Naga dialect by creating misunderstandings about its tonal and phonetic features. Precise phonetic documentation is crucial for distinguishing between homophones and understanding subtle differences in meaning conveyed through tone and intonation, thereby affecting classification accuracy and historical linguistic research .

The phonetic variation in Tangkhul Naga, such as the aspirating of 'k' in otiose particles and the context-dependent pronunciation of sounds that appear similar, illustrates the dialect's inherent instability. Such variations complicate precise classification within the Tibeto-Burman family, as they demonstrate susceptibility to external influences and the fluidity of dialectal characteristics. Future classifications may heavily rely on these phonetic subtleties as pivotal data points .

Terms related to family and kinship in Tangkhul Naga, such as 'awo' and 'achei', offer deep insights into the cultural emphasis placed on familial bonds and social roles. The intricate classification of relatives into specific terms suggests a society with complex social structures and traditions like cross cousin marriages. This vocabulary reflects an intimate understanding of community organization and interdependencies, highlighting how cultural priorities shape language .

In Tangkhul Naga, negatives are formed with a prefix 'ma', and in some cases, they involve both a prefix and a suffix around the verbal root. This is in contrast to Meithei, where the negative is formed distinctly, and it differs significantly in this structural aspect. However, both languages share similarities in relative clause formation and general sentence order, reflecting both differences and alignments despite their linguistic kinship .

In Tangkhul Naga, emphasis is more often achieved through intonation rather than the addition of particles, as seen in Manipuri. This reliance on tonal variation indicates a phonetic system that places significant communicative weight on prosodic features, reflecting a complex interplay of phonetic subtleties and suggesting potential challenges for non-native speakers in acquiring accurate pronunciations .

The terminology for family relations in Tangkhul Naga reflects a complex social structure that includes unique roles and hierarchies. For example, the same term 'awo' is used for the father-in-law, maternal uncle, and grandfather, indicating close ties within kinship groups. Terms like 'achei' for brother-in-law and nephew suggest overlapping social roles. These terms hint at customs such as cross cousin marriage and possibly unique lineage structures .

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