Chapter II

Ethnographic Profile of the Mao Nagas

An Ethnographic profile is important in order to understand the nature of the

society and its identity in the case of studying a society like that of the tribe. This is so
because there is a need to look at the various aspects of the society- economy, polity,
religion, culture, education- in attempting to understand a tribe. This chapter intends to
give a picture of the Mao Nagas of Manipur in a way to arrive at an understanding of
their identity as a tribe.

Mao tribe is a Naga tribe of Map of Manipur State

Manipur State in Northeast India.
Manipur is a state having an area of
22,327 sq. km constituting 0.7 per
cent of the total land area of India
and lies on the extreme north-eastern
corner of the Indian sub-continent
between 23˚50’ and 25˚41’ N
latitudes and 93˚2’ and 94˚47’
longitudes. The state is bounded by
Nagaland on the North, Mizoram and
parts of the Chin Hills of Myanmar
on the south and Cachar district of
Assam on the west and Myanmar on
the east (Maheo 2004). The extent of
the state from north to south is 57.92 km. and about 32.19 km. from east to west (Pou
2007). A fertile alluvial valley extends north to south, in the middle and it is surrounded
on all sides by hill ranges, forming a part of the eastern Himalayas. The general pattern of
the slope is from north to south, roughly parallel to each other. The hills are part of the
Sub- Himalayan system and spread into ranges with irregular serrated ridges with
occasional cliffs.

36
 The state is divided into nine districts and 38 sub-districts.4 It has a population of
2,721,756 according to the census report of 2011. The hilly areas of Manipur state which
comprise of five districts namely, Senapati, Churachandpur, Ukhrul, Chandel and
Tamenglong are by and large Map of Senapati district

inhabited by tribals including the

Nagas and the Kuki-Chin tribes.
The valley areas comprising Imphal
East, Imphal West, Thoubal and
Bishnupur are predominantly
inhabited by the Meiteis who are in
the general category.

In the five hill districts,

excepting Churachanpur district,
which is predominantly inhabited
by the Kuki-Chin tribes, in the rest
of the districts Naga Population is
predominant. Senapati with a
population of 354,972 according to census report of 2011 has the biggest population
among the hill districts.

Table II.1. District-Wise Population Distribution of Manipur State

District Total Population Rural Urban

Bishnupur 240,363 152,068 88295
Chandel 144,028 127,119 16,909
Churachanpur 271,274 253,901 17,373
Imphal East 452,661 270,307 182,354
Imphal West 514,683 196,091 318,592

4
Census of India 2011 Provisional Population Totals Paper 2, Vol. 1 of 2011 Rural Urban Distribution
Manipur Series

37
 Senapati 354,972 347,518 7454
Tamenglong 140,143 124,416 15,727
Thoubal 420,517 271,311 149,206
Ukhrul 183,115 156,893 26,222
Source: Census of India 2011 Provisional Population Totals Paper 2, Vol.1 of 2011 Rural Urban
distribution Manipur Series.

Senapati district is the home district of the Mao Nagas although some of them have
migrated and settled elsewhere. The present Senapati district was formed, as Manipur
North district in 1972 under the extra ordinary Manipur Gazette notification of 5 th
August. 1983, the North District later became Senapati. The total area of the district is
about 3271 Sq. km. The name has been derived from a Manipuri named Senapati, who
married a Mao Naga girl during the reign of king Chairongba in the 15th century A.D.
(see Pou 2007).

II.1. The Nagas

Although the Mao Nagas’ homeland is located in the state of Manipur politically,
they are closely related to the other Naga tribes in terms of their affiliations in history and
culture. The group of tribes called Nagas also shares more or less similar experiences
even in terms of conversion to Christianity. It is therefore appropriate to situate the Mao
Nagas in the context of the larger Naga society. It would thus be more proper to present a
brief general overview of the Nagas here and continue to discuss about the Mao Nagas in
greater details.

II.1.1. Land and the People

The Nagas constituting of roughly 42 tribes of over 3 million people inhabit an area
of some 48,000 square miles. The area is within the longitudes between 93˚ E and 97˚ E
and 23˚ N and 28˚ N latitudes (cf. Raising et al., 1994: 1 quoted in Vashum 2005: 9).
Straddling the official boundary of India and Burma, the area is well defined and

38
contiguous, bound by the Hukwang Valley in the Northeast, the plains of Brahmaputra in
the North-west, Cachar in the South-west and Chindwin in the East (Neli 2009). Within
India the Nagas are spread across four states viz. Nagaland, Manipur, Arunachal and
Assam. In Myanmar, the Nagas are concentrated in the Somrah tract bordering Northeast
India which comes under two administrative units, viz., Kachin State and Sagaing Sub-
Division formerly known as the Naga Hills (Vashum 2005 p 10)

Within India the main Map of Naga ancestral land

concentrations of Naga population
are Nagaland and Manipur states.
The major Naga tribes inhabiting the
state of Nagaland are Ao Nagas,
Angami Nagas, Chakhesang Nagas,
Chang Nagas, Lotha Nagas, Phom
Nagas, Rengma Nagas, Sema
(Sumi) Nagas, Konyak Nagas,
Yimchunger Nagas, Khiamniungan
Nagas, Sangtam Nagas, Pochury
Nagas and Zeliangrong Nagas, etc.
In Manipur State, the Nagas mainly
inhabit in four districts, namely,
Senapati, Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Chandal. Ukhrul district is dominated by the
Tangkhul Nagas. Zeliangrong Nagas dominate Tamenglong district and In Chandel
district, there are eight Naga tribes, namely, Maring, Anal, lamkang, Monsang, Moyon,
Chothe, Chiru and Tarao. Koireng, Chiru and Chothe are sparsely distributed in Chandel,
Bishnupur and Senapati districts as well. The Mao Nagas, Poumai Nagas, Maram Nagas
and Thangal Nagas are concentrated in Senapati district.

In Arunachal Pradesh, the Naga tribes include Tangsha Nagas, Wancho Nagas and
Nocte Nagas who are mostly concentrated in Tirap and Changlang Districts. In Assam,

39
the areas spreading along the border of Manipur and Nagaland are inhabited by the Naga
tribes, viz. Zeliang Nagas, Rengma Nagas, etc.

The Naga tribes in Myanmar include Konyak Nagas, Tangkhul Nagas, Phom
Nagas, Yimchunger Nagas, Moyon Nagas, Pangsha, Hemi, Hkalak, Tsaplo, Htangan,
Lainung, Shangpuri, Pangaw, Pyangoo and Rangpan.

The term ‘Naga’ is the generic term used to refer to various tribes with different
dialects but more or less allied and/ or similar cultures. Despite the fact that each Naga
tribe lived in great isolation they were found to possess similarities- similarities marked
enough to be noticed by outsiders and which led them to be grouped as one people called
the Nagas (Horam 1975 p 35). Despite some variations in language and other aspects of
culture there are characteristics common to the Naga tribes. W.C. Smith listed 13 such
characteristics (cf. Horam 1975 p 36). These include: (1) Head Hunting; (2) Common
sleeping houses for unmarried men which are taboo to women; (3) Dwelling-houses built
on posts or piles; (4) Disposal of the dead on raised platforms; (5) A sort of trial
marriage; or great freedom of intercourse between the sexes before marriage; (6) Betel
Chewing; (7) Aversion to milk as an article of diet; (8) Tatooing by pricking; (9) Absence
of any powerful political organization; (10) the double-cylinder vertical forge; (11) the
simple loom for weaving cloth; (12) A large quadrangular or hexagonal shield; (13)
Residence in hilly regions and a crude form of agriculture.

It is also notes that these characteristics ‘do not appear uniformly’ in the various
Naga tribes for, though there is little doubt that they originally came from the same stock,
they have since their separation from their ‘primeval cradle land’ come under different
influences. And while some remain isolated till recently, others came into close contact
with the advanced people and adopted their new customs (ibid. 1975 p 37). They belong
to the Mongoloid Racial stock of Asia. Sir George Grierson, a philologist, has assigned
Naga languages as belonging to the Tibeto-Burman family in contrast to Austro-Asiatic
language family (Alemchiba 1970 p 3). Majority of the Nagas live in the hills although
there are a few who migrated to the plains. The villages are often situated on the hill tops.
The reason for choosing hilltops for settlement is a strategic one as it was necessary in

40
olden days as the villagers had to keep constant vigil over the invading enemies 5. The
village has its own territory with clear cut demarcations within which the village has their
own space and corporate life. These villages have their own system in the social, cultural,
religious, political administrative and economic spheres. They also have their own
customary laws and taboos for the administration of justice.

II.1.2. Origin and Usage of the Term “Naga”

The origin of the term “Naga” is still obscure till today. In the past, the Nagas did
not call themselves by the name Naga and it is now widely accepted that the term was
coined by outsiders (Neli 2009). Anthropologists and historians have made several
attempts to trace the origin of this word. Yet the derivation of the word is still obscure.
Many writers have attempted to sort out the derivation of the term and there have been
many theories and suggestions. However, the origin of the term is shrouded in mystery.
Some scholars linked the origin of the term to the ancient Sanskrit literature ‘Naga’
which means serpent/ snake. However, this theory is not accepted because there is no
snake worship cult or any other connection that support this theory by the Naga society.
Some have linked the term ‘’Naga’’ with Hindustani Sanskrit word ‘’Nag’’ meaning
mountains/hills, thus implying ‘’hill men’’. However, this theory does not concretely
prove the origin of the term ‘Naga’ because all the hill peoples are not Nagas. Robert
Reid and L.W. Shakespeare think that the word ‘Naga’ is deformed Hindu word of
‘Nanga’ meaning ‘naked’. A Greek scholar of the 2nd century A.D, Ptolemy holds the
same view. He has referred to the Nagas as ‘Nanglong’ which means ‘naked people’
(Mao 1992 p 10). According to SE Peal, a British explorer and tea cultivator, the word is
probably derived from ‘’Nok’’ which means ‘’man or folk’’ as used in some of the
Tibeto-Burman languages like that of Ao, Nocte, Garo, etc. This theory became very
popular and was supported by scholars like Holcombe, [Link], Verrier Elwin, M.

5
Different Naga villages engaged themselves in war and head hunting practice with villages of the same
tribe or other tribes before the arrival of the British and Christianity.

41
Horam, etc. Whatever may be the truth, the origin of the term ‘Naga’ has been a source of
debate among different scholars and there is no consensus on it.

The most commonly accepted theories about the origin of the term ‘Naga’ are taken
from the etymology of the word ‘’Naga’’ and its connotations in the Burmese language
and Assamese languages (Neli 2009). It is largely accepted that the term ’Naga’ is
derived from the Burmese word ‘Naka’, meaning ‘people or folk with perforated ears’’. It
is observed that traditionally, the Nagas pierced their ears to accommodate big wooden
plugs or other ornaments, and thus, they were given this name while passing through the
Burmese territory during their migratory stage and thus the name Naga or Naka was used
even before the Nagas reached India. Moreover, it was from the Burmese that the British
first came to know about the Nagas.

Another theory suggests that the term Naga is derived from the Assamese word
Noga which means ‘naked’. It may be noted that the Assamese are the immediate
neighbors of the Nagas and they also appear to be the first to come in contact with the
Nagas. The word Noga, which is a part of the Assamese working vocabulary, is even
used today for the Nagas. In the Buranjis, the historical records, the term Noga is used for
the primitive man living in his natural surroundings in an uncorrupted form. Thus,
apparently the word Noga was originally used to refer to the naked people of the hills
who often came in contact with the people of the plains in Assam. Gradually, the term
‘Naga’ became a generic name for many tribes and it came to signify the distinct identity
of these people who differ from each other and yet have similarities in many aspects. In
the course of time, the Nagas simply accept the fact that they belong to one race called
the Nagas without question and the name is also recognized by the Government of India
as a Unique Entity today. It may be noted that at present the word Naga is suffixed to
almost every name of the Naga tribes.

II.1.3. Origin and Migration of the Nagas

The history of the origin and migration is shrouded in mystery for there is no
written record in the annals of Naga history. It is believed by some scholars that the

42
earliest reference to the Nagas can be traced to the Yajurveda. It is noted that the Indo-
mongoloid (of which the Nagas are a part) are being referred to as Kiratas in the
Yajurveda. Some theories of the origins and migration proposed by certain scholars are
speculations and assumptions. However, the earliest specific reference to the Nagas was
made by Claudius Ptolemy in 150 A.D. in his Geographia where he referred to the Naga
country as “The Realm of the Naked” (Sanyu 1996 p 7). It is generally accepted that the
Naga tribes came to their present homeland in waves of migration. They have been
connected with the head-hunters of Malay and the races of Southern sea on one hand, and
traced back to Yunnang of China on the other (Hutton 1921 p 8). In the remote pretty
past, various ethnic groups of the Mongoloid stock sparsely scattered in the region which
is occupied today by China, Mongolia, Japan and Korea, etc. In course of time, this
people are said to have migrated to South-East Asia and South Asia.

The Nagas are believed to have migrated along with the group who followed the
southern direction passing through Yunnan Province of China (Vashum 2005 p 20). After
reaching the head-water of Irrawaddy and Chindwin rivers, those ethnic groups
bifurcated in several directions, ultimately leading to Tibet, to Assam, to the hill ranges
moved further west and entered the Naga Hills.

Another wave came from the South East islands taking a north westerly direction
and entered Naga Hills using Burma as a corridor (Alemchiba 1970 p 19). The migration
of the Nagas must have followed along the river as in the past migration usually took
place along the river and the sea coast. Even today, the Nagas dearly use marine shells as
ornaments and their love of shells points to a bygone settlement near the sea or on the
banks of big rivers. The log drums of the Nagas might have certain link with the dug- out
canoe (ibid. 1970 p 16).

Another theory is that due to the hostility of Shang Dynasty and later Chou
Dynasty, some ethnic groups fled to upper Burma, moved into the Irrawaddy valley, the
Malay and the Indonesian Peninsula. From there the Nagas returned north ward and
entered their present habitat through Thwangthut area and some tracts of the Patkai

43
Range of the Arakan Yoma. The biggest Naga group took up at “Makhrei” in Mao
terminology of Makhel.

Once the Nagas entered the Naga Hills, the internal movement is generally from
south to north except the Konyak Nagas and few other northern Naga tribes who trace
their route of migration from north-west Burma.

Every Naga tribe has their own versions of their origin and patterns of migration.
Going by the legends (one forms a rough idea that) most of the Naga tribes traced their
origin at Makhel at Mao and its adjacent area (Vashum 2005 p 21). It is believed that the
Nagas, taking the route along the river Chuherü, finally settled at Makhreifü referring to
Makhel in Mao dialect6. The river Chuherü originates at the foot of the hill on which
Makhel, the Naga heritage village is situated. The belief of the Nagas, regarding the route
of migration towards Makhel and their settlement there, could be true because the name
of the river Chuherü is derived from the Mao language as this word indicates the
significance of the river in relation to the route of Naga migration to Makhel. The word
‘Makhreifü’ means the secret-cum-sacred place. Nobody knows where they came from,
but one thing which is certain is that the big group of Nagas settled there at Makhel and
later on migrated to different region of the Naga inhabited areas.

As the Naga population at Makhel increased, the Nagas dispersed from Makhel and
migrated to different parts of the presently Naga inhabited areas of Myanmar, Arunachal
Pradesh, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland States.

II.1.4 The Mao Nagas: Land and Population

The Mao Nagas originally inhabited in and around Makhel which is considered by
the many Naga Tribes as their dispersal point and trace it as their place of origin. Of
course, due to increase in population some Mao Nagas have established some new
villages beyond Makhel region. However, majority still lives in and around the vicinity of

6
Makhel is called by different names in different Mao villages due to variations in village dialects. It is
called, Makhreifü, Makhriifü, Makhrei Rabu, etc.

44
Makhel. The surrounding tribes of the Mao Nagas are the Angamis and Chakhesang
Nagas in the North, the Maram Nagas in the south, the Poumai Nagas in the east and
Zeliangrong tribe in the west. The thick jungles Kozürü7, and the beautiful valley called
Dzüko valley lie in the west, Mao Nagas are of Mongoloid race and they speak Tibeto-
Burman language like all other Naga tribes. According to an official report Mao tribe has
a population in the year 2011 as given in table 2 below.

Table II. 2. Mao Naga Villages and Population

Name of the Village No. of Male Female Total No. of

household population
Chakumai 302 1340 1471 2811
Chowainamai 568 2494 2585 5079
Khullen
Chowainamai 604 1502 1758 3260
Khunou
Emepfüthumai 128 451 436 887
Kalinamai 743 3708 3740 7448
Kayinu 542 1977 1733 3710
Khridzüphi 141 572 504 1076
Makhan khullen 406 1802 1644 3446
Makhan centre 356 1293 1330 2623
Makhan khuman 191 750 769 1519
Makhan 185 811 703 1514
Lovadzüngho
Makhel 522 1585 1766 3351
Maopundung 559 2253 2278 4531
New Makhan 151 464 477 941

7
Koziirii is a large area of forested land over which there is an unsettled dispute between the Mao Nagas
and the Southern Angami Nagas.

45
 Phikomai 244 1166 1069 2235
Pudunamai 680 2218 2029 4247
Punanamai 1105 3332 3346 6678
Rabunamai 493 1469 1566 3035
Robvü Solephe 143 467 442 909
Shajaoba 1521 4634 4168 8802
Song Song 788 3170 2976 6146
Tadubi 899 5143 4480 9623
Tobumai 433 1534 1270 2804
Chowainu 384 1340 1287 2627
Kaibi 690 2249 2198 4447
Mao Marafü 76 213 209 422
Khongnem 120 540 515 1055
Puni Pfosemai 186 483 534 1017
Emesüphro 128 451 426 877
Mao Karong 223 407 602 1009
Taphou Pudunamai 145 462 538 1000
Daili 426 737 798 1535
Sadim Naga 177 487 447 934
Total 14259 51504 50094 101598
Source: DC office Senapati District. Hills House Counting Assessment Grazing List No. DC (SPT)
11/4 /93- Vol - III

Besides, the mentioned villages and population, there are people who have settled
permanently in urban areas like Senapati (District headquarters), Kohima, Dimapur and
Imphal. Again, some people have settled down in some villages along with other tribes
like the Poumais, Thangals and Marams.

Like any other Naga tribes, tracing the origin of the Mao Nagas is done basing on
folklores like folk songs and folk tales (oral traditions) since there is no written records of
the past. The history and the customs were preserved in their memories which were

46
handed down from generation to generation through oral narration. The songs and tales
covered the life of the Mao Naga society about social systems, administration of the
nature and achievements of the heroes, events of war and peace treaties, love affairs and
many other events of the time.

Mao Nagas belong to the Mongoloid racial group. Some consider Mao Nagas as
quasi Angami because of their similarity with that of the Angami Nagas. Linguistically,
they belong to Tibeto-Burman speech of the Sino-Tibetan family as do other Naga tribes.

The Mao Nagas are included in the group called Tenimia (Tenymi) which comprise
of Angami, Chakhesang, Maram, Mao, Phochuri, Poumai, Rengma, Thangal,
Zeliangrong tribes in Nagaland and Manipur. These tribes are considered as kindred
tribes. Big issues or problems which cannot be handled by any tribe in this group are
often handled by an organization formed by all the tribes who are in this group. For
instance, in the case of the conflict of the Mao Nagas and the Southern Angamis over the
issue of Kozüri the Tenimia organization had to intervene and pacify the conflict.

II.2. The Mao Nagas’ Traditional Worldview and their Socio-cultural Practices

The Mao Nagas had a worldview and a set of values attached with it. The
worldview of any society directs and causes individuals to behave or act in a particular
manner. Thus we can observe that the various socio-cultural practices and traditions are
related with the worldview and the values associated with it.

The worldview of the Mao Nagas has its roots in the village. The village to the
Mao Nagas is both the physical and spiritual home. Thus, when a Mao Naga talks about
his village (enu) he is not merely referring to his/her village as a territorial unit or space
but also the spiritual and cultural bond with one’s home. The idea of the villagers in a
village considered as a warring group is popular among the Maos. The villagers refer to
his fellow villagers as Irumei (my war group). It was in the village that the whole
philosophy of a person was shaped.

47
 Some of the values associated with the worldview of the Mao Nagas include the
following

 Chiilii Chiichu wo kohrii (a morally good and an honest life).

 Orachiithobo Kopfo (live according to the will of God). This involves observation
of all religious norms including taboos, gennas, etc.
 Khreikrio kohrii (living a dignified life)
 Meidziino ahre (feeling of shyness if one fails to do what is prescribed by the
norms of the society or for breaking the norms).
 Lera koho ye Amani ( temperate and peaceful)
 Nepriie (sense of fear of God).
 Omeiyi sokhrokosii ye ozhii amala (Sacrificial and Generous)

The various socio-cultural practices by and large flow from the worldview and the
values of the society.

II.2.1 Mythology of the Mao Nagas’ Origin

The Mao Nagas have a mythology about the creation. According to their mythology
of origin, Humankind, Tiger and God came into existence through the miraculous union
between the already existing first woman and the heavenly cloud. How the first
humankind, i.e. the woman, came into being, (according to the Mao Nagas), is not
explained but her existence is taken for granted (Mao 1999). The first woman’s name
was, Dzülimosüro, which approximately means the ‘purest water’ or ‘crystal clear water’.
One day she was resting under a tree, at a place called Makhriefü or Makhel which is in
the present Mao Naga territory. While she was lying under the tree, a cluster of clouds
came over her and she conceived. Subsequently she gave birth to Orah (God), Okhe
(Tiger) and Omei (Man). They are called Kaherüchomena which means sons of cloud.

It is believed that Orah, Okhe, Omei lived together harmoniously at Makhel till
their mother passed away. While Dzülimosüro became old and was on her dying bed, her

48
three sons (God, Tiger and Man) looked after her in turn. She had different experiences of
her three sons’ services. When Tiger rendered his service to the mother, she got disturbed
all the while because the Tiger murmured about the parts of her body he would eat after
she died. During God’s turn of service, he would cause fever to his mother and her
condition would worsen. Unlike the other two, Man provided the mother with everything
she needed and gave her utmost care, so the mother was very pleased with him. Such care
and affection prompted the mother to decide to die on the day when her youngest son,
i.e., ‘Man’ was nursing her. Since Tiger was waiting for her mortal remain, she advised
her son ‘Man’ to bury her dead body when she died and set up a hearth upon the grave
and cook his food upon the grave. She did so because she feared that the tiger would eat
up her mortal remain. This might be the reason why the Mao Nagas buried their mortal
remain just in front of the house whenever people died in the past. Just as she wished, one
day the mother died peacefully when her youngest son was nursing her. And the son,
‘Man’, buried her body just as she wanted (Neli 2011 pp 47-48). After the death of their
mother, all the three sons wanted to dwell at the middle land, i.e., the ancestral home of
Makhel. So the conflict started over the issue of who should inherit this middle land,
since all of them were interested in it. The brothers decided to have a competition and
mutually agreed with each other that whosoever won the competition would be the
legitimate heir to inherit the middle land. The competition was to strike a target i.e.,
prodzü (a bunch of leaves rolled on a stick). God, the eldest brother had a soft corner for
Man, since he was the youngest among the three brothers. Therefore, God (Orah) advised
Man (Omei) to use a bow and arrow at the competition. Omei took the advice of his
eldest brother Orah. On the day of competition, he hit the target with the arrow before his
brother Okhe who was running could reach it. Ultimately Omei came out as the winner of
the competition. As a result, Orah was assigned to go to Kashii (places where human do
not dwell, while Okhe was told to make his way to Eve (thick jungle). Omei, as per the
agreement settled down at the middle land, Makhel.

According to a Mao legend, Omei has three sons, Alapha the eldest son, Tutow the
middle and Khephio the youngest son. Alapha was the ancestor of Kolamei (people other

49
 Illustration II.1. Chiitebu Kajii Wild Pear Tree at Shajouba Village

Illustration II.2. Monolith Raised By Naga Illustration II.3. A Menhir Commemorating the
Students' Federation (NSF) at Makhel Departure of the Three Brothers - Alapha,
Tutow and Khephio at Makhel

50
than the Nagas and the Meities), Tutow was the ancestor of Mikrümei ( Meities) and
Khephio was the ancestor of the Nagas. In the course of time, the two elder brothers
(Alapha and Tutow) dispersed from Makhel to the place where they occupy today. As
mentioned earlier, the Naga tribes whose great ancestor was Khepio lived at Makhel for
quite some time. Later on as the population increased, they decided to move out and settle
at new places. However, before they departed from Makhel, they assembled under the
Wild Pear Tree (Chütebu kajü) at the place called Shajouba (Charangho) near Makhel as
a mark of their Sovereingty, Unity, Solidarity and Identity as a member of the Family of
Nations descended from the same ancestor8. Just as the tree branched out to different
directions, the Nagas decided to spread to different directions but resolved to remain a
single family like the roots of the tree. At the time of parting ways, they took the Secret
Oath under the Sacred Tree, Chütebu Kajü that they will unite again one day. Even today,
the Sacred Tree is remembered, honoured, protected and defended by all the Nagas. The
falling of any branch of this Sacred Tree required the observance of genna in all parts of
Angami, Sema, Lotha, Rengma and Chakhesang countries and other Naga areas who
trace their origin at Makhel (Daniel 2008 p 51). The generations of Khephio (Naga race)
spread and settled in the hills of North East India and North Western Myanmar (Nepuni
1999).

Oral tradition goes to say that Shüpfow was the eldest son of Khephio. ‘Shüpfow’
is the name of a person and ‘mei’ stands for people, thus the term “Shüpfomei” connotes
the descendants of Shüpfow. The Shüpfomei (descendants of Shüpfow) together
constituted the Mao tribe until the present Poumais achieved a constitutional status of a
tribe in the year 2003. Although majority of the Naga tribes migrated to different regions,
the descendants of Shüpfow remained in and around Makhel that is the present Mao and
Poumai territory. According to a tradition that seems to be accepted by many people, the
present Maos are the descendants of Choro who is believed to be one of the sons of
Shüpfow. This point is elaborated in later chapter.

8
As a mark of respect, the Naga Students Federation (NSF) organized a grand ceremony and constructed a
wall around this tree which still exists in Shajaoba, a Mao Naga village which is the immediate neighboring
village of Makhel

51
 The term Mao was used to refer to all the descendants of Shüpfow in the past
although the origin of the term Mao is still not clear. There are theories regarding the
origin of the use of the term. A theory says that the term was given by the Britishers when
they came to enquire Maram who their neighbors (Maos) were. The Maram called the
Maos as Maomai meaning ‘complacent people’ in Maram dialect. Another theory says
that when the Britishers found the Mao people similar to the Chinese Mao people, they
called them so. There is actually no meaning of the term ‘Mao’ at all in Mao dialect. Each
village called itself by the village name and groups of villages called themselves by
certain names based on common ancestry or territory normally. Terms like Pfonemei,
Makhriepadei, etc are names for group of villages. And names like Pfosemei, Robvemei,
Makhriemei are names of villages in Mao language. Here normally the names are derived
from ancestors or places. Thus in Pfosemei, ‘Pfose’ stands for Pfoseo, the ancestor, and
‘mei’ stands for people. Normally the suffix chii/chi/fii is added and it means house or
dwelling place.

II.2.2 Belief System and Practices

Religion had its influence on all spheres of the Mao Naga traditional life. However,
while dealing with the belief system and practices, only the more important components
are considered. Other aspects of Mao Naga socio-cultural life although related to their
belief system are treated in a separate section.

The belief system of the Mao Naga and of course all the Nagas was animistic in
nature and simple. The universe to them [Nagas] was peopled with innumerable spirits,
the majority of whom were malignant (Horam 1975 p 119). The Mao Nagas believed that
God was manifested in nature and they see a number of ghosts or spirits (oramei)
working in their cosmic order. These spirits may appear in different forms: in dreams, by
noise or sound, as strange objects, as wind, etc. There are spirits in the forests, in the
streams in the bushes in the fields and of course in the village itself (Ibid. 1975 p 119).
Thus, often thick forests, big rocks, streams, rivers, brine springs and trees and other

52
natural objects that appear supernatural or unusual are thought to be the abode of the
spirits. The spirits are given different names in terms of their characteristics and generally
in terms of their abode. These enumerable spirits can be classified into two categories: the
benevolent spirits (Orakazhü) and the malevolent spirits (Orakashü).

The benevolent spirit is believed to be the spirit responsible for the welfare and
prosperity of the people. It guards and protects the village from diseases, pestilence and
natural calamities like storm, flood, landslide, fire, hailstones, draught, failure of crops,
earthquake, etc. It helps in family welfare, protects and blesses the field and crops and
provides rain for cultivation. It is interesting to note that the Mao Nagas generally
believed in the existence of Supreme Being who is the creator and dispenser of all good
things. They referred to this God in feminine gender and the term Amono pfüpei (meaning
our mother who gave us birth and our caretaker) is used to address this Supreme Being
(see Lotsiiro 1990; Neli 2009). The Mao Nagas associate the benevolent spirit with this
caretaker God. It was, and is where it still exists among the few individual pagans, a
tradition among the Mao Nagas to sprinkle drops of rice bear before drinking it and drops
down a pinch of the food to be eaten which was considered to be the share of the spirit in
their everyday life. Besides, this spirit is worshiped and sacrifices of different kinds are
offered to it as the people think that if they do not do so, the spirit might not guard the
people. Consequently, diseases, epidemics, failure of crops, etc. might take place in the
community.

The malevolent spirit is always thought to be dangerous and destructive to human

affairs. It could be the spirit or ghost (ama) of a person who dies of accident such as
drowning, falling from tree, killing by wild beast, etc. it is believed that all forms of
human sufferings such as damage of properties, failure of crops or harvest, natural
calamities, diseases, accident of various kinds, madness, etc. and for that matter every
evil under the sun is attributed to the power of this demon or spirit. Because of the
possible harms that could be caused by this spirit, different types of sacrifices were made
by the Mao Nagas. Very often, sacrifices take the form of egg, fowl, wine, cloth, iron
pieces etc. this was done to appease him or revoke his anger so that the spirit would

53
restrain from his harmful activities towards human beings, domestic animals and
vegetations.

There was no fixed place or organized system of worship in the traditional Mao
Naga religious system. They worshiped the spirits, anywhere and anytime. Offerings and
sacrifices were made at any place in the house, on the road, under the tree, upon a rock by
the river side, at the paddy field and other places where spirits were expected to have
their abode or expected to visit. Besides, there was neither sacred scripture nor organized
church in the traditional religious system of the Mao Nagas.

Death, fire, eclipse, accidents and certain days were observed by the community
worship. Those non-working days (mani) were observed so that no calamity or mishap
might happen during the year. These days were considered as days of peace-making with
God. Defaulters or absentees are exposed and held responsible for social calamities of the
village.

Every misfortune was ascribed to an evil spirit or the other in a Mao Nagas’ term
and they were appeased by offering fowls, eggs and other domesticated animals and by
observing mani. Thus, sickness is understood in terms of the work of spirit (ora). Illness
is referred to as orazhümoe (meaning spirit has not been good). Likewise fever is referred
to as oramaki (spirit bite). They also believed in the protective function of the benevolent
spirits. The Mao Nagas once lived in constant war with tribes or between different
villages and their daily life was subjected to the fear of sudden attack. This made them
seek the help of protective spirit to guard them from destruction by enemies. Gennas
were strictly observed. Animal sacrifices were also offered in order to gain the favor of
these benevolent spirit that the village might remain safe. Sacrifices were also made to
the spirit in order to receive blessing for bumper harvest, wealth and happiness in this
world and beyond. Traditionally the Mao Naga animists were superstitious by nature they
consulted omens before embarking on any important project like the starting of sowing
the seeds, going on a hunting expedition or commencement of journey.

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 Before the coming of Christianity, the Mao Nagas did not have a clear idea of
heaven or hell. The Mao Nagas believed that the dead go to a world through the way
called Kathi luzhu. They believed that life in the village of the dead was similar to the life
on earth; they continue to live, eat drink, talk, feel sad or happy. Therefore, for their next
life food n drink is placed on the tomb and clothes are kept in the coffin. It was also
believed that the dead visits the family members on the third day of the death. They
believed that the land of the dead lies under our world. There the dead live exactly as men
live here. The Mao Nagas believed in the existence of heaven which is the place a
virtuous person goes to and become part of the celestial body like a star. The existence of
hell is not known. The belief in life after death is thus important because it in some ways
determine life on earth.

The Mao Nagas believe that the soul of the person who dies a natural death goes to
the land of the dead. On the contrary, unnatural deaths are often attributed to the evil
deeds that the deceased committed in his life time and the spirit of such a person turns to
harmful spirit for the living. The Mao Nagas also believe in a close link between the
living and the dead. It is believed that in spite of their supernatural force and power, the
deads are still dependent upon the living for their happiness.

The Nagas do not have a founder/prophet or sacred text like established religions.
The Naga dharma is encoded in observances of the taboos and gennas. These help the
Nagas to follow and obey the customary laws and oral practices everyone alike thereby
promoting social cohesion in the society (Kaisii and Francis 2012).

An Important aspect of the traditional Mao Nagas’ religion was the importance
given to genna. The Mao Nagas observed many gennas. According to Hutton, the word
genna is of Assamese origin and is used to convey the meaning of three Angami words:
Kenna, penna and nanü: first two relate to taboo and kenna means forbidden. Gennas
were often observed for many reasons, but always in the form of appeasement of the
spirit so that good health, prosperity and a long life may be ensured. Some of the gennas
are observed before an event for protection and to avoid untoward incidents. Some are

55
observed after an event to appease the deity and avert recurrence. Every genna has its
own specific significance and desired purpose.

The word mani (meaning genna), was regularly used among Mao Nagas for the
various incident of the magico-religious rite as mentioned above. There are different
kinds of gennas and they form an important part of the Mao Naga life cycle. Gennas
sometimes affected the whole village, tribe, or a group of village, or a single household.
On such occasions, no outsider is admitted into the house lest anyone should contact
diseases and bring evil spirits into the household. Household gennas may also happen
with some sacrifices and some household ceremonies.

Illustration II.4. Some Gennas Observed by the Mao Nagas

 Phehrü Mani: a day for purification of physical and spiritual beings. Every individual takes
bath on this day
 Ora mani: a day of thanksgiving, adoration to god and prayer for sustenance of life and the
grant of blessings
 Tokho mani: a day of prayer for seeking wealth, food and that every need be granted
abundantly
 Omi Kazhü mani: a day of prayer to god so that accidental fire does not take place
 Pfureshü mani: a day of prayer to god for lasting wealth
 Dzükho mani: a day of prayer for water
 Okheshü mani: a day of prayer for the protection of paddy from pestilence
 Osüra koso mani: a day of prayer for the proper growth of millet from beast
 Ojü kathi mani: a day of prayer for fertility
 Ojü kazhu mani: a day of prayer for not sending darkness
 Molu kasü mani: a day of prayer of prevention of earthquakes
 Pirü mani: a day of prayer for not sending hailstorm
 Khrihrü kashü mani: a day of prayer for not sending strong winds
 Osü pu kakha mani: a day of rest after sowing millet
 Thopre mani: a day of prayer for the inauguration of paddy transplantation
 Doshu pirü mani: a day of prayer for the protection of paddy from hail storms
 Ochü kazü kokho mani: a day of prayer for good weather for the harvest of paddy

56
  Belu mani: a day of prayer for the first opening of paddy granary.

During the genna days people remain in their villages; no outsider may be admitted
to the village. In some cases the village gate is shut and travelling or transactions do not
take place. In some cases gennas are observed when people erect stone monument. The
Mao Nagas have an elaborate system of gennas every month; there are gennas with
specific reason and significances. These genna days are known as mani or obligation
days. These days are days of prayer to god. Every mani or genna days is announced by
the king of the village on the previous night or early in the morning of the same day to the
villagers. They are to refrain from work on the field or forests and many other normal
works. What is significant about the genna day among the Mao Nagas is that it could be
seen in terms of the sanctification of certain days or setting aside these days as sacred.
Every religion observes certain days which may be called by different names like feast
days or days of obligation.

Observance of taboos constitutes another important characteristic of Mao

traditional religion. In Mao dialect taboo is called chüno. The tradition of chüno is deeply
rooted in the Mao Naga society. There are two kinds of taboos operating in their society.
Unlike many major religions in the world, the religion of the Mao Nagas is not a
systematized religion. The beliefs and values are compounded in what one “should not
do” (prohibition or taboos) and “one should do” (mandatory authorization). It is the
observance of the taboos- “should do” or “not to do is forbidden” and “should not do” or
“to do is forbidden” that one can understand the Mao Nagas dharma. Rarely the reason
for why doing something or not doing something is taboo was enquired; such is the force
a taboo has upon the life of individuals among the Mao Nagas (Neli 2012). The taboos
that Mao Nagas follow are normally included in their customary laws. It is the fear of
undesirable consequence (believed to be unleashed by the supernatural) that gives all
religious injunctions a moral force to individuals and communities to be faithful in the
Mao Nagas’ tradition. It was the taboo mechanism that regulated all moral and religious

57
boundaries. N. Saleo one of the chief informants, for the present research work has listed
has 299 taboos operating in the Mao traditional society (see appendix 2).

A major component of the Mao Naga traditional religious life can be observed in
the practice of various rites in a person’s life cycle. The rituals and ceremony connected
with birth, naming, marriage and death can be defined as life cycle rites. From the day
of his/her birth traditionally, a Mao Naga goes through various ritual performance, as a
result of which he/she is accepted into various roles and status like that of an adult and
ushers him/her as husband/ wife through the performance of rites and rituals.

The Mao Naga tribe attached a great deal of importance to the birth of a child. This
is shown by the fact that it is surrounded by a set of prescribed rituals and ceremonies.
First of all, the birth of a child in the family necessitates a family genna which means that
family concerned would observe a genna. Among the Mao Nagas, pregnant women were
neither allowed to go to the field too early nor to come back from the field too late. This
was done so as not to expose the child in the womb to the evil spirit.

Much care used to be taken in the naming of a child. Naming of a child was done
during the birth genna or soon after it. Traditionally, Mao Nagas name the child on the
third day after birth. The Maos call this naming sakapra which means to bring out. A boy
child is named by a boy and girl child is named by a girl. Holding the child’s hand and
calling the name of the child, the boy/girl who is supposed to name the child says: kavali
praleshe (let us see the light).

In the performance of ritual for the dead, the first thing that is done is the washing
of the corpse by a friend or close friends. The Mao Nagas bury their dead. As the Mao
Nagas believe in life after death, provisions for their journey to the land of the dead are
prepared and kept for the dead. Those who die unnatural death, like in accidents or
violence, are not usually buried in the same place as the others.

We have given above a brief picture of traditional Mao Nagas’ religion which is
still practiced by a limited number of people of the tribe. But it is a religion facing
extinction in its traditional form although it has been practiced by a few individuals.

58
Almost the entire population got converted to Christianity and they gave up their
traditional religion. This aspect of change that is the replacement of traditional religion by
Christianity is dealt with in detail in the later sections of the thesis.

The Institution of religion together with the following institutions constituted the
core of traditional Mao Naga socio- cultural life.

II.2.3. Festivals

Agriculture constitutes the mainstay of the traditional economy of the Mao Naga
and their festivals and feasts are closely associated with the agricultural cycle. Being an
Agrarian society, the Mao Nagas are engaged in agricultural activities throughout the
year except during times of festivals and public gennas. The function of festivals seems
to be the provision of the much needed breaks at appropriate times from the laborious
tasks in the fields. The yearly festivals are celebrated on a fixed date every year without
the question of weather and situation, but the occasional festivals like the feast of merit
and feast of covenant can be celebrated according to the convenience of the people,
situation and weather. Feast and festivals are primarily social in character. But it is
interesting to note that in the primitive Mao society all these were closely associated with
religion and religious practices and thus, they were more religious in character. In fact
these were performed amidst social gathering with the offering of bloody sacrifices
primarily aimed at gaining blessings from the good spirits or for appealing to the evil
spirits to avoid misfortunes.

The Mao Naga tribe has five important festivals observed in a year, namely:
Chüthuni, Saleni, Chüjüni, Beluni and Onuni. Each of these festivals has its own
significance with the change of seasons. Of all, Chüthuni and Salini are the most
important festivals of the tribe.

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 Chüthuni festival is celebrated after the harvest Table II. 3. Mao Naga Traditional
every year. This is the first festival of the year and the Lunar Months Corresponding with
Gregorian calendar Months
celebration usually falls in the month of January. Chüthuni:January
Chüjüni is the second festival of the year which is Chosülopra: February
celebrated the month of May or June. This celebration is Orolopra: March
mainly for the preparation of health in order to work for Khranü: April
the plantation of the main crop, that is, paddy. Saleni is Khrana: May
the third festival celebrated just after the transplantation. Pfozü: June
Traditionally, this festival is the festival of purification Sale: July
of the male child. On the occasion of this festival, the Roli: August
performance of the initiation of the male child is done. Onu: September
These rites mark the entry of a male child into youth. Mozhalu: October
Onuni is the last festival which is celebrated somewhere Belu: November
in the month of September. This festival is concerned Ikro: December
more with the family matters. The family has to observe
several taboos during this festival.
The Mao Nagas have their own way of counting days, months and years. They
count the days of the months by observing the phase of the moon, the full moon as the
fifteenth day. The meaning of the month has great significance for the season which
reminds the people of the time and work schedule. Most of the festivals, ceremonies,
rites, gennas, etc., are arranged based on calendar days.

II.2.4. Education- the Dormitory System

In common with other Naga tribes, the Mao Nagas too have the Dormitory
(Morung) system. They have separate dormitories for boys and girls which are called
“Khrucho Zü” for boys and “Locho Zü” for girls. It was shameful for girls as well as

60
boys to sleep with their parents when they reached years of understanding9 (14 – 15 years
of age for boys and 13 – 14 years for girls). Here the boys sleep according to the age
groups in separate house and the same is for the girl.

Coming to Morung every night, young people could understand one another better.
Morung was a place where people were trained, disciplined and taught the necessities of
the individual and community living. They were also made to help the needy and to be
good citizens of the village. Horam noted that in the olden days the Morung was a
training ground for all lessons that the youth must learn before starting to live
independently. Here they were taught also the important and invaluable lessons of
discipline, hard work and the spirit of service.

Though at times, a girl in the day’s hard work or in the family affairs encountered
times of disappointment and dejection, the moment she reaches the Morung, her mood
changed in the company of her friends and the young boys who had already arrived there
to study their minds and characters. Even if a girl led a secluded life in the family, in the
community life in the dormitory she would forget all her woes and sufferings. Even if
she had the tendency of doing wrong things in her private family life, the moment she
spent her time in the school amidst her friends, she got conscious of her shortcomings.
Thus, anything bad that might have crept into her character would gradually melt away.
Here in the school (Morung) the way was paved for her future responsibility.
Consequently, the dormitory was a training centre in the olden days, which molded the
personality of the young people, concerning their behavior in the family as well in the
society.

No human society exists and grows without education of some sort. In traditional
Mao Naga society, learning was informal and non formal: it was learning by doing and
by imitation. Since there was no tribal organization to deal with the needs of the tribe as a
whole, each village became solely responsible for its own economic, social, spiritual and

9
Mao Nagas term ‘okhu sii prate’ refers to a certain stage where a girl or a boy is thought to have
reached certain level of understanding.

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political needs. Such needs required that the young be taught and trained within the
village community.

The prime education centre in Mao Naga society was the Morung/dormitory also
found in other parts of the world. Members had to take part in the numerous Morung
activities. The members would help the owner of the Morung house in collecting
firewood, drawing water, etc.

The Morung was an important educational institution. There were regular ranks
through which the members passed until they attained adulthood and were admitted to
full membership in the village. Each rank or order had to perform some distinctive form
for the men who belonged in the Morung. Normal activities at the Morung were never
organized; they were spontaneous and members responded naturally. Much of the
culture- customs and traditions – has been passed on from generation to generation
though the folk music and dance, folktales and oral historical traditions, carvings of
figures on stone and wood, and designs on clothes. Much of this teaching-learning
process took place at the boys’ and girls’ dormitories.

Some Mao Naga folk songs are romantic in content, being inspired by boy-girl
relationships at the girls’ dormitory and at work in the fields. Others, the majority, relate
the historical background of the tribe, the community, the village, the clan, certain well
known individuals and communities. Seasonal songs are sung only in their particular
season. For instance, spring songs tell you what the spring season is and what one should
do during the spring season. There is at least one song for each period of agricultural
year. They are instructive and can be called mini-course in Naga agriculture.

Folklore and oral historical traditions have been more or less the primary means of
teaching village and tribal history. Around the fireside at home one often found elders
telling stories to a group of children. It appears that in the early days, story-telling at the
Morung was more organized. An elder or priest would come prepared; more-involved
stories of the past were recited. Folk-tales and oral historical traditions are more inclusive
than folk music. In their content, and thus cover more extensive areas. Folk stories

62
contain fewer romantic episodes; they tell more about customs and traditions of the past.
They also tell about animism, the only religion of the Mao Nagas prior to their contact
with the western missionaries. In the absence of any written document, folktales and oral
historical traditions remain the sole links between the past and the present. One acquires
the skill of learning folktales by the most assiduous cultivation of the memory.

For their physical education program, the Mao Nagas did not need any organized
sports and games. The topography of their land is such that going down daily to the farm
in the morning and coming back up to the village in the evening was sufficient to keep
them in good physical shape. They did however have some popular sports and games
such as wrestling, javelin throw, shot-put, and tug-of-war which were played informally
except during village festivals, when it was competitive.

Examples of indigenous education are basically examples of learning about the

environment in its economic potential and skills required for exploiting it. The family in
Naga society has always been the prime economic unit. Trades of economic value were
first learned at home and on the family farm. Parents or other relatives taught the young
boys the art of agriculture and the girls how to fetch water and firewood and the domestic
chores. Parents were primarily responsible in teaching social ethics and behavior. Such
teaching occurred informally as the children sat around the kitchen fire eating or relaxing,
as well as at work on their farm. Children were always taught to respect and honor their
parents and elders. Role playing and dramatization were used to teach the young the kind
of conduct, ceremony and discharge of responsibility expected of them. Juvenile
delinquency was practically non-existent in Mao Naga society. Parents always looked
forward to the day when they would retire from active farming to baby-sit their
grandchildren. Aged parents always lived with one of their children and were looked
after by them.

Uncles, aunts and grandparents were primarily responsible for sex education in the
family: Grandparents and uncles for the boys and grandmothers and aunts for the girls.
Instructions on sex were quite informal and conducted in semi-secrecy. For marriageable
young people, grandmothers and aunts were the main matchmakers.

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 Thus it would be naive to believe that Mao Nagas received no education prior to
their contact with Westerners. Mao Naga society although without formal schooling of
the West, regarded education as operative at all stages of human life and very much in the
interest of the cohesion of the village communities.

II.2.5. Political Organizations and Institutions

In the study of Naga polity, it is found that the village rather than a group of
villages or a tribe is the natural unit of organization and hence the correct basis of
investigation (Horam 1975 p 61). Each Mao Naga village was a republic having its own
political institutions and social structures. Most of the Mao Naga villages are invariably
built either on the top of the hill, on a high saddle or perhaps more frequently on the ridge
of some spur running down from a high range excepting the ones that were recently
established for getting easy access to better transport, communication and other facilities.
Villages were founded in such locations because of the tradition of head-hunting; inter
village fighting, economic reasons and other conveniences. And it is significant to note
that even after the disappearance of the tradition of head hunting, the people of the same
village are called a war group (orumei). The villages were well guarded by fences and
regular watchmen (Rukhemei). Each village had strong gate with wooden walls,
ornamented with figures of warriors, defenders and human heads. The curved wooden
gate was erected with a grand ceremonial feast and the people held genna during the
period. Every village was more or less self-sufficient and had its own cultivable lands,
sufficient to support its own population, live stock for meat and ceremonies. It also had a
wide range of forest area around the village for getting building materials, fire- wood and
as a hunting ground for wild animals and for food gathering. No Mao villagers were
required to go to other villages begging for their survival, as they were economically self-
sufficient to meet their simple living. This was one reason why villages had been shut off
from outside interferences, association and influences in the past.

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 The Mao Naga from time immemorial lived an independent life, like the tribes of
other Nagas. Every village was a sovereign village state. They maintained themselves
carefully and they were self-governing. The Mao Nagas had never been under anyone’s
strict administrative control in the past. They live under a system of pure democracy and
are capable of managing the village without having anyone to worry or fear.

They lived in compact and well defended villages each having its own chief/king
(movüo) as head of the villages. The chief was the sole authority in giving necessary
direction to all the villages. The Mao Naga village chief was expected to perform all
kinds of ritual for peace, development and security of the villages. In the earlier days of
continuous animosity among villages and the practice of head hunting, the question of
village defense was a matter of great importance. Peace and prosperity of any village
depended on the ability of the village to keep enemies and attackers at bay.

The village chief plays a very important role from the time Mao Nagas settled to
live as a village. He is considered as the supreme authority in regard to customary laws
and rites. When the location for settlement was determined a suitable portion of the land
for residence, cultivation and forest were first carved out for the chief. This is why till
today if for any reason the chief ceases to be or in the event of his death, the ownership
title of the land so acquired from the community is conferred to his successor.
Traditionally the law of the land does not permit the chief to dispose of his land by way
of selling or as a gift to any person other than his successor. In practice, it is seen from
the beginning that the successor is normally chosen from the incumbent chief’s family or
clan only.

The chief was also the head over the religious matters. All the public ceremonies,
rites and rituals were performed by him. He announced genna and declared seasonal
festivals. When the harvest season was over every villager had to give tribute, usually a
basket full of paddy and the Mao Naga special wine, as a mark of acceptance of his
divine ruler ship over the villagers. In the conduct of village government it has been
noted above that the chief’s position was dominant. Nonetheless, he does not exercise
unlimited power.

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 Traditionally the chief prays and performs rituals for his subjects to keep them
away from all kinds of sickness and poverty, to become fruitful and acquire abundant
domestic animals, crops, and for overall welfare and progress of the people. Whenever
any family or individual from the village perform rite or sacrificial feast he is always
invited to grace the occasion. He is served the first cup of rice beer with which in a
traditional manner of offering to the mother earth, he tilts the cup, of rice beer with which
in a traditional manner of offering to the mother earth, fell few drops to the ground and
invokes blessing for the host. The main celebration and other formalities of the ceremony
begin with his blessings. It is believed that whoever received the chief’s blessings are
always lucky and lead a peaceful healthy life.

The village chief observes some obligations in the interest of the subjects’ welfare.
He always sets aside the following days in a lunar year for prayer and fasting, so that his
beloved subjects may receive God’s blessings and experience peaceful and harmonious
life.

Every genna day before the cattle is let out from the village for grazing in addition
to spending days in prayer and fasting for the same seasons as mentioned, the chief also
observes a number of taboos.

The chief loves the villagers and treats them like his own children. The villagers too
love him and consider him as their own father next only to God. They show due respect
to him. The mutual love and concern that exist between them can be best understood
from the following facts:

The chief is always given the privilege and honor on all important occasions,
particularly during feast of merit and other sacrificial feasts; he is gifted with the right leg
of the animal killed for the feast. Traditionally, this is considered as the most honored
gift.

In a particular sacrificial feast (Chüvü kovü) meat is distributed to every household

in the village by the host and in the event of death of any villagers, the family of the

66
deceased distributes meat to whoever comes to console the family of the deceased. In
both cases the Chief is always given two shares of meat.

Rich people at times host feast of drinking wine (Chü Mohru Kocho) where wine is
provided free of cost to all the villagers, rich or poor alike. During such occasion the
Chief is always served the first banana leaf (for cup) and served the first wine.

Every genna proclaimed by the chief is observed obediently by villagers. The Chief
always initiates annual seed-sowing for which every household under his headship gives
paddy of a certain measure of bamboo basket annually after harvest. No new village can
be established or settled unless the chief erects and blesses the first hearth at the proposed
village. Besides, the village cannot wage war with another village without the blessings
and proclamation of war genna by the chief.

The chief is assisted by the village clan council in the village administration. The
head of the families of a clan constituted the village clan council. This council decides
petty disputes, social offences and minor criminal offenses if the party belonged to the
same clan. If any one of the parties was not satisfied with the decision of the clan council
then he/ she could advance the case to higher – up council for settlement.

The village council was constituted by the heads of the clans within the same
village in which the village chief become automatically the president of the village
council. Whenever a dispute arose between two parties who belonged to different clans or
when the village clan council fails to decide a clan dispute at their level, the village
council takes up the case. The village council was, therefore this council for amiable
settlement of their case.

In modern times, the Village Group Council was set up. It composes of members
from several constituent village units of the council. Its president and secretary are
elected by the councilors. This council handles all kinds of important problems of the
constituent units. During 1943 - 1950, it was known as Mao Tribal Council. From 1950 -
1980, it was re-named as Mao Naga Social Welfare Board. The name was again changed
into Ememai Council of Mao in 1991. The function of this council in the sphere of

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administration of justice is to resolve disputes arising between parties who reside in
villages of different groups within the territorial jurisdiction of the council or disputes
which the group council fails to settle. In dispute cases, generally the aggrieved party
used to file the case to the council for settlement of the case by paying court fee. The
council in reasonable time calls the disputant parties with their witnesses and documents
if any, for trial in open and settles the case after hearing the statement of both the groups.
Oath was sometimes taken as the last resort for settlement of the case if none of the
parties plead guilty. Case was therefore settled in favor of the party, which could take
oath. However, if both the group stuck to their respective stands and the judges were
unable to give their verdict, both the parties were allowed or made to take an oath for
settling the case or equally apportion the property for which they disputed.

Various scale of punishment are imposed on the guilty and the punishment imposed
by the council is generally in the form of fines and compensation either in cash or kind as
there was no imprisonment system.

The different political bodies handle the administration of the village through the
imposition of the customary laws. Some of the traditional customary laws of the Mao
Nagas are mentioned as follows:

Murder: If someone is murdered, the Maos would discuss the case. Before the case
is settled, normally the family members of the deceased come and destroy the house and
property of the murderer. However if the house is destroyed his forest would be spared.
Or if the forest is destroyed, the house is spared. Both cannot be destroyed. And while
destroying the house or forest if the axe comes out of the handle, it would not be fixed
and used again. The things kept in others place would not be touched.

In olden times, the murderer had to pay a fine of 100 animals to the victim’s family
and the entire lineage would not be allowed to stay in the village for seven years.
However in the later times, it was realized that the punishment was too severe and it was
altered. The number of animals was reduced to ten and only the murderer would be sent
away from the village. Out of the ten one is charged as the share of Meliruü (Upper group

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of Mao) and one is charged as the share of Melikhrü (lower group of Mao). After this
payment, he or she is banished to the jungle for seven years. If he or she came back
before that period he or she is liable to be killed without trial. A murderer was expected
to wait in the jungle for seven years for his or her sin and repent. When the said ten bulls
were killed, all his or her family had to disperse to others places. As soon as they
dispersed, the wooden post erected for killing the bull was half- cut and this was followed
by destruction of their granary and scattering away of their belongings in front of the
gathered public.

After the murderer and his family vacate the village no one would be allowed to
stay in the village. Besides, the paddy field/jhum field would be left without being
cultivated by anybody. After seven years expires, the murderer could return to stay in his
village. On his return, an elder among the relatives of the victim would draw some water
in the mug and pour the water on his hand as well as the murderer’s hand and both of
them would say ‘ even though mistake was done in the past let it be the last. From this
day on, let our relation be like this peaceful and clean water’. Saying so, they leave the
mug and proceed to the village. After this ritual, they would not have any grievance
against each other and live at peace with each other.

Rape: In ancient times a man who could mutually win a woman and lay with her
was considered a hero. But force or violation of sex such as rape was never accepted. If it
was proved that a man had raped a woman, then the man had to pay a large sum of
money to her to enable her to buy unblemished bull for killing as sacrifice. The meat
would then be distributed to all household of the village as a token of sanctification of her
defiled chastity.

Adultery: Adultery was not common among the Mao Nagas in the past. But if
caught while involving, both were either killed or beaten mercilessly. For the women, her
hair was even shaved.

Theft: if a person was found stealing and if the owner cannot forgive, the thief had
to pay five times the value of the property stolen.

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 Method of realizing fines from the defaulter: if the guilty refused or failed to pay
the fines in time, then the nearest clan or kin or village elders of the defaulter were
expected to bear the responsibility for payment. In failing the village elders were made to
recommend putting the defaulters’ properties to auction for recovering the value of fines
along with all the necessary expenditure involved in the process of taking such action.

Case of Polygamy: If a married man wants to marry another woman and if the first
wife wants to be the man’s wife still. The first wife would be made to remain in the
kitchen while the new wife would be allowed to stay at the location of the house where
domestic animals are kept and construct a separate hearth for her. And the man would
sacrifice a bull and distribute its meat to the villagers.

In case the first wife asks for divorce, they would divorce and the properties would
be divided where two third of the share would be given to her. If the woman has a son,
she would take even the house.

Marriage: After it is agreed that a man and a woman would marry and the
discussion is concluded and in case, someone objects the marriage, the things that are
agreed to be given to each other at the time of marriage would be confiscated from the
man.

After the arrangement for marriage is made and the woman does not like to marry
the man, she would still be required to go and live in the house of the man and complete
the rituals. After that she may leave. However if she refuses to remove her dresses while
she lies with the man, she would be fined.

If a woman gets pregnant before she is married, and she names a man to be the
father of the child, the man is obligated to marry. Even if the man does not want to marry
her, he has to marry and fulfill the marriage rituals after which he may leave her. Even
after divorce, until the properties are divided, none can remarry. After the death of a
spouse, one cannot remarry until the death rituals are completed. Marriage between
members of the same clan is not permitted. Anyone who does so is believed to be eaten
by tiger. After the death of a man, his wife could be married by the younger brother. The

70
opposite is not permitted. Children of brothers of the same family cannot marry.
However, cross cousins can marry.

Giving Gifts by the Bereaved Family: There are three forms namely, Fosi kopfo,
Modo and Monii. In Fosi kopfo, the grandfather of the deceased takes the tools from his
grand children. Usually the tool is the spade which the deceased used in his lifetime. In
cases where a person has more than one grandfather, the spade is given to the eldest. At
the time of taking the fosi, the grandfather would say, “Kashii karasii hino mokhu
monole, Izhothi hino a temei anamei peno kashii kara hipeitahi kadepulemoi. Atemei
anamei peno kazhio so, okhro chiinhei kapra ti kole, Ora yi tho.” (Let this be the end of
suffering for my descendants. Let my generation be like the moon and the stars, God
bless).

Modo: Even modo is taken by the grandfather. In case the deceased named a
grandfather, that grandfather takes it. If there is no such person, among the oldest men of
the clan, discussion would be held as to whom it should be given and finally one would
be selected. Modo used to be a shawl. The shawl has been replaced by the coins after
coins were introduced.

Monii: Fosi and modo are ritual acts. However, monü is different. In the case of
taking monü, the grandfather gives to his grandchildren or a mother gives to her daughter
-in-law or good friends give to each other. Those who take care of the deceased at the
time of sickness are usually given monü. However, it is not mandatory to give monü. The
poor are exception but the rich or those who do not have offspring usually give monü.
Monü is given in the form of paddy or land or other properties.

II.2.6. Economic Institutions

The traditional occupation of the people was agriculture. They practice mostly two
methods of cultivation. They are terrace or wet cultivation and jhum or dry cultivation.

71
 Terrace cultivation is the dominant way of agriculture and the main stay of the
profession of the people. Terrace fields are cultivated in the lower hill slopes and valleys,
which has good access to water nearby. Irrigation canals are dug to link up the field with
the water source. The plot for terrace cultivation is permanent and it is settled form of
cultivation. Every spring season the terrace field is cleared, the jungles and the beds are
dug up. The seeds are sown for the plantation. When monsoon starts, water is brought to
the field and the whole field is dug again. When the beds are ready, seedlings are brought
from the rice beds and planted in the terrace fields. This is usually done in the month of
June and July. Weeding of unwanted plant is done when necessary. Water is retained in
the terrace plots for the whole time until the crops ripen. Once the field is ready for the
harvest, water is diverted from the canal and the field dries up. Harvest is generally done
in the month of October or November.

Jhum cultivation, also called shifting cultivation is an age-old method of

agricultural practice in many hill areas inhabited by the tribal. The Mao Nagas too
practice this form of cultivation although in a limited manner. The fertile land on the hill
slopes are cultivated by clearing, generally in the months between January and March.
The jungles are cut down and set fire in the month of March. The burning of the
vegetation enriches the fertility of the soil. The un-burnt logs and pieces of wood are
gathered and burnt again. In the Jhum fields, various types of fruits and vegetables such
as beans, cucumbers, potatoes, brinjals, chilies, ginger, maize, oilseeds etc. are the
common varieties found in the jhum fields. Jhum fields have no permanent plot. Every
two years the plot is changed to another place.

Every member of the family, even small boys or girls knows how to work in the
fields, dig and grow the vegetables in the farm. As life in the hills requires toughness, the
children are taught from their tender age to climb the steep ridges, clear the jungle,
plough the fields and cut the fire wood. It is indeed a hard life, yet, they have plenty to
eat. Every body works according to his or her ability and nobody begs from others.

The Mao Naga customary law permits only men to inherit property. Women have
no right to inherit property. If there is no male heir, it passes to the nearest lineage

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members, but when there is no inheritor in the family circle, the land goes to the clan and
becomes the common property of the clan. Normally the father distributes shares in terms
of assets, such as terrace fields, jhum field forest and other immovable properties. The
youngest son generally owns the parents house. There is also a system of clan-
inheritance. When a clan or a lineage has no more descendants the next immediate clan
claims and interstates the properties. The daughter is entitled to use some plot during her
life time. It then automatically returns to the male heir.

Trade system: prior to the British advent, barter played a dominant role in the
economy. Money was so rare that some did not even know what money was. They
exchanged goods within their village or with the neighboring villages and tribes. For the
exchange of goods, they set a reasonable rate of quantity for a particular commodity
according to its value and utility.

Agricultural implements (iron) like Dao, spade, axe, spear etc. were not done
locally. They brought these items from the Manipuri and exchanged them for their
requirements. Cotton and other necessary items were brought to their land from the
Tangkhuls, the neighboring Naga tribe. Articles of exchange were generally food grains,
livestock, beans etc. Thus, from time immemorial, goods were bartered.

Table II.4. The Mao Naga Traditional Barter Table

One rooster : one field that would grow granary of paddy

One shawl : one pig or one dog

One paddy granary : one residential plot

One dose of tobacco : one Jhum forest

Rice has been and continues to be the staple food for the Mao Nagas. They take rice
at least two times a day. Apart from rice, meat is their favorite. They eat meat without
restraint. They believe that meat contain nutritious food value and gives them the strength
to do heavy work during the day. They rear animals and fowls for food and sacrifices.

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 The favorite drink of the people had been rice beer, which nourishes and
strengthens the people. Some quantity of this drink was consumed daily and it served the
purpose of quenching one’s thirst. They entertained friends, neighbors, relatives and even
guests with rice beer. Ceremonies were never complete without pouring the festival
drink. It is used in feasts, sacrifices, ceremonies and festivals.

The short black cotton kilt reaching the knees, embellished with three or four rows
of cowries and a white shawl with four black strips in the very centre are the main dress
of men. A white and black striped kilt without cowries, used as skirt and a black piece of
cloth put diagonally from the arm pit and fastened on the shoulder are the main dresses of
the women. In the past a man’s wealth and prowess indicated the kind of cloth he was
allowed to wear. For example, if a man fed the village for a feast of merit he was allowed
one pattern. If he killed a tiger, there was another pattern and if he succeeded in war yet
another pattern. Others were strictly prohibited from wearing such cloths. Zhososa and
Khepi Kadesa are such important dresses. The Zhososa was a merit shawl which could be
worn only by those who gave a feast of merit and Khepi Kadesa could be worn by those
who killed tiger or who hunted enemy heads. From the shawls people could easily
identify the special status of the man.

Table II.5. The Main Traditional Dresses of the Mao Nagas

Gents Ladies

Tosü Mani Bersamani

Mokromani Kinamani

Katimani Kinasa

Sachusa Khrisa

Katisa Katisa

Khepi kadesa Chiina mani

Sagho nazhe Lohri Sapu

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II.2.7 Head-hunting

The practice of head-hunting was widespread in Mao Naga society in the past. All
their villages were engaged with this practice. There are various reasons as well as
purposes for warring or head-hunting in the past. These include10:

 If a village fears another village and stops warring, the stronger village would
dominate, ill treat them and even grab their land. If this happens a village cannot
exist or survive.
 In a village all there can be people who break norms of the society and considered
bad people. Such bad people are also brought into the mainstream with the help of
the honor and respect of the great warriors of the village.
 Girls refuse to marry a guy who has not hunted a head. The most beautiful girl
would refuse the proposals of other guys but accept only the proposal of the best
head hunters in a village.
 Among the Mao Nagas respectable name and dignity are highly valued. Those who
are good at war get the good name and dignity not only in one’s own village but
also in other Mao Naga villages.
 In war or head-hunting expedition sometimes besides taking the head, even
necklace, bangles and even other items worn or possessed by the person are taken
and sold.
 Head-hunting also brings fertility of the soil as well as human population.

It may be observed that head hunting was the very core of Mao Naga culture. It was
the mainspring of their lives, and activities and behavior were inextricably woven round
this practice. This adventurous sport gave them vigor and meaning to their lives. The
stone walls and palisades, village gates majestically decorated with human heads, feast of
merit, flamboyant head- dresses, elaborate textiles with patterns symbolic of head-
hunting are intimately bound up with this basic activity. The art of wood curving among
the Mao Nagas had been under the influence of head-hunting. Carvings on the beams or

10 th
Based on interview with N. Saleo at Pudunamai village on 20 February 2012

75
pillars of a warrior’s house and Morung often include human heads. Head hunting was
also the inspiration of Naga painting. The aesthetic life full of inspired dances, and songs
and colorful dresses is a response to their adventurous spirit.

There are three forms of head hunting, namely: Mejü kophocho (declared war),
Rüzhe ru (secret war) and Chakhrü ru (undeclared war).

In the form of Mejü kophocho (declared war), all the males who are capable of
going for war would go. The warring groups would fix a time and choose a place for the
war. On the day appointed for the war, every warrior would go to the place with a shield
and two spears each and well prepared food. On this day they observe a genna called
phehre mani after which only they would go to war. Prior to the war selection of men
who would go to the frontline as well as those who would go last while retreating would
be done. While going for the war, many rituals and taboos are observed. In the Rüzhe ru
(secret war), not many people would go for the war. Only good, strong and very capable
people go for the war. This war mostly takes the form of revenge. The warriors would
hide somewhere during the night or in the dark usually in the field on the way and attack
people normally, enemies. If they get a chance, they take the heads, if not they escape
after killing. In the Chakhrü ru (undeclared war), men from a village kill the other who
belongs to a village which had not gone for war with their village. Therefore, the villages
which go for this type of war would not be neighboring villages usually. The attacked
village is usually a village which would not be able to chase the one who kills or trace his
village. In Mao Naga culture, there is a custom where someone needs to be killed for
ritual while a king/chief is coronated. Besides, when a house is to be constructed for the
king/chief, a man’s life is required for ritual. For these purposes or for achieving reward
of excellence in war, people go for undeclared war.

In any of the three forms of wars, if heads are hunted, on their way back to their
village, the people would shout happily and go home. The heads would be kept at the
king’s house. Then the king would announce a genna (phehrü mani) and the people who
killed the enemies would slaughter animals and distribute the meat to the villagers. After
keeping the heads at the king’s house and rituals are performed, nolopfümei (married

76
women who belong to villages different from that of their husbands) would take away the
heads. If the heads are not taken away by the nolopfümei, they would be disposed off
beyond the village gate and this was a purpose girl children were married off to enemies’
village. Different badges are given and worn by the warriors depending on their
achievements in wars or head hunting expeditions.

II.2.8. Peace Treaty

Peace Treaty had been an important socio-cultural institution of the Mao Nagas.
Such treaty was usually organized normally when the village was prospering. When a
village is in prosperity, the villagers would begin talking about organizing peace treaty
when they seat at the raised platforms, at the kitchen and on the way to the field. During
such a time, the village elders, after noticing the talk of the people about the desire for
having peace treaty and the mood of the people, would begin thinking and discussing
about which village should be chosen for the treaty. The motive behind peace treaty does
not constitute in the desire for eating and tasting the food but it has many purposes. The
purposes included:

Before the British the Naga villages were at war with each other. During the war if
somebody gets killed by some other village, the members of the deceased do not eat food
prepared by the villagers who killed the man because it is a taboo to do so. In case the
food the eaten by chance while travelling and wondering about, it is believed that the man
would become blind or his decedents would not be good or they would get paralyses.
However, if they go for a peace treaty with that village and eat together than all such bad
things would be avoided.

There are instances where people in the village were the people with common
origin/ancestors could not stay together and some have to settle in some other villages
due to shortage of land or other reasons. In such a case there are chances that the kins
who settle in other village forget each other and there can be times when they even fight

77
and quarrel. To avoid such problems and to strengthen the bond that exists between them
peach treaty between such villages is organized.

At the time of war help and support from other village may be required in times of
need. For this some villages build relations with others by singing peace treaty. There
could be two villages which had signed peace treaty in the past. However, after many
years the younger generations of the two villages would forget the pledges made by the
elders of the two villages and might start hunting each other’s heads or harm each other.
To avoid such problem and remind themselves of the pledges and the good things the
elders did to each other is the good things the elders, peace treaty is organized. At the
time of peace treaty all the males who are able to the host village would go. By doing so a
village can show to the other villages how prosperous their village is and how many good
worriers they have. Besides the whole villagers are made happy by showing themselves
how good and prosperous the village have become.

The elders of the village which planned to have peace treaty with another village
would inform the other village that they would want to talk with them about having peace
treaty and give them a date for a meeting. On the day of meeting some knowledgeable
and wise elders along with some smart youths would go and meet the people of that
village. At the meeting they talk with each other with respect and politeness. They praise
each other and tell good things about each other. While such a meeting is going on, in
case somebody dies in the village, it is taken as a bad omen and although they want to go
for the peace treaty they have to leave it. However, if such things do not happen they
discuss about the peace treaty and finally decide to have it. When they are about to return
to their village an elder from both sides pray to God “Until we have the feast, Let not
even a sickly child die, let not the cattle die, let there be good luck and let us be
prosperous and happy just like the sun and moon rise everyday”.

After it is decided, preparation begins. Males search for the money means of
exchange to procure meat, salt and chilly and other items required. Ladies clean up the
house, the surrounding, the roads, prepare beds for the guest, pound the rice and everyone
gets ready as they wait for the guest. Everyone gets busy during this time with their hands

78
and body and they get great pleasure is doing so. In a peace treaty, the knowledgeable,
sociable people, the rich would be ready to take even three/ four of the guest in case the
village cannot host the guest because of their great number. This they do because they do
not want the village to be shamed. In turn they are praised and they are honored as
dignified parents of the village. During this time even friends from other villages are
invited and informed the date of the feast. These friends bring gifts and join the
celebration.

Illustration II.5. A Sample of Peace Treaty Pledge (Made Between Kezoma and Pudunamai Villages)

 Whatever harm we have done upon one another before coming to know each other
shall be forgiven

 Our friendship will not be broken and we shall not forsake one another until the
heavens and the earth the sun and the moon are no more

 On the day of your trouble I will help you and on the day of my trouble you will
help me

 On the day people oppress you, I will stand by you and on the day people oppress
me you will stand by me

 If you violate the treaty we have made, all harm shall fall upon you and if I violate
them all harm shall fall upon me

 This treaty we made shall not be altered.

Those who intend to go for the feast would take many days to prepare themselves.
They prepare and keep the things ready to take to the feast. A couple would work hard in
preparing good dresses to be worn on the day by the children for the feast so that they
would not get shame. Just a day or two or three before the feast genna is observed and
they shout and go to and fro about in the village.

It would be observed whether people are prepared fully to go or not. Those who are
not ready are pressurized to get ready soon. All the males will work and down the village
in groups and the most capable men would shout, ‘I am my father’s bull, on the day I go

79
out, I shall be like this. Whoever obstructs my way, or whoever snatches my land, I
would do this. They would take the gun and spear and shake the head and stamp their feet
on the ground while they say this.’ After seeing this some of them cry.

On the day the villages are about to another village for the singing of the peace
treaty they go for phehrimani genna and leave. Knowledgeable elders step up on the cairn
and invoke God’s blessing in a voice loud enough for the congregation. It goes like, ‘O
God bless! Today our mother birth giver may give us this day and go’. The younger ones
would repeat after the elders with a loud voice. After that all those who have to go to the
feast would eat, get dressed and go to the open space to the village and gather up. All the
males gather up shout and walk on the open space. Elders wear the respectable trophies,
carry a spare, shield and the younger ones either carry a gun or a spare, dressed well and
go in line. Seeing this, the women folk and children cry out of joy. During this time dogs
or pigs or any person cannot cut the line in between, if it is done, the person or animal
could be killed in the spot and no complain could be made for that.

After the men folk leave for the feast, the women folk and children will not go to
the field for three days. Some men would be kept in the village to guard the village from
enemies’ attack.

On the way to the village which gives the feast, the group gathers at a suitable place
to have lunch they carried with them. At this time knowledgeable elder would say: ‘Our
Procreator Mother gave me this day and I started. Let no one get sick or meet with
accident, let good prevail”. The younger ones would then proclaim loudly, “In the village
where we are going, we would not think of any bad thought related to girls and restrain
our hands and legs from them”. This is done so because it is believed that if any one does
so, after returning the people in his village would die and even cattle would die.

When nearing the village, Oki Kopfümei (those who go in frontline of wars and
hunted enemies’ head) would lead the way. Ime Kopfümei( those who encourage others
and check the people after war) would go last. In between, the rest would go. All the
people as one body meet those who come to greet them. Even the host village observes

80
mani ( genna) and wait for their guests. They gather at a raised platform and watch their
guests coming to the village.

Entering the host village an elder carries some water, two iron pieces and goes to
the elder of the other party and says, “Earlier we harmed and wronged each other but let
that be the end. Let us be as peaceful as water and as pure iron from today”. And the
other elder takes the things and utters the same words and pours the water on each other’s
hand. After this, they leave the mug and the iron and all the people would go to the
village.

After crossing the village gate, those who know how to yell would yell11. Then the
whole group comes to a place meant for dancing and yelling by everyone. After the
yelling by the guest villagers stops, the host villagers come and pick those whom each
household would keep as their guest and bring them home. As they reach the house, the
guests are allowed to change dress, wash, eat and given cup and bowl for use at the public
feastings. After feasting and the singing of the treaty, the guests go back to their village.

II.2.9. Feast of Merit

Feast of merit is the tradition in which the rich do not spend their wealth just for
themselves but increase their wealth and spend it in giving feast/feasts to others.
According to the traditional belief of the Mao Nagas, if one does not give food or other
things to others the person would not do well in life. Moreover, they believe that if one is
stingy, he would get poorer and lose his wealth. Therefore even, if they cannot give a
feast, they believe it is good to give at least a meal to others.

A person could even give up to ten different feasts which are arranged in stages in
his life time. Each feast one gives has different meaning and significance. At the first
stage, if one plans to give a feast, in advance a cow would be slaughtered and its meat
would be distributed to the entire villagers. This is called rovükovü. In this custom, all

11
Yelling in Mao Naga culture has a significant meaning. The menfolk yell in the jungle as well as in the
village to indicate that they are vigilant and also to give the sign that the weak ones are being protected.

81
those who have a hearth would be given a portion of meat. However, the chief, the owner
of the village gate (the provider of the wood for making the gate) as well as those who
have twin sons will be given double portion. If this is done at the time just near the actual
feast, all the relatives who live in other villages are invited during this time.

Normally, by the month of July, announcement for the feast would be given. By
August or early part of September firewood required for the feast would be cut. Then by
October, new hearth would be constructed, new pots as well as plates and cups will be
used for eating. The wife quits going to the field after this and she would cover her head
with a cloth and, this, she does till the feast rituals are completed.

On any day between November (Belu khro) and January (Chüthuni khro), a piglet
would be killed and a pinch of its cooked meat would be offered to God touching the
chest and then eaten before which the couple would not sleep together. They would not
eat the meat offered at the time of someone’s death called opraso12. They would not eat
the meat of animals which is not killed by human beings. The couple would not wash
their heads until the completion of the feasts and the rituals associated with it. They
observe all these rituals because according to the belief of the people, when done so, the
food and drinks would not go short at the time of the feast.

The feast takes place during 16-21 December. If there are three or four people who
want to give feast in the same year, they would contest for the first day/main day.
However, in such a case the village chief would give precedence to those who announces
the feast earlier. If the day they give feast is a day on which the sun falls exactly on top of
the house it is considered a good omen. This usually happens on 19th December.

Normally, the feast giver gives four times of eating and drinking (ohru) in giving a
feast of merit. During the feasting time, the people normally wash up and put on good
dresses as they come to eat and drink. The people sit in a circle and the ladies serve the
guys. The ladies would give a number of times to those who are handsome. Again those

12
Opraso is the meat distributed to the villagers by the family of the deceased

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girls who have boyfriends would fill their boyfriends’ cup and make it over flow. This is
called Marizhekhei.

On the main day, all the relatives from other villages and friends also come for the
feast. On this day all the guys would be given some meat called soshu and even stag meat
is given. On the morning of the feasting day, the wife goes to fetch water from the pond
and sprinkle with the water at the spot and says, “Let my wine be like the spring of the
jungle let the food and drink last” (Saleo 2008). Prior to the feasting day, the couple and
the Khetorio would fast.

In case the wife of the feast giver happens to be from another village, the brothers
would be given an ohru. The day the brothers of the wife come and join the feast is called
Khevü Kophro chüthu. On this day wine will be given more and a big piece of pork meat
would be given to each person present at the feast. The brothers coming like this is called
Otui oloni Koho. As the brothers cross the gate and enter the village of the feast giver
they dress well and come. Even if a brother is sick if he is not bed ridden he comes for the
feast. The brothers would yell and enter the village. This touches the heart of their sister
and makes her cry.

On the last feasting day (Sobo Mani) even the married women drink. The people
sing and discuss village issues. On this day meat is given to friends, elders and relatives
who did not get meat earlier which they were supposed to get. This is done because the
Maos believe if this is not done (especially elders) they would suffer from a disease
called Chathira.

The food left over is tabooed to be eaten after 26th December. Therefore, on 26th
December neighbors and helpers would come and eat and drink. The left over drink
would be kept aside. By December, feasting gets over and by January the killing of the
piglet is done. A pinch of the meat of the piglet is offered to God by touching the chest
after which the couple eats the meat. With this the rituals of the feast would be
completed.

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 The second stage of feast of merit called zhoso also called ozho koso is considered
to be the wages of hard work. Giving feast in other forms can be done if one has enough
without selling any portion of his land. However, in the second stage which is called
zhoso, at least even a corner portion of the land needs to be sold if not it is a taboo to give
such a feast. Among different feasts, zhoso is also called Zhoso Pijü (implying big feast)
because this feast requires more wealth and time.

If one plans to have zhoso, in advance a bull would be slaughtered and its meat
would be distributed. This is called Otu Kazhe. During this time all the relatives and
friends living elsewhere who would be invited to come for the feast would be sorted out.
The village chief, the owner of the village gate as well as those who have twin sons
would be given a double portion.

Announcement about the feast is made in the month of July. Then, between August
and beginning of September firewood required for the feast would be cut. By the month
of November, a new hearth would be put up, new pots, plates and spoons will be used in
the house. After the harvest the wife does not go beyond the village gate and until the
month of March of the following year she would not go to the field. Opraso, meat of dead
animals and meat of wild animals would not be eaten by the one to give the feast during
this time. Besides, the head is not washed. From November to the month of June, the
following year, the couple does not sleep on the same bed. In the distant past, this
restriction was from November to November of the following year. However, with the
realization that it is too taxing for the young couple and that one generation is lost, the
period was shortened (Saleo 2008).

Before giving the feast, the man intending to give the feast would search for the
stone which has to be put up as a symbol of the feast. If he finds one, he would say to the
stone ‘Praise god (Oratho), we would host each other’ saying so he would cover the stone
with grass and go back home to see his dream in the night. If the dream is bad, he would
look for another stone but if the dream is good, preparation to pull the stone would begin.
The stone could be raised on any body’s land but a shawl each would be given to the land
owner and the owner of the stone or owner of the land from where the stone is taken.

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 Before 8th of March some strongmen and skillful men (Avaromei skillfull) would
be sent to the jungle to search for the ropes to be used for pulling the stone. After this is
done, on the 8th of March, the stone is put on the sleigh (kaphi) and on 9th, 10th, 11th, or
12th, the stone would be pulled.

The ropes used for pulling the stone would be three in number. The centre is called
malirei. The two ropes at the sides are called Orharei. Malirei would not have worm in it
and it has to be in full length, the best rope is used because it is thought a taboo if the
rope breaks while pulling the stone.

On the day of pulling the stone the males in the village come fully prepared
shouting till the place where the stone lies. After this, a boy from the family of the feast
giver would throw a white chicken without blemish between the sleigh and people kill it.
This is called Otoira Koso. Then the feast giver would say to the stone, ‘Praise God!
(Oratho), be light and reach home early’. After this, two unmarried men who had not had
bad dreams the previous night would throw one each of a light and smooth stick called
dzüthe saying, ‘let the stone fly like this stick’ and throw them in the direction towards
which the stone would go. After this, two guys with good voice, well structured body,
dignified, respectable, wearing war trophy would come up and stand on the stone and
shout ‘Holelo Hole’. Two or three strong, daring, smart and skillful men would guide the
direction of the stone by catching hold of the rope. After this all the others would catch
the rope and start pulling the stone. Even those who were in not talking terms with the
feast giver would come and pull the stone on this day. Usually the man who is giving the
feast would come to his place and call his enemy by offering wine and tell him, ‘Come
and pull my stone and eat my food although it may not be tasty’.

On the day of pulling the stone, the feast giver wears a particular shawl called
zhososa, carries a spear, a basket (Monghü Khobo) and come ahead of the villagers from
that time on he would be permitted to wear the shawl all his life. However, the wife
would go to the pond and draw some water from it on 26th November after which only
she wears the shawl.

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 Feast giver can wear the shawl, zhososa any time after giving the feast. However,
if a buffalo is not killed on the feasting day, buffalo head symbol cannot be used on the
shawl. Someone who has not given a feast is not allowed to wear such a shawl by the
Mao Nagas. If anyone does so, people would talk about such a person saying, ‘he has not
even offered grasshopper legs and he wears the shawl of the people who have offered
cows and buffallos (mikrü khejü). In front of villagers do not wear the shawls of those
who are our parents and who protect and preserve us and make it cheap. If you want to
wear it, too like them you please weak people weak like us’.

When the stone reaches the place prepared for it to be put up, the people would
shout and come up till the place for gathering for the feast, Asüfü and stop the shout. By
afternoon, the males would shout and come to the courtyard of the stone owner for eating
and drinking. With this the feasting begins.

0n 16th March pigs will be killed. On 17th, cows and a buffalo/s would be killed and
on 18th a blameless bull will be killed. On the spot of the feast, 2 pigs, 10 cows 1 buffalo
would be killed at least. Some people kill more animals than this. On the day of killing
Bufallo, after it has been killed, the feast giver would carry a spear and shout out of
anger, ‘who have killed my buffalo, I sold my land to buy this animal without blemish for
offering God won’t leave him’.During this time, the other would say ‘innocent men did it
please calm down’ and try to console the man.

On the main day of the feast (hrujii) one cow without blemish would be killed. The
cow has no curly hair, no torn ears, unbroken horns, tail (normal) mifu komo, with fully
black skin. It is hard to get. To do this such a cow is searched all over Shiipfomei areas.
Even in Tangkhul area. It has high price. On the 18th of March the entire village feast at
the spot meant for the feast, males would be praised, their moral courage would be
boosted up and they would be gifted with meat (okhro). Those who have not given feast
would be given one piece of meat. The number of pieces received by different people
varies depending on the number of feasts one had already given, that is, the more one had
given feasts, the more pieces of meat he gets. In this way, those who have given feast are
acknowledged according to the stages and made known to the people. Not only that from

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among hundred and thousand people gathering for the feast, those who have not given
feast would be offered in simple banana leave and those who have given the feasts are
served in special banana leave cups. Besides, those who have given feasts are given extra
meat (Zhososo) and such people are considered holy men.

Later the monolith is raised in the month of April. On the day the stone is to be
raised, expert stone-designers, strong men, good engineers (Nghizü Kanemai) and skillful
men would come to the spot. This is because certain rules need to be followed. The stone
should not be put up upside-down and front side of the stone has to face the house. After
raising the stone, the blood of a bull without blemish, along with the bottom portion of
rice beer (Zhakho) will be poured on the stone. Varieties of crop seeds would be planted
and wine will be poured at the foot of the monolith.

On the day of Chüjuni festival, the feast giver would call all the elders from
different neighborhood and offer them wine and meat and take their blessings. After this,
the family of feast giver does not eat the food of the feast. It is tabooed. Therefore, all the
dried meat will be distributed to the elders. Again on the day of the performance of the
purification ritual during Saleni festival, the feast giver fasts and on 29 July a bull would
be slaughtered and its meat would be given to the rich in exchange for paddy. This is
called Salesokhu. This is done because the feast giver used up all the paddy during the
feast and therefore he needs to keep some paddy so that his family could use it till the
time of next harvest. With this, the rituals of the feast is over.

The rituals involved in the third stage of feast giving are the same with the second
stage of feast giving. It is called Zhoshu Kopfo. However, the stone/ monolith for this
stage would be erected near the stone of the 2nd stage.

The fourth stage involves in giving of feast and construction of the house with horns at
the top.

The fifth stage involves in giving feast to the entire Mao community.

The sixth stage involves in giving bulls to each Mao Village and giving feast to the
village to which the feast giver belongs

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The seventh stage involves in giving some amount of paddy to the villagers and the entire
Mao Community. Besides, the villagers of the feast giver are given the feast.

The eighth stage involves in construction of a pond and giving of feast to the villagers.

The ninth stage involves in construction of a mound by the whole male population of a
village by collecting stones and feasting.

The tenth stage involves in giving of dried meat to all the people of Tenimi people

II.2.10. Kinship, Marriage and Family

In all society kinship relationships have tremendous importance and have been key
relationships in the social structure. These relationships define rights, duties, loyalties and
also sentiment of the people. Kinship is seen as providing the organizing principle for
social identity, inheritance, post marital residence, marriage, authority and power. Many
parts of life in all societies are impacted by kinship, and in most societies, kinship
relations influence things like who one can and cannot marry, who one must show respect
to, who one can joke with, and who one can count on in a crisis. Kinship system includes
people related both by descent and marriage.

Kinship is reckoned in a number of different ways around the world, resulting in a

variety of types of descent patterns and kin groups. Kinship refers to the culturally
defined relationships between individuals who are commonly thought of as having ties.
All societies use kinship as a basis for forming social groups and for classifying people.
However, there is a great amount of variability in kinship rules and patterns around the
world. In order to understand social interaction, attitudes, and motivations in most
societies, it is essential to know how their kinship systems function.

Kinship connections are in turn based on two categories of bonds: those created by
marriage and those that result from descent, which is socially recognized links between
ancestors and descendents. According to the Mao Naga kinship systems, descent is trace
through the male line and the property is handed down from father to son. Like any other

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Naga tribe, the Mao Naga community is also divided into different clans (Opfota) which
are further sub divided into sub clans. A clan is made out of a number of people who
believe themselves to be of same or common descent from one man. Membership of the
Mao Naga is by birth. The name of each clan is derived from the names of male ancestors
(Patrilineal). Marriages within the same clan are forbidden. According to the traditional
belief of the Mao Nagas if the siblings marry among themselves, they will be eaten by the
tiger. So marriage within the same clan and between siblings is taken as a very serious
matter and forbidden.

Table II.6. Kinship Terms of Address Used Commonly by the Mao Nagas

Apfo father/father’s brother

Apfü mother/mother’s sister
Ape father’s father/ mother’s father/ mother’s brother
Apei father’s mother/ mother’s mother
Ane father’s sister/ husband’s brother’s wife/mother’s brother’s wife
Achü brother’s wife by husband’s brother/ husband’s brother

Table II.7. Kinship Terms of Reference Used Commonly by the Mao Nagas

Adzürei elder brother or sister

Atheho younger brother and sister
Ate grandson and daughter
Amo daughter’s husband by father/ sister’s husband by brothers of the girl
Avo daughter’s husband by mother
Apro brother by sister
Atu sister by brother
Pino brother by brother
Mito sister by sister
Akhapfü/achie wife by husband
Akhapfo/acho husband by wife

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 Marriage was respected by all sections of people in the Mao Naga tribe. It was a
mark of status in the society and maturity in responsibility and life. When a family had
marriageable sons, the parents or relatives or friends looked for a bride. A man was
considered marriageable and eligible according to his material possessions like a house,
fields and other things necessary for starting a home. A trustworthy person was usually
appointed as a negotiator. The marriage negotiation usually began after the
transplantation season i.e. July or August, after the heavy work was over. During the
negotiations, things to be given or taken for the marriage are arranged. There was no
dowry in the Mao tribe but the boys and the girls had to bring certain things. The boy
brought paddy fields, land and other property. The girl usually brought cows and paddy.
The engagement was made after everything was arranged but kept secret. The boy and
the girl were not informed of the arrangement. Only the concerned parents and the
negotiators knew of the engagement. The engagement was kept in secret for fear that
some people may try to interfere in between. Once engagement was done and marriage
proposal finalized, no party was allowed to break the agreement. In such case, even the
property of the defaulting party was confiscated.

The marriage takes place five days after the announcement of the engagement. The
boy and the girl come to know of their wedding only five days in advance. Before that,
they are not supposed to know who their life partner is. After the announcement of their
engagement, the boy and the girl are accompanied everywhere by friends till the marriage
day. On the fixed day of the marriage, the bride is taken to the groom’s house
accompanied by an old woman and two very young girls in the morning or evening.

When the bride reaches the groom’s house, the boy will take her inside the house
and they exchange leaf – cups of rice beer. That night the pair remains chaste, the next
morning the girl’s earrings are removed and they bathes and fasts, taking only rice beer.
On the following day, new hearths are made, and a new pot is bought and the pair eats
together. Then the bride goes to her home and returns in the evening with friends
carrying foods and drinks and the clan elders are invited for drinks. The young members
feasts and from there on the young couple live together.

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 If the marriage partners cannot adjust with each other, they may go for divorce.
There is no fine imposed on any of the partners. After the divorce, some people may
come to call the woman to come back to her husband. However, the woman may refuse
them. But in case, the husband himself comes and calls her she cannot refuse.

The family properties would be divided after the divorce, all the properties the
couple acquired by hard work would be equally divided. However the other things
including dried meat, dried vegetables, yeast, etc would be given to the man. After the
divorce a man can marry another woman. However, he can do so only after the division
of the property and the death rituals completed. The woman may also remarry in the same
manner.

Members of the same clan cannot marry as mentioned earlier. Mao Nagas believe
that if such people marry they would be eaten by tiger. Such a person is termed by the
Mao Nagas as one who does not have brother-in-law.

After the death of a married man, his younger brother can marry his wife. However,
the wife of younger brother cannot be married by the elder brother after the death of the
younger brother.

The children of brothers cannot inter marry. However the children of brother and
sister may marry. Such marriage is called marriage of the chicks of cock and hen (hodzü
hovena no vu adzükocho).

Illustration II.6. Qualities of the Boys Looked for Marriage.

Lira koho pfo homoe whether he is a gentleman or not

Ozhi kazhii pfo homoe whether he is good and kind to others or not
Amichumei homoe whether he is an honest man or not
Shiikhu pfole zhii homoe Whether he has good forest land or not
Ochii odoh zhii homoe whether he has good agricultural land or not
Akhruliro kohrii mei homoe whether he is dignified and respectable or not
Meino loachiichumei homoe whether he is a trustworthy person or not
Meipe meizho pfii komo mei whether he is someone who does not have debts or

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 homoe not
Mei kovuvu mei konghongholo whether he has the potential to do things like other
kosii mei homoe men can do or not
Moto chiilei homeo whether he is diligent and hardworking or not

Illustration II.7. Qualities of the Girls Looked for Marriage

Ora koho pfii homoe whether she is free from any chronic diseases or not
Leshii kani pfii homoe Whether she is loveable or not
Ole amothu pfii homoe Whether she has a pure and kind heart or not
Ozhi kayi pfiii homoe Whether she is good and kind to others or not
Inosei ticho pfii homoe Whether she is well disciplined or not
Mozho jii komopfi homoe Whether she has the quality of simplicity or not
Ome sashii komo pfii homoe Whether she dislike gossiping and talkativeness or
not
Chahri hri kosii pfii homoe Whether she is patient or not
Motto chiilei kocho pfii homoe Whether she is diligent and hardworking or not
Opfii opfo ye opro ovo chii Whether she is obedient to her brothers and parents
kozii pfii homoe or not
Hrii chiilii chiichu kocho pfii Whether she bears a good moral character or not
homoe
Hre kocho pfiimo homoe Whether she is patient or not
Changes in marriage institutions occurred after the Mao Nagas’ contact with
Christianity. The present trend of marriage is dealt with in later chapter.

The concept of joint family life appears to be non-existent in the Mao Community
from early days. A newly married couple after having performed all the rites and rituals
starts its own home management after a month or so of marriage. A few live in extended
families.

It may be pointed out that some of the traditional practices are still prevalent in
spite of the fact that they are mostly exist in their forms with great transformation in their
content and some of the practices have eroded or transformed significantly. It may also be

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noted that the traditional religion of the Maos is still practiced by a few animists who
have not converted to Christianity although with some modifications in some practices.
Analyses on the reasons for this change will be done in the following chapters.

II.3. History of Christianity in Mao Naga Society

In the pre-Christian period, the Mao Nagas hardly had any contacts with the so-
called civilized world. They lived almost completely isolated with their rich culture,
tradition and value system which were deeply rooted in all aspects of their life. The
contact and the work of Christian missionaries with the Mao Nagas are to be seen against
this background. The initial encounter and the reasons for the positive response from the
part of the Nagas particularly in the Mao area as also the manner in which Christianity
spread in the Mao areas shall be briefly examined as under.

II.3.1. The Nagas’ Contact with the American Baptist Mission

The first Christian Mission which came into contact with the Nagas was the
American Baptist Mission. The American Baptist Missionaries came to Assam in 1836.
Following their arrival, missionaries were sent to the Naga Hills along with the help and
assistance of the British Government. The first missionary to come into contact with the
Nagas was Mr. Miles Bronson in 1839 (Lotsiiro 2000 p 45). He made a long visit of three
weeks to the Namsang Nagas in the present Tirap district of Arunachal. The Nagas hardly
had any contact with the outside world until this time. People were suspicious about the
visit of the missionary. Therefore, they questioned Bronson on the motives behind his
visit. Only after they learnt that Bronson meant no harm to them, did they admit him into
their village. Miles Bronson established a mission school in 1845 at Namsang Village, a
Konyak Naga village to teach elementary education and the gospel to the Nagas. He gave
Baptism to a boy named Hubi at Sibsagar, Assam on12th September, 1847 and Hubi
became the first Naga Christian (Pao 1994). The boy however died of cholera within the
same year he took baptism. Bronson persuaded the Nagas that education was useful and
necessary. He also urged the Government to have direct control over the Nagas. Bronson

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had a passionate zeal for and devotion to the Nagas but his work was short-lived, because
he had to leave the place due to the illness and death of his sister and other misfortune
that had fallen upon him. Following this, the work among the Nagas was interrupted till
the arrival of another American Baptist Missionary, Rev.E.W Clark in 1869.
Rev. E.W Clark came to Sibsagar (Assam) in 1869. He and Godhula Brown, an
Assamese Evangelist together with an Ao Naga by name Subongmeren a local convert
established a Baptist Church in 1872 at Dekahaimong village (ibid. p 45). This marks the
reopening of the mission work among the Nagas after Bronson. When the Nagas became
friendly with Godhula, Clark encouraged him to pick up the dialect of his Naga friends
and eventually visited their village. In the course of time Godhula visited
Molungyimchen more than once and earnestly began to prepare the ground-work for the
planting of Christianity among the Nagas.
The mission work progresses and in 1872 when Godhula came down from the hills,
he brought along with him a group of Naga friends, of whom nine were Baptized by
Clark in the Dikho river. Then in December of the same year Clark himself is said to
have visited Molungyimchen and Baptized fifteen more Nagas. This was how
Christianity grew in Naga hills.
In 1876, Clark established his first mission station at Molungyimchen in order to
preach the gospel to the Nagas and many more came to be converted. But Clark had to
move away with his converts to a new place to establish a new village solely for
Christians because of the opposition from the pagans. And the new village was named
Molungyimchen.
In 1894, the mission was shifted again to Impur. This became the centre of the
American Baptist mission work in Nagaland. In the meantime, more Baptist missionary
families joined the Naga mission and the work spread beyond the Ao Naga tribe.
In 1878 [Link] and his wife were appointed to open a centre at Kohima.
Following the appointment, King began his mission work among the Angami Nagas and
became the first missionary to this tribe. Later in 1881, King and his wife were joined by
Henry Goldsmith and a Mikir Christian named Sarbe who married an Angami girl, Dinno

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in 1883. King established the Kohima church on 23rd March 1883 with the following
members: Henry Goldsmith, his wife Robi, Sarbey and the Kings. He also established the
first English medium school at Kohima. However, King’s labor did not bear much fruit
until 1885 when the first Angami, Mr. Sielezhu got converted and baptized on 21st June
of the year. After five years of service, King left Kohima and the mission work was taken
over by Dr. Rivenburg who got transferred to Kohima from Molung in 1887. While
continuing the mission work among the Angamis, Rivenburg printed the first Angami
booklet and opened a few schools. The mission work gradually spread to other
neighbouring Naga tribes like the Rengmas, the Chakhesangs, the Semas and the
Zeliangrongs of southern Nagaland. However, till the end of the 19th century, many
Nagas were without well organized churches except the Aos and the Angamis. The
progress of evangelization among the Nagas was slow in the initial years of its
introduction. However, later on Christianity rapidly spread due to the western and local
missionaries’ efforts. This religion slowly spread to other parts of the region including
Manipur too.

II.3.2. Christianity in Manipur

Before embracing Christianity, the Mao Naga continued to adhere to their
indigenous religion practices and beliefs. Probably Christianity was still unheard of
before the advent of colonial rule among the Mao Nagas. The ancestral religion of the
Mao Nagas continued to survive until the political expansion of the British to the hill
areas of Manipur. The arrival and activity of Christian missionaries in Manipur began
only in the aftermath of the Anglo-Manipuri war in 1891(Poji 2011). In the initial stage
of British occupation no missionary was allowed to enter Manipur. This was because of
the strong opposition both from the ruling princes of the state and British political agent.
Besides, the British officials decided to maintain the status quo with the Meities in the
valley because the Meities had come under the strong influence of Hinduism (ibid. 2011).
In 1890, William Pettegriw who was a member of the Church of England came to
Dacca, Bengal under the sponsorship of the Arthington Aborigins Mission Society, an

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organization funded by Robert Arthington, a millionaire at Leeds. During his stay in
Dacca, he accepted Believers Baptism from a missionary of Baptist Missionary Society
(BMS) Rev. R. Wright Hay, as he was convinced of the inadequancy of infant Baptism.
Thereafter, William Pettigrew went to Cachar in 1891 where he learned Manipuri. There
he learned Manipuri and Bengali from one Janmajoy Singh while waiting for the
appropriate time to come to Manipur as a Missionary.
On 12 September 1892, Maxwell the British political agent of Manipur received a
letter from Dalman, secretary of the New Zealand Baptist Missionary and the Aborigines
Mission, asking permission for William Pettigrew to start Missionary activities among
Hindu Meities but the request was denied. Though the British imperialism was
established in Manipur after the Anglo-Manipur war of 1891, the right to establish native
rule under a minor Raja on suitable grounds was offered to the Manipuris, and during this
period of regency administration the British authorities brought several changes in the
administrative system of the state. However, in the beginning of regency rule in Manipur
Pettigrew could not get permission for his missionary works. It was A. Porteous who
briefly took over as the acting political agent in the absence of Maxwell who gave him
permission. On 6th February 1894, after three years of waiting Pettigrew arrived at Imphal
and soon he established a school in the capital where Manipuri was used as the medium
of instruction. He thought that his call was among the Hindu Meities and therefore
without any delay Pettigrew began to preach the Gospel of Christ among them.
Consequently, when Major Maxwell returned from furlough and resumed his position he
was compelled to tell Pettigrew to stop preaching to the Meities and an ultimatum was
served on him to leave Imphal valley to avoid antagonism that might arise from the
orthodox Hindu Meities, who were alarmed by Pettigrew’s work (ibid. 2011). However,
Maxwell suggested that Pettigrew should shift his missionary work to the non-Hindu hill
tribes who still practiced primeval religion with its own set of beliefs. Apparently,
Pettigrew took the suggestion and began to search for a suitable location in the hill areas
to establish his new mission. Around this time, the Arthington Missionary that had
sponsored Pettigrew had already completed five years service which was more than the

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three years limit to work in a particular place. During this time he applied for
membership to the American Baptist Mission of Assam held in Sibsagar during
December 1895, and its executive committee of Boston in January 1896. It decided to
take over the work in Manipur which had already been commenced by Pettigrew under
the sponsorship of the Arthington Mission. As a result, William Pettigrew was accepted
as a member of the Sibsagar Baptist Church, Assam. Later he was ordained and named
the first missionary to Manipur. Pettigrew thus, became the pioneer Christian missionary
of the hills in Manipur.
Pettigrew first chose the Mao area to set up his missionary headquarter (Yonuo
1974 p 118). However, missionaries were strictly prohibited from entering there because
that area was of strategic importance to the government in so far as communication was
concerned. Therefore, all evangelistic activity was discouraged. In 1895, Pettigrew’s
attempt to establish a centre was denied because the Mao Nagas themselves were strongly
opposed to Christianity. Pettigrew still wanted to purchase land in Mao Songsong village
for the mission from one Sani Kapni, a government interpreter. But Kapani could not sell
his land to Pettigrew because he was apprehensive of outside interference and its
consequences. Therefore, elders of the sixteen Mao villages were called together for
discussion in connection with Pettigrew’s request for permission to buy land. But the
sixteen Khulakpas (Village Chiefs) refused permission telling him that they had nothing
to do with his religion. Pettigrew was not welcome in their area because he was
considered a threat to their deep-rooted traditional belief system and practices.

Pettigrew could have possibly considered various factors before he first proceeded
towards Mao area where he wanted to establish his mission centre. Perhaps, the first
reason could be easy communication, as Mao Song Song village is located along side the
Imphal, Kohima and Dimapur motor road. Further, it is closed to Nagaland where
proselytisation had started. As such, it might have appeared logical to Pettigrew that the
Mao Nagas may more readily accept the new religion like their counterparts. Because of
these factors Pettigrew considered Mao tribe earlier called Sopfoma by the British,

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important. However, Pettigrew was unsuccessful in his attempt to persuade and obtain
permission from the chiefs and elders of sixteen villages. After having been rejected by
the Mao Nagas, Pettigrew proceeded to other tribal villages in search of a suitable land.
Finally, he chose Ukhrul and the most central village of the Tangkhul Naga tribe was
selected as his mission centre and established himself under the American Baptist
Mission, in February 1896.

II.3.3. Establishment of Mission Centre at Ukhrul

Pettigrew reached Ukhrul in 1896. He searched for a suitable location in Ukhrul
and its vicinity considering the various viewpoints of climate, water, location,
communication etc. He came first to Ukhrul then went as far as west to Kachai but he
was not accepted in the village, so he pitch his tent at Hokhiram a green table-land of
Kachai village where he stayed for some couple of days then he went to Paoyi in the
north. On returning he went to Shiroi mountain and came down to Khankhrui. After
wondering through the neighboring villages he came back to Ukhrul and decided to set
up the centre at Ukhrul as the most feasible and prospective place for the mission centre.
Tangkhul Nagas have different dialects in almost every village and they could not
understand each other. He introduced the Ukhrul village dialect as lingua-franca of all
Tangkhul Nagas. He wrote Tangkhul Primers, Hymns and Bible in Tangkhul dialect.
Major Maxwell met Tangkhul chiefs at Ukhrul on his way to Somra tract in Burma and
ordered them to send their children to Pettigrew’s school. Immediately the chiefs of
Tangkhul sent 20 students; within two months the students’ strength reached 31 in the
following year. In 1897, Pettigrew was appointed honorary inspector of schools for the
entire Manipur State and supervised schools in various parts of the State. The government
did not permit religious instructions in the plain schools but not hindered the distribution
of scripture materials to students as ‘Literature’ (Pao 1994 p 34).
In 1901, after five years of work, 12 of the boys attending the schools accepted
Christ and got baptized. In the following year i.e. in 1902, the Ukhrul Baptist Church was
organized, the first Baptist Church in Manipur, which was the only church till 1916. In

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1903, another school was established at Hundung. Rev. Pettigrew selected thirty eight
boys and opened eight lower primary schools in Tangkhul area. At that time, he was
acting as missionary and assisting the state officers in all matters, affecting the day-to-day
administration of the hills. So, through his capacity, ten schools received aid from the
government. As the schools grew, more converts were gradually added and by 1907, the
church members rose to seventy. He was so enthusiastic to reach out the gospel to the
non-christians apart from his teaching works. Students from different hills of Manipur
came to Ukhrul for studies. And most of the students were converted to Christianity.
When they completed their studies and went back to their respective villages, they
proclaimed the gospel and established churches. In the midst of hectic works and
progress, there was increasing opposition to Pettigrew when he tried to discipline them
because most of the converts were unable to maintain the standard of a Christian life. In
1908, he drew up a list of rules that would be the rules for the Christians to follow. Many
refused to accept the rules and broke away to organize another church. In 1910-11,
Pettigrew was given an opportunity to visit the other hill areas of Manipur at the
Government expense. Then he was appointed as superintendent of census. He toured the
whole of Manipur in which the Christian teachers and students of Ukhrul assisted him in
his works.
Among the students, late R. Reichumhao Tangkhul who hail from Somdal village
was the first to have high school education from the hill tribes. He was a prominent native
church leader. He was appointed Headmaster of Ukhrul Mission M.E School in 1920. In
1921, he was appointed area superintendent of western Tangkhul with his station at
Somdal. In the same year, a mission centre and a Lower primary school was opened at
Somdal which was later on upgraded to M.E. school. Students from different villages and
tribes from Manipur hills came to study in the school, for instance, Rev. Ch. Puni Mao,
former superintendent Evangelist, E. Ashuli Mao, a prominent Church leader of Mao area
and others were students of the school. While the school’s production increased, many
churches sprouted out in various parts of the hills in Manipur. For instance, five young
men from Tangkhul community came to Mao after completion of their schools in 1927

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who contacted the villagers of Punanamai. The villagers warmly accepted them and they
opened the school in the same year.
In the wake of the First World War, Rev. Pettigrew had been commissioned as an
officer in the British Army who moved to Kohima in 1917, leaving the work of education
to Porom Singh and religious works to Miksha. During the war Pettigrew was active in
recruiting Labour Corps for French. In 1917, Dr. Crogies had been transferred to Manipur
from Tura.
In 1919 the second mission station was given permission to purchase land at
Kangpokpi on the Imphal-Kohima road as gratitude of war service of Pettigrew to the
government of Manipur. Dr. Grogies had moved to the centre in the same year where a
Middle English School, an orphanage, a Leper asylum and a dispensary were established.
Akam H. Momin was brought from Tura by Grogies to run the dispensary who served
until his death in 1940.
Pettigrew was stationed in the hill mission centre but he did not neglect the
evangelistic work in the plain. He organized the second Baptist church in Manipur at
Keisampat in1916. The third Baptist church in Manipur was established in Manipur at
Tujangvaichung, the first Kuki Baptist church was established in 1916 by rev. Pettigrew
largely through the evangelistic work of Ngulhaw Thomsong and through the zeal of
preaching the gospel by Ruichumho, 134 people of Somdal village were converted and
got baptized by him on 17th November, 1920 and the church probably the fourth Baptist
church was organized by T. luikham in 1921. In 1922, Tolloi Baptist church, one of the
biggest churches in the Manipur Baptist convention was organized by Ruichumhaw and
many churches in the neighboring villages also came up.
In 1923, Sempang Baptist church was established and it became the first church in
Manipur west and Zeliangrong people largely through the work of two Kuki brothers
Helkhup and Pokho. Lastly, the first Baptist church in Mao Maram area was established
in 1928 at Punanamai village by Dr. Grogia and the second Baptist church in Pudunamai
in 1930.

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 Despite the failure during his first contact with the Mao Nagas, Pettigrew had
nevertheless been successful in starting a school at Mao village in 1903 in his capacity of
state school inspector, a position to which he was appointed by the British government in
1897. As in other Sardar areas the teaching of Christianity was not permitted in this
school. The school did not run smoothly though many boys studied up to class IV and
had gone to the Kohima Mission School to continue their studies. Pettigrew believed that
through education he could illuminate the minds of the people and slowly orient them
towards the new faith.
On the request of Pettigrew, a second missionary, Crozier was permitted by the
state government to work in Manipur. His appeal was accepted because of the service
rendered by him to the government during the First World War. In 1921, he joined the
new mission centre in Kangpokpi. When the Governor of Assam visited Manipur
Pettigrew personally pleaded that restriction on evangelistic work in the north of Manipur
be revoked. Pettigrew’s appeal was finally approved after talk with the Maharaja of
Manipur and consequently orders were issued by the Governor of Assam, that all the
restrictions should be removed. Hence Crozier began to launch missionary activities
among all the hill tribes. He even went to the outermost parts of the hill areas. In 1923,
when permission was granted to all the missionaries to work in the entire hill region of
the state, Crozier went to Punanamai and Baptized 20 new members, of which, 12 were
men and 8 were women.
In 1917, the first Manipur Association was formed. All the churches in Manipur
were included within the Association. In 1920, Manipur had been divided into two fields
or association with one missionary in charge of each field. The division of fields or
association were rather regional than tribal. With the increase of Christian communities in
the north of Manipur and the vastness of field with believers scattered all over the region,
Punanamai Christians decided in 1927 to appoint Kholi Puni to evangelise the Mao-
Maram areas, the following year Manipur Christian Association was renamed as Manipur
Baptist Convention within which the field were divided into three, North East Sardar and
North West. iN 1930, Kholi Puni was ordained as the first evangelist in North Sardar

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region. A year later, Mikhrii Lohrii was also chosen as an evangelist to preach in Mao-
Maram and region.
Mention should also been made here of another attempt by Nisier Angami of
Khonoma Baptist Church in 1920 during the chieftainship of Aru Osow at Pudunamai
village. Villagers were gathered at Chobotemei compound, and he exhorted the audience
saying, “There is a better religion than that of Naga animism.” When they heard the
news, the chief and the elders reacted negatively and started mocking at the preacher
indignantly, that no such message could be entertained in the village from then onwards.
Thus, the missionaries were strictly prohibited from entering the area.

II.3.4. The Spread of Christianity in Mao Naga Area

Through British Indian Government many missionaries entered the Naga Hills and
established their mission centres in different places. By the early period of 20th century,
Christianity surrounded Mao Naga area on all sides. The people in the east, the Tangkhul,
established a church in 1902, on the west, at the Sempang village in 1923, on the north is
the Angamis who established the Kohima Baptist Church in 1886 and the south i.e. the
Kukis established Baptist Church at Tujawaichong in 1916. Thus, directly or indirectly,
this influenced the Mao and the ground was prepared for the Mao Nagas to receive the
gospel. The Mao Nagas who travelled brought the news and narrated in the Tokhubvii (a
raised plateform).
In the year 1922, two boys from Punanamei vilaage, Kollo Lokho and Nenio
Kapani went to study in the Mission School in kohima. While there they became the first
known converts. Instead of returning home with a burden for their people, K. Lokho
became a lorry driver and Nenio Kapani found employment as a mohori both staying on
in Kohima. Then in 1925 a group of boys having completed lower primary in the village
went to Kohima Mission school for higher studies. They were Kholi Puni, Hriipuni
Ashikho, Kholi Adahrii, Daili Kaihrii, Kaisii Kaikho, Adani Nepuni, Nokhow Asiisii and
later Mikri Lohrii joined them. From among the lot Kholi Nepuni, Hriipuni Ashiikho and
Kholi Adahrii were first convert and took baptism in April of 1925 at Kohima. They

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became associate members of Kohima Baptist church. Meanwhile Kaisii Kaikho and
Mikrii Lohrii also converted and took baptism in the year 1927. These young but zealous
men were eager to preach the good news to their people and neighbours but felt
hopelessly inexperienced. As if knowing their predicament, about mid year of 1987 (
1925, according to Ngashanpung ) five Thangkhul Christians came to punanamei and
were put up gladly by Kholi Puni’s family as there was no other names.

The Mao Nagas had no Church till 1927, and until that time, the first converts
remained a part of Kohima Baptist church. During the early years of Christianity,
Angami, Chakhesang, Sumi, Mao, Lotha, Kuki, Zeliang, Pochury and Liangmai etc, were
grouped together and formed a convention known as ‘Kohima Field’. By and by all the
tribes formed their own associations and conventions not because of misunderstanding or
disagreement but to help further in the rapid church growth and for administrative
convenience with the blessing of parental organization.
The Mao Nagas’ desire to have a church of their own was growing day by day right
from the beginning, But this was not possible for two main reasons. Primarily because of
mass opposition and secondly, lack of followers. Around this time, the gospel was
preached off and on by the Tangkhul Nagas in Mao area following the Tangkhul
Christian Revival of 1923. On the other hand, as the time went by, the missionaries of
Kohima field urged the young Mao Naga converts to go to their village to start a church
there. As a result, In 1927, Kholi Puni, Hepuni Ashikho and Kholi Adahrii stopped their
studies and returned to their village from [Link] Christians faced a lot of
hardships and hurdles in their effort to preach the gospel to the Mao Nagas. Meanwhile
Sieliezhii, Niser and Vizikho Terhuja from the Angami Naga tribe too worked very hard
along with them for the gospel. In the meantime, five young men from the Tangkhul tribe
had contact with the villagers of Punanamai in the middle of 1927. As they visited the
village to help in spreading the Christian religion they proposed to establish a school in
the village which was acceptable to the village elders. Thus, in the year 1927 the village
constructed a house for a dual purpose, as a school and as a church. With this the first
Baptish Church on Mao soil was established and until 1930 there was no other church. As

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some village elders began to show keen interest in the new religion, they were able to
complete a teacher’s quarter in the same year. Many people of Punanamai village
accepted the new faith and more importantly the village chief himself had become a
Christian. The chief and his elders felt the need for more Evangelistic work in the village
so they presented a petition to the political agent along with another petition from a small
Christian community saying that they would be willing to have the Christians remain
with them, allow others to join them and allow the superintending pastor to preach
Christianity to them. But the state Durbar (council) rejected their petition, and they were
made to understand that no Christians would be allowed among them.

Illustration II.8. Punanamai Baptist Church in Modern Form at Punanamai Village Where the First
Christian Church Was Established Among the Maos in 1927.

Ironically, it was the British Government which went all out to stamp the growth of
Christianity in the Mao area and even went to the extent of registering a case against
those evangelists who went there to preach the gospel. Nonetheless, there was no more

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opposition from the villagers. In those days, the Mao area was of strategic importance to
the Government, in so far as its communication was maintained at Kohima. For this
reason, it was under the direct administration of the Durbar and much care was taken to
prevent any disturbance. Therefore, missionaries were strictly prohibited from entering
the area and all evangelistic activity was discouraged. However, gradually the number of
converts began to rise following the establishment of the first church in 1927 among the
Mao Nagas. Subsequently Christianity spread in Mao areas and a church association was
formed in 1956 (further details on the formation of association and its functioning are
dealt with in later chapter.

II.3.5. Emergence of Other Christian Denominations

[Link] Arrival of Catholic Missionaries
Catholic missionaries came to Manipur following the coming of Baptist
missionaries. The first Catholic missionary to visit Manipur was Father Ansgar
Koenigsbauer, a priest of the Society of the Divine Savior (SDS) or commonly known as
the ‘salvatorians’. He visited imphal in 1912. Father Koenigsbauer was graciously
received by the Raja of Manipur and given permission to open a Catholic Mission at
Imphal. But unfortunately, the Assam Mission with its limited resources, both in terms of
personnel and finance, could not follow up with any concrete action the initial step taken
by Father Koenigsbauer.
The next contact of the Catholic missionaries with Manipur came much later, in
October, 1947, when father Marengo and Colussi visited imphal and a few villages in the
hills. It all began with the conversion of Phanitphang Hongray, a Tangkhul Naga from
Ukhrul in Manipur. He was a student of Don Bosco School, Dibrugarh, Assam during the
years 1940-1942. He was converted to Catholicism and baptized on 15th August, 1942,
the first Tangkhul Catholic and probably the first person from Manipur to be baptized a
catholic. His companions, Haorei and [Link] too were later received into the
Catholic Church. It was they who took the initiative to get permission from the Raja of
Manipur and invited the Fathers to visit Manipur. Though he gave them a sympathetic

105
ear, the Raja of Manipur did not allow the Catholic missionaries to preach among the
Meiteis of the valley but only among the tribals of the hills. Accordingly, the two
missionaries proceeded to Ukhrul and the people received them cordially and the
possibility of bringing the light of the Catholic faith to the area was clearly visible.
The Baptist Church in Hundung was a divided Church in 1946. This gave an
occasion for the Catholic Church to come in. The initiative was taken by Dominic Shomi.
He was by then already a Catholic and studying in Shillong. The breakaway group met
Dominic Shomi and wanted to become Catholics too. At their request Dominic Shomi
wrote to Bishop Ferrando of Shillong, requesting him to send a priest to instruct them in
faith. Bishop Ferrando in turn directed father Marocchino, the resident chaplain of the
Sisteres at the hospital in Kohima to visit Hundung. He reached Hundung on 10 th
February, 1952 and the following day, 33 families with 350 members were baptized and
received into the Catholic Church. This community was the first to be received into the
Catholic Church in Manipur. However, there were already communities of Catholics
among the Kuki and Zou tribes of Sugnu area (south west of Manipur, bordering the Chin
Hills of Burma).
Active missionary work began in Manipur only after the erection of the new
Diocese of Dibrugarh in 1951 and the consecration of its first Bishop, Orestes Marengo,
on 18th may, 1952. Manipur and Nagaland were included in the new diocese. Bishop
Marengo and Father A. Ravalico, secretary to the Bishop made their first extensive tour
of Nagaland and Manipur in 1953, confirming the few already existing Catholics and
converting many more in the two states.
The next missionary to join the band of pioneers was father Peter Bianchi in 1955.
Till this time the missionaries had to come all the way from Dibrugarh, about 600
kilometres, to visit the Catholics. Bishop Marengo thought it necessary to open a mission
station at Imphal for the spread of the catholic faith. With this in view, Bishop Marengo
sent fathers Ravalico and Bianchi to Manipur on 5th March 1956 and the missionaries
reached Imphal, the capital of Manipur on 6th March, the 50th birthday of Father Ravalico.
They were the first Catholic Missionaries who came to officially open the first Catholic

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mission in Manipur. For some time they lived in a rented house. Then they bought the
house of a police officer who was on transfer in the heart of imphal and renamed it
Nirmalabas, (House of the Immaculate Conception). Eventually, they bought a plot of
land and established the Don Bosco Youth Center in the same year and children from
different tribes began to flock to the new center. Henceforth, Don Bosco Youth Center
became the nerve center of the Catholic mission in Manipur.
As soon as the people in Manipur came to know that the Catholic missionaries had
come to stay in their land, invitations and delegations of people were constantly coming
in from different parts of the state.
As mentioned earlier the Catholic communities of Kukis and Zous were already in
the Sugnu area and the Tangkhul area too had Catholic communities before the
missionaries opened the center in Imphal. The Catholic Church was non-existent in the
rest of the state.
When the people of Taosang (Tamenglong area in the north west of Manipur) heard
about the Catholic Church, the elders had a long discussion and, after clearing up all their
misgivings, they invited the Catholic missionaries to come and instruct them in the faith.
Through the instrumentality of a certain person named Dindu Golmei, the people of
Dailong village came to know about the Catholic Church. Dindu himself brought father
Bianchi to Dailong to preach the faith and a number of youngsters were baptized. At the
earnest invitation of the people, Father Bernick came to Oinamlong village where a
number of them were given instruction and baptized. The people of Mongjarong Khunow
village also got permission to call the Catholic missionaries to preach and a number of
youngsters were baptized. The same happened to the people of L Khullen. The people of
Awangkhul village became Catholics in the following manner. A number of them were
excommunicated from the Baptist Church membership for drinking rice-beer. This gave
an occasion for them to look towards the Catholic faith. A delegate was sent to find the
Catholic Fathers and after a number fo visits to Imphal, about 30 families embraced the
Catholic faith.

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 The Catholic faith came to the Maram Nagas in the following way. A group of
Maram Khullen people had decided to become Christians. They approached a certain
John, a Tangkhul who was a teacher in the village and asked his opinion as to whether
they should become Baptists or Catholic. Mr. John, though a Baptist himself, exhorted
them to become Catholics. So a delegation was sent to Imphal to invite the Catholic
priests to their village. Fathers Ravalico and Bianchi visited their village and found a
good number of men and children eager to learn about the new faith and get baptized.
Thus the Catholic Church was born in the Maram area.
The spread of Catholicism to the southeren part of Manipur among the Moyon and
Monsang Nagas was due to the initiative of Nungchim Darnong. Father Ravalico paid his
first visit to their area (Chandel) in 1954. After this visit, Father Ravalico picked up Ng.
Darsong, CH. Rungtha and Ningvar and entrusted them to the care of Father Cerato in
Naharkatia to learn about the Bible and to pursue their studies. Ch. Rungtha, being
already a married man, returned after five months because of domestic problems. The
other three namely, Darmong, Ningvar and Darsong received baptisms from the Moyon
tribe. In 1956, a number of other Naga tribes of the area like the Lamkangs, the Marings,
the Monsangs, etc entered the catholic fold.
In the early days of the Catholic Church in Manipur, people sought after the
missionaries with eagerness. They longed to hear about the Catholic faith. The spread of
the Catholic Church among the Mao Nagas too was through the instrumentality of some
enthusiastic students from Punanamei village, like S Ashiho, [Link], and P. Daili, who
were studying at Imphal. Father Bianchi came to Punanamai village in 1956 at the
invitation of some of the Mao students who were studying at Atimjati Technical Institute
in Imphal. He was later considered as the first Catholic missionary to set foot on Mao
area. During those days, the village of Punanamai had a private M.E school, which was
hardly managed by the meager funds raised by the villagers themselves. Sufficient
teaching stuff was not made available. The Monthly salaries of the teachers could not be
paid in full. The Government turned a deaf ear towards the recognition of the school
inspite of the constant requests from the people. Everyone felt that they were taxed too

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much for the upliftment of this school. At that time John Ashiho, K. Krehe and P. Daili
from Punanamai village were studying at Atimjati Technical Institute Imphal. They were
aware of the conditions of their private school in their village. Whenever they happen to
talk about the school, they remembered how well the Catholic Missionaries run schools
and colleges in many parts of the world. They discussed that it would be good if their
M.E school could come under the management of the missionaries. Thus, they decided to
approach the Catholic missionaries who were then running a high school at Nirmalabhar
Imphal. They met Father Bianchi and requested him to come to their village to open a
high school there. Father Bianchi told them that their proposal could not be taken up
immediately for he had works to be taken care of. With this condition they parted hoping
to meet again. Not very long after, the same students came and requested Father Bianchi
to visit Punanamai. In response to this invitation, Father Bianchi visited Punanamai in
Nov. 1956. The village elders received him under the leadership of A. Lorho the then
headmaster of Punanamai private M.E. school. Discussions were held with village elders.
They talked about the school, culture of the Maos and Catholic religion. To the surprise
of many, a few elders and young man gave their names with a promise that they would
become Catholics. Still greater surprise was that, the Baptist themselves encouraged them
to accept the new faith, saying that it is better to be in the fold of Christ then to be on the
outside of it. Finally, Father Bianchi Promised to grant 100 rs a month towards the
running of the private M.E school. This was the beginning of the Catholic Church in Mao
area. In 1957, Bishop Marengo visited the place and was convinced of the bright future
prospects of the Church there and a church was built for the ever growing community
Ever since, the Roman Catholic Church has made rapid growth in this village. The
converts from this village started going to various villages to preach the message they had
received and soon small Catholic communities were formed in Makhan, Kaibi,
Chakumai, Chowainamai, Maopundung, and so on. For about eight years father Bianchi
looked after the mission from Imphal which is about 106 km away from Mao. However,
in 1965 he bought a plot of land and became the first residential priest in Mao. Soon a
school was set up. Thus, Punanmai was made the centre of the whole Shüpfomei region.

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 The Carmelite sisters were invited to help the work of the mission in 1967. They
shared in the work of education, care of the sick and catechism. In order to cater to the
needs of the students of the entire village, hostel for boys and girls were set up. To have
better education facilities and evangelization new schools were opened at Tunjoy in 1947,
at Purul in 1975 and in Phabung Khullen in 1980. These three centres also had hostel
facilities which was taken care by the centre (Punanamai Parish). The school at the centre
grew up into a Junior High School and in 1979, was raised to a full fledged High school.
Factors such rice, clothing, free education to the poor students and no restrictions
on intoxicated drinks drew people to the Roman Catholics in Mao area. A number of new
mission stations were opened. At present the Mao Nagas have a very strong Catholic
Community. They have published a few books in Mao Dialect like Catechism books,
Prayer books and Hymnal had been printed which is popular in the villages and great help
to meaningful liturgical participation. They have their own Catholic version of the Bible.

II.3.5.2. Seventh Day Adventist (SDA)

Seventh Day Adventist (SDA): Ninghei and Yarnao of Ukhrul brought the SDA to
Manipur. Yarnao was working as an evangelist of the NEBAH East circle. Though not
ordained, he is said to have administered even the Lord’s Supper in 1949, during the
meeting of the NEBAH at Kousou village, Ninghei and Yarnao walked out of the
meeting and left the Baptist denomination. They went to Assam and contacted many
churches to accept them. And finally brought the SDA to Ukhrul in 1951 and established
their church there. They continue to have a mission center there till today.
The SDA’s influence came to the Maos from Tangkhul in 1957. Records are not
available to know the name of the missionary who brought the gospel. The first converts
to SDA were Hepruni Sani and Kholi Chamaikho of Punanamei village. Soon after their
conversion the two men started a small fellowship at Hepruni Sani’s residence with about
a dozen of unbaptized members most likely their own wives and children. From there it
spread to Chowainu and Pudunamai villages. In order to promote the SDA works in Mao
areas, they opened a school at Pudunamai village which is known as Sophia English

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School today. They stirred up great controversies throughout Mao by their teaching that
only SDA will be saved. Their insistence on abstinence from pork eating and tea drinking
was the main obstacles to people who would otherwise have joined them.

II.3.5.3. Christian Revival Church

Mention must also be made of another sectarian group, the Christian Revival
church. in the year 1980 crisis arose in Pudunamei Baptist Church were a group of
laymen from this local church separated themselves and formed their own independent
church called Christian Revival Church. Two reasons that made them embrace this new
group were partly because of second baptism and partly because of the Baptist leaders
who were not involved with the revivalists who did not give them guarded guidance, but
remained quiet, observing its outcome.
Since then, continuous division occurred in many churches. Sheep steeling was
common after the schism. The Baptist church regarded the separate churches as a
heretical group with regard to their extremism over emotionalism and unscriptural
teaching. The revival church today has congregations in almost all the villages.
At the outset of every part of the services be it prayer, singing or preaching the
congregation shouts in unison “Jehova shue” (praise the Lord), repeating three times.
Most of their prayers are mass spoken prayers, in which all members of congregation
pray aloud together in whatever way he or she likes to pray. A song of assurance is
usually sung in the end of the prayer. Fasting and prayer meetings for two of three days
are observed. These are usually said to be the Lords program, which usually comes
through prophecies and speaking in tongue. They believed that these Lords programs are
to be obeyed strictly, otherwise sickness or even death may occur.

II.3.6. Reasons for Accepting Christianity

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 It is interesting to note that Christianity attained a spectacular success amongst the
tribal people of Northeast in general and the Mao Nagas in particular. One may wonder
why well developed religions like Hinduism and Islam were not adopted by them and
why did they accept Christianity. Quarreshi (1987 pp 23-26) noted some reasons for this
as follows:

1. Both Hindu and Muslim society, being politically disorganized and socially
demoralized, had nothing to offer to the hillmen. Moreover there had always been a
strained relation between the tribals and the neighbouring plain landers, a relation
of suspicion and hatred, nurtured over centuries of lack of meaningful
communication.
2. A plains man both Hindus and Muslims considered the tribals not in more savages
and there is little evidence to suggest that there was any attempt by them to
propagate religion to the tribals. In many cases, the experience of the straight
forward tribals coming in contact with plain lenders at the foothills was not
conducive to improve relations.
3. Christian missionaries had an ideal situation to exploit. With the rising sun of the
British Empire behind them and with their unmistakable zeal and vigour they were
destined to achieve great success in the years to come.
4. After the initial failures, the Christian missions gradually improved their technique,
changing their approached from outright confrontation or condemnation of the
existing order to a more subtle and sustain effort to win the confidence of the
prospective converts, which paid good dividends in the long run. Serving or
assisting the tribals in their distress, particularly medical assistance won the
missionaries friends and admires who subsequently proved to be more receptive to
their preaching.
5. The missionaries started schools around the churches and the stress was primarily
on the reading or recitation of the gospel. This limited access to education brought
radical change for the convert. A newly converted person with his education had an
elevated position in the eyes of his co-tribals, even though he was condemned for

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 his surrendering of a traditional faith. Thus it may be said that the spread of
education through the churches, or putting it in other words making the churches
the only fountain of education in this hills, was another factor that greatly enhanced
the advancement of Christianity in this region. The Baptist missionary society in
their original constitution recognized education as one of the means to be adopted
for the introduction in India. It was considered that one of the greatest instruments
of success of Christianity would be the diffusion of Christian knowledge.
6. Direct material incentives were also a significant factor in gaining new converts. It
appears that the missionaries had to take the responsibility to protect the new
convert, at least in the early days when new converts ostracized by their relatives.
In many case such converts had to be supported or given shelter at the mission.
Direct presents or indirect benefits through government patronage were added
attractions to the prospective converts.
7. Another point frequently mentioned as the prime factor in the success of Christian
missions in this area is patronage and assistance from the British administration. It
has been said the British government found its expedient to use the missionaries as
the vanguard of its imperial penetration into newer areas, and the laws were enacted
protecting the missionaries or giving them privileges, and public funds were spent
or policies framed with the intention of furthering the cause of Christianity.

It can be said that Christianity succeeded in winning a lot of people from the North
East Region of India also because of the fact that apart from the Biblical stories, the
teachings of Christianity and ethics were identical to the animistic beliefs and the social
life of the Garos, Khasis, Mizos and Nagas (Yunou 1974 p 113) Under such favorable
environment, it took its roots there and spread rapidly with personal dedication and
philanthropic spirits and works of the Christian missionaries. The American, Norwegian,
welsh, Spanish and Italian Christian missionaries came in quite a few numbers and
settled in the inaccessible and dangerous places in the mountains, forests and plains to
preach the message of God, to heal the sufferings and to educate the people.

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