United Nations Security

Council
Study Guide

Sri Sri Academy, Kolkata Model United Nations 2024

 Agenda:
Methods to prevent and terminate the
proliferation of arms in the Sahel Region in
Africa by non-state actors

Sri Sri Academy, Kolkata Model United Nations 2024

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Table of Contents

1. Letter from the Executive Board…………………….…………….…………2

2. About the Committee…………………………………………….………..…3

3. Introduction…………………………………………………….…………….5

4. Historical Background……………………………………….…………….…7

5. Libyan Civil War ……………………………………………….………..…10

6. Situation in Mali………………………………………….…………………13

7. Non-State Actors:
a) Militant Groups………………………………………………….…..…23
b) Local Militias…………………………………………………….…….26
c) Organized Crime………………………………………………….……27

8. G5 Sahel…………………………………………………………………….28

9. The PAU Summit………………………………………………………..….32

10. ECOWAS…………………………………………………….………….. 35

11. Other International Involvement………………………………………….38

12. Timeline……………………………….……………………………….….40

13. Key Documents……………………………….…………………………..49

14. Notes on Paperwork……………………………………………………....49

15. References……………………………….……………………………..…50

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Letter from the Executive Board

Dear Delegates,
We are pleased to welcome you to UNSC at the SSMUN 2024. Today, we embark on a
thrilling journey to address a pressing issue that threatens the stability of an entire region:
the proliferation of arms in the Sahel by non-state actors. The Sahel, a vast expanse
stretching across Africa, is not just a geographical region; it is a complex tapestry of
cultures, communities, and challenges. Here, the illicit trade of small arms and light
weapons (SALW) has become a catalyst for violence, fueling conflicts that disrupt lives and
destabilize nations. From the shadows of the Sahara, militant groups and self-defense
militias are seizing control, creating a perilous environment for millions. As delegates, you
are tasked with navigating this fast-paced landscape, where every decision can have far-
reaching consequences. The agenda before us is not merely a discussion; it is a call to
action.
We must confront the porous borders that facilitate arms trafficking, the diversion of
weapons from national forces, and the militant control of smuggling routes that threaten
peace. But amidst these challenges lie opportunities for collaboration and innovation.
Regional organizations like ECOWAS are stepping up to restore constitutional order, while
the UN Integrated Strategy for the Sahel offers a road-map for resilience and security.
Together, we can strengthen border controls, secure national stockpiles, and promote
disarmament initiatives that pave the way for lasting peace. The stakes are high, and the
time for action is now.
Do expect a highly dynamic and fast paced committee full of updates. The future of the
Sahel hangs in the balance, and it is up to you, the delegates, to shape the course of history.
Let the debates begin!

The Executive Board,

United Nations Security Council,
Sri Sri Academy, Kolkata Model United Nations 2024.

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About the Committee

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the six principal organs
of the United Nations (UN) and is primarily responsible for maintaining
international peace and security. Established in 1945 under the UN Charter, the
Security Council held its first session on 17 January 1946 at Church House,
Westminster, London. Since its first meeting, the Security Council has taken
permanent residence at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City. It
also travelled to many cities, holding sessions in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in 1972,
in Panama City, Panama, and in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1990. A representative
of each of its members must be present at all times at UN Headquarters so that
the Security Council can meet at any time as the need arises. The UNSC plays a
crucial role in addressing conflicts, authorizing peacekeeping missions, and
imposing sanctions on countries that threaten global stability.

Mandate
The United Nations Charter established six main organs of the United Nations,
including the Security Council. It gives primary responsibility for maintaining
international peace and security to the Security Council, which may meet
whenever peace is threatened.

According to the Charter, the United Nations has four purposes:

• to maintain international peace and security;

• to develop friendly relations among nations;
• to cooperate in solving international problems and in promoting respect
for human rights;
• and to be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations.

All members of the United Nations agree to accept and carry out the decisions of
the Security Council. While other organs of the United Nations make
recommendations to member states, only the Security Council has the power to
make decisions that member states are then obligated to implement under the
Charter.
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MAINTAINING PEACE AND SECURITY

When a complaint concerning a threat to peace is brought before it, the Council’s
first action is usually to recommend that the parties try to reach agreement by
peaceful means. The Council may:

▪ set forth principles for such an agreement;

▪ undertake investigation and mediation, in some cases;
▪ dispatch a mission;
▪ appoint special envoys; or
▪ request the Secretary-General to use his good offices to achieve a
pacific settlement of the dispute.

When a dispute leads to hostilities, the Council’s primary concern is to bring

them to an end as soon as possible. In that case, the Council may:

▪ issue ceasefire directives that can help prevent an escalation of the

conflict;
▪ dispatch military observers or a peacekeeping force to help reduce
tensions, separate opposing forces and establish a calm in which
peaceful settlements may be sought.

Beyond this, the Council may opt for enforcement measures, including:

▪ economic sanctions, arms embargoes, financial penalties and

restrictions, and travel bans;
▪ severance of diplomatic relations;
▪ blockade;
▪ or even collective military action.

A chief concern is to focus action on those responsible for the policies or

practices condemned by the international community, while minimizing the
impact of the measures taken on other parts of the population and economy.

For further details of the mandate:

[Link]
8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/[Link]

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Introduction

Conflict in West Africa and the Sahel has intensified dramatically in recent years, driven by
a combination of factors including the rise of violent extremist organizations (VEOs), the
proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW), and the socio-economic and political
instability that plagues the region. This crisis has roots in historical grievances, socio-
economic disparities, and the aftermath of the Libyan conflict in 2011, which resulted in the
widespread availability of surplus weapons that have found their way into the hands of
various armed groups across the region.

The Sahel is a semiarid zone that spans from Senegal to Sudan, serving as a critical
transitional area between the arid Sahara Desert and the more humid savannas to the south.
This region includes several countries—northern Senegal, southern Mauritania, Mali,
Burkina Faso, southern Niger, northeastern Nigeria, south-central Chad, and Sudan—that are
characterized by some of the least developed and most politically unstable nations in the
world. The Sahel's geographical significance is overshadowed by its challenges, including
pervasive poverty, weak governance, and a lack of infrastructure, which contribute to the
region's vulnerability to conflict.

In recent years, the Sahel has experienced a surge in the activities of Violent Extremists
Organizations (VEOs) , including groups such as Al-Qaeda in the Islamic
Maghreb(AQIM), Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), the Islamic State (IS), and
its affiliate Boko Haram. These groups have exploited local grievances, inter-communal
tensions, and the vacuum of state authority to establish footholds in rural areas. The fall of
the Gaddafi regime in Libya created a power vacuum that allowed for the proliferation of
arms and the emergence of various armed factions, leading to increased violence and
instability across Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger.
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The rise of NSAGs has been accompanied by a significant increase in attacks against both
military and civilian targets. These attacks not only destabilize the region but also undermine
the effectiveness of ongoing military operations aimed at combating terrorism. The persistent
threat from Boko Haram in the Lake Chad Basin and the expansion of IS-affiliated groups
into northern Nigeria have raised concerns about the ability of regional governments to
maintain security and protect their citizens.

The proliferation of SALW has become a significant enabler of conflict in the Sahel,
facilitating the activities of both VEOs and organized criminal groups (OCGs). These
weapons enter the region through various channels, including legal transfers, black and gray
markets, and theft from national stockpiles. The availability of surplus weapons from
ongoing conflicts provides these groups with the means to sustain their activities, posing a
challenge to state authority and governance.

The intertwining of legal and illegal arms sales has created a chaotic environment where
violent actors exploit the black and gray markets. Recent anti-trafficking initiatives have
become futile in areas where national and international stakeholders have limited capacity to
document, confiscate, or repurpose illicit arms. This challenge is particularly acute in
countries like Niger, Mali, and Nigeria, which face the dual burden of addressing arms
trafficking while simultaneously trying to prevent hostile attacks and high-stake kidnappings
by Boko Haram and other VEOs.

Socio-economic factors in rural regions pose significant obstacles to implementing effective

and sustainable anti-trafficking measures. High levels of poverty, unemployment, and lack of
access to education create an environment where individuals may turn to armed groups for
economic opportunities or protection. Additionally, weak governance and corruption
undermine the ability of state institutions to effectively combat arms trafficking and address
the root causes of conflict.

The challenges of governance in the Sahel have been compounded by the rise of organized
crime, particularly in the wake of the Libyan conflict. Rural insurgencies across Mali,
Burkina Faso, and Niger have emerged as jihadist groups exploit local conflicts to secure
safe havens and recruit new members. The resulting environment of violence and instability
has created a situation where illicit arms trafficking, organized crime, and armed conflict are
deeply interconnected, each exacerbating the others and undermining efforts toward peace
and development.

The ongoing violence in the Sahel has had devastating humanitarian consequences. Millions
of people have been displaced from their homes, and access to essential services such as
health-care, education, and food security has been severely compromised. The United
Nations estimates that over 30 million people in the Sahel are in need of humanitarian
assistance, with acute food insecurity affecting millions due to conflict, climate change, and
economic instability.
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Children are particularly vulnerable, facing disruptions in education and increased risks of
recruitment into armed groups. The psychological impact of violence and trauma on
communities is profound, further complicating efforts to rebuild and foster resilience in the
face of ongoing conflict.

Historical Background

The Sahel region of Africa, has a rich and complex history that has significantly shaped its
contemporary challenges, particularly the proliferation of arms by non-state actors. This
history encompasses the rise and fall of powerful kingdoms, the impacts of colonial rule,
post-colonial struggles, and the emergence of organized crime and militant groups.
Understanding this historical context is crucial for addressing the ongoing issues of
insecurity and arms proliferation in the region.

The earliest human settlements in the Sahel date back to around 10,000 years ago, as hunter-
gatherer communities began to establish themselves in the region.

By the 8th century AD, larger Sahelian kingdoms had emerged, erecting cities like
Timbuktu, Gao, and Djenné in the Niger valley region. These kingdoms thrived on trans-
Saharan trade routes, exchanging gold, salt, ivory, and slaves. The influx of wealth also
brought with it the importation of arms and military technologies, which were used to
consolidate power and defend against rival states and external threats.

The introduction of Islam into the region during the 11th century began to reshape the socio-
political landscape. The religion spread through trade routes and the influence of Muslim
traders, leading to the establishment of Islamic schools and centers of learning. This period
saw the emergence of Islamic empires, such as the Mali Empire, which further solidified the
region's importance in trade and culture.

The founding of the Mali Empire by Sundiata Keita in 1235 marked a significant turning
point in the Sahel's history. The empire expanded its territory, controlling key trade routes
and establishing a centralized government. The wealth generated from trade allowed the
Mali Empire to flourish, and its capital, Timbuktu, became a renowned center of learning
and culture.

The colonial era began in earnest as European powers sought to expand their empires in
Africa during the late 19th century. The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 formalized the
partition of Africa among European powers, leading to increased colonial ambitions in the
Sahel. France began its conquest of the region, establishing control over territories that
would later become Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mauritania. The French employed both

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military force and diplomacy to subjugate local populations and integrate the region into
French West Africa.

French colonial rule disrupted traditional governance structures and imposed new
administrative frameworks. The French implemented a policy of indirect rule, co-opting
local leaders while undermining traditional authority. This approach created divisions among
ethnic groups and eroded social cohesion. The colonial economy was primarily extractive,
focusing on resource extraction to benefit the French economy. Infrastructure development
was limited, and little investment was made in education or health services. This neglect left
many communities without the resources necessary for sustainable development.

The Sahelian countries began to gain independence from French colonial rule in 1960. Mali,
Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mauritania all achieved independence in a wave of decolonization
that swept across Africa. While independence was celebrated, the newly formed
governments faced significant challenges in establishing stable governance and addressing
the needs of their populations.

The newly independent states in the Sahel struggled with political instability and weak
governance. Many countries experienced coups, authoritarian rule, and civil unrest. The lack
of experience in self-governance and the absence of strong institutions hampered efforts to
build cohesive national identities. The Sahel faced devastating droughts during the 1970s,
leading to famine and widespread suffering. The environmental crisis exacerbated existing
tensions and highlighted the vulnerabilities of the region's agricultural systems.

The Tuareg, a nomadic ethnic group in the Sahel, began to rise against perceived
marginalization and lack of representation in national governments during the 1990s. The
Tuareg rebellions in Mali and Niger sought greater autonomy and recognition of their
cultural rights. These uprisings were fueled by historical grievances stemming from colonial
rule and post-colonial neglect.

The political instability and economic challenges in the Sahel created an environment
conducive to the rise of organized crime in the late 1990s and 2000s. Criminal networks
began to flourish, engaging in activities such as drug trafficking, human smuggling, and
arms trafficking. The Sahel became a transit route for illicit drugs from South America to
Europe. The porous borders and weak law enforcement made it easier for criminal
organizations to operate in the region.

The proliferation of arms in the Sahel can be traced back to several key factors, including the
availability of weapons from conflicts in neighboring regions. The arms trade became
increasingly intertwined with organized crime, as criminal networks sought to acquire
weapons for protection and to facilitate their operations. The fall of Muammar Gaddafi in
2011 had a profound impact on the Sahel. The collapse of the Libyan state resulted in a
significant influx of weapons from Libyan stockpiles into the Sahel, exacerbating existing
conflicts and enabling new ones.
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The rise of militant groups such as Boko Haram and Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb
(AQIM) in the early 2000s further complicated the security landscape in the Sahel. These
groups exploited the chaos and instability to establish control over territories and trafficking
routes. The activities of these militant groups have led to increased violence, humanitarian
crises, and destabilization of governments in the region. The proliferation of arms has
enabled these groups to carry out attacks and expand their influence.

In response to state failure and the rise of militant groups, local militias began to form as
communities sought to protect themselves. These militias often operate outside the law and
may engage in arms trafficking to acquire weapons for their operations. The relationships
between state forces, local militias, and militant groups are complex and often fluid. In some
cases, state actors have been implicated in the illicit arms trade, either through corruption or
collusion with criminal organizations.

The legacy of colonialism and post-colonial instability has left many Sahelian states with
weak institutions and governance challenges. Corruption, lack of resources, and poor
infrastructure hinder effective law enforcement and governance. The Sahel's porous borders
facilitate the movement of arms and non-state actors, creating a complex web of trafficking
networks that are difficult to control.

High levels of poverty and unemployment create fertile ground for recruitment by armed
groups. The lack of economic opportunities and social services contributes to a sense of
disenfranchisement among communities. Climate change and environmental degradation
exacerbate existing vulnerabilities in the Sahel. Droughts, desertification, and resource
scarcity contribute to competition over land and water, leading to conflicts that can escalate
into violence.

The history of the Sahel region is marked by a complex interplay of factors that have
contributed to the proliferation of arms by non-state actors. From the rise of powerful
kingdoms and the impacts of colonial rule to the emergence of organized crime and militant
groups, the region's trajectory has been shaped by historical grievances and contemporary
challenges. Understanding this history is crucial for developing effective solutions to the
ongoing crisis in the Sahel.

Libyan Civil War

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Libya, under the rule of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi since 1969, was characterized by a
highly centralized and authoritarian regime. Gaddafi's government operated under a unique
form of governance, which he termed "Islamic socialism," combining elements of socialism
with a strong emphasis on nationalism and anti-imperialism. While Gaddafi's regime initially
enjoyed some support due to its investments in social programs and infrastructure,
widespread discontent had been brewing for years due to political repression, human rights
abuses, and economic mismanagement.

Economic Disparities

Despite Libya's wealth from oil reserves, economic disparities existed, with many citizens
feeling marginalized and excluded from the benefits of oil wealth. Corruption and nepotism
were rampant, leading to frustration among the populace.
Political Repression: Political dissent was met with brutal repression. Gaddafi's regime-
maintained control through a network of informants and security forces that suppressed
opposition. Political prisoners were common, and freedom of speech was severely restricted.

The Arab Spring

The Arab Spring, which began in late 2010, was a series of anti-government protests and
uprisings across the Arab world. Inspired by successful revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt,
Libyans began to mobilize against Gaddafi's regime.

February 15, 2011: Protests erupted in Benghazi after the arrest of a human rights activist.
Demonstrators called for political reforms and the release of political prisoners. The protests
quickly escalated into a broader movement against Gaddafi's rule.

February 17, 2011: The situation intensified as protests spread to other cities, including
Tripoli. Gaddafi's security forces responded with violence, using live ammunition against
demonstrators. This brutal crackdown further fueled public outrage and calls for Gaddafi's
ouster.

Formation of Rebel Forces

As the protests transformed into an armed rebellion, various groups began to organize
against Gaddafi's regime. These groups included defectors from the military, civilians, and
former political prisoners who had been imprisoned under Gaddafi's rule.

February 27, 2011: The National Transitional Council (NTC) was formed in Benghazi,
seeking to unify the various factions and present a legitimate alternative to Gaddafi's
government. The NTC aimed to coordinate military efforts and gain international
recognition.
March 2011: Rebel forces began to gain control over parts of eastern Libya, including
Benghazi, while Gaddafi's forces launched counter-offensives to retake lost territory. The
conflict escalated, leading to significant casualties on both sides.
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International Response
The international community's response to the Libyan crisis was swift and multifaceted. As
reports of human rights abuses and civilian casualties mounted, calls for intervention grew
louder.

March 12, 2011: The Arab League called for a no-fly zone over Libya to protect civilians
from Gaddafi's air attacks. This marked a significant shift in the regional response to the
crisis.

March 17, 2011: The United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1973 to deescalate
the situation.

March 19, 2011: A coalition of U.S. and European forces launched airstrikes against
Gaddafi's military targets, marking the beginning of a NATO-led intervention. The goal was
to disable Libya’s air defenses and prevent Gaddafi from using his military against civilians.

The Course of the Civil War

The Libyan Civil War can be divided into several key phases, each characterized by shifts in
power dynamics and territorial control.

Initial Rebel Gains (February - March 2011): The rebellion began with protests that escalated
into armed conflict. Rebel forces quickly gained control of eastern Libya, including
Benghazi, while Gaddafi's forces retained control over the capital, Tripoli.

International Intervention (March - August 2011): Following the UN resolution 1973, NATO
launched a bombing campaign to support the rebels. This intervention significantly shifted
the balance of power, allowing rebel forces to regroup and launch offensives against
Gaddafi's loyalists.

April 2011: NATO began conducting airstrikes against Gaddafi’s forces, targeting military
installations and supply lines. The air campaign aimed to protect civilians and support the
rebel advance.

August 2011: Rebel forces launched a major offensive on Tripoli, capturing key
neighborhoods and government buildings. The capital fell to the rebels, and Gaddafi's
government effectively collapsed.

Gaddafi's Downfall (September - October 2011): As rebel forces consolidated their control,
Gaddafi evaded capture and went into hiding. On October 20, 2011, he was captured and
killed by rebel fighters in his hometown of Sirte, marking the official end of the civil war.

Aftermath: The Power Vacuum and Proliferation of Arms

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The fall of Gaddafi created a power vacuum in Libya, leading to a fragmented political
landscape and ongoing instability. The absence of a strong central authority allowed various
factions, militias, and tribal groups to vie for control, resulting in a complex web of power
dynamics.

One of the most significant consequences of the Libyan Civil War was the widespread
proliferation of arms. The conflict left behind a vast stockpile of weapons, including small
arms, heavy artillery, and advanced military equipment. Many of these weapons found their
way into the hands of non-state actors and militant groups, exacerbating existing conflicts in
the Sahel and beyond.

Arms Trafficking: The porous borders of Libya facilitated the smuggling of weapons into
neighboring countries, including Mali, Niger, and Chad. Armed groups and militias in these
countries capitalized on the influx of weapons to strengthen their positions and engage in
violent conflicts.

Rise of Militant Groups: The proliferation of arms contributed to the rise of militant groups
such as Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and Boko Haram, which exploited the
chaos in Libya to expand their operations. These groups engaged in attacks against state
forces and civilian populations, further destabilizing the region.

The aftermath of the Libyan Civil War has been marked by ongoing conflict and a
humanitarian crisis. The struggle for power among various factions has led to violence,
displacement, and a breakdown of essential services.

Humanitarian Impact: The conflict has resulted in thousands of deaths, widespread

displacement, and a severe humanitarian crisis. Access to basic necessities such as food,
water, and healthcare has been severely compromised, affecting millions of Libyans.

Political Fragmentation: Libya remains divided between rival governments, with the
Government of National Unity (GNU) in Tripoli and the House of Representatives (HoR) in
Tobruk. The ongoing power struggle has hindered efforts to establish a unified and stable
government, perpetuating the cycle of violence and instability.

Regional Implications: The Sahel and Beyond

The consequences of the Libyan Civil War extend far beyond Libya's borders, significantly
impacting the Sahel region and contributing to the proliferation of arms and the rise of non-
state actors.

The collapse of Gaddafi's regime and the subsequent chaos in Libya led to a significant
influx of weapons into the Sahel. Armed groups in Mali, Niger, and other neighboring
countries capitalized on the availability of weapons to bolster their arsenals.

Mali: The Tuareg rebellion in northern Mali, which had been simmering for decades, was
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reignited by the availability of arms from Libya. The National Movement for the Liberation
of Azawad (MNLA) and other armed groups launched an offensive in 2012, taking control
of key northern cities.

Niger and Chad: Similar patterns emerged in Niger and Chad, where armed groups exploited
the instability in Libya to acquire weapons and engage in cross-border raids.

The proliferation of arms and the weakening of state authority in the Sahel facilitated the rise
of non-state actors, including militant groups and criminal organizations.

Boko Haram: The Nigerian militant group Boko Haram, which had been active since the
early 2000s, expanded its operations in the aftermath of the Libyan Civil War. The group
capitalized on the influx of weapons and the chaos in neighboring countries to launch attacks
across Nigeria and into the Sahel.

Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM): AQIM, which had been operating in the Sahel
for years, also benefited from the influx of arms and the weakened state structures in Libya
and neighboring countries. The group engaged in kidnappings, attacks on military
installations, and other forms of violence.

Situation In Mali

Mali, a landlocked country in West Africa, has a rich and complex history that has shaped its
current socio-political landscape. Once a center of wealth and learning during the Mali
Empire, the country has faced numerous challenges, including colonial rule, military coups,
and ongoing conflict with extremist groups. The current crisis, which began in 2012, has
resulted in significant humanitarian challenges, political instability, and the rise of militant
organizations. This comprehensive analysis will explore the key events and developments
that have shaped Mali's trajectory, providing a chronological account of major incidents,
their implications, and the role of various actors in the ongoing crisis.

Colonial Era (1892-1960)

Mali, then known as French Sudan, was colonized by France in the late 19th century. The
colonial period had a profound impact on the country's political and social structures.
French Colonial Rule
Administrative Changes: The French imposed a centralized administrative system that
disrupted traditional governance structures. Local leaders were often sidelined, leading to
resentment among the population. The French also implemented policies that favored their
economic interests, prioritizing resource extraction over local development.

The colonial economy was primarily extractive, focusing on resource extraction for the
benefit of France. Little investment was made in local development, education, or
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infrastructure, leading to widespread poverty. The exploitation of resources, particularly in

agriculture and minerals, created economic disparities that fueled future discontent.
Resistance Movements: Throughout the colonial period, there were various resistance
movements against French rule, culminating in a push for independence in the mid-20th
century. These movements laid the groundwork for future political activism and national
identity.
Independence and Early Years (1960-1991)
Mali gained independence from France on September 22, 1960, with Modibo Keita as its
first president. The early years of independence were marked by political instability and
authoritarian rule.

Keïta's government promoted a socialist agenda and nationalized key industries, including
mining and agriculture. While these policies aimed to redistribute wealth and promote
economic development, they faced criticism for political repression and economic
mismanagement.

Economic Challenges
The government struggled to address the economic challenges facing the country, leading to
dissatisfaction among various segments of society. The lack of infrastructure and services in
rural areas contributed to growing discontent.

Military Coup (1968)

In 1968, Keïta was overthrown in a military coup led by Lieutenant Moussa Traoré, who
ruled Mali for the next 22 years. Traoré's regime was marked by political repression,
economic stagnation, and occasional unrest.

Traoré established a one-party state, suppressing dissent and political opposition. His
government faced criticism for human rights abuses and corruption, leading to widespread
dissatisfaction among the population.
Economic Decline: The economy continued to decline during Traoré's rule, with agricultural
production suffering due to droughts and mismanagement. This economic decline fueled
protests and calls for political reform.

The Era of Democracy (1991-2012)

The early 1990s saw a popular uprising against military rule, leading to a transition to
democracy. In March 1991, widespread protests led to the resignation of Traoré and the
establishment of a transitional government. The new constitution was adopted in 1992,
paving the way for democratic elections.

Alpha Oumar Konaré's Presidency: Alpha Oumar Konaré was elected president in 1992,
becoming Mali's first democratically-elected leader. His administration focused on

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promoting democratic governance and economic reforms, but challenges remained,

including ethnic tensions and the resurgence of Tuareg rebellions in the north.

The Tuareg Rebellions

The Tuareg people, a nomadic ethnic group in northern Mali, have long felt marginalized by
the central government. Their grievances have led to several uprisings.

First Tuareg Rebellion (1962-1964)

Following independence, the Tuareg launched their first rebellion, seeking greater autonomy
and recognition of their rights. The rebellion was suppressed, leading to further resentment
and a sense of alienation among the Tuareg community.

Second Tuareg Rebellion (1990-1995)

The Tuareg launched a second rebellion in the early 1990s, resulting in a peace agreement
that granted some autonomy to the northern regions. However, many Tuareg felt that the
agreement did not go far enough in addressing their grievances, leading to continued
tensions.

The Outbreak of the Current Crisis (2012)

January 2012: The Tuareg Rebellion
The current crisis in Mali can be traced back to January 2012, when the MNLA launched an
armed rebellion in northern Mali.

Formation of the MNLA: The MNLA was formed by Tuareg exiles returning from Libya
after the fall of Gaddafi. They sought to capitalize on the influx of weapons and military
training to pursue their goal of independence for Azawad. The MNLA's initial successes
were fueled by the disarray within the Malian military, which was ill-prepared to deal with
the well-armed Tuareg fighters.

The MNLA quickly gained control of key cities in northern Mali, including Kidal, Gao, and
Timbuktu, declaring independence for Azawad on April 6, 2012. This declaration was not
recognized by the international community, but it marked a significant turning point in the
conflict.

On March 22, 2012, a military coup led by Captain Amadou Sanogo overthrew President
Amadou Toumani Touré.

The coup was motivated by dissatisfaction within the military regarding the government's
handling of the Tuareg rebellion and the lack of support for military operations. Soldiers
were frustrated by the perceived neglect of their needs and the government's failure to
provide adequate resources for the fight against the rebels.
Immediate Consequences: The coup led to a power vacuum in Mali, further destabilizing the
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country and allowing the Tuareg and Islamist groups to consolidate their control over the
north. Following the coup, the Malian military was unable to effectively counter the
advances of the MNLA and the Islamist groups, Islamist groups began to take advantage of
the situation.

Rise of Islamist Groups: Groups such as Ansar Dine, AQIM, and MUJAO began to assert
control over northern Mali, pushing the MNLA aside and imposing strict interpretations of
Sharia law. The Islamist groups were better organized and better armed than the MNLA,
leading to a rapid takeover of northern territories.

The Islamists destroyed cultural heritage sites in Timbuktu, including mausoleums and
ancient manuscripts, leading to international condemnation. This destruction was not only an
attack on Mali's cultural heritage but also a demonstration of the extremist groups'
commitment to their radical ideology.

December 2012: UN Security Council Resolution 2085

In December 2012, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2085, which authorized the
deployment of an African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA).

The mission aimed to support the Malian government in regaining control over the north and
restoring constitutional order. It called for the training and support of Malian security forces,
recognizing the urgent need for international assistance in stabilizing the country.

French Intervention (2013)

January 2013: Operation Serval
In January 2013, the situation in Mali escalated, prompting the French government to
intervene militarily. The Malian government requested assistance from France to combat the
advancing Islamist forces.
Launch of Operation Serval: France launched Operation Serval on January 11, 2013, with
the goal of halting the Islamist advance and protecting civilians. The operation was
characterized by rapid deployment and decisive military action.
Military Success: French forces quickly recaptured key cities, including Gao and Timbuktu,
and pushed the Islamist groups back into the desert. The operation was initially successful in
preventing the fall of Bamako and restoring some level of security.

April 2013: Establishment of MINUSMA

Following the success of Operation Serval, the UN established the United Nations
Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in April 2013.

MINUSMA was tasked with supporting the political process, protecting civilians, and
helping to stabilize the country. The mission aimed to assist the Malian government in
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restoring order and addressing the root causes of the conflict.

The Algiers Peace Process (2014-2015)

2014: Peace Negotiations
In 2014, peace negotiations began in Algiers, Algeria, aimed at finding a political solution to
the conflict in northern Mali. The Algiers Process involved the Malian government, Tuareg
representatives, and various armed groups.

Algiers Process: The negotiations sought to address the grievances of the Tuareg and
promote greater autonomy for the northern regions. The talks were mediated by international
actors, including Algeria, which played a key role in facilitating dialogue.

June 2015: Algiers Accord

In 2015, the Malian government signed the Algiers Accord with various armed groups,
including the MNLA and other factions.
Key Provisions: The accord provided for greater autonomy for the northern regions, the
integration of rebel fighters into the Malian security forces, and the establishment of a
framework for political dialogue. The agreement was seen as a significant step toward
reconciliation and stability.

Despite the signing of the accord, implementation faced significant challenges. Violence
continued in northern and central Mali, undermining the peace process. The lack of trust
between the government and rebel groups, as well as ongoing attacks by extremist factions,
complicated efforts to achieve lasting peace.

The Resurgence of Violence (2016-2019)

In 2016, violence began to escalate again, particularly in central Mali. Armed groups
intensified their attacks on MINUSMA peacekeepers and Malian security forces.
Attacks on Peacekeepers: In January 2016, an attack on a MINUSMA camp in Timbuktu
resulted in the deaths of five peacekeepers. This incident underscored the challenges faced
by international forces in stabilizing the region.
Inter-communal Violence: Inter-communal violence surged, particularly between the Fulani
herders and Dogon farmers, leading to significant casualties and displacement. The
competition for resources, exacerbated by climate change and economic instability, fueled
tensions between these communities.

2017: Formation of Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM)

In March 2017, AQIM and several other jihadist groups, including Ansar Dine and the
Macina Liberation Front, announced the formation of Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal-Muslimin
(JNIM).

JNIM aimed to consolidate jihadist efforts in the region and enhance operational capabilities
against both the Malian government and international forces. This coalition allowed the
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groups to pool resources and coordinate attacks more effectively.

Following the formation of JNIM, the frequency and intensity of attacks against security
forces and civilians increased, further destabilizing the region. The group claimed
responsibility for numerous high-profile attacks, including assaults on military installations
and ambushes of security convoys.

The humanitarian situation in Mali continued to deteriorate in 2018, with millions of people
in need of assistance. By the end of 2018, over 80,000 people had been displaced due to
violence, exacerbating the already dire humanitarian crisis.

Food insecurity reached alarming levels, with approximately 4.5 million people facing acute
food shortages, particularly in the northern and central regions. The ongoing violence
hindered agricultural production and access to markets, contributing to the crisis.
Access to Basic Services: The humanitarian crisis severely impacted access to healthcare
services. Many health facilities were closed or destroyed due to violence, and healthcare
workers faced threats and attacks. The ongoing violence disrupted education for millions of
children, with schools closed or repurposed for military use.

In 2019, Mali witnessed some of the deadliest attacks in its recent history. On March 23,
armed men attacked the village of Ogossagou, killing at least 160 people, including women
and children. This attack highlighted the escalating violence between ethnic groups and the
challenges of maintaining security.

The massacre prompted international condemnation and calls for increased efforts to address
the root causes of violence and promote reconciliation among communities. Humanitarian
organizations ramped up their efforts to provide assistance to affected populations, but
access remained a significant challenge due to insecurity.

In 2021, Mali experienced another military coup, leading to increased instability. On May
24, Colonel Assimi Goïta led a coup against the transitional government, citing the
government's failure to address the security crisis. The coup was met with widespread
condemnation from the international community.

Goïta assumed the role of interim president, promising to restore stability and prepare for
new elections. However, the political situation remained precarious, with ongoing violence
and challenges to governance.

In 2022, Mali's transitional government began to shift its alliances and requested the
withdrawal of international forces. The French government announced the end of Operation
Barkhane, the military operation aimed at combating jihadist groups in the Sahel. The
withdrawal raised concerns about the potential for increased violence and instability in Mali.
Engagement with Russia: The transitional government sought to strengthen ties with Russia
and engaged the Wagner Group for military assistance. This shift in alliances raised concerns
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among Western nations about the potential for increased instability and human rights abuses.

As of 2023, the humanitarian situation in Mali remains critical, with millions of people in
need of assistance due to the combined effects of armed conflict, climate shocks, and
economic instability. The ongoing violence has led to widespread displacement, with
hundreds of thousands of Malians forced to flee their homes.

Approximately 7.1 million people are estimated to require humanitarian assistance,

representing about 32% of the population. The ongoing violence has led to widespread
displacement, with hundreds of thousands of Malians forced to flee their homes. Many live
in makeshift camps with limited access to basic services, facing challenges in securing food,
water, and healthcare.

The humanitarian crisis has been exacerbated by food insecurity, with predictions
indicating that nearly 1.4 million people are likely to face acute food insecurity during the
lean season. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) analysis highlights
that children and pregnant women are particularly vulnerable to malnutrition. Humanitarian
organizations are working to provide food assistance, nutrition support, and livelihood
programs to affected populations. However, access to remote areas remains a challenge due
to insecurity and logistical constraints.

Burkina Faso Crisis

Burkina Faso, a country in West Africa, has been engulfed in a severe humanitarian and
security crisis that has escalated dramatically since 2015. The situation is characterized by
the rise of militant groups, political instability, and the impact of environmental factors. This
comprehensive analysis will explore the current state of affairs in Burkina Faso, focusing on
the key issues, the proliferation of arms in the Sahel, the international response, and the
implications for the country's future.

Burkina Faso's political landscape has been shaped by a series of coups and popular
uprisings. The country was under the rule of long-time leader Blaise Compaoré, who came to
power in a coup in 1987 and ruled for 27 years. Compaoré's regime was characterized by
authoritarianism, corruption, and human rights abuses. In 2014, widespread protests against
his attempt to extend his presidency led to his ousting, creating hopes for a more democratic
governance structure.

However, the political transition following Compaoré's departure was tumultuous. In 2015, a
coup attempt by members of Compaoré's presidential guard briefly disrupted the new
government, but it was ultimately unsuccessful. Roch Marc Christian Kaboré was elected
president later that year, but his administration faced mounting criticism for its inability to
address the growing threat of Islamist violence.

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The security situation in Burkina Faso began to deteriorate significantly around 2015, as the
country experienced a spillover of violence from neighboring Mali. Various jihadist groups,
including Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and the Islamic State in the Greater
Sahara (ISGS), expanded their operations into Burkina Faso, exploiting the porous borders
and the weaknesses of state institutions.
The first major terrorist attack in Burkina Faso occurred in January 2016 when gunmen
attacked a café in Ouagadougou, killing 30 people. This marked the beginning of a wave of
violence that would plague the country for years to come. By 2021, the number of violent
incidents had more than doubled, with over 1,100 attacks recorded, surpassing the number of
violent events in Mali.

Militant Groups Operating in Burkina Faso

Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)
AQIM has been one of the primary jihadist groups operating in the Sahel, including Burkina
Faso. Originally formed from the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) during Algeria's civil war,
AQIM has evolved into a significant player in the region. The group employs guerrilla
tactics, including ambushes, suicide bombings, and kidnappings for ransom. AQIM has
targeted military personnel, government officials, and civilians, often using improvised
explosive devices (IEDs) and vehicle-borne explosives.
AQIM attacks in Burkina Faso include the 2016 attack on a luxury hotel in Ouagadougou,
which resulted in 29 deaths. The group has also been involved in kidnappings, further
funding its operations through ransom payments. AQIM's activities have contributed to the
deterioration of security in Burkina Faso and neighboring countries, leading to increased
violence and humanitarian crises.

Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS)

ISGS emerged in 2015 as an affiliate of the Islamic State (IS) in the Sahara and Sahel
regions. The group is believed to have formed from disaffected members of AQIM and local
jihadist factions inspired by the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. Initially, ISGS
operated in the border regions of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, exploiting the porous
borders and the absence of effective state control to establish a foothold.
In 2015, ISGS pledged allegiance to the Islamic State, signaling its commitment to the
broader goals of the organization. This alignment allowed ISGS to adopt a more aggressive
stance and expand its operational capabilities, seeking to capitalize on the chaos and
instability in the Sahel.

ISGS employs tactics similar to those of AQIM, including suicide bombings, armed assaults,
and kidnappings. The group has targeted military personnel, government officials, and
civilians, often using improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and hit-and-run attacks. Notable
actions by ISGS include the October 2017 ambush on a joint U.S. and Nigerien patrol in
Tongo Tongo, Niger, which resulted in the deaths of four U.S. soldiers and several Nigerien
troops. The group has also engaged in kidnappings and extortion to fund its operations,
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targeting both local and foreign nationals.

Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM)

JNIM was formed in March 2017 as a coalition of several jihadist groups operating in the
Sahel, including AQIM, Ansar Dine, and the Macina Liberation Front. The formation of
JNIM marked a significant shift in the landscape of militant extremism in the region, as the
group aimed to consolidate jihadist efforts and enhance operational capabilities against both
the Malian government and international forces.
JNIM employs guerrilla warfare, ambushes, and coordinated attacks against military and
civilian targets. The group has been responsible for numerous attacks in Burkina Faso,
including a deadly assault on a military base in the Mopti region in 2019, killing over 20
Malian soldiers. JNIM's ability to coordinate attacks and exploit security vulnerabilities has
made it a significant threat to regional stability.

Macina Liberation Front (MLF)

The Macina Liberation Front (MLF) emerged in 2015 as a jihadist group operating primarily
in central Mali but has extended its influence into Burkina Faso. The group is rooted in the
Fulani ethnic community and has capitalized on grievances related to marginalization and
economic disparities faced by the Fulani herders. The MLF has sought to establish an
Islamic state in the central regions of Mali and Burkina Faso, drawing on local support to
further its agenda.

The MLF employs guerrilla tactics, often using hit-and-run strategies to target government
forces and rival militias. The group has been involved in clashes with both Malian security
forces and other armed groups, including the Dogon militia. The MLF has also engaged in
kidnappings and extortion to fund its operations, further complicating the security landscape
in Burkina Faso.

The ongoing violence and instability in Burkina Faso have resulted in a severe humanitarian
crisis. As of early 2024, over 2.06 million people are internally displaced due to the violence,
with women and children bearing the brunt of the displacement. The health and education
sectors have also been heavily impacted, with 413 health facilities and 5,330 schools affected
by the crisis.

The number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) has surged in recent years, with many
fleeing their homes to escape violence. The United Nations estimates that more than 2
million people are displaced within Burkina Faso, leading to overcrowded and unsanitary
conditions in makeshift camps. Access to basic services, including food, water, and
healthcare, is severely limited for these displaced populations.

Food insecurity has reached alarming levels in Burkina Faso, with millions facing acute
hunger. The ongoing conflict has disrupted agricultural production and access to markets,
exacerbating the crisis. The combination of violence, climate change, and economic
instability has left many rural communities without reliable access to food. The United
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Nations estimates that approximately 6.3 million people in Burkina Faso will depend on
emergency humanitarian aid in 2024.

The humanitarian crisis has severely impacted access to healthcare services in Burkina Faso.
Many health facilities have been closed or destroyed due to violence, and healthcare workers
have faced threats and attacks. The ongoing violence has disrupted education for millions of
children. Schools have been closed or repurposed for military use, leaving many children
without access to education. Access to clean water and sanitation facilities is limited in many
areas, increasing the risk of waterborne diseases and further exacerbating health challenges.

The proliferation of arms in the Sahel region has significantly contributed to the security
crisis in Burkina Faso and its neighbors. The influx of weapons, particularly following the
fall of Gaddafi in Libya in 2011, has armed various militant groups and exacerbated existing
conflicts. The availability of arms has empowered militant groups, enabling them to conduct
more sophisticated attacks against security forces and civilians. The rise of armed groups has
led to an increase in violence and instability, further complicating efforts to restore security
in Burkina Faso.
The proliferation of arms has also contributed to the rise of community-based militias, which
have emerged as alternative security providers in the absence of effective state control.
While these militias may provide some level of security, they can also exacerbate
intercommunal tensions and contribute to cycles of violence.

Addressing the issue of arms proliferation in the Sahel requires a coordinated international
response. Efforts to strengthen border security, improve intelligence sharing, and enhance the
capacity of local security forces are essential to curbing the flow of weapons to militant
groups. Additionally, addressing the underlying socio-economic grievances that fuel conflict
is crucial for achieving lasting stability in the region.

The international community has taken some steps to address the crisis in Burkina Faso, but
the response has been limited and largely ineffective. Burkina Faso has sought to address the
crisis through international cooperation and shifting alliances. In September 2016, the
country joined forces with Mali, Niger, Chad, and Mauritania to form the G5 Sahel Joint
Force, aimed at combating terrorism and transnational organized crime in the region.

However, the country has also taken steps to distance itself from its traditional allies. In
2022, Burkina Faso expelled a small French force and cut military relations with France,
citing a lack of support in the face of terrorism. The government has also denied hiring
Wagner mercenaries, who are operating in Mali and the Central African Republic, but has
stated its intention to use "Russian instructors" to train its soldiers.

Despite the ongoing violence, international humanitarian organizations have attempted to

provide assistance to affected populations. However, the security situation has made it
increasingly difficult for aid organizations to access affected areas. Roads are often too
dangerous to use due to frequent attacks, and the limited air service cannot meet the scale of
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needs. As a result, up to 2 million people, including 1.3 million in need, are living in
blockaded areas, unable to access aid regularly.

The international response has been hampered by several factors. Funding for humanitarian
assistance has been inadequate, with only 39.6% of the $876 million requested for the 2023
humanitarian response plan received. The lack of media attention and international political
will has also contributed to the neglect of the crisis.

The security situation has made it increasingly difficult for aid organizations to access
affected areas. Roads are too dangerous to use due to frequent attacks, and the limited air
service cannot meet the scale of needs. As a result, up to 2 million people, including 1.3
million in need, are living in blockaded areas, unable to access aid regularly.

Non-State Actors

Countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and Chad have witnessed a surge in militant
activities, exacerbated by the proliferation of arms and the rise of various non-state actors.
The convergence of militant groups, criminal organizations engaged in arms trafficking, and
local militias has created a complex security landscape that poses significant challenges to
regional stability. This analysis will delve into the key militant groups operating in the Sahel,
the criminal organizations involved in arms trafficking, and the local militias that have
emerged in response to state failure and ethnic conflicts.

(a) Militant Groups

Boko Haram
Boko Haram, formally known as Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad, was founded
in 2002 by Muhammed Yusuf in northeastern Nigeria. The group initially focused on
opposing Western education and promoting a strict interpretation of Sharia law. The name
"Boko Haram" translates to "Western education is forbidden," reflecting its anti-Western
stance and its desire to establish an Islamic state governed by its interpretation of Islamic
law.

The group gained notoriety in 2009 when Nigerian security forces killed Yusuf during a
crackdown on the organization. Following his death, Abubakar Shekau took over leadership
and transformed Boko Haram into a more violent insurgency. Under Shekau's leadership, the
group launched a series of attacks against government institutions, military targets, and
civilians, marking a significant escalation in its activities.

Boko Haram employs a range of brutal tactics, including suicide bombings, armed assaults,
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and mass abductions. The group is known for its use of child soldiers and has conducted
numerous high-profile kidnappings, the most infamous being the abduction of 276
schoolgirls from Chibok in April 2014. This incident drew international condemnation and
sparked the #BringBackOurGirls campaign, raising awareness of the group's activities.

Boko Haram has also engaged in attacks on military installations and civilian populations,
often using improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and vehicle-borne explosives. The group
has targeted markets, places of worship, and schools, resulting in thousands of deaths and
widespread displacement. The insurgency has led to a humanitarian crisis in northeastern
Nigeria, with millions of people displaced and in need of assistance.

In 2015, Boko Haram pledged allegiance to the Islamic State (IS) and rebranded itself as the
Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP). This affiliation allowed ISWAP to expand its
operations beyond Nigeria into neighboring countries such as Chad, Cameroon, and Niger.
The group has conducted cross-border attacks, further destabilizing the region.
ISWAP has adopted a more strategic approach compared to its predecessor, focusing on
targeting military forces and establishing control over territory. The group has been involved
in several high-profile attacks, including the ambush of a joint U.S. and Nigerien patrol in
Tongo Tongo in 2017, which resulted in the deaths of four U.S. soldiers and several Nigerien
troops.

Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)

AQIM traces its origins to the Armed Islamic Group (GIA), which emerged during Algeria's
civil war in the 1990s. The GIA was known for its brutal tactics, including mass killings and
beheadings, which alienated much of the Algerian population. In 1998, a faction of GIA
commanders broke away to form the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC),
which sought to distance itself from the GIA's violence and gain popular support.

In 2006, the GSPC pledged allegiance to al-Qaeda and rebranded itself as AQIM in early
2007. This merger marked a significant shift, as AQIM adopted a global jihad ideology and
began targeting Western interests alongside local governments. The group has since
expanded its operations beyond Algeria, establishing a foothold in Mali and the broader
Sahel region.

AQIM employs a range of tactics, including guerrilla warfare, ambushes, and suicide
bombings. The group has targeted military personnel, government officials, and civilians,
often using improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and vehicle-borne explosives. Kidnapping
for ransom has become a significant source of funding for AQIM, with the group
successfully abducting foreign nationals and demanding ransoms that have generated
substantial income.

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AQIM has also formed alliances with local militant factions, enhancing its operational
capabilities. The group is known for its ability to adapt to changing circumstances, exploiting
local grievances and the weaknesses of state institutions to maintain its influence.

AQIM has been responsible for numerous high-profile attacks in the Sahel. In January 2016,
the group claimed responsibility for an attack on a hotel in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso,
killing 29 people. In 2017, AQIM conducted a series of attacks against Malian and foreign
military forces, including a deadly ambush on a military convoy in northern Mali.
The group's ability to coordinate attacks and exploit security vulnerabilities has made it a
significant threat to regional stability. AQIM's activities have contributed to the deterioration
of security in Mali and neighboring countries, leading to increased violence and
humanitarian crises.

Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM)

JNIM was formed in March 2017 as a coalition of several jihadist groups operating in the
Sahel, including AQIM, Ansar Dine, and the Macina Liberation Front. The formation of
JNIM marked a significant shift in the landscape of militant extremism in the region, as the
group aimed to consolidate jihadist efforts and enhance operational capabilities against both
the Malian government and international forces.
The emergence of JNIM was facilitated by the growing cooperation among various jihadist
factions, which sought to unify their efforts in response to the increasing pressure from
military operations and international interventions. The group's leadership includes
prominent figures from each of the constituent organizations, allowing for a diverse range of
experiences and strategies.

JNIM employs a range of tactics, including guerrilla warfare, ambushes, and coordinated
attacks against military and civilian targets. The group has demonstrated a high level of
operational sophistication, often using IEDs and conducting complex assaults on military
installations and peacekeeping forces.
The coalition's formation has allowed JNIM to pool resources and coordinate attacks more
effectively. The group has also exploited local grievances, such as political marginalization
and economic disparities, to garner support from disenfranchised communities.

JNIM has been responsible for numerous attacks in the Sahel region, targeting both military
and civilian populations. In June 2017, the group claimed responsibility for an attack on a
Malian military base in the central region, resulting in the deaths of several soldiers. In 2019,
JNIM claimed responsibility for a deadly attack on a military camp in the Mopti region,
killing over 20 Malian soldiers. The group's ability to conduct high-profile attacks has raised
concerns about the effectiveness of security measures in the region and the ongoing threat
posed by extremist groups.

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(b) Local Militias

Local militias often form in response to state failure or ethnic conflicts. These groups may
provide some level of security but can also exacerbate intercommunal tensions and
contribute to cycles of violence.

Macina Liberation Front (MLF)

The Macina Liberation Front (MLF) emerged in 2015 as a jihadist group operating primarily
in central Mali but has extended its influence into Burkina Faso. The group is rooted in the
Fulani ethnic community and has capitalized on grievances related to marginalization and
economic disparities faced by the Fulani herders.

The MLF employs guerrilla tactics, often using hit-and-run strategies to target government
forces and rival militias. The group has been involved in clashes with both Malian security
forces and other armed groups, including the Dogon militia. The MLF has also engaged in
kidnappings and extortion to fund its operations.

A notable case involves the MLF's opportunistic exploitation of ethnic tensions between
Fulani herders and Dogon farmers. In March 2019, armed men affiliated with the MLF
attacked the village of Ogossagou, killing over 160 people, primarily from the Dogon ethnic
group. This attack highlighted the escalating violence between ethnic groups and the
challenges of maintaining security in the region.

In subsequent months, the MLF has continued to conduct attacks against military and
civilian targets, exacerbating the humanitarian crisis and contributing to the ongoing cycle of
violence in central Mali. The intercommunal conflicts have also led to displacement and
humanitarian crises, further complicating the security landscape.

Dogon Militia
The Dogon militia has also been involved in clashes with MLF fighters over land disputes
and ethnic tensions. In response to MLF attacks, Dogon communities have formed self-
defense militias that have engaged in retaliatory attacks against Fulani communities. This
cycle of violence has further destabilized central Mali, contributing to an environment
conducive to extremist activities.

The proliferation of local militias has complicated the security landscape in Burkina Faso
and Mali. While these groups may provide some level of security to their communities, they
can also exacerbate intercommunal tensions and contribute to cycles of violence.

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(c) Organized Crime in the Region

Criminal organizations engaged in arms trafficking and smuggling have significantly

contributed to the proliferation of arms in the Sahel region. These groups often operate in the
shadows, exploiting the region's porous borders and lack of effective law enforcement.

The collapse of the Libyan state created a vacuum that allowed for the widespread
distribution of weapons across the Sahel. Many of these weapons have found their way into
the hands of militant groups, including AQIM, ISGS, and JNIM. The porous borders
between countries in the region facilitate smuggling operations, making it difficult for
governments to control the flow of weapons.

The arms trade in the Sahel is not limited to traditional firearms; it also includes heavy
weaponry, explosives, and military-grade equipment. Criminal networks often collaborate
with local militias and extremist groups, providing them with the arms needed to carry out
their operations.

One case involves the activities of Mokhtar Belmokhtar, a former leader of AQIM who
became notorious for his involvement in arms trafficking and smuggling across the Sahel.
Belmokhtar's group, al-Murabitun (al-Mulathamin), has been linked to several high-profile
attacks targeting Western interests in Algeria, Mauritania, Niger, and Nigeria. His
organization has conducted at least seven separate incidents affecting extractive industries
since 2010, all within 250 miles of a border region.
The proliferation of arms has empowered militant groups, enabling them to conduct more
sophisticated attacks against security forces and civilians. The rise of armed groups has led
to an increase in violence and instability, further complicating efforts to restore security in
Burkina Faso.

The international community has taken some steps to address the crisis in Burkina Faso, but
the response has been limited and largely ineffective. Burkina Faso has sought to address the
crisis through international cooperation and shifting alliances. In September 2016, the
country joined forces with Mali, Niger, Chad, and Mauritania to form the G5 Sahel Joint
Force, aimed at combating terrorism and transnational organized crime in the region.

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The G5 Sahel

The G5 Sahel, an intergovernmental organization established in 2014, represents a

significant regional response to the multifaceted security and development challenges facing
the Sahel region of West Africa. Comprising Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and
Niger, the G5 Sahel aims to enhance cooperation among member states in addressing issues
such as terrorism, organized crime, and socio-economic development. As the region grapples
with the proliferation of arms and the rise of militant groups, the G5 Sahel's objectives and
actions have become increasingly critical in shaping the security landscape. This detailed
examination will explore the formation, objectives, recent challenges, and significance of the
G5 Sahel in the context of the ongoing crisis in the region.

The G5 Sahel was formed to address the growing security threats posed by jihadist groups
operating in the region, particularly following the destabilization of Libya in 2011. The
collapse of the Libyan state resulted in a significant influx of weapons into the Sahel,
empowering various militant organizations and exacerbating existing conflicts. The rise of
groups such as Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Boko Haram, and the Islamic
State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) highlighted the urgent need for a coordinated regional
response.

In response to these challenges, the G5 Sahel was officially established on February 16,
2014, during a summit in Nouakchott, Mauritania. The founding members recognized the
necessity of combining security and development efforts to combat the threats facing the
region. The G5 Sahel adopted a convention of establishment on December 19, 2014,
solidifying its framework for cooperation.

The primary objectives of the G5 Sahel are twofold: to enhance regional security and to
promote socio-economic development. The organization aims to strengthen collaboration
among member states to combat terrorism, organized crime, and human trafficking while
fostering sustainable development initiatives.

Security Cooperation: The G5 Sahel seeks to improve the capacity of member states to
address security threats through joint military operations, intelligence sharing, and the
establishment of a unified command structure. The G5 Sahel Joint Force was launched in
2017 to coordinate military efforts against jihadist groups and enhance the effectiveness of
regional security forces.

Development Initiatives: Recognizing that security challenges are often rooted in socio-
economic grievances, the G5 Sahel also emphasizes the importance of development. The
organization aims to facilitate investment in infrastructure, education, healthcare, and
agriculture to address the underlying causes of instability and promote resilience among local
communities.
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The G5 Sahel Joint Force

The G5 Sahel Joint Force was officially launched on June 21, 2017, following a resolution
by the United Nations Security Council. The force is tasked with conducting military
operations against terrorist groups operating in the region, particularly in the "three-borders"
area between Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, which has become a hotspot for militant
activity.

The Joint Force is composed of approximately 5,000 troops, with each member state
contributing personnel. The force is organized into three operational zones: West, Center,
and East, allowing for a coordinated response to threats across the region. The G5 Sahel
Joint Force operates in a 50-kilometer strip on either side of the shared borders of member
states.

Since its establishment, the G5 Sahel Joint Force has conducted several military operations
aimed at dismantling militant networks and restoring security in the region. The first
operation took place in November 2017, involving the armies of Burkina Faso, Mali, and
Niger. The Joint Force has conducted a total of 17 successful joint operations, demonstrating
its capacity to coordinate military efforts among member states.
Despite these achievements, the Joint Force has faced significant challenges, including
inadequate funding, logistical constraints, and the need for better intelligence sharing. The
force has struggled to achieve its objectives in the face of increasingly sophisticated and
adaptive militant groups.

The security situation in the Sahel has continued to deteriorate, with militant groups
conducting high-profile attacks against military and civilian targets. The G5 Sahel Joint
Force has faced significant challenges in countering these threats, as groups like AQIM and
ISGS have adapted their tactics and expanded their operations.

In 2021, the region witnessed a surge in violence, with over 1,100 attacks recorded in
Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. The ability of militant groups to coordinate attacks and
exploit security vulnerabilities poses a significant challenge to regional stability. The
ongoing violence has led to increased displacement, with millions of people fleeing their
homes in search of safety.

Political instability in the G5 Sahel member states has further complicated the situation. The
military coups in Mali (2020 and 2021) and Burkina Faso (2022) have raised concerns about
governance and the effectiveness of security measures. The political landscape is
characterized by uncertainty, with military leaders struggling to regain control and build trust
with their populations.

In May 2022, Mali announced its withdrawal from the G5 Sahel, citing opposition from
other member states regarding its political situation. Following coups in Burkina Faso and
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Niger in late 2023, both countries announced their withdrawals from the alliance, claiming
that it was failing to meet its objectives. The remaining members, Chad and Mauritania,
subsequently announced plans to dissolve the alliance, highlighting the fragility of the G5
Sahel framework.

The G5 Sahel Joint Force has faced significant funding challenges, which have hindered its
operational capabilities. Despite initial commitments from international partners, including
France and the European Union, funding has been insufficient to meet the growing security
needs of the region. The lack of resources has limited the Joint Force's ability to conduct
operations effectively and respond to emerging threats.

In 2017, a conference to finance the G5 Sahel Joint Force mobilized the main international
stakeholders in the Sahel, raising €414 million for the initiative. However, ongoing violence
and instability have strained resources, making it difficult for the force to maintain
operational readiness.

The Role of International Partners in G5 Sahel

France's Involvement
France has played a significant role in supporting the G5 Sahel and its Joint Force through
military operations and logistical assistance. Operation Barkhane, launched in 2014, involves
approximately 5,100 French troops deployed across the Sahel to combat terrorism and
support regional forces. France has provided training, intelligence, and air support to the G5
Sahel Joint Force, emphasizing the importance of collaboration in addressing security
challenges.

However, France's involvement has faced criticism, particularly regarding its effectiveness
and the perception of neocolonialism. The growing anti-French sentiment in the region has
led to calls for a reevaluation of France's military presence and its approach to security in the
Sahel.

Support from the European Union and United Nations

The European Union has also been involved in supporting the G5 Sahel through funding and
capacity-building initiatives. In addition to financial contributions, the EU has worked to
enhance the operational capabilities of the G5 Sahel Joint Force by providing training and
equipment.
The United Nations has recognized the importance of the G5 Sahel in addressing security
challenges in the region. UN Security Council Resolution 2359, adopted in June 2017,
endorsed the establishment of the G5 Sahel Joint Force and called for increased international
support for its operations. The UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in
Mali (MINUSMA) has also provided logistical support to the Joint Force, facilitating
coordination between the two entities.
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The Significance of the G5 Sahel

The G5 Sahel plays a crucial role in addressing the proliferation of arms in the region. The
establishment of the Joint Force aims to enhance regional security and combat the activities
of militant groups that have benefited from the influx of weapons following the collapse of
the Libyan state. By improving the capacity of member states to respond to security threats,
the G5 Sahel seeks to create a more stable environment that can mitigate the impact of arms
proliferation.

The G5 Sahel represents a significant effort to foster regional cooperation in addressing

shared security challenges. By bringing together member states to collaborate on military
operations and development initiatives, the G5 Sahel aims to create a unified front against
terrorism and organized crime. This cooperation is essential for building trust among
member states and promoting long-term stability in the region.

The G5 Sahel's dual focus on security and development reflects the understanding that
addressing the root causes of instability is crucial for achieving lasting peace. The
organization emphasizes the importance of socio-economic development initiatives to
complement military efforts. By addressing issues such as poverty, unemployment, and lack
of access to education, the G5 Sahel aims to create conditions that reduce the appeal of
extremist ideologies and promote resilience among local communities.

The G5 Sahel represents a critical response to the complex security and development
challenges facing the Sahel region. Established in 2014, the organization aims to enhance
cooperation among member states in combating terrorism, organized crime, and socio-
economic grievances. The G5 Sahel Joint Force has conducted several military operations
against jihadist groups, but ongoing violence, political instability, and funding challenges
have hindered its effectiveness.

Recently G5 Sahel faced a series of setbacks in recent years due to the withdrawal of several
member states. The deteriorating political and security situation in the region has led to the
collapse of the alliance, with the remaining members now preparing to dissolve the
organization altogether.

In May 2022, Mali announced its withdrawal from the G5 Sahel, citing opposition from
other member states regarding its political situation. At the time, Mali was facing
international sanctions due to the military junta's bid to stay in power for several more years
following coups in 2020 and 2021. The Malian government accused a state outside the
region of attempting to isolate Mali, without naming the specific country.

In December 2023, Burkina Faso and Niger, both governed by military juntas, announced
their withdrawal from the G5 Sahel. The two countries, along with Mali, formed the Alliance
of Sahel States (AES) as an organization of collective defense and mutual assistance against
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terrorism, organized crime, and threats to their sovereignty.

Following the withdrawals of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, the remaining members of the
G5 Sahel, Chad and Mauritania, suggested in December 2023 that they were prepared to
dissolve the alliance.

According to the founding convention of the G5 Sahel, the organization can be terminated at
the request of at least three of its member states.

The G5 Sahel Joint Force (FC-G5S), established in 2017, was tasked with conducting
military operations against terrorist groups in the region. However, the withdrawal of
member states has significantly impacted the force's operational capacity. In November
2023, the UN Secretary-General recommended ending the UN's reporting obligations on the
FC-G5S, citing the departure of MINUSMA from Mali and the termination of EU funding
that had allowed MINUSMA to provide support to the force.

The unraveling of the G5 Sahel is taking place against the backdrop of a shifting geopolitical
landscape in the Sahel region. In March 2024, Niger revoked its military cooperation
agreement with the United States, highlighting the changing dynamics and alliances in the
region.

The withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger from the G5 Sahel, coupled with the
dissolution plans of Chad and Mauritania, marks a significant setback for regional
cooperation in addressing the security and development challenges facing the Sahel. The
collapse of the alliance underscores the complex and rapidly evolving situation in the region,
characterized by political instability, military coups, and the ongoing threat of terrorism.

As the G5 Sahel approaches its end, it is crucial for the international community to remain
engaged in supporting the Sahel and to explore alternative frameworks for regional
cooperation. A comprehensive approach that combines security measures with efforts to
address the root causes of instability, such as poverty, marginalization, and lack of
governance, will be essential for achieving lasting peace and stability in the region.

The PAU Summit

France has been actively involved in the Sahel region through military operations, primarily
Operation Barkhane, which aims to combat terrorism and support regional forces. The PAU
summit was on 13 January 2020, to discuss the situation in the G5 Sahel region.

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Key Participants
The Pau Summit was attended by several high-profile leaders, including:

1. Emmanuel Macron, President of France

2. Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, President of Burkina Faso
3. Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, President of Mali
4. Mahamadou Issoufou, President of Niger
5. Mohamed Ould El-Ghazouani, President of Mauritania
6. Idriss Déby, President of Chad
7. Antonio Guterres, United Nations Secretary-General
8. Josep Borrell, European Union High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security
Policy

The presence of these leaders underscored the urgency of the situation and the need for a
collective response to the challenges facing the Sahel.

The summit's agenda focused on several key issues:

The members discussed the deteriorating security situation in the Sahel, emphasizing the
need for a coordinated military response to combat jihadist groups.

The summit addressed the humanitarian impact of the violence, with millions of people
displaced and in need of assistance.

Development and Governance: Discussions included the importance of addressing the

underlying socio-economic grievances that fuel extremism and violence.

The Pau Summit resulted in several significant outcomes aimed at enhancing security and
stability in the Sahel region:

The summit led to the establishment of the International Coalition for the Sahel, a framework
designed to provide a more collective and inclusive response to the challenges in the region.
This coalition aims to coordinate efforts among the G5 Sahel states and their international
partners, ensuring coherent action across military, political, and development dimensions.

The members of the summit agreed to prioritize the "three-borders" area between Mali,
Niger, and Burkina Faso, which has become a hotspot for militant activity. This decision was
crucial in focusing resources and efforts on a region that has seen a surge in violence.

The summit emphasized the need to reinforce the capabilities of the G5 Sahel Joint Force,
which comprises troops from the member states. This included the establishment of a newly
operational joint command mechanism to facilitate coordination between the G5 Sahel Joint
Force and the French Barkhane force in the three-borders area.

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The summit called for increased involvement of European countries in the Sahel, particularly
through the Takuba Task Force, which aims to engage European special forces in support of
national armed forces. Eight European countries, including France, Estonia, Sweden, and the
Czech Republic, committed to participating in this initiative.

It recognized the urgent need to address the humanitarian crisis resulting from the violence.
They called for increased international support to assist displaced populations and improve
access to basic services.

Significance of the Summit

The establishment of the International Coalition for the Sahel marked a shift towards a more
coordinated and collective approach to addressing the security challenges in the region. This
collaboration is essential for tackling the complex and interconnected issues of militancy,
arms proliferation, and humanitarian crises.

By prioritizing the three-borders area, the summit acknowledged the unique challenges posed
by this region and the need for targeted interventions. This focus allows for a more effective
allocation of resources and efforts to combat the escalating violence.

The commitment to enhance the capabilities of the G5 Sahel Joint Force is crucial for
empowering local security forces to take the lead in combating terrorism. This approach
recognizes the importance of building local capacity and fostering ownership of security
initiatives.
International Support: The involvement of European countries and international
organizations in the Sahel demonstrates a recognition of the global implications of the crisis.
The commitment to mobilize resources and support for humanitarian needs reflects a
comprehensive approach to addressing the multifaceted challenges facing the region.

The summit underscored the need to address the underlying socio-economic grievances that
fuel extremism. By linking security efforts with development initiatives, the Pau Summit
aimed to create a more sustainable and long-term solution to the crisis in the Sahel.

Despite the positive outcomes of the Pau Summit, significant challenges remain in the Sahel
region. The security situation continues to deteriorate, with militant groups adapting to
countermeasures and expanding their operations. The humanitarian crisis is also worsening,
with millions of people displaced and in need of assistance.

Since the summit, the Sahel has witnessed a surge in violence, with militant groups
conducting high-profile attacks against military and civilian targets. The ability of these
groups to coordinate attacks and exploit security vulnerabilities poses a significant challenge
to regional stability. The ongoing violence has led to increased displacement, with millions
of people fleeing their homes in search of safety. The humanitarian situation in Burkina
Faso, Mali, and Niger remains dire, with millions facing acute food insecurity and limited
access to healthcare. The combination of violence, climate change, and economic instability
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has left many rural communities without reliable access to food and essential services. The
international community's response has been hampered by funding shortfalls and access
challenges due to the security situation.

The political landscape in the Sahel is characterized by instability and uncertainty. The
military coups in Burkina Faso and Mali have raised concerns about governance and the
effectiveness of security measures. The lack of a coherent political strategy to address the
root causes of the crisis has left governments struggling to regain control and build trust with
their populations.
The Pau Summit represented a crucial step towards addressing the multifaceted challenges
facing the Sahel region. The establishment of the International Coalition for the Sahel and
the prioritization of the three-borders area reflect a commitment to collective action and
targeted interventions. However, the ongoing violence, humanitarian crises, and political
instability underscore the need for sustained efforts to achieve lasting stability.

Addressing the challenges in Burkina Faso and the broader Sahel requires a comprehensive
approach that combines security measures, political dialogue, and support for economic and
social development. The international community must remain engaged in supporting efforts
to stabilize the region while respecting the sovereignty and aspirations of its people. Only
through a coordinated and inclusive strategy can the Sahel hope to overcome its current crisis
and build a more secure and prosperous future for all its citizens.

ECOWAS

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is a regional political and
economic union established to promote economic integration, peace, and stability among its
member states in West Africa. Founded in 1975, ECOWAS has evolved to address not only
economic issues but also political and security challenges facing the region. In recent years,
however, ECOWAS has faced significant challenges, particularly with the withdrawal of key
member states from the Sahel region, which has implications for regional stability and
security. This detailed examination will explore the formation, objectives, structure, recent
challenges, and significance of ECOWAS in the context of the ongoing crises in West
Africa.

ECOWAS was established on May 28, 1975, with the signing of the Treaty of Lagos by
fifteen West African countries: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d'Ivoire, The
Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra
Leone, and Togo. The creation of ECOWAS was a response to the need for regional
cooperation in the face of economic challenges, political instability, and the desire for
collective self-reliance among West African nations.

The founding of ECOWAS was influenced by several factors, including the desire to foster
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economic growth, enhance trade relations, and promote regional integration. The
organization aimed to create a common market and facilitate the free movement of goods,
services, and people among member states. Additionally, ECOWAS sought to address the
socio-economic disparities that existed within the region and to promote sustainable
development.

The primary objectives of ECOWAS are outlined in its founding treaty; ECOWAS aims to
promote economic cooperation and integration among member states by establishing a
common market, facilitating trade, and harmonizing economic policies. The organization
seeks to enhance intra-regional trade and investment, thereby fostering economic growth and
development.

Recognizing the importance of political stability for economic development, ECOWAS has
expanded its mandate to include conflict prevention, management, and resolution. The
organization has established mechanisms for peacekeeping and has intervened in conflicts
within member states to restore order and stability.

The Role of ECOWAS in Addressing Arms Proliferation

The Sahel region has been characterized by a significant proliferation of small arms and light
weapons (SALW), which have fueled armed conflict, crime, instability, and violent
extremism. The influx of weapons into the region has been exacerbated by the collapse of the
Libyan state following the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, which led to the
widespread availability of arms and ammunition. These weapons have found their way into
the hands of various militant groups, including AQIM, ISGS, and Boko Haram, further
destabilizing the region.

The proliferation of arms has also empowered local militias and criminal organizations,
contributing to a cycle of violence and insecurity. The presence of SALW has made it easier
for non-state actors to challenge state authority and engage in violent confrontations, leading
to increased casualties and displacement among civilian populations.

In response to the growing threat posed by arms proliferation, ECOWAS has implemented
several initiatives aimed at controlling the circulation of SALW in the region. Key actions
taken by ECOWAS include:

⚫ Moratorium on Small Arms and Light Weapons: In 1998, ECOWAS member states
declared a moratorium on the import, export, and manufacture of SALW. This
moratorium was a significant step towards addressing the proliferation of arms in the
region and laid the groundwork for further action.

⚫ ECOWAS Convention on SALW: On June 14, 2006, ECOWAS member states adopted
the legally binding ECOWAS Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, their
Ammunition and Other Related Materials. The Convention aims to strengthen controls on
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SALW and establish a framework for cooperation among member states in preventing the
illicit proliferation of arms. The Convention emphasizes the importance of effective
stockpile management, marking and tracing of weapons, and the establishment of national
control systems.

⚫ Coordination with International Partners: ECOWAS has worked closely with

international organizations, including the United Nations and the African Union, to
implement measures aimed at controlling arms proliferation. The organization has
participated in various regional and international conferences focused on arms control and
disarmament, advocating for stronger regulations and cooperation.

⚫ Capacity Building and Awareness Raising: ECOWAS has conducted workshops and
training sessions to build the capacity of member states in arms control and management.
These initiatives aim to enhance the understanding of the implications of arms
proliferation and promote best practices in managing SALW.

⚫ Collaboration with Civil Society: ECOWAS has engaged with civil society organizations
to raise awareness about the dangers of arms proliferation and to promote community-
based initiatives aimed at reducing violence. By involving local communities in arms
control efforts, ECOWAS seeks to foster a culture of peace and security.

The revised treaty of ECOWAS: [Link]

[Link]

Arms Trade Treaty

The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) is a significant international agreement aimed at regulating
the global trade in conventional arms. Opened for signature in 2013 and entering into force
in 2014, the ATT seeks to establish common standards for the international transfer of arms,
ensuring that these transfers do not contribute to human rights violations, armed conflict, or
terrorism. Given the ongoing proliferation of arms in the Sahel region, the ATT's provisions
and implementation are critical in addressing the challenges posed by armed groups and the
destabilization of member states. This examination will explore the key provisions of the
ATT, its relevance to the Sahel, and the challenges faced in its implementation.

The ATT emerged from decades of advocacy by non-governmental organizations (NGOs),

civil society, and concerned states to address the rampant proliferation of arms and the
humanitarian crises resulting from armed conflicts. The treaty was negotiated under the
auspices of the United Nations, culminating in a conference held in New York City in July
2012, where representatives from various countries discussed the need for a legally binding
instrument to regulate the arms trade.
The ATT was adopted by the UN General Assembly on April 2, 2013, with 154 countries
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voting in favor. However, some major arms-exporting nations, including the United States,
China, and Russia, expressed reservations about certain provisions, leading to a protracted
negotiation process. Despite these challenges, the ATT represents a significant step toward
establishing international norms for arms transfers.

The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) is particularly important for the Sahel region as it aims to
regulate arms transfers and prevent the flow of weapons to militant groups and criminal
organizations. By setting common standards for arms exports, the ATT seeks to reduce the
availability of arms in conflict-prone areas, which is crucial for regions like the Sahel that
face high levels of violence and instability.

One of the treaty’s key provisions is preventing arms transfers that could be used for human
rights abuses. This is especially relevant in the Sahel, where armed groups frequently target
civilians and commit atrocities. The ATT’s focus on assessing the risk of arms being used
for such abuses aligns with the need to protect vulnerable populations in the region.

The ATT also promotes transparency in the arms trade by encouraging member states to
report on arms exports and imports, which helps monitor treaty compliance and identify
potential violations. This transparency is essential for reducing the risk of arms contributing
to instability in the Sahel. Additionally, the ATT encourages states to strengthen national
control systems for arms transfers, which is particularly important for Sahelian countries
struggling to manage their arms stockpiles and prevent their diversion to illicit markets.

However, the ATT faces several challenges in the Sahel. Many countries in the region, such
as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, have not ratified the treaty, limiting its effectiveness.
Weak governance, corruption, and political instability further complicate efforts to
implement the ATT, while existing regional instruments like the ECOWAS Convention on
Small Arms provide alternative frameworks that may be more relevant. Moreover, a
significant issue is the diversion of weapons from national stockpiles, exacerbated by poorly
secured armories and corrupt officials.

Other International Involvement

The U.S. has been heavily involved in counterterrorism and security efforts across the Sahel,
primarily through military aid, training, and intelligence-sharing initiatives aimed at
combating extremist groups such as Boko Haram, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM),
and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS). This involvement is largely framed
within the broader U.S. counterterrorism strategy in Africa.

Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP)

The TSCTP, launched in 2005, is a major U.S. initiative aimed at enhancing the capabilities
of Sahelian countries to combat terrorism and violent extremism. This program encompasses
11 countries, including Niger, Chad, Nigeria, and Mali. The U.S. has provided substantial

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monetary support through TSCTP, with over $1 billion allocated since its inception. The
program offers training for local military forces, equipment, and counterterrorism assistance,
while also addressing the root causes of extremism through community development and
governance programs.

Operation Juniper Shield, also known as the U.S. military's effort in the Sahel, is part of the
broader counterterrorism campaign in the region. This operation supports the TSCTP and
involves a mix of military advisors, intelligence, and surveillance assistance to Sahelian
governments. U.S. Special Forces have been working closely with Nigerien, Chadian, and
Nigerian military forces to track and combat extremist groups, particularly in border regions
where these groups are most active. The U.S. Department of Defense has allocated hundreds
of millions of dollars to support these efforts, including the construction of a drone base in
Agadez, Niger, which provides surveillance and intelligence on militant activity.

Russia’s Involvement in the Sahel

Russia’s involvement in the Sahel has increased in recent years, driven by its strategic goal
of expanding its influence in Africa, particularly through military cooperation, arms sales,
and security partnerships. Unlike the U.S., which focuses on counterterrorism through
multilateral frameworks, Russia’s engagement is more state-to-state, emphasizing bilateral
security agreements.

Russia’s approach to the Sahel has been marked by its willingness to provide military
support to Sahelian governments without many of the political or human rights conditions
that often accompany Western aid. Mali, for example, has deepened its military ties with
Russia in recent years. In 2021, the Malian government signed a defense agreement with
Russia, under which Moscow supplied military equipment, including helicopters, weapons,
and ammunition. This was part of a broader effort by Russia to step in as a security provider
after Mali's relations with France deteriorated due to political disagreements and concerns
over human rights abuses committed by Malian forces.

Although Russia's exact monetary contributions to the Sahel are not always transparent, it is
clear that arms sales have been a significant aspect of its involvement. In Chad and Niger,
Russia has also offered military aid in the form of weapons and equipment sales, positioning
itself as a key supplier to governments that are seeking to diversify their sources of military
support beyond traditional Western partners. Russia’s growing involvement in the Central
African Republic (CAR) provides a parallel example, where it has provided weapons and
military advisors under a UN-approved arms embargo exemption.

Situation of Sahel in Recent Times

The proliferation of arms in the Sahel region has significantly impacted the socioeconomic
landscape of countries like Chad, Niger, and Nigeria. The influx of weapons has intensified
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conflicts, leading to widespread violence, instability, and the displacement of millions of

people. In Chad and Niger, where fragile economies heavily depend on agriculture and
pastoralism, violence from armed groups has disrupted farming activities, food production,
and trade. As a result, local populations face rising food insecurity and poverty. The
instability in these regions has also displaced large numbers of people, overwhelming local
resources and further straining already limited access to healthcare, education, and essential
services. In Nigeria, the rise of insurgencies, particularly in the northeastern part of the
country, has severely hindered economic development, leaving communities vulnerable to
poverty and forcing youth to seek survival through criminal or militant activities.

Non-state actors, such as militant groups and criminal organizations, have taken advantage of
weak governance and porous borders in the Sahel, leading to further destabilization. In Niger
and Chad, groups linked to Boko Haram, al-Qaeda, and ISIS have launched violent
campaigns against both security forces and civilians, resulting in mass displacement,
destruction of infrastructure, and the erosion of state authority in many rural areas. These
non-state actors not only engage in violence but also exploit local resources, including
through illicit trafficking of arms, drugs, and people. In Chad, for instance, armed groups
have frequently clashed with security forces, destabilizing entire regions and making it
difficult for the government to deliver essential services to citizens. In Nigeria, Boko
Haram’s violent insurgency has decimated local economies and educational systems, as
armed groups target schools, markets, and government institutions, further deepening the
socioeconomic crisis in the region.

The proliferation of arms has worsened governance challenges, as national security forces
often struggle to maintain control over vast, underdeveloped areas. These governments,
already grappling with poverty, limited infrastructure, and weak institutions, are further
burdened by the need to secure their borders and protect their populations. In Chad and
Niger, where governments are relatively weak, security forces are often under-resourced and
ill-equipped to combat well-armed militant groups, leading to a cycle where arms are
sometimes diverted from national stockpiles into illicit markets. The inability of these
governments to fully protect their citizens has allowed non-state actors to gain a foothold in
areas where state authority is lacking, further weakening economic stability.

Timeline

Pre-1960s: The colonial Period in the Sahel and the African region.

1960s: Nigeria gained independence from British.

1967s: Nigerian War, also known as the Biafra war started.

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January 15, 1966: A military coup led by Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi, predominantly

supported by the Igbo, overthrew the government. This coup caused significant unrest and
resentment among the northern Hausa-Fulani.

July 29, 1966: A counter-coup by northern officers led to the rise of General Yakubu
Gowon, exacerbating ethnic tensions and resulting in widespread massacres of Igbos in the
north. An estimated 10,000 to 30,000 Igbos were killed, and many more fled to the eastern
region.

May 30, 1967: Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu declared the southeastern region an independent
republic named Biafra, citing the need for self-protection against the Nigerian government.

July 6, 1967: The Nigerian federal government launched a military campaign to reclaim
Biafra, marking the official start of the civil war.

January 11, 1970: Ojukwu fled to Côte d'Ivoire as Nigerian forces advanced. The Biafran
government formally surrendered on January 15, 1970, effectively ending the conflict.

1960s-1980s: The Sahel region experiences severe droughts and desertification, leading to
food insecurity and rural displacement.

1978: Somali forces are pushed out of Ogaden with the help of Soviet advisers and Cuban
troops.

1981: Opposition to Siad Barre's regime begins to emerge, leading to the formation of
various clan-based militia groups.

1988: The Somali National Movement (SNM) begins an armed insurgency against the Barre
regime in northern Somalia.

1991:
January: The United Somali Congress (USC) leads a popular uprising that overthrows
President Siad Barre, who flees the country.
May: The Somali National Movement (SNM) declares the independence of Somaliland,
marking the beginning of a power struggle among various factions.

1977: Somalia invades the Ogaden region of Ethiopia, leading to the Ogaden War.

April 7, 1994: The Rwandan Genocide took place due to extreme ethnic tensions between
Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda.

April 6, 1994: A plane carrying President Habyarimana and Burundi’s President Cyprien
Ntaryamira, was shot down. Extremist Hutus blamed Tutsi rebels for the attack. Tutsi rebels

41 | U n i t e d N a t i o n s S e c u r i t y C o u n c i l
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denied it and blamed members of Habyarimana’s government. The identities of those

responsible for the crash are still unknown.

April 7 - July 1994: Hutu extremists, including government forces and Hutu militia known as
the Interahamwe, systematically killed Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Neighbors turned on
neighbors, and Tutsi women were subjected to mass rape.

July 1994: The RPF captured the capital Kigali, ending the genocide. An estimated 800,000
to 1 million people were killed in just 100 days.

1986: Museveni's army overthrew the Ugandan government, angering the Acholi people who
felt targeted, which led to Lord Resistance Army Insurgency.

1987: Joseph Kony formed the LRA, gaining support from Acholi people upset with the new
government's actions. The LRA became known for abducting children to serve as soldiers
and sex slaves.

1990s: The rise of armed groups begins in the Sahel, particularly with the emergence of the
Armed Islamic Group (GIA) in Algeria.

1990s: The LRA committed widespread human rights abuses like torture, mutilation, and
massacres. By the 2000s, they had abducted over 20,000 children and displaced 1.5 million
people.

2005: The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Kony and LRA leaders for
war crimes and crimes against humanity.
April 2017: The U.S. and the Ugandan government announced each would officially end its
hunt for Kony, and the LRA continues to abduct and terrorize people in the region.

1998s: Eritrean-Ethopian was fought for two years between both countries for control over
Badme in which millions were dead or injured.

May 24, 1993: Eritrea declares independence from Ethiopia.

May 6, 1998: Eritrean forces enter the Badme region, sparking a clash with Ethiopian troops.

May 12, 1998: Eritrea launches a full-scale attack on Badme and surrounding Ethiopian
areas.

June 5, 1998: Eritrean Air Force bombs an elementary school in Mekelle, killing 49.
Ethiopia retaliates with airstrikes.

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 Sri Sri Academy, Kolkata Model United Nations 2024

February 1999: Ethiopia initiates "Operation Sunset" to recapture Badme, rejecting a peace
proposal.

February 1999: Eritrea claims to accept a framework agreement, but Ethiopia disputes the
sincerity as Eritrean forces remain in occupied territories.

May 2000: Ethiopia launches a counter-offensive; the UN imposes an arms embargo on both
countries. Ethiopia declares victory after seizing key positions, prompting an Eritrean retreat.

May 29 - June 10, 2000: OAU-mediated "proximity talks" take place in Algiers.

June 18, 2000: Cessation of hostilities agreement signed.

December 12, 2000: The Algiers Agreement is signed, officially ending the conflict.

April 13, 2002: Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission delivers its "final and binding"
ruling on the border dispute.

2002: Boko Haram is founded in northeastern Nigeria by Muhammed Yusuf, initially

opposing Western education and promoting a strict interpretation of Sharia law.

2006: The GSPC pledges allegiance to al-Qaeda and rebrands itself as al-Qaeda in the
Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).

11 December 2007: Algiers, Algeria, AQIM attacks UN offices and Algeria’s Constitutional
Court with car bombs, killing 60 people.

2011: The Libyan Civil War leads to the collapse of the Gaddafi regime, resulting in a
significant influx of weapons into the Sahel.

January 2012: A Tuareg rebellion in northern Mali leads to a military coup, resulting in the
occupation of northern Mali by Tuareg and Islamist groups.

April 2012: Islamist groups, including Ansar Dine, take control of northern Mali, imposing
strict Sharia law and leading to widespread human rights abuses.

January 2013: France launches Operation Serval to intervene in Mali and assist the Malian
government in regaining control of the north from Islamist militants.

16 January 2013: Eastern Algeria, AQIM splinter group al-Mulathamun Battalion seizes the
I-n-Amenas natural gas plant, and 37 hostages die during a rescue attempt by Algerian
forces.

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April 2013: The UN Security Council authorizes the deployment of the United Nations
Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA).

June 2013: The U.S. government announces the establishment of the Trans-Sahara
Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP) to enhance regional security cooperation.

September 2013: A suicide bombing at a military base in northern Mali kills at least 20
soldiers.

January 2014: The U.S. provides military assistance to support the Malian army's efforts to
combat terrorism.

March 2014: The U.S. conducts military exercises in Morocco, focusing on counterterrorism
and regional security.

16 February, 2014: The G5 Sahel is established to enhance cooperation among Burkina Faso,
Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger.

November 2014: The U.S. announces the deployment of additional troops to Niger to
support counterterrorism operations.

2015: Boko Haram pledged allegiance to the self-proclaimed Islamic State and rebranded as
the Islamic State in the West African Province (ISWAP)

April 2015: Boko Haram launches a series of attacks in northeastern Nigeria, leading to
numerous deaths and displacements.

November 2015: Armed militants attack the Radisson Blu Hotel in Bamako, Mali, taking
hostages and killing 20 people.

15 January 2016: Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, AQIM militants attack a luxury hotel and
police station, killing 30 people and taking approximately 100 hostage.

March 2016: The U.S. confirms the establishment of a military base in Agadez, Niger,
capable of deploying drones against militants.

13 March 2016: Grand-Bassam, Côte d’Ivoire, AQIM gunmen attack a coastal resort, killing
at least 16 civilians and three special forces soldiers.

September 2016: The Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) emerges in Burkina Faso,
launching its first major attack.

October 2017: Four U.S. soldiers are killed in an ambush near Tongo Tongo, Niger,
highlighting the risks faced by foreign troops.
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November 2017: The G5 Sahel Joint Force conducts a major operation against AQIM in the
Liptako-Gourma region.

23 February 2018: A Technical Arrangement signed on 23 February 2018 between the

United Nations, the European Union, and the G5 countries defines the framework and
outlines the roles and responsibilities of the different stakeholders in its establishment.

March 2018: A series of attacks by jihadist groups in central Mali leads to the deaths of over
40 soldiers.

July 2018: The U.S. conducts military exercises in Niger, focusing on enhancing the
capabilities of local forces.

August 2018: The UN reports a significant increase in attacks by non-state actors in the
Sahel, with over 700 incidents recorded in the previous year.

January 2019: The U.S. government allocates additional funding for counterterrorism efforts
in the Sahel.

March 2019: Armed men affiliated with the Dogon community attack the village of
Ogossagou, killing over 160 Fulani civilians.
May 2019: The G5 Sahel Joint Force conducts a major operation against ISGS in northern
Burkina Faso.

October 2019: The U.S. announces the deployment of additional troops to support
counterterrorism operations in the Sahel.

November 2019: A coordinated attack by jihadists in northern Burkina Faso results in the
deaths of 37 civilians.

January 2020: The Pau Summit is held in France, bringing together leaders from the Sahel
and France to discuss security and counter-terrorism measures.

February 2020: The U.S. Congress approves funding for counterterrorism operations in the
Sahel.

March 2020: The U.S. sends a special envoy for the Sahel region to combat the rising
violence from terrorist groups.

April 2020: The G5 Sahel Joint Force conducts a successful operation against AQIM in
Mali.

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June 2020: The UN Security Council extends the mandate of MINUSMA, emphasizing the
need for continued support for peace and stability in Mali.

July 2020: The U.S. raises concerns over human rights violations by security forces in the
Sahel amid reports of abuses during counterterrorism operations.

August 2020: A military coup in Mali leads to the ousting of President Ibrahim Boubacar
Keïta, raising concerns about governance and security.

September 2020: The U.S. reaffirms its commitment to counterterrorism efforts in the Sahel,
providing additional funding and support to regional forces.

January 2021: The G5 Sahel Joint Force conducts a major operation against ISGS in the
Liptako-Gourma region.

March 2021: A series of attacks by jihadist groups in central Mali leads to the deaths of over
50 soldiers.

May 2021: The U.S. military confirms the deployment of additional troops to Niger to
support counterterrorism operations in the region.
January 2022: Burkina Faso's military stages a coup, overthrowing President Roch Marc
Christian Kaboré amid rising violence from jihadist groups.

15 May, 2022: Mali announces its withdrawal from the G5 Sahel Joint Force, citing
opposition from other member states regarding its political situation.

March 2022: ECOWAS imposes sanctions on Mali following the military coup, leading to
increased economic hardship for the population.

April 2022: The U.S. announces a new strategy for counterterrorism in the Sahel, focusing
on intelligence sharing and support for local forces.

June 2022: The U.S. Congress allocates additional funding for counterterrorism efforts in the
Sahel.

July 2022: The Malian government announces its intention to seek military assistance from
Russia, signaling a shift in security partnerships.

August 2022: Reports emerge of Russian mercenaries from the operating in Mali, providing
military support to the junta.

October 2022: The G5 Sahel Joint Force conducts a major operation against AQIM in
northern Mali, resulting in the deaths of several militants.

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November 2022: The humanitarian crisis worsens in the Sahel, with millions facing food
insecurity and lack of access to basic services due to ongoing violence and displacement.

December 2022: Burkina Faso and Niger announce their withdrawal from ECOWAS, citing
the organization's failure to meet its objectives.

January 2023: The U.S. reaffirms its commitment to counterterrorism efforts in the Sahel,
providing additional funding and support to regional forces.

February 2023: The UN Security Council discusses the deteriorating security situation in the
Sahel, calling for increased international support for regional stability.

March 2023: Reports indicate a surge in attacks by jihadist groups in the Sahel, with over
1,000 incidents recorded in the previous year.

April 2023: A Russian military plane arrives in Niamey, Niger, reportedly carrying military
trainers and equipment, marking a new alliance between Russia and Niger's military
leadership.

May 2023: The U.S. Congress allocates additional funding for counterterrorism efforts in the
Sahel.

June 2023: Mali’s government demands the departure of MINUSMA, the UN peacekeeping
force, raising concerns of a power vacuum and setbacks for Mali’s transition to civilian rule.

July 2023: A military coup occurs in Niger, leading to the ousting of President Mohamed
Bazoum, resulting in widespread condemnation from the international community.

August 2023: The U.S. expresses concern over the implications of the coup in Niger for
regional stability and counterterrorism efforts.

September 2023: The humanitarian crisis in the Sahel continues to worsen, with millions
facing food insecurity and lack of access to basic services due to ongoing violence and
displacement.

October 2023: The UN reports a significant increase in violence in the Sahel, with fatalities
from conflict rising by 38% compared to the previous year.

November 2023: The G5 Sahel alliance is officially dissolved, following the withdrawals of
Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, significantly diminishing the organization's counterterrorism
capacity.

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December 2023: The international community calls for renewed efforts to address the
humanitarian crisis in the Sahel, emphasizing the need for a comprehensive approach to
security and development.

January 2024: The Sahel region remains in a state of instability, with ongoing violence from
non-state actors and significant humanitarian challenges affecting millions of people.

February 2024: Reports indicate increasing violence in the Liptako-Gourma region, with
armed groups launching coordinated attacks against military installations.
March 2024: The UN Security Council discusses the deteriorating security situation in the
Sahel, emphasizing the need for a coordinated international response.

April 2024: The humanitarian crisis in the Sahel continues to escalate, with millions facing
food insecurity and lack of access to basic services due to ongoing violence and
displacement.

May 2024: The U.S. government announces a new strategy for engaging with Sahelian
countries, focusing on development and governance alongside security assistance.

June 2024: Reports emerge of increased collaboration between local militias and extremist
groups, complicating the security landscape in the Sahel.

July 2024: The international community calls for increased humanitarian assistance to
address the needs of displaced populations in the Sahel.

August 2024: A series of attacks by jihadist groups in Mali and Burkina Faso leads to the
deaths of dozens of soldiers, highlighting the ongoing security challenges.

September 2024: The Sahel region remains in a precarious state, with ongoing violence,
political instability, and humanitarian crises affecting millions of people.

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Key Documents
1. UNSC Resolution 1973: [Link]

2. UNSC Resolution 2085: [Link]

3. UNSC Resolution 2359 : [Link]

4. UNSC Resolution 2531: [Link]

ECOWAS Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons (2006):

[Link]
att/pdfs/ecowas-convention-on-small-arms-and-light-weapons-their-ammunition-and-other-
[Link]

Arms Trade Treaty (2013): [Link]

images/file/TheArmsTradeTreaty1/[Link]

AUPSC 1162nd Meeting (2022) : [Link]

1162nd-meeting-of-the-psc-held-on-20-july-2023-on-updated-briefing-on-the-situation-in-
the-sahel

Notes on Paperwork

Committee Email Address- unsc.ssmun24@[Link]

Please note that in this committee, United Nations Security Council, Position Paper is due on
the 1st of October, 11:59 p.m. The format of the position paper is given in the conference
handbook.

Along with this, delegates are allowed only 2 pre-committee communiques which are to be
sent by 2nd of October, 11:59p.m.

This committee will be accepting the following forms of paper work:

⚫ Public/ Private Communiques
⚫ Directives
⚫ Press Release
⚫ Presidential Statement
⚫ Action Orders

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References

⚫ [Link]
⚫ [Link]
analysis/tocta_sahel/TOCTA_Sahel_firearms_2023.pdf
⚫ [Link]
content/uploads/2023/05/NU_SFA_Report_North_Africa_and_the_Sahel_SACT_approv
ed_final_edited_version.pdf
⚫ [Link]
rfbxp-dpte8-klmp4
⚫ [Link]
mali/
⚫ [Link]
⚫ [Link]
au-Mali_Issu-du-Processus-d'[Link]
⚫ [Link]
sahel#:~:text=In%202017%2C%20several%20al%2DQaeda,Africa's%20relatively%20st
able%20coastal%20states.
⚫ [Link]
⚫ [Link]

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