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Ancient Sources

Apollodorus, The Library, Translated by J. G. Frazer.

Appian, Civil Wars, Translated by Horace White.

Appian, Punic Wars, Translated by Horace White.

Augustus, Res Gestae, Translated by P.A. Brunt & J.M. Moore.

Caesar, Julius, Gallic War, Translated by W. A. McDevitte.

Cassius Dio, Roman History, Translated by Earnest Cary.

Cicero, De Officiis, Translated by Walter Miller.

Homer, Iliad, Translated by A.T. Murray.

Homer, Odyssey, Translated by A.T. Murray.

Livy, The History of Rome, Translated by Rev. Canon Roberts.

Ovid, Metamorphoses, Translated by Brookes More.

Plutarch, Caesar, Translated by Bernadotte Perrin.

Plutarch, Antony, Translate by Bernadotte Perrin.

Suetonius, The Lives of the Caesars, Translated by Alexander Thomson.

Virgil, Aeneid, Translated by Theodore C. Williams.

Source on Cincinnatus
Source on role of Troy in Rome
Source on Creusa in the Aeneid
Source on Greeks fleeing Aeneid in the Underworld
Source on Helen of Troy in Aeneid
Source on battle with Rutulians in Aeined
Source on Aeneas and the horse in the Aeneid
Source on Sinon in The Aeneid
Source on Odysseus avoiding war
Source on Achilles choice
Source on Achilles v Hector in Iliad
Source on Odysseus losing his men
Source on Antony v Augustus
Source on Res Gestae
Source on Pax Romana
Source on Augustus in the vision inthe underworld
Source on Agrippa as Augustus’ right hand man
Source on proscriptions
Source on Cleopatra being vilified
Source on stealing the will of Mark Antony SueotniusOctavian wanted to show
that Antony had lost touch with the habits of Rome
Source on Aeneas in Iliad
Source on Augustus’ sickness
Source on Augustus abandoning Phillipi ‘Life of Antony Plutarch’
Chapter 2
Source on Jupiter’s prophecy
Source on Jupiter referencing Augustus
Source on Cannae
Source on Jupiter not intervening in The Aeneid
Source on Aeneas and Dido in the Aeneid
Source on Venus telling Aeneas to leave Carthage in Aenied
Source on Ceasar and Cleo
Source on Antony and Cleo
Source on Civil War between Antony and Augustus
Source on Aeneas in the underworld encountering in his father in the Aeneas
Source on Augustus in Book VI in the Aeneas
Source on Augustus being as high as Olympus in the Aeneas
Source on rivalling Heracles and Bacchus in the Aeneas
Source on being told Rome will conquer Greece in the Aeneas
Source on Segesta in Aeneied
Source on Segesta claiming descent from Troy
Source on funerary games in Aeneid
Source on Augustus’ Golden Age
Source on Augustus wishing to stop the bounds of empire following his death
Chapter 3
Source on Aeneas taking Anchises in The Aeneid
Source on Aeneas taking his gods in Aeneid
Source on Creusa death in Aeneid
Source on Turnus showing pride in Aeneid
Source on pontiffs and virgins
Source on Aeneas asking for help when his ships burn in Aeneid
Source on Augustus religious reforms
Source on festivals Augustus introduced
Source on Ara Pacis
Source on Temple of Apollo built by Augustus
Source on Ceasar’s will.
Source on Augustus as an Avenger of Ceasar
Source on Augustus using vengeance as political power play
Source on the deification of Caesar
Chapter 4
Source on Aeneid Publication
Source on Virgil Burning his works
Source on Dido’s curse in Aeneid
Source of Punic Wars
Source on ship burning in Aeneid
Source on Augustus walking in Caesar’s footsteps (Manilius at Philippi Augustus
advanced to victory in the footsteps of his father
Source on Augustus as Ceasar’s avenger
Source on branding Antony as a tyrant
Source on Roman disdain for kings

Critiques
Introduction
Critique on Augustus bringing peace to Rome after civil war
In Vergil’s poems three great themes stand out in relation to the work Augustus:
the exaltation of peace achieved, the glorification of labour on the farm, the
splendour of empire.’ 371 Haight (In his works Virgil highlights Augustus’ efforts
in bringing peace and reconstructing Rome after war. This is also seen in the
Georgic’s)
[Link]
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Critique on Augustus’ use of Propaganda
The princeps may have tried to encourage the poets such as Horace, Propertius,
Tibullus, Vergil, and later Ovid, to write poems which would support him and his
new regime by endorsing the values which the principate fostered. 60 Grebe
[Link]
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Critique on Augustus commissioning Aeneid
The Vita Servii (27) states specifically that the writing of the Aeneid had been
undertaken at the express proposal of the emperor Avery 225 (Aeneid was
commissioned by Augustus) [Link]
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Critique on how Romans saw virtues as important
The poem proffers the standard triad of virtues: virtus (courage and strength),
pietas (correct attitudes and behaviour towards gods, kin and associates), and
fides (honesty and constancy). Toll 52 (Virgil focusses on these virtues)
[Link]
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Critique on Caesar's use of propaganda to improve his own popularity
The Gallic War also runs as a dark thread through the rest of Roman history and
beyond, enabling Caesar to be remembered and to inspire, in a way that Marius,
Pompey, and the others have not. Osgood 353 (Caesar’s Gallic Wars helped
increase his popularity in Rome

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Critique on how Augustus has to improve on Caesar’s popularity
Julius had been a popular and successful leader he was difficuly to follow, and
Augustus ran the risk of remaining in his shadow. 1 Ramage
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Critique on how Augustus has to improve on Caesar’s popularity
Augustus has learned from Caesar’s assassination how deeply rooted in the
culture of the Roman aristocracy were republican ideas 41 Grebe
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Chapter 1
Critique arguing what Roman heroism means
The virtues extolled in these venerated lives are pre-eminently the old Roman
virtues – honour, fidelity, justice, earnestness, perseverance, temperance,
chastity – above all, courage and rugged simplicity. Spaeth 355
[Link]
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Critique on what triumphs represent
Original Roman ritual from which the triumph perhaps developed: a rite
celebrated after a victory, involving dedication of the spoila to the gods and a
solemn religious procession, designed to purify the commander and his troops.
54 Warren (The triumph had its origins as a religious celebration and became a
celebration of the individual)
[Link]
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Critique on Cocles or how heroes serve Rome
Those that explain the cognomen Cocles as ‘one-eyed’ because he had lost the
other in a prior battle make him a model for himself. Just as the cognomen, and
the injury it indexes, indicate that he displayed virtus or fortitude on that earlier
occasion, so he does again in defending the bridge. Roller 23 (Cocles meaning
one eyed lives up to his name that denotes an injury and he shows more valour
in defending the bridge from invaders.)
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Critique on Aeneas’ heroism
Aeneas’ inner strength increases not in the sense of a gradual development, but
that the stature of the hero grows with the tasks he has to fulfil. Fuhrer 68
(Aeneas’ heroism grows as the story develops so that he turns from a hero with
doubts into a hero able to stand for his people and defeat the Latins.)
[Link]
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Critique on Greek v Roman heroism
The traditional hero thus emerges as a ‘Man of Pain,’ in both an active and a
passive sense. The hero can be cast as warrior or dragon slayer, the pain that
the hero inflicts can be viewed as harmful or beneficial, and it falls equally on the
enemy and on his own people. 149 Cook (Greek heroism is defined by the
actions of dealing out pain to enemies but also enduring that pain in return.
Roman heroism appears to be related to enduring suffering but showing
adversity in the face of suffering)
[Link]
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Critique on Odysseus compared to Aeneas
Aeneas never asserts himself like Odysseus. He is always the victim of forces
greater than himself, and the one lesson he must learn is, not to resist them.
Parry 72
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Critique on Aeneas not killing Helen

His mother stops him, not with a personal plea, as Athena checks Achilles in the
Iliad, but by revealing for an instant the gods at work, destroying the city. Parry
72
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Critique on Achilles compared to Aeneas
Virgil is far from withholding from his hero features characteristic of Homer’s
Achilles. The epic even betrays a manifest interest on the poet’s part in ascribing
to Aeneas the features of a passionate (though patriotic) warrior, and in the end
actually leads him to conquering even (New) Achilles 174 Stahl (Virgil shows
Aeneas as eclipsing Achilles)
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Critique on Aeneas as Achilles
It is part of the genius of Virgil that without making his hero in any sense a copy
of Achilles, he was able to catch the same note, almost of self-survival, of hard
and active hopelessness in the service of an over mastering loyalty. 16 MacKay
[Link]
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Critique on the failure of Greek Heroes
Failure belongs exclusively to the heroic side of his character, and although his
willingness and ability to surpress his heroic identity ensures its success against
overwhelming odds 167 Cook (Cook argues that Odysseus succeeds when he is a
trickster and less heroic)
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Critique on Aeneas representing Augustus as a model Hero
Vergil had the intention of simultaneously representing, in the figure of the epic
hero Aeneas, by means of typology, the historic Augustus. 31 Suerbaum
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Critique on Augustus bringing justice
There is a continuing emphasis on the justice of Augustus’ actions and the
legitimacy of his position in the state. He avenged his father by lawful means; he
resurrected many defunct traditions by passing new laws. 228 Ramage
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Critique on Augustus seeing Tiberius as arrogant therefore not naming successor
Nor was Tiberius adopted as a successor out of regard or care for the state, but,
because he had seen that man’s arrogance and savagery, he sought glory for
himself. 46McDermott
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Critique on Augustus causing the Pax Romana
The central scene on Aeneas’s shield shows Augustus sailing to victory at
Actium. The gods defeated at Troy are to triumph in Italy before the poem is
ended, and in the distant future the inauguration of the pax Augusta will
complete the divinely ordained mission that began with Aeneas’ journey into
exile. Coleman 147
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Critique on Aeneas’ Shield
The intention is to give a preview of some of the greatest moments of Roman
history, at this point in the poem just before the large-scale fighting begins, so
that Aeneas and the reader will have in the forefront of their thoughts the
justification for the scenes of horror on the battlefield. Aeneas must fight the war
against the Rutulians and the Latins so that Rome mat begin its march towards
world conquest and world civilisation. He carries into battle a prophetic symbol of
what is to come. Williams 9 (by carrying a shield depicting Roman history,
Aeneas carries the legacy of his people into battle)
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Critique on Augustus’ triumphs
Of Augustus’ own victories, monumental and numismatic evidence indicates that
Actium was the principal subject for triumphal imagery. Hickson 137 (Hickson
argues that Augustus used his victories to showcase his triumphs but was later
humble and did not have more than three which indicated his heroism but
humility. He then however restricted the number of triumphs as he did not wish
to see other generals gain popularity in the way he and Caesar had done.)
Augustus found that the restriction of other general’s triumphs was also in his
interest. Hickson 138
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Critique on Augustus seeking help from Agrippa in military
Augustus consulted with Agrippa on matter military. 478 Salmon (Augustus took
descisoins in government by himself but sought advise on military from Agrippa)
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Critique on Augustus’ regret for the proscriptions
For the youth of Octavianus, exposed to an iron schooling and constrained
through form of law and not in the heat of battle to shed the noblest blood of
Rome, compassion and even excuse was found in later generations. 191 Syme
1939.
Critique on Augustus placing the blame on Antony for the proscriptions
Cassius Dio places the principal blame on Antonius and Lepidus. There is little
reason to assume that Cassius Dio is correct, and it seems much more probably
that the triumvirs agreed on the matter. The story that the younger Caesar
wanted to save Cicero certainly seems dubious. 78 Lange
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Critique on Octavius illness in his youth
Poor health had prevented him from making the most of these opportunities, as
it had prevented him from being present in the Spanish campaign 41 McDermott
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Critique on Augustus being a coward was Antony propaganda
Antony writes that Octavian fled and did not appear until the next day, without
his horse and his commander’s cloak. The story seems to be false, for Dio reports
that Octavian did not take part in the engagement and there are plenty of other
occasions when Octavian showed unquestioned courage on the battlefield. Scott
19 (There are conflicting reports on Octavius’ courage meaning it could be down
to Antony propaganda that stuck with Augustus)
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Critique on Augustus health preventing him from fighting
In the campaign at Philippi Octavian seems to have exposed himself for later
jibes for cruelty and perhaps for cowardice. At the time of the battle and for
some while there after Octavian was in very poor health. 21 Scott
Antony had spread about a report that at Philippi, as at Forum Gallorum,
Octavian had been defeated, and escaped by flight. 21
It looks as though enemies had taken facts (his absence and the capture of the
camp are quite true) and distorted them so as to picture Octavian as a coward.
21(If we can believe that Antony’ rhetoric was propaganda, we can assume it
was known throughout Rome and something Augustus could not escape.
Therefore Augustus’ Phillipi is Aeneas’ Diomedes as Augustus was not taken by a
refusal to fight but was prevented from doing so due to illness not his own hand.
It can therefore be assumed that this was the gods hands taking from almost
certain death as the camps were sacked to fight another day
[Link]
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Critique on Antony’s will being a forgery
The case for believing in a partial forgery of Antony’s will is somewhat
strengthened, though not made cast-iron, by the consideration that the majority
of the incriminating clauses were not only highly convenient to Octavian’s
purpose at that moment, which we should expect, but also bad in law. 38 Crook
[Link]
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Critique on Antony as Hercules
The Heracleium was destroyed by lightning; and at Athens the Dionysus in the
Battle of the Giants was dislodged by the winds carries down into the theatre.
Now, Antony associated himself with Heracles in lineage, and with Dionysus in
the mode of life he adopted. 26 Freyburger (Antony associated himself with
Hercules and the Greek heroes but was abandoned by the gods leading to his
defeat)
[Link]
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Critique on Augustus victory at Actium
The Greek Victors who are now vanquished, represent the armies of Antony, who
recruited his forced from the eastern mediterranean, whereas Augustus made
himself the champion of Italy. So that the victory Aenas somewhat illogically
claims here by dedicating Greek spoils prefigures the victory that was to
establish the power of Augustus. Parry 73
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Critique on Aeneas overshadowing Diomedes
Diomedes, who, like Aeneas, has in the meantime migrated to Italy, will in fact
acknowledge his defeat by refusing to fight alongside the Latins against such a
strong warrior. Kirichenko 71 (Diomedes who wounded Aeneas at Troy now
refuses to fight him as Aeneas has eclipsed Diomedes as a warrior. This may then
relate to Augustus being a greater fighter than he was at Philippi and therefore
his later achievements have overshadowed his previous ‘cowardice’)
[Link]
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Chapter 2
Critique on Rome’s suffering linked to Aeneas
This was the sort of man that the age of Augustus admired, and they thought
with some reason that it was only be trial and temptation that he could be
produced. Bowra 20
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Critique on Aeneas and Dido
Vergil’s narration does not focus on both Dido and Aeneas and still less on their
parallel internal conflicts. It concentrates completely on Dido, her emotions, and
the terrible tragedy that she undergoes as a result of her love for Aeneas.
Aeneas is a shadowy, uninteresting figure, whose main importance is the effect
he and his mission have on Dido. Farron 34 (Dido is an emotional character who
loves Aeneas, but Farron argues this love is not reciprocated as Aeneas cares
more for his mission than her.)
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Critique on Antony and Aeneas
Aeneas is not just Augustus. There is also the possibility of his being Augustus’
bitter enemy, Mark Antony. Such as the identification we are led to make when,
in the fourth book, he has become consort of Dido, queen of Carthage. Parry 73
(Aeneas’ shield shows us the battle of Actium, Parry argues that Aeneas can
represent both Augustus and Antony but Antony was corrupted by the East)
[Link]
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Critique on Antony and his marriages
Had he followed Fulvia, he might have been master of the Roman world; had he
followed Octavia, he could have ruled his half in peace, 84 Tarn 1965
Critique on how legacy is used in the Aeneid
The Aeneid is the epitome of Augustan culture in its combination of tradition with
new departures. 251 Galinsky 1996
Critique on Augustus’ Golden Age
The representation of the Golden Age is marked by contradictions which oppose
a pre-modern, moral age of natural peace and harmony to a contemporary age
of power and achievement, in which peace is imposed through Roman victory.
34Perkell (Perkell argues Virgil’s idea of a golden age is contradictory and should
be seen as such in the Aeneid as a golden age is juxtaposed by peace and war)
Chapter 3
Critique on importance of pietas in Rome
The antique Roman had always stood in a purely utilitarian relationship to his
deities; his piety had been essentially a matter of mechanical observance and
ceremonial precision in which the letter counted for more than the spirit.
Strodach 141
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Critique on Aeneas taking his household gods being most important

It is Aeneas’ saving of the Penates which is most emphasised. 394 Moseley
(Aeneas saving household gods was the most important according to pre Virgil
writings)
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Critique on Anchises flight from Troy
He will not flee. This is thoroughly consonant with every precept of courage,
bravery, and patriotism that Roman youth ever learned. 46 Lloyd (Anchises
represents the Roman ideals of bravery in the face of the destruction. He refuses
to leave, but Aeneas carries him out as he must carry these Roman values with
him.)
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Critique on Aeneas flight from Troy showing piety
Her words, for the first time, appeal to all Aeneas’ duties, as a civis and a
paterfamilias, and for the first time they disclose the destination of his fated
journey. Aeneas, however is still far from accepting his mission and fulfilling his
obligations. 64 Grillo
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Critique on Augustus’ marriage to Livia was political like Aeneas and Lavinia
The marriage of Livia and Augustus is regarded as one founded on calculation
and aggression, indicative of the political violence and despotism of Augustus,
whose ambition was equalled only by Livia and her own unswerving resolve.
Strunk 128 (Strunk argues the marriage of Augustus and Livia was borne from
violence which is similar to Aeneas own desire for marriage to Livinia being borne
violence and political ambition rather than love being seen in Cleopatra.)
While Augustus put so much emphasis on family and childbearing, he ignored his
own moral legislation by abducting a pregnant mother from her husband and
placing her in a marriage in which she would bear no children. Strunk 130
The lusty Augustus first abducts, and then in a pretence of formality and piety
consults the pontiffs on the sanctity of marrying a woman still pregnant by her
prior husband; he of course receives their approval, all of this en route to
becoming the master of Rome. Strunk 147
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Critique on Turnus lack of piety
From the point of view of Roman custom, practice, and law the situation is totally
unambiguous. Turnus has forfeited his life several times over. 323 Galinsky
(Through his barbarity and rejection of traditional Roman values Turnus has
forsaken his piety and thus deserves death)
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Critique on Roman ritual ceremonies
Critique on the importance of funeral games in Roman life
Critique on Augustus’ role as religious leader
Augustus, therefore, when presenting himself as a guardian of Roman tradition,
the restorer of religion, and the defender of the more maiorum, was at once
legitimising his rule, his position, and his auctoritas. Bondioli 60 (Augustus used
his role as religious leader to legitimise his rule)
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Critique on Ara Pacis

The Ara Pacis was founded not merely for the cult of Peace. It had also a personal
connection with Augustus. 156 Toynbee (The Ara Pacis was both an altar to the
peace but also an altar to Augustus to let people know who brought that peace)
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Critique on Anchises providing the vision
He is the burden of destiny itself. Thus, in book 6 it is he who unfolds the
panorama of Roman history to his son who has descended to the Nether World to
hear him. Parry 74 (Anchises is the burden and revealer of destiny)
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Critique on Augustus overshadowing Caesar in Anchises’ vision
Caesar is not omitted; it is just that Augustus has taken precedence over him.
The reader is surely to contrast this picture of Caesar with that of Augustus that
has come a few lines earlier, where the emperor is shown bringing a new golden
age 231 Ramage
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Critique on Augustus using Caesar as a religious deified figure rather than
praising his actions
Divus Iulius does appear twice, both times related to his temple. This is
apparently the way the emperor wants his adoptive father to be remembered –
deified and residing in his temple. 236 Ramage
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Critique on Augustus overshadowing Caesar
When he does appear, he may be respected as a divinity, but he is never praised
for his achievements. 245 Ramage
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Critique on Augustus bringing Pax Romana where Caesar brought war is
mentioned in Aeneid
In the Aeneid the poet tells Caesar, not Pompey, to lay down his arms. 235
Ramage [Link]
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Critique on Augustus clinging to his father’s legacy

If Augustus’ paramount concern was to dissociate himself from Caesar the man,
it is in the first place odd that he would cling so strenuously to Caesar the god.
White 354 (White argues that Augustus wanted to hold on to Caesar’s legacy
which means that Augustus wanted to both distance and differentiate himself to
eclipse Ceasar)
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Critique on Augustus using Caesar’s legacy for himself
As the “son of a god” (divi filius) and the member of the four major priesthoods,
including the augurate, he gained an exceptional religious authority. 42 Grebe
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Chapter 4
Critique on how Virgil was influenced in his writing while Augustus was ruler
The Final scene of the poem, in which Aeneas, now established in Italy, allows his
rage to triumph as he brutally kills an enemy who has surrendered has always
been an unsettling conclusion. Such ambivalences have, of course, made the
Aeneid a more powerful work of literature than thousands of lines of jingoistic
praise would have been. But they continue to raise questions about Virgil’s
relationship with his patron and the Augustan regime. What went through
Augustus’ head when he first read, or listened to, those last lines? That was not
for Virgil to tell. He died in 19 BCE, before, it was said, he had completed the final
revision of his poem. 377 Beard 2015 (Beard suggests that whilst the work was
undeniably praising of Augustus its unsettling ending poses questions on how we
may view Augustus.)
Critique on Virgil seeing historical violence as part of the social order
In Vergil’s view, violence, destruction and death are necessary for the
establishment of something new and stable. In fact, the ambitious undertaking to
create order implies a preceding state of disorder with which to compare and
privilege the order. Thus, Vergil’s reference to violence, destruction and death
does not necessarily mean that the Aeneas presents a negative view of history.
38 Grebe
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Critique on Virgil burning being because hit was unfinished

Vergil did ask Varius to burn the Aeneid if anything should happen to him Avery
226 (Virgil’s request the Aeneid should be burned
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Critique on Virgil burning because he wanted to hide it from Augustus
Critique on Augustus publicly rejecting power distancing himself from Caesar
His insistence that he did not accept the perpetual dictatorship when it was
offered to him would naturally suggest the contrast with the dictator 226
Ramage [Link]
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Critique on Dido’s curse in Aeneid

The speech containing these lines is a violent vengeance-aria, culminating in the
prophecy of Hannibal arising from her ashes. McLeish 134 (Dido’s curse is a
result of her madness at being spurned which will later result in Hannibal.
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Critique on ship burning in Aeneid
Critique on Aeneas becoming Achilles
Thus in killing Turnus Aeneas may be said to be putting to rest in Turnus and in
himself that anachronistic Achilliean heroism which is to be replaced by pietas,
the cornerstone of the new civilisation of Rome. How or whether the furor which
drives Aeneas to this final sacrifice is different from the furor of Turnus or of his
own frenzied mission at Troy is of course the question which Vergil poses for us
but does not finally answer. Nortwick 314
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Critique on Augustus’ revenge
Augustus, apparently in order to avoid mentioning Antony, says that he himself
twice defeated the forces of Brutus and Cassius at Philippi. Gordon 133 (In the
Res Gestae Augustus wanted people to know that he was the avenger of Caesar
and not Mark Antony.)
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Critique on Augustus’ vengeance

The young man was completely justified in succeeding to Caesar’s power and in
seeking to avenge his father’s death. Leaving the impression of a law-abiding
citizen rather than one who as merely out for glory 229 Ramage
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Critique on the comparison between Caesar and Augustus
Vergil seems to infer that Caesar’s assassination ought to be interpreted as an
historical error and, even worse, as a violation of Jupiter’s will. Hence, Vergil’s
ambiguous language implies that Caesar was moving tin the right direction and
that Augustus is now continuing this direction in history. 49 Grebe
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Critique on Augustus becoming a tyrant like Antony.

A Roman might describe a res publica something that a political opponent would
see as a monarchy, or a tyranny. Turpin 435 (The republic under Augustus
became similar to tyranny but Augustus used his propaganda to ensure the
people saw it as a continuation of a republic albeit with Augustus as its
figurehead)
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Critique on Augustus’ auctoritas being a symbol of his right to divination
It thereby accords with the larger purpose of the Res Gestae of justifying his
deification on the basis of achieving world empire by both conquest and
conciliation and with the attendant blessings of ‘unparalleled benefactions:
peace, civilisation and internal concord.’ Galinsky 2015 249 (Augustus uses the
word Auctoritas as a new title which is justified due to his role as conqueror and
peace maker)
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Critique on Augustus turning the republic into a monarchy
Constitutional government is not necessarily republican government, and the
senate and People did not revive a republican constitution for the res publica
which Augustus had reestablished. They permitted him, the people with
enthusiasm, the Senate much more grudgingly, to fashion a new, monarchical
form of government. Salmon 458 (Salmon argues res publica was not just the
restoring of the republic but creating a new government with a princeps as
‘monarch’
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Critique on Augustus’ needing the poets to legitimise his rule to the elite
For all the adulations of provincials or Roman poets, who could frankly recognise
that Augustus was monarch and credit him with divinity or divine aid, there
appears to have been no ideological enthusiasm for monarchy among the elite,
whose collaboration Augustus most needed. 68 Brunt

Critique on Virgil seeing Augustus as a king during the prophecy

His foundation of a city and the monarchic form of rule connect Augustus with
his ancestors. Here Vergil selects only kings. 48 Grebe
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Critique on Romans seeing kings as tyrants
The popular and anti-aristocratic regime of the last kings is confirmed by the
Roman’s later attitude to the institution of kingship. In the republican period the
very idea of a king was viewed with an almost pathological dislike. 148 Cornell