How the ANP's Decision to Disavow

PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of

Ethnic Politics in Pakistan?

Candidate No.: 260448

Dissertation

Institute of Development Studies

Word Count: 11,387

M.A. Development Studies

University of Sussex
(2022 – 2023)
 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

Table of Contents
List of Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................... 4
Acknowledgement .................................................................................................................................. 5
Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 6
1. Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 7
1.1. The Rise of Ethno-Nationalism................................................................................................ 7
1.2. The Role of Ethnic Federalism and National-Territorial Autonomies ..................................... 7
1.3. The Significance of Ethnic Identity in Collective Action .......................................................... 7
1.4. The Impact of Ethnic Fragmentation on Development .......................................................... 7
1.5. The Role of Ethnicity in Ethnic Conflict ................................................................................... 8
1.6. The Case of the Pakistani Pashtuns ........................................................................................ 9
1.7. The Significance of The Ethnic Factor in Social Processes ...................................................... 9
2. Literature Review .......................................................................................................................... 10
2.1. Background concerns ............................................................................................................ 10
2.2. Background of PTM and ANP ................................................................................................ 12
2.3. The reasons for being at odds............................................................................................... 14
3. Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................................. 19
3.1. Understanding Ethnos and Ethnicity: Primordialist, Instrumentalist, and Constructivist
Approaches ....................................................................................................................................... 19
3.2. The Primordialist and Instrumentalist Approaches: A Combined Framework ..................... 19
3.3. The Role of Ethnicity in Political Activity: A Resource Mobilisation Hypothesis .................. 20
3.4. The Bourdieuan Theory of Political Capital: Power Dynamics and Struggles ....................... 20
3.5. The Transformation of Pakistani National Identity: A Socio-Political Phenomenon ............ 22
4. Methodology................................................................................................................................. 23
4.1. Research Design and Approach ............................................................................................ 23
4.2. Application of Grounded Theory .......................................................................................... 23
4.3. Coding and Analysis .............................................................................................................. 23
4.4. Data Collection and Sources ................................................................................................. 24
4.5. Case Study Method ............................................................................................................... 24
4.6. Validity and Reliability........................................................................................................... 25
5. Findings ......................................................................................................................................... 26
5.1. Case 1: Pashtun Nationalism – Historical Development and Tribal Identity ........................ 27
5.2. Case 2: Military Involvement and National Integration ........................................................ 28

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

5.3. Case 3: The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement ............................................................................. 29

5.4. Case 4: The Politicization of Ethnos in Pakistan .................................................................... 29
5.5. Case 5: The Activity and Relationships between PTM and ANP ........................................... 31
6. Discussion...................................................................................................................................... 33
6.1. Pashtuns and the Pakistani Military...................................................................................... 33
6.2. Civil Movements: African Americans vs. Pashtuns ............................................................... 34
6.3. Awami National Party (ANP) vs Pashtun Tahafuz (Protection) Movement (PTM): A Possible
Resolution ......................................................................................................................................... 36
7. Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 38
References ............................................................................................................................................ 40

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

List of Abbreviations
Sr. No. Abbreviation Full Form
1. ANP Awami National Party
2. PTM Pashtun Tahafuz Movement
3. NIE New Institutional Economics
4. USA United States of America
5. ISIS Islamic State of Iraq and Syria
6. NWFP North-West Frontier Province
7. FCR Frontier Crimes Regulations
8. PKMAP Pashtunkhwa Mili Awami Party
9. NAP National Awami Party

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

Acknowledgement
I would like to begin by expressing my heartfelt gratitude to Allah, the Most Merciful and Most
Compassionate, for His boundless blessings and guidance that have brought me to this significant
juncture in my academic journey. It is through His infinite grace and wisdom that I have been
granted the strength and perseverance to overcome challenges and reach this milestone.

I extend my sincere appreciation to my parents, whose unwavering support, love, and

encouragement have been a constant source of motivation throughout my academic pursuits. Their
sacrifices and dedication to my education have been instrumental in shaping my path, and for that, I
am eternally grateful.

I owe a debt of gratitude to my dedicated supervisor, who has shown remarkable patience and
expertise in helping me navigate the intricate journey of academic research. Despite my numerous
errors and uncertainties, their guidance and mentorship have been invaluable in helping me narrow
down my research topic and refine my work. Their unwavering commitment to my success has been
a guiding light throughout this process.

I am also indebted to the numerous individuals who have contributed to my academic journey in
various ways, from providing advice to offering encouragement and assistance. Your support has
played a pivotal role in my achievements, and I am deeply thankful for your involvement.

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

Abstract
The research deals with the conceptualization of ethnicity, tribalism, ethnical identity, ethnical
nationalism in modern social, economic, and geopolitical realities, based on the bright example of
Pashtun problematic field in Pakistan. At the center of consideration, there is an opposition of
Awami National Party (ANP) and Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), as political forces based on two
different paradigms of nonviolent fighting for the rights of marginalized Pashtun ethnicity –
ethnocracy and ethnic entrepreneurship, the meaning and implementation of which are described in
detail in the paper. It is shown that these two approaches correspond to the evolution of socio-
political landscape in Pakistan, and that PTM employs the potential of youth, as well as means of
political marketing, while ANP adheres, in fact, purely to ideology sphere. The historical parallel is
drawn to the Civil Rights Movement in the USA in 50s-60s of the 20th century, which allowed
comparing ANP’ approach with the approach of Marcus Garvey, and PTM’ approach – with the one
of Martin Luther King, with finding evident similar features. The factor of latent role of military
establishment in Pakistan is considered as significant factor of the socio-political landscape, which
needs to be taken into account when analyzing further prospects of the development of Pasthun
regions within the context of development studies. It is emphasized that namely equality of
participation in resources using, as well as elimination of oppression by military, rather than ideology
aspect, it the foundation of struggle for ethnos’ rights today. The study concludes that Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs) as part of 2030 UN Agenda for Sustainable Development, which leads
away from purely political confrontation, can become a unifying basis for the supporters of ANP and
PTM, in the development of programs for the sustainable development of the northwestern
provinces.

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

1. Introduction
1.1. The Rise of Ethno-Nationalism
The ethnonational factor has been a cause for the rapid growth of political activity in
the last decade. Recent interest in the ethnic phenomena reflects the scientific community’s
growing attention to its importance (Harff, 2019). Ethnic activity has been a leading force in
history. Ethnic activity throughout the history of humanity has been one of the leading
indicators of the historical process. The political map of the world was redrawn by certain
ethnic groups, creating and perishing massive empires. Interest in the "ethnic phenomenon"
does not indicate that these phenomena suddenly began to develop worldwide actively but
that the scientific community is finally starting to pay worthy attention to ethnic processes as
the most crucial factor in the political process.
1.2. The Role of Ethnic Federalism and National-Territorial Autonomies
Ethnic federalism arose in states where internal ethno-nationalism existed, often as
compromise (Wimmer, 2004). Taking into account the ethnic factor in the state structure is
most often of a forced nature. It is the result of a compromise reached between the ethnic
elites and the political leadership of the country. In countries where governments did not
encounter regional ethnonationalism or had the resources to suppress it, they chose a model
of a mono-ethnic state that did not make any concessions to ethnic communities in the form
of territorial isolation or special status for their regions (Landis & Albert, 2012). However,
even in such states, a renaissance of ethno-nationalism is possible today.
1.3. The Significance of Ethnic Identity in Collective Action
Ethnic or linguistic identification leads to the emergence of a "mass subject" capable
of demanding rights (Jackson & Molokotos-Liederman, 2015). Demands and legal claims are
put forward on the following positions: language, territory, participation in power, and
distribution of resources. As a result, members of this group and other individuals begin to
consider this group and its interests as part of reality.
1.4. The Impact of Ethnic Fragmentation on Development
Shahrukh Rafi Khan (2023), in his book Ethnicity and Development, explores the
impact of ethnic fragmentation on the success or failure of nations and uses case studies of
Bangladesh and Pakistan to illustrate this. He analyses the role of institutions in engendering
economic and social progress and challenges the New Institutional Economics (NIE) narrative.
The book argues that the NIE narrative has some gaps, mainly that it is blind to ethnic
fragmentation and, therefore, does not account for constructing institutions that can build

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

national cohesion in low- and middle-income countries. Khan claims that such countries have
different cultural contexts and must first build national cohesion on a foundation of horizontal
– across ethnic groups – and vertical – across classes – equity.
However, it seems much more appropriate to consider ethnonationalism in the context
of development studies. Let us remember that the main reason for the beginning of the Civil
Rights Movement in the USA was institutional inequality and lack of participation in
socioeconomic development. Within the sustainable development paradigm, socioeconomic
development is complemented by an ecological dimension today. Thus, development studies
should become the landscape of considering ethnic nationalism and the ethnic conflicts
caused by it.
Aldparvar and Tadros (2016, p.123) rightly emphasised the need for further research
on the impacts of ethnicity on development and vice versa.
1.5. The Role of Ethnicity in Ethnic Conflict
Primordialist accounts of ethnicity were prevalent until the 1970s and, in some cases,
even later. Traditional primordialist theories typically believe ethnic identity is innate, fixed,
and eternal. The primordial approach also contends, in what is more popularly referred to as
the "ancient hatreds" thesis, that there would unavoidably be a "clash of cultures" and the
appearance of ethnic conflict due to fundamental cultural differences and divergent values
amongst ethnic groups.
However, most constructionist literature on ethnic conflict concentrates on how
individuals, usually elites but often ordinary people, incite violence. Constructionist ideas
explain how common people contribute to interethnic conflict, building on instrumentalist
theory. Marginalised ethnic group members hypothesise they can challenge preexisting ethnic
identities and create new ones. This results in retaliatory violence from those elites who
benefited from the previous form of ethnic identity. Alternately, members of marginal ethnic
groups may use violence against members of other ethnic groups.
Al-Qaeda and ISIS precisely use instability and inequality to establish their influence
in various countries. According to a U.N. report dated November 14, 2014, ISIS fighters
come from diverse social backgrounds. Nevertheless, only a minority are well-educated and
comprise college graduates, technicians, engineers, and doctors (Raja, 2020). Also, the
influence and power of ISIS in Syria and Iraq cannot be compared with the negligible impact
in Saudi Arabia. However, this country adheres to Islam more strictly. Similarly, the Taliban,
not without success, is taking advantage of the high crime rate in Balochistan and the

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

discourse of marginalisation in the Pashtun northwestern provinces. Namely, where

Islamabad's rule is weak and Islamic-sanctioned tribal structures strong, the Taliban want to
establish an independent Islamic state.
1.6. The Case of the Pakistani Pashtuns
Ethnic conflicts can draw in a wide range of social factors, including class, economic,
legal, and environmental issues, even if these factors are not directly related to ethnicity. This
is seen in the example of the Pakistani Pashtuns. As observers noted then, renaming the
NWFP was a culmination of the years-long struggle of the Awami National Party, which has
ruled the province since 2008. All the major political and religious parties in parliament
supported renaming the region, where Pashtuns comprise about 75% of the population.
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Information Minister M.I. Hussein was optimistic about renaming the
NWFP. "This was our key demand, in addition to strengthening the province's autonomy, and
since we have achieved an identity for our people, this gives us the strength to fight
problems," he noted (Hasan, 2022). However, according to observers, when the festivities
ended, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government found itself with many unresolved problems
(Devasher, 2022). In addition to fighting the militants with the help of the Army, it was
supposed to alleviate the pain of poverty and improve the population's living conditions. The
government in power in the province from 2008-2013 failed to solve these problems. Thus,
purely political measures cannot mitigate the severity of ethnic conflicts. Therefore, re-
thinking today is needed by focusing on how policies of material improvement (within the
paradigm of sustainable development) can be compatible with maintaining the fundamental
ethnic identity of Pashtuns in Pakistan.
1.7. The Significance of The Ethnic Factor in Social Processes
In this context, the ethnic factor is significant in general social processes because it
helps to concretise state programs, leads to social progress, gives a purposeful character to
social development, and balances the chances of ethnic communities in achieving their goals
and implementing their interests. It is also essential that the ethnic factor acts as an indicator
of social justice, reminding the state of possible distortions in its development concerning
small communities.

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Politics in Pakistan?

2. Literature Review
2.1. Background concerns
Sam Hickey (2009, p. 141) correctly observes the deficiency in the analytical
foundation needed to understand the connections between politics and development. While
this examination of ANP and PTM discourse does not aim to be a pivotal work in integrating
ethnopolitical context into development studies, it holds the potential to enrich the field.
The prevailing approach, currently dominant, relies on the resource mobilisation
hypothesis. This theory posits that political capital comprises assets an actor wields to shape
policy formation and achieve outcomes aligned with their perceived interests (Burnell et al.,
2017).
The Bourdieuan theory of political capital focuses on agency, empowerment, and
power dynamics through struggles. However, its application to ensure the future of political
capital in development studies is uncertain. Firstly, the suitability of Bourdieu's practice
theory, initially designed for power dynamics, for collective action studies remains debatable.
Secondly, due to the contentious nature of discussions around social capital in development,
any closely related concept will likely provoke more argument than analytical value (Gorski,
2013). Lastly, incorporating complex critical structural analysis into policy discourse poses
challenges, potentially limiting the operationalisation of this approach within development
policy and practice. Consequently, political capital might fail to address the intellectual and
practical demands of development studies.
The latest endeavour, the political capabilities approach, strives to inject politics into
development and governance, aiming to repoliticize theory and practice. A bolder contention
is that it offers a more comprehensive framework for contemplating strategies of political
inclusion compared to the concept of 'empowerment' (Fisher, 2019). This approach seems
well-suited for examining ethnicity, political behaviour, and development in emerging
nations, particularly in intricate scenarios like the interplay between ethnicity and political
capabilities, as evident in Pakistan's Pashtun political discourse.
Experts attribute the politicisation of ethnicity to several factors, including the
weakening of interpersonal bonds in the dynamic landscape of postmodern society, leading to
the erosion of stable social connections (Weber et al., 2016). Additionally, historical context
remains pertinent. Notably, the prevalence of tribalism ideology in many African nations
magnifies the significance of one's ethnic group over others, seeking exclusive privileges and
benefits while disadvantaging other groups (Adediji, 2016).

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

A pivotal hindrance to forming ethnic identity in various African countries is

retribalisation. This process involves an ethnic group engaged in a power struggle with
another group of different ethnic identities, manipulating traditions, myths, symbols, and
imagery to create a politicised organisation for confrontation (Okowa, 2013). Ethnicity is
constructed through ideological means, substantiated by national intellectual elites, using the
concept of ethnonation to depict a harmonious entity devoid of internal contradictions,
possessing untapped cultural potential threatened by external forces.
These processes extend beyond African countries. In contemporary political practice,
political actors exploit the conflict potential inherent in a politicised ethnic identity as a
resource for political contention, a phenomenon evident today in Pakistan.
Emerging countries increasingly employ ethnicity as a predictor of political
behaviour, with fluid and context-dependent ethnic identities. In South Asian societies,
characterised by multiethnic diversity and fragmentation, these dynamics influence political
evolution and socioeconomic progress. The imperative for ethnic group representation in
government has supplanted the majority-minority decision-making paradigm in ethno-
sensitive contexts, such as Pakistan. Karim et al. (2017, p. 164) assert that this shift has
empowered ethnic groups to emerge as political entities advocating for their identities and
objectives. The Pashtun case in Pakistan vividly exemplifies these trends.
"Pashtunism" has emerged as a new radical nationalist ideology, fostering an elevated
risk in both military and political realms, including radical Islamization. A distinctive aspect
of this phenomenon is the popularity of the slogan "For Pure Islam" among Pashtuns. This
rallying call urges Pashtuns to unite in purifying Islam universally and combating non-
believers, particularly non-Pashtun and Shiite groups. The Taliban leveraged this sentiment,
mobilising support under the banner of Islam's purification and the triumph of "Pashtunism"
(Jaffrelot, 2015).
Significantly, a potent influence is the substantial military involvement pervading all
aspects of public life. Despite civilian governance assuming power, the military has skillfully
and inconspicuously persisted as a political arbitrator, operating behind the scenes.
The divergence between the military and civil sectors, particularly the judiciary, holds
significant implications for contemporary Pakistan. The military functions as the bedrock of
the establishment, serving as the foundational pillar for state decision-making during critical
junctures. It wields control over covert mechanisms of influence, supported by deep-seated
social affiliations with elite families and clans. Notably, Pakistan's military encompasses

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

professional commitments and economic interests. Over recent decades, the military
institution has expanded its holdings to include investment funds, banks, and insurance firms,
evolving into a formidable financial and industrial conglomerate that shapes the landscape of
Pakistan's oligarchic business structure (Siddiqa, 2007).
Ahmed (2013) highlights that the tension between the military and civilian
institutional entities partly mirrors the contest between an inflated militarised state and a
segmented society. This contention is intertwined by discord over matters of India-related
conflict, stances towards the Western world, and attitudes concerning radical religious and
political factions (Ahmed, 2013). The outcome of this multifaceted confrontation, with its
intricate interplay and intersections, will ultimately shape whether Pakistan's state evolution
progresses from an ideological construct to a functional entity that fosters society's
wholesome development.
Thus, the vector of development in Pakistan has a multifactorial political component
and needs consideration based on a systemic view, taking into account not only all
subsystems but also systemic ties.
The heightened intensity of interethnic tensions within Pakistan and the absence of a
universally acknowledged concept of national unity amidst external and internal political
turbulence underscores the importance of investigating the interplay between the ANP and
PTM. Understanding the historical context shaping the evolution of Pakistani national
identity, alongside the catalysts fueling this progression evident in the roots, ideologies, and
actions of ANP and PTM, as well as their interconnected dynamics and collective societal
impact, is essential for a pragmatic evaluation of Pakistan's developmental prospects. This
assessment encompasses political, cultural, and socioeconomic dimensions.
2.2. Background of PTM and ANP
In Pakistan, the redefinition of national identity has been an ongoing process since its
inception, driven by the necessity to counter ethno-regional movements for national unity
(Malik, 1996). Scholars rightly emphasise that this endeavour compelled state authorities and
socio-political elites advocating unity to employ diverse arguments (Dawar, 2019). The
essence of the national identity concept evolved following the prevailing political and
economic circumstances of distinct historical eras. Investigating the progression of the
"Pakistani nation" concept across various historical works enables the identification of its
potential future trajectory (Hussain & Khan, 2012).

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

The current state of affairs indicates that further changes are inevitable, given the
prevailing issues within the nation. These challenges underscore the unfinished nature of
national integration.
In May 2014, eight students in Dera Ismail Khan initiated the PTM movement,
initially known as the Mahsud Tahafuz Movement. They aimed to clear landmines from
Waziristan and other areas affected by the conflict in North-West Pakistan following the war
(Jaffrelot, 2015). Recognising the futility of violent methods against oppression, Pashtun
youth, driven by the desire for nonviolent resistance, rallied around the PTM (Mezzera &
Seal, 2019).
The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) gained prominence in January 2018 when it
launched a campaign seeking justice for Naqeebullah Mehsud, who was unlawfully killed in
a staged police encounter by Officer Rao Anwar in Karachi. The movement evolved from
being Mahsud-centric to encompassing all Pashtuns, leading to a change in its name from
"Mahsud" to "Pashtun" (Taj, 2021). The PTM's demands included holding Rao Anwar
accountable, establishing a truth and reconciliation commission to investigate extrajudicial
executions, ensuring the release of missing individuals before tribunals, and removing
landmines from Pashtun tribal regions (Rizvi, 2019).
The PTM movement draws support from diverse ethnic and geographic backgrounds,
focusing on northern Balochistan and specific areas within Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Led by
young Pashtun leaders, the movement's primary objective involves the mainstream
integration of Pashtun society (Yousaf, 2021). Unlike dwelling on tribal history, the PTM
endeavours to shape a progressive political narrative for the Pashtun community, emphasising
forward-looking perspectives.
Revising a progressive and democratic political movement led by the youth, brewing
in the Pashtun region for the past two decades, the PTM has significantly shaped a new
paradigm of belonging and resistance (Shahid & Zaman, 2020). Within Pakistan's
constitutional framework, the PTM positions itself as a nonviolent and legitimate resistance
movement. However, some within the Pakistan Army and certain journalists allege that the
movement harbours foreign agendas and aims to foment ethnic discord within the nation.
Notably, Afghanistan, a country with a complex history concerning Pakistan, has shown
substantial support for the PTM, underscoring its resonance beyond national borders (Khan et
al., 2020).

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

The Awami National Party (ANP) is Pakistan's first openly communist political party.
The faction led by Wali Khan within the National Awami Party emerged following the 1967
split from the original NAP, which occurred between Maulana Bhashani and Abdul Wali
Khan. Various left-leaning groups, including the Awami Tehrik and the National Democratic
Party, amalgamated to create the Awami National Party in 1986. Wali Khan's political
journey was rooted in the legacy of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan's passionate Pakhtun
nationalism.
The Muslim League's activities leading up to Pakistan's independence were
underpinned by a distinct Pakistani nationalist ideology that intertwined philosophical,
nationalistic, cultural, and religious components (Mir, 2018). The ideological divide is
evident between those adhering to secular, liberal, and moderately pro-Western views versus
those embracing Islamist, conservative, and strongly anti-Western perspectives. This divide is
causing social and spatial fragmentation in the country, with more fervent traditional support
prevalent in the western and northwestern regions, closer to Afghanistan and Iran (Jetly,
2012).
However, even in these areas, notably in the predominantly Pashtun province of
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, a robust secular ideology rooted in a blend of longstanding left-wing
populism and Pashtun nationalism persists. The ANP leverages this ideological foundation to
shape its political stance (Mushtaq, 2018).
In February 2008, the ANP won in the NWFP elections, forming a provincial
government that adopted a more stringent approach towards Islamic radicals and terrorists.
This shift in policy significantly contributed to the effectiveness of government military
operations in Swat and Buner districts within the former North-West Frontier Province
(Jaffrrelot, 2016).
2.3. The reasons for being at odds
Being a small democratic and secular Pashtun nationalist party, the ANP faced
marginalisation in the early 21st century due to its vocal criticism of the Pakistani military
regime and the surge of Islamic extremism in the tribal regions along the Afghan-Pakistani
border (Altaf, 2019). Nonetheless, a resurgence in popularity among the ANP and other
democratic groups began to emerge as early as 2006, driven by mounting tribal
apprehensions about the escalating "Talibanization" of Pashtuns. The conflict between the
Taliban and the Afghan government in Afghanistan fueled this phenomenon (Yousaf, 2019).

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

One may argue that the Pashtuns avenged the Islamists who previously held power in
the area under a military regime. Nevertheless, instead of keeping its word, the ANP sided
with the interests of the army and establishment forces. This was a significant disagreement
point with PTM – one of the factors of "a boat being under turbulence" (Khan, 2023).
Scholarly discussions accurately note that the emergence of a movement like PTM on
Pakistan's political stage was an unforeseen occurrence in the nation's tumultuous seventy-
two-year democratic history (Marwat et al., 2022). This movement stands out due to its
unwavering rhetoric that directly challenges the unchecked military power in the country—a
stance unprecedented in its history. Even established mainstream political parties, often
victims of military intervention, have been unable to articulate the terminology and language
employed by PTM to confront military policies. Prior instances of Pashtun nationalism in the
country's history appear comparably less radical (Yousaf, 2019). A sentiment expressed by
some is that the movement's uniqueness is the reason for its perceived "oddness" (Jafri,
2021).
Within just a year of its inception, the PTM has rapidly grown, confronting the state's
treatment of Pashtuns during counterterrorism operations. Its actions have underscored that it
goes beyond a momentary eruption of anger and suffering in a conflict-ridden region. Instead,
it has evolved into a rallying cry for a community weary of the impacts of war and the
resulting upheaval stemming from government policies in Pakistan (Khan, 2016).
Various factors can be attributed to the PTM's remarkable popularity and
mobilisation. In contrast, the ANP evolved into a mainstream party that refrained from
voicing broader Pashtun grievances stemming from the war on terror. This shift followed
compromises made with the military in exchange for limited influence gains. Meanwhile, the
PTM connected Pashtun concerns with the ANP (Daechsel, 2015). The results of the 2013
elections underscored the ANP's disconnect from youth sentiment.
However, challenging the authorities comes with significant risks. The PTM's demand
for the demilitarisation of tribal regions exemplifies this peril. The movement has also
questioned the notion that "geography is destiny," a principle often applied in foreign policy.
Analysts suggest that the PTM represents the most recent iteration of Pashtun nationalism,
one with the potential to leave a lasting imprint on Pashtun society (Mezzera & Seal, 2019).
The dynamic between the contemporary ANP and PTM encapsulates a distinct
phenomenon. PTM must further showcase its commitment to nonviolence and constitutional
resistance, acknowledging that it has a journey ahead. On the other hand, ANP, akin to Dr

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

Khan's government, is striving to uphold its parliamentary approach. While many followers
and leaders favour PTM's ideologies, ANP's historical struggle to safeguard Pashtuns' rights
within Pakistan's federal system is undeniable, marked by substantial sacrifices. Nevertheless,
ANP's ambivalent and inconsistent stance on nonviolence and defending Pashtun's
sociopolitical rights in the wake of PTM's rise raises concerns.
ANP's leadership should reassess its stance on parliamentary politics and engage with
the widespread political resistance epitomised by PTM. This movement has united
individuals from diverse political backgrounds to champion the populace's interests.
The youth of the Pashtun community actively engage in PTM, courageously
confronting authority by addressing uncomfortable truths. They hold the military accountable
for the devastation inflicted upon their region during the war on terror. Concurrently, they
question the practices of established nationalist political parties and challenge the legitimacy
of state-endorsed figures like the Maliks and Mullahs.
Hence, it becomes evident that both parties strive to articulate Pashtun identity, albeit
with comparable objectives, albeit declared ones, yet exhibiting distinct vectors and overall
participant profiles. Notably, no mainstream political party has ever scrutinised the military
with the same fervour and candour as indicated by the PTM.
Even though the ANP proclaims its commitment to Pashtun rights, its opposition to
the PTM has resulted in internal divisions among its members. Right from the beginning, the
ANP prohibited its followers from endorsing the PTM, and there were instances of punitive
actions taken against those who did so. The ANP subjected certain prominent members to
show-cause orders due to their alignment with the PTM (Majjed, 2013).
It is vital to recognise and highlight specific attributes because they are intricately
linked to the PTM's interactions with other smaller movements in the country, such as the
Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), which champions the human rights of Muhajirs in
Pakistan through peaceful and democratic means. These movements appear to draw
inspiration from PTM's emergence and the additional adversity it has faced. PTM has adeptly
forged broad alliances, welcoming participation from various political parties and showing
solidarity with movements like the Hazara Sit-In (Eleazar & Khan, 2018).
According to Kakar, PTM sets itself apart from previous instances of Pashtun
nationalism due to its distinctive leadership composition, primarily originating from the lower
middle class of FATA, a historically marginalised region (Kakar as cited in Aslam & Neads,
2021).

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Politics in Pakistan?

The emergence of the PTM, a youth-led movement advocating for Pashtun rights,
seems to pose a significant challenge to the Awami National Party's long-established
dominance in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. While sharing similar objectives, the ANP views the
PTM as a potential threat to its political territory. Despite their shared goals, the ANP has
taken a critical stance against its members who support the PTM. This criticism has
manifested in show-cause notices and even dismissals of party members who express support
for the PTM (Mufti, 2023).
The ANP's staunch opposition to the PTM raises questions about its priorities,
suggesting a possible focus on safeguarding its position in the province over prioritising
Pashtun rights. Given the ANP's resistance to the PTM, it is intriguing to consider why the
ANP does not rally behind a movement that promotes Pashtun identity and the empowerment
of the marginalised youth in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (Rizvi, 2019). The PTM's influence is
reshaping the landscape of Pakistani politics.
According to Waseem (2022), the PTM holds a distinctive status because it is the first
nonviolent movement in Pakistan to openly challenge the military's actions in upholding
constitutional rights. This is noteworthy because many Pashtuns, particularly the younger
generation raised amidst the war on terror, have firsthand experience of the ravages of
conflict. Consequently, the PTM's considerable acceptance among this demographic is
unsurprising.
Arguably, the most notable impact of the PTM is its capacity to dismantle the climate
of fear in KPK. This milieu previously coerced individuals into enduring atrocities in silence.
Through the movement, those who had suffered under official persecution and terrorist acts
have found a platform and a voice. Pashteen underscores that activism has heightened
awareness about the Pashtuns' role as mere pawns in a conflict primarily serving the interests
of external actors, with collusion between the military and insurgents (Jafri, 2021).
In a hybrid regime like Pakistan, existing literature suggests that social movements
such as the PTM undergo erratic and fragmented cycles of mobilisation and demobilisation.
This is attributed to the following factors: (i) The state's dual and irregular methods of
oppression, (ii) Media censorship curbing the movement's activities, and (iii) The movement's
restricted access to political power. Consequently, the PTM oscillates between active
mobilisation periods and enforced inactivity (Zahoor, 2020).
The unpredictable coercion patterns stem from ambiguously defined power dynamics,
the regime's inherent instability, and the limited space for civilian governance. This scenario

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Politics in Pakistan?

continually compels the political elite to choose between suppressing the movement in
alignment with military interests for regime security or permitting its growth in line with
constitutional freedoms. Zahoor contends that Pakistan's intricate hybrid regime structure
underlies this predicament (Zahoor, 2020).
According to certain scholars, a movement functioning amid such ambiguous
circumstances, subject to hybrid and dual forms of coercion from civilian and military
entities, may undergo temporary abeyance, displaying apparent inactivity for a period.
Nevertheless, complete eradication over the long term is unlikely (Ramachandran et al.,
2018). Instead, this scenario could fuel heightened mobilisation and resistance against the
state. Moreover, the movement could catalyse other rights-based initiatives that share
analogous goals, potentially setting off a cascade of interconnected movements. This
underscores the precarious existence of social movements like PTM within hybrid regimes
like Pakistan, where political leaders are more prone to using repression to respond to
contentious challenges than in well-established democratic structures. Conversely, their
circumstances diverge from authoritarian states, where oppression tends to be overt and less
calculated (Yousaf, 2019).
The region inhabited by Pashtun tribes remains a challenging hotspot on the global
map. Consequently, it becomes apparent that in the 21st century, major world powers must
undertake concerted efforts to stabilise the situation. A thorough examination of the "Pashtun
problem's" role in shaping Pakistan's political terrain is imperative to attain a more accurate
historical perspective. This exploration should encompass the phenomena, distinctiveness,
and repercussions of extensive military involvement in Pakistan's social and political spheres,
emphasising its implications within the framework of development studies. A constructive
approach could involve constructing a grounded theory that elucidates the causal interplay
between key stakeholders, such as the ANP and PTM, and their interactions, along with the
interests and influence of other pivotal actors like the military establishment, political parties,
and society. This analytical framework aims to provide a deeper comprehension of the
present state and potential trajectories of Pakistan's political landscape concerning sustainable
development.

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Politics in Pakistan?

3. Conceptual Framework
3.1. Understanding Ethnos and Ethnicity: Primordialist, Instrumentalist,
and Constructivist Approaches
An analysis of the main approaches to the study of ethnicity shows that this
phenomenon is complex and still does not have a precise definition. Various scientific
concepts of ethnicity consider the following three approaches to understanding ethnos and
ethnicity (Jackson & Molokotos-Liederman, 2015):
- Primordialist,
- Instrumentalist,
- Constructivist.
Primordialism sees ethnos as a stable historical group whose members share a
common origin (i.e., the myth of a common origin) and a sense of solidarity. The ideas of
instrumentalism suggest that in modern society, ethnicity is a particular resource for uniting a
group or for becoming the beneficiary of state policy. The concept of constructivism insists
that the elite construct the ethnos (Yang, 2000). Since construction by the elite is not the case
for Pashtun, the constructivist approach does not represent a suitable tool for analysis. For the
research question under consideration, combining the primordialist and instrumentalist
approaches seemed optimal: primordialism allowed for analysing the historical conditions
which determined the 'soil' on which ANP and PTM built their 'messages' and activities. At
the same time, instrumentalism enabled the exploration of the actions of ANP and PTM in
their competition for representing Pashtun identity and influencing state policy.
3.2. The Primordialist and Instrumentalist Approaches: A Combined
Framework
The primordialist approach was the best option for application in the analysis since it
could research and explain sometimes rather subtle differences between ANP' and PTM's
aspirations and actions. Both ANP and PTM employ common origin and a sense of solidarity.
However, they have somewhat different vectors and general 'profile' of participants
(supporters) – this, in turn, is determined by peculiar comprehension of the sense of ethnic
solidarity and its implications. There is a dichotomy "nationalistic idea – justice idea", where
the proportion of one of two driving factors outweighs.
In turn, the instrumentalist approach was the best option since it would help to clarify
the 'competitive strategies' of ANP and PTM in the struggle for 'share', 'the size of a segment'

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Politics in Pakistan?

in the Pakistani political landscape. Thus, combining the two approaches allowed for aligning
both movements' backgrounds, core messages, and practical strategies (actions).
Moreover, Pashtun regions and the Pashtun issue on the national level in Pakistan
represent a vivid example of ethnocracy and generate a phenomenon of "ethnic
entrepreneurs." In an ethnocracy, the dominant ethnic group manages economic, political,
social, and spiritual processes from the standpoint of the primacy of its national interests to
the detriment of the interests of other ethnic groups. Also, the role of the so-called "ethnic
entrepreneurs" is high here, who 'play on' ethnic feelings in the struggle for resources,
including political ones. The activities of ANP and PTM ideally illustrate this. Thus, applying
ethnocracy and ethnic entrepreneurship concepts within primordialist and instrumentalist
approaches constituted a conceptual framework appropriate for elaborating the chosen
research question.
3.3. The Role of Ethnicity in Political Activity: A Resource Mobilisation
Hypothesis
Sociological studies of the 1980s provided material for the conclusion that there are
two types of ethnocratic impulses: cultural and instrumental. The particular sharpness of the
debate around the origin and nature of ethnicity is one of the reasons for this (Anderson,
2016). Ethnocracy as internal colonialism implies state-incentive benefits for a particular
nation or ethnic group, from which ethnic minorities such as Bretons and Slovaks suffer. The
authors citing these examples consider insufficient investments in developing the economy
and infrastructure of these regions as indicators of internal colonialism (Anderson, 2016).
Relations of western and eastern parts of Pakistan represent a vivid example of the same plan.
At the same time, exaggeration of the cultural and other backwardness of the periphery - as
the policy of the centre's elite - causes a backlash.
J. Rothschild, a researcher of ethnopolitics, warns against making mistakes that could
lead to the destructive impact of ethnocratic impulses on the progress of society. The ethnic
factor has repeatedly demonstrated the ease of mobilisation in interethnic social, economic,
resource, and other asymmetry (Siddiqi, 2012).
3.4. The Bourdieuan Theory of Political Capital: Power Dynamics and
Struggles
When studying ethnic conflicts, especially local ones, two problems arise. The
subjective reflection of reality by external observers (ethical issue) and community members'
perception and representation of the dispute where the conflict occurs (emic problem). The

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Politics in Pakistan?

objectivity of knowledge about conflicts often depends on the psychological preset of

researchers, stereotypes in collecting and reproducing data, and the occurrence of such effects
as "normative self-presentation" (Jackson & Molokotos-Liederman, 2015).
Ethnopolitical conflicts are of a status nature: the subject of such conflicts is most
often political status, which is fought for by those who claim to represent the interests of an
ethnic group. One of the most important reasons for the development of a conflict is a change
in the interaction of organisations acting on behalf of ethnic groups or the environment of this
interaction, such that the economic or political status of one of them becomes unacceptable.
Namely, the historical experience of both developed and developing countries shows that
undeveloped, poor regions with compact ethnic minority populations often make the most
radical demands, up to secession from the state. This emphasises the organic connection of
ethnicity and ethnopolitics with development studies.
However, ethnopolitical conflicts are not only conflicts of interest but also conflicts of
identity. This often gives rise to the phenomenon of "competing cultural and historical
traditions," such as a confrontation between ethnic traditions within a multicultural society, a
struggle for a "historical heritage," or conflicts between the practices of representatives of
various social groups (Landis & Albert, 2012).
However, the political mobilisation of an ethnic group can be caused not only by
competition between ethnic communities but also by government policies (Wimmer et al.,
2004). Ethnopolitics plays a unique role in the management of ethnicity as a resource. The
essence of ethnopolitics is determining the balance of interests between dominant ethnic
groups and national minorities.
At the same time, the main criteria that ensure the stability and conflict-free
ethnopolitical processes are the stable ethno-social structure in society that has developed
democratically, the legitimacy of the political regime of government and the high efficiency
of the ethnocultural and legal norms of interaction between various groups of the population
that prevail in the country. The conflict-free development of ethno-political processes is
achieved through consensus between ethnic groups and different ethnic groups and by
ensuring compromises on the roles and functions of the ruling political elite and opposition
national movements and organisations. In other words, the essential manifestation and nature
of the positive development of ethnopolitical processes depend primarily on the actions and
program settings of the economic and socio-political development of society, the ruling
political elite, on its ability to free itself from the "art" of radicalism in the exercise of its

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Politics in Pakistan?

power in public life and find a "common language" with the opposition national forces. In the
relations between the ANP and PTM, both among themselves and with the political
establishment of Pakistan, the above is a weak point. In turn, development problems are not
being appropriately addressed. Ethnic nationalism here transformed into the politicisation of
ethnicity.
Unrelenting centrifugal tendencies in the form of ethno-regional movements hamper
the development of Pakistani integrity. The tensest situation has developed in the areas
inhabited by Pashtuns (mainly in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (the former North-
West Frontier Province) and in the territories of the federally administered tribes) and
Balochs (mainly in the region of Balochistan). The constant internal conflict created
favourable conditions for the activities of radical Islamic organisations among the Pashtuns
and Balochs. The latter's movement became the subject of international attention after the
global campaign against terrorism in 2001. The entry of troops of several Western powers
into Afghanistan, which followed, turned Pakistan into a front-line state, further aggravating
the country's socioeconomic and political problems.
3.5. The Transformation of Pakistani National Identity: A Socio-Political
Phenomenon
The transformation of Pakistani national identity as a socio-political phenomenon
occurred at different historical stages under the influence of internal and external factors. A
systematic and comprehensive approach was needed to address this problem. A broad
chronological framework made it possible to trace the impact of this change process in the
political situation, expressed in transitions from periods of civil rule to periods of military
power and vice versa. At the same time, the constructivist paradigm of the study allowed the
comparison of the factors of influence of both tribalism (internal factors) and the participation
of the military in state policy (external factors) to determine trends and prospects for the
development of the Pashtun ethnic group and the territories of its residence within the
framework of development studies.

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Politics in Pakistan?

4. Methodology
4.1. Research Design and Approach
The secondary study was suggested as a frame methodology. Modern researchers in
the field of political and social sciences believe that documents and texts are the most
promising sources of data in terms of secondary analysis (Hennink et al., 2020).
There were three classes of problems that political analysis had to deal with: cognitive
problems, specific problems of political actors, and problems of social life that require
political methods for their solution (Hennink et al., 2020). Given the uniqueness and
complexity of the phenomenon of "ethnos politicisation" in Pakistan, it was necessary to
study all three classes of problems: tribalism in Pakistan as a cognitive problem, issues of
activity and relationships between PTM and ANP as actors, and problems of public and
social life of Pashtuns in the context of development studies, as well as military
establishment' role and place in the implementation of state power in Pakistan.
4.2. Application of Grounded Theory
Applying the grounded theory method is assumed to work on the research question.
Applying a grounded theory is creating a theoretical model that explains the phenomenon
under study (Tarozzi & Crow, 2020).
The foundation of grounded theory is coding. The code conceptualises a hidden
pattern of empirical indicators in the data. That is, in generating a theory by developing
hypothetical relationships between conceptual codes (categories and their properties) that
have been extracted (generated) from data in the form of indicators, a researcher "discovers"
a grounded theory (Tarozzi & Crow, 2020).
4.3. Coding and Analysis
Open coding is about labelling phenomena. Passing through the text (preliminarily,
any data is translated into text), the researcher answers the question for each unit of analysis
(line, paragraph, semantic fragment): "What is it talking about"? "What is the essential
(important) point of what was said"? The researcher fixes the answer to this question in a
code (one or more words). Next, the codes are combined and enlarged.
During selective coding, a nuclear (axial) category was chosen, and the materials were
coded so that the newly received codes (categories) were related to the nuclear category. The
nuclear category was the category concerning which the most text materials were marked.
Thus, citations, codes, and categories appeared to be related.

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Politics in Pakistan?

A. Straus and several other researchers suggested using a multi-stage procedure for
encoding textual information: open, axial and selective coding, which correspond to several
stages of reading the text (Tarozzi & Crow, 2020). The meaning of such multi-stage coding
lies in the gradual narrowing of the analysis field: from a highly open search for semantic
units of the text to a narrowly focused one that best suits the researcher's intention. Thus, at
the open coding stage, thematic categories were distinguished, which arose from the research
question and were at a shallow level of abstraction. Then, the researcher compiled a general
list of identified topics (they may also expand the original research objectives) and continued
to work on their concretisation. Axial coding involves the search for contextual relationships
between the selected categories (causal relationships are established, conditions for the
appearance of crucial categories). Selective coding implied the last reading of the text,
already taking into account the built-in categories, and served to search for the most striking
episodes to compare parts of the analysed text.
The use of secondary data, first of all, considered which approach the data to gravitate
towards - , primordialist or instrumentalist.
4.4. Data Collection and Sources
The researcher searched for secondary data sources in the JSTOR, ScienceDirect,
Google Scholar, Elsevier, and Wiley libraries and on Amazon, Google Books, and Routledge
platforms to find monographs and edited collective publications on the subject under study.
Since coding serves the purpose of determining the place of data in the overall picture
of the reality under study, each stage of grouping and assigning codes was correlated with
research tasks - respectively: the phenomenon of tribalism in general and its manifestation in
Pakistan in a historical context; Islam and ethnos in the sense of their ability to play the role
of unification of social groups; characteristics of Pashtun identity; emergence, evolution and
activity of ANP and PTM; discrepancies, contradictions and confrontation between ANP and
PTM; military establishment in Pakistan, military power, military involvement in politics.
4.5. Case Study Method
It is also supposed to use the case study method. A case study aims to exhaustively
study all relationships and interdependencies that characterise a particular situation. This was
achieved through the technique of providing a complete, comprehensive description. Such a
description included an in-depth study of the object of study, the conditions in which the
object functioned and the characteristics of the subjects related to the object. A complete

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

description also included an interpretation of cultural norms, morals, social values, mutual
attitudes and motives that have any bearing on the situation under study.
The widespread use of the case study method in political science research is an
essential argument in its favour. Being a flexible "case-study" technique, it allows choosing a
lot of generalities and problems as an object of study; for example, the method seems to be
quite productive precisely in the study of local communities (Yin, 2017).
Case-study involved a particular "immersion" of the researcher in the object under
study and made it possible to "comprehensively consider the "case" in the unity of its
relationships and development dynamics, to study group norms and values, the structure of
roles or the system of power relations (Karamagi, 2021). This method made obtaining
information about one object possible, but this information will be multilateral.
Regarding ANP and PTM, it was imperative to use the case study method within the
framework of ethnocracy and ethnic entrepreneurs due to the poor theoretical knowledge of
these phenomena and the specifics of their manifestation in Pakistan.
Flyvbjerg (2006) argues that case studies can be used to build both explanatory
typologies and micro theories in the grounded theory tradition. Thus, case studies can serve
for the triangulation of results obtained due to the application of grounded theory and for
constructing the resulting grounded theory.
4.6. Validity and Reliability
The level of validity of scientific conclusions is significantly higher when secondary
data is involved in a study that combines the grounded theory method and the case study, as
the statistical base can increase many times over compared to a "cut-off" empirical study or
the use of a single method of secondary research. It becomes possible to compare consistent
or conflicting scientific results.

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Politics in Pakistan?

5. Findings
Discourse and content analysis of literature from the sources mentioned in the
Methodology section allowed defining codes and categories according to grounded theory
procedure:

Context Codes Category

Pashtun identity, tribalism, Pashtun nationalism
historical development ethnic conflict
communal behaviour Tribal identity
sectarian identities
tribalism
Military involvement national integration
Hybrid regime
political space
terrorism
border conflicts
Military establishment
control
economic interest
ANP and PTM origins, ethnic profiling
background, and rivalry oppression
Marginalisation
deprivation
marginalisation
social media
social movements
mobilisation
youth Youth political mobilisation
generational trauma
regional agenda
rights movement
political pressure group
politics of identity
ancestors Political pressure
leading national role
regional autonomy

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

Let us consider some case studies in frames of triangulation of obtained results.

5.1. Case 1: Pashtun Nationalism – Historical Development and Tribal
Identity
A. Dawar (2020), who studies the geopolitics, identity, and discourse analysis of the
conflict in Pakistan's tribal areas, critically assesses the dominant discourse to determine
whether the conflict has its roots in the cultural and social identity of the tribal society or if it
is a deliberate misrepresentation of identity to advance the state's foreign policy. His study
fits, in fact, both the primordialist and instrumental approaches.
Distinguishing between in-groups and out-groups profoundly impacts how people
perceive, behave, and engage in social practices, ultimately shaping the dynamics of peace,
conflict, and, in extreme cases, genocide. These endorsed modes of thinking can sometimes
converge with the self-serving interests of a privileged segment of society, exerting
significant influence on the prevailing thought patterns within the public sphere.
"In the post 9/11, the United States has developed a discourse of "America in danger,"
thereby justifying the war against terrorism in Afghanistan and later Iraq. Hansen has
presented a similar case in her book 'Security in Practice: 'Discourse Analysis and the
Bosnian War' where the Balkan identity was constructed in a negative term during the policy
of inaction" (Dawar, 2020, p. 126). The hegemonic narrative connects crises and the social
framework by shaping an identity that can be embraced in foreign policy and within society.
In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, the prevailing discourse in Pakistan established a
dominant narrative that sought to elucidate and rationalise the regional conflict. Politicians,
official spokespersons, and journalists consistently promoted the narrative that the conflict in
the tribal areas was led by Pashtuns, thereby crafting a storyline that justified the conflict on
national and international levels. Media and academia frequently depicted tribal communities
as intrinsically prone to conflict often labelled them primitive and extremist. These texts and
terminology can serve as tools for constructing the social reality within a specific societal
context.
Dawar (2020) claims that arguments favour Pashtunwali and Islam's commonalities in
the dominant discourse are refuted by historical data and contemporary realities. Pashtunwali,
practised for generations in the Pashtun tribal belt, is ingrained in many aspects of daily life.
History suggests that essential elements of Pashtunwali are rooted in a centuries-old Pashtun
tradition thousands of years older than Islam and have a solid pre-Islamic heritage. Abdul

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

Wali khan replied in response to a question: "I am 5000 years Pashtun, 1400 years Muslim
and 60 years old Pakistani. Where do you think my identity lies?"
Numerous Pashtun cultural and behavioural standards illustrate the dominance of
Pashtunwali (Pashtun Law) and Rewaj (Tradition) over Islam. The ultimate sources of
authority under the tribal model of power legitimacy are Allah and the prophet. However, the
tribal leaders conveyed this divine authority to the monarch through the Jarga (Council). This
is the soil for the flourishing of ethnocracy.
5.2. Case 2: Military Involvement and National Integration
Akram (2020), in a work with a somewhat 'ambitious' name, "Pashtuns and Pakistan
Army: A Proposal for Equitable Collaboration", considers the case of PTM. The core idea of
the paper is as follows: PTM has arisen as a nonviolent organisation to challenge the
military's security narrative in tribal areas; it alleges that the Pakistan Army is to blame for
the hardships Pashtuns have endured over the past forty years; with complaints of missing
Pashtuns, illegal killings, and Pakistani military intimidation, this movement was born as a
confrontational group to resist that military; PTM events' nonviolent and peaceful demeanour
contributed to their recognition by international media outlets as well as human rights
organisations in addition to Pakistan's national and security authorities; the Pakistani Army
sees PTM as a foreign agent working to further ethnic divisions and destabilise Pakistan; a
six-step transformation approach can be suggested to promote fair partnership between
Pashtun leadership and the Pakistan Army in response to this cross-narrative.
The six-models of equitable collaboration are trauma-informed, inclusive, responsive,
truth-seeking, deliberation, and adaptation. The modified Jarga (Council) can be used in this
context to bring Pashtun leadership and the Pakistan Army to the negotiating table to hear
Pashtun grievances, assess harms and devastation, and come to an agreement on solutions to
address both Pashtun grievances and army concerns.
The Jarga (Council), regarded as the most reliable communal space in the area, can
potentially improve tense relations between tribal Pashtuns and the Pakistan Army, but only
if the leadership and organisational structure are free from governmental interference.
The equitable cooperation approach includes three layers of stakeholder interaction to
help them agree on handling the conflict's identified causes.
This case presented by Akram describes PTM as ethnic entrepreneurs within the
frame of an instrumentalist approach.

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Politics in Pakistan?

5.3. Case 3: The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement

Several (2021) claim that Pashtun politics now have a new dimension thanks to the
PTM's development. Since the creation of Pakistan, many movements have called for
Pashtun autonomy and secession. However, none of them have been able to attract sizable
support. The PTM distinguishes itself from prior Pashtun movements and comparable groups
in Balochistan and Sindh by mobilising thousands of people at demonstrations and dharnas
(Demonstrations). In addition, most prior campaigns were still directed by, connected to, or
derived legitimacy from the conventional Pashtun elites and authority. From a prominent
Peshawar Valley landlord family, Abdul Ghaffar Khan himself came.
In contrast, the PTM is not only publicly opposing the Pakistani military and the
militants but also undermining the Maliks' rule. The military, the Maliks, and the Pakistani
state were unprepared for the massive mobilisation of the Pashtun youth. As was already said,
the FCR and the Political Agents system have helped solidify the Maliks' social and political
status for decades. Political parties were not allowed until 2003, and the universal adult
franchise only being granted in 1997 made the current wave of widespread political
mobilisation a fresh development.
This case vividly depicts the PTM as an ethnic entrepreneur who skillfully uses
"marketing of relationship" and disruptive innovations (in political space) in an
instrumentalist approach.
5.4. Case 4: The Politicization of Ethnos in Pakistan
Ahmed and Khan (2020), speaking about PTM, utilise the precise term "peripheral
nationalism". Pakistan's social, economic, and political undercurrents underlie the growth of
periphery nationalism. Pakistan's fledgling state had to decide between a centralised
government and a decentralised government. The decisions Pakistan will make in the future
will determine whether the country is stable or unstable. The country's early political
instability and hostility toward India supported the idea of integrity, togetherness, and a
single national identity. Instead of the state's borders, its development focused on its centre.
Ahmed and Khan (2020) suggest a division of Pashtun nationalism into four phases:
(1) Pre-partition Anti-Colonial Nationalism, (2) Transnational Nationalism, (3) Integrative
Nationalism, and (4) PTM. At the same time, he refers to the rise of ANP as the phase of
"participative nationalism". In 1997, the Awami National Party and the Pakistan Muslim
League (N) established a coalition government. Both Pashtun nationalist groups established
provincial governments in their respective provinces before the next elections. From 2008

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Politics in Pakistan?

through 2013, the ANP established a provincial government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. From
2013 through 2018, PKMAP formed the Balochistan government. The 2010 introduction of
the 18th amendment to Pakistan's constitution was one of these nationalist parties' most
notable successes. Transferring provincial autonomy to provinces and eliminating the
concurrent list of authorities were two critical aspects of the amendment. Another significant
aspect was the longstanding desire of Pashtun nationalists to change the name of the North
West Frontier Province to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, a subtle nod to the Pashtuns' ethnic identity.
This third stage of participation nationalism saw a decline in Pashtun nationalism. The war on
terror impacted Pashtun's lives, properties, and the socioeconomic makeup of the community.
Since the Pashtun-dominated regions in Pakistan and Afghanistan that lie across the Durand
Line were the focal point of the battle against terrorism, the Pashtun people suffered greatly.
The Pashtun nationalism movement was revived as the political leadership chasm within the
already-existing Pashtun ethnic political groups grew, and conditions improved. The PTM,
the fourth phase of Pashtun nationalism, received its impetus from this background.
Ahmed and Khan speak about the changing landscape of Pashtun nationalism and see
in it the success of PTM and the falling popularity of ANP. He does not oppose PTM and
ANP – instead, he considers these two movements as representatives of different (sequential)
stages of Pashtun nationalism, which "historically connotes resistance" (Ahmed, 2020, p. 12).
This provides a historical sequential tracing. The Khudai Khidmatgar movement,
predominately Pashtun (Pathan), was possibly the longest-lasting act of civil disobedience
and the most effective and persistent application of Gandhi's nonviolent political principles.
Pashtuns joined the anti-colonial fight for India's emancipation under the leadership of
Ghafar Khan, also known as Bacha Khan. Following the establishment of Pakistan, the
National Awami Party (NAP) and then the Awami National Party took over the Khudai
Khidmatgar movement's policies. ANP embraces the principles of the Khudai Khidmatgar
movement. This nationalist tradition is being carried out in Balochistan by Mahmod Khan
Achackzai's Pashtunkhwa Mili Awami Party (PKMAP). Both nationalist parties practise
parliamentary politics. PTM, supported by the general populace, has transformed the Pashtun
nationalist scene. PTM is more of a social movement and its associated politics of resistance
than the two current Pashtun nationalist parties, ANP and PMAP. The PTM tested the
traditional nationalist parties, particularly the Awami National Party (ANP) and Pashtunkhwa
Mili Awami Party (PKMAP). ANP suspended Afrasiab Khattak and Bushra Gohar, two
significant Pashtun leaders, for openly supporting PTM. The PTM is thought to have been

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Politics in Pakistan?

developed by ordinary people without any nationalist elite. PTM has become a significant
political force in Pashtun society.
5.5. Case 5: The Activity and Relationships between PTM and ANP
Rashid (2017, p. 9) claims that "Pashtun nationalism had emerged as an anti-colonial
movement of the small Khans and Peasants. In contemporary times, Pashtun nationalism has
material and political effects that cannot be ignored. This has made the Awami National Party
(ANP) a political pressure group. The changing political stances of ANP reflect their politics,
which revolve around bargaining for ministerial portfolios and government permits. In a
nutshell, the Pashtun nationalist movement is one of those nationalist movements which does
not demand a separate state but tries to make the Pakistan state its own. It has become the
party of those who aspired to control administrative power in the province and have a
sizeable share in the Pakistani state system".
This case identifies the essence of ANP as the one adherent to ethnocratic positions. It
helps to see a new facet in the confrontation (competition) landscape between ANP and PTM.
Analysis of the cases mentioned above suggests that the conflict and discrepancies
between ANP and PTM lie in the difference between both their root paradigm foundations
and historical society's background, societal and political 'fabric'. While ANP is based on a
primordialist ideological paradigm and carries out its activity 'under the banner' of
ethnocracy, PTM applies a practical instrumentalist approach, demonstrating behaviour as
ethnic entrepreneurs and launching 'disruptive innovations' on the Pakistani political 'market'.
Schematically, it can be depicted as follows:

Instrumentalist
PTM

ANP
Primordialist

Ethnocracy Ethic entrepreneurship

The ANP's activity fits in the framework of political realism, while the PTM's
movement can be described as political marketing.

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

The marketing approach develops quite apart from normative political theory, and the
marketing understanding of the value of a political proposal differs from political science
interpretations. At the same time, it is not as opposed as many believe, mistakenly continuing
to associate marketing with "the image of a cynical salesman who is only interested in selling
his product, often unnecessary or even dangerous, to a gullible public" (Ormrod et al., 2013).
In this approach, the electoral/political process actors are seen as individuals (a set of
individuals) who act in the political market to maximise their individually understood benefit
by exchanging political goods and services.
With this in mind, it seems expedient to include both normative political theory and
political marketing in the discourse of considering the research question within the field of
development studies, as it would allow covering political economy and sustainability as the
angles of view.

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

6. Discussion
6.1. Pashtuns and the Pakistani Military
Pashtunwali reflects the heritage of traditional Pashtun spiritual and social identity.
Pashtunwali defines the essence of Pashtun culture. With its help, it was possible to maintain
balance in the Pashtun society. As society developed, Pashtunwali was supplemented with
various changes regarding legal, political, economic, and cultural issues. Although the
Pashtuns essentially accept the laws of Islam and Sharia, if a Pashtun has to choose between
Sharia and Pashtunwali, he will usually choose Pashtunwali. However, while the ANP
presents Pashtunwali as the core of its platform, the PTM focuses more on Pashtuns' civil and
political rights.
At the same time, the gap between military and civil (primarily judicial) institutional-
professional corporations is significant for modern Pakistan. The Army is the backbone of the
establishment, i.e., the proper foundation of the state as an institution that makes decisions in
a critical situation. It controls the secret springs of power, with strong social ties to elite
families and clans. The military in Pakistan has not only purely professional but also
economic interests. Over the past decades, the military corporation has acquired investment
funds, banks and insurance companies, turning into one of the most powerful financial and
industrial groups that determine the face of the oligarchic system of Pakistani big business.
To a certain extent, the confrontation between military and civilian institutional
corporations reflects the struggle of a bloated militarised state against a fragmented society. It
is associated with disagreements over war and peace with India, attitudes towards the West,
and radical religious and political forces.
The result of the confrontation along all these lines, with their complex combination
and interweaving, will determine whether the Pakistani state will be able to evolve from an
ideological to a functional one that ensures the healthy development of society.
This landscape requires political parties to have a true stakeholder vision and
approach, skilful balancing and selection of 'messages' for all sections of Pakistani society.
Under these conditions, PTM is an ethnic entrepreneur skillfully using "marketing of
relationships" and disruptive innovations (in political space). One cannot disagree with the
opinion of Ahmed and Khan presented in the previous Section that opposition of PTM and
ANP is determined by their 'belonging' to different (sequential) stages of Pashtun
nationalism. Drawing historical parallels, it is appropriate to compare the evolution of the

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Politics in Pakistan?

assertion of the identity of African Americans and their struggle for their rights to the Pashtun
case.
6.2. Civil Movements: African Americans vs. Pashtuns
The problem of racial discrimination and the struggle of African Americans for civil
rights in the United States has been one of the most topical for a long time (it does not stop
even now). Racial segregation in the country has existed since 1865. A considerable list of
social barriers aimed at discriminating against black U.S. citizens naturally evoked a response
from them, expressed, on the one hand, in the desire for full integration into American society
and, on the other, in the desire to form their ethnic community. Thus, after the end of World
War II, during the period of mass urbanisation and tangible changes in the social composition
of the black population of the States, the trend towards integration became dominant. The
black American Martin Luther King was the most prominent representative of the civil rights
movement for African Americans. However, the anti-Negro politics of the 1960s and 1970s
led to an increase in isolationist sentiments and opposition between whites and blacks.
The civil rights movement used nonviolent resistance methods, including protest
marches and rallies, boycotts of individual companies, sit-ins and other peaceful actions,
often violently suppressed by the authorities. Although the movement did not use
revolutionary methods, it achieved revolutionary changes. The techniques and slogans of this
movement have much in common with the PTM approach.
However, earlier, in the first half of the 20th century, one of the most prominent
figures of Negro nationalism was Marcus Garvey. The concept of "race" was central to
Garvey's concept of nationalism, around which his ideas about the place and role of the
Negro population in all spheres of life were formed. His views had a sound influence on the
African American community, leading to the creation of the Back to Africa movement,
popular in the 1920s, the main goal of which was to achieve the independence of the black
continent with the subsequent migration of the black population of America to Africa.
Despite several factors that led this movement into decline by the end of the decade, many
points of Garvey's ideology remained in demand by subsequent generations of supporters of
Negro nationalism. Garvey's philosophy has contributed significantly to the growth of
African-American pride in their origin, stimulating their self-confidence (van Deburg, 1996).
In historiography, when determining the historical place of Garvey's Negro separatism, it is
noted that this movement was a step forward compared to the ideas of "adaptation", but at the
same time, counteracted the growing integrationist movement, which, in contrast to the

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Politics in Pakistan?

objectively defeatist strategy of the separatists, aimed the Negro movement at the alliance
with all progressive forces in the United States and the international arena (van Deburg,
1996). Also, according to Garvey, blacks needed to establish their own Independent
Episcopal Church, which should be separated from the white church and have its jurisdiction
and centre that is consonant with the ethnocracy of the ANP - , a way of organising state
power, the main principle of which is the activity of the state solely in the interests of a
particular nation (ethnos), the control of an ethnic group over other ethnic groups.
In striving for the political independence of Africa, according to Garvey, it was
necessary to form a single African nation, of which all blacks were to become a part,
regardless of their place of residence. Although Garvey often spoke of Blacks in terms of the
concept of "race", in his understanding, the "Negro race" was inextricably linked with
African nationalism, as a result of which the "Negro race" and "African nation" were for him
inextricably linked terms. African Americans, in turn, had to completely abandon their
identification with American society, merging with all blacks in a single African nation. "We
want to have a nationality like the British, French, Italians, Germans, white Americans and
yellow Japanese; we want to have a national government ..." - said Garvey (Lawler et al.,
2005). Abdul Wali Khan built his political career on the tradition of intense Pashtun
nationalism inherited from his father, Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan). Although the
Awami National Party (ANP) after the partition of India, most of its leaders favoured a united
India. They opposed the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan, thus placing national-
ethnic identity clearly above the state one.
The leftist socialist views of the ANP echo those of Garvey and his predecessors.
Meanwhile, continuing to draw historical parallels, one should note that in the US,
Martin Luther King Jr. and his associates were convinced that nonviolence was the only
morally justified and practical way available to black Americans in their struggle for justice.
The path of nonviolence and grassroots mobilisation was their essential tool, which is entirely
characteristic of the PTM in Pakistan.
PTM was the first political force to openly oppose militarism in Pakistan, just as the
movement led by King opposed the legally prohibited but practically universal practice of
segregation. Today, Black Lives Matter opposes police brutality and violence. PTM has
articulated its grievances well through peaceful sit-ins, protest marches, and enthusiastic use
of all forms of media.

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Politics in Pakistan?

The preceding allows speaking about the applicability of the conceptual methods of
analysis of the US Civil Rights Movement to the analysis of the confrontation between the
ANP and PTM in Pakistan and also proves the clear presence of signs of primordialism and
ethnocracy in the ANP (as it was in Marcus Garvey) and instrumentalism and ethnic
entrepreneurship in PTM (like it was typical of the US Civil Rights Movement, led by Martin
Luther King). These movements (both in the U.S. and Pakistan) represent successive stages
in the evolution of an ethnic group's struggle for their rights and against oppression
(respectively, police or military). This forms the basis of the opposition of these movements,
the absence of real vectors of consensus between them.
Grassroots involvement and large-scale nonviolent protests have proven to be very
effective in the success of the civil rights movement in the U.S. They are already showing
some results in the activities of PTM in Pakistan. Just as the ideas and actions of Marcus
Garvey failed to become a stable long-term basis for the successful struggle of African
Americans for their rights, so the views of the ANP and its political manoeuvres were unable
to become a reliable basis for the success of the struggle for the rights of Pashtuns.
6.3. Awami National Party (ANP) vs Pashtun Tahafuz (Protection)
Movement (PTM): A Possible Resolution
Meanwhile, it seems possible, highly expedient, and even necessary for these parties
to cooperate in some particular issues of the development of the Pashtun regions - precisely
in the context of development studies, notably sustainable development, in the transition from
'emergency response' to ensuring sustainability. Pakistan affirmed its commitment to the
2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development by adopting the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs) as its National Development Agenda through a unanimous National Assembly
Resolution in 2016. This direction, which leads away from purely political confrontation, can
become a unifying basis for the supporters of ANP and PTM in developing programs for the
sustainable development of the northwestern provinces.
For example, Mainstreaming, Acceleration, and Policy Support (MAPS) for SDGs in
Punjab project is the provincial arm of the national initiative for SDGs, which provides a
platform for inter-ministerial and inter-government coordination for effective implementation
of SDGs at national and sub-national levels. The Punjab SDGs Support Unit created the
Punjab SDGs Framework in collaboration with think tanks known for their knowledge in the
social, economic, and environmental sectors. Through the institutional framework for SDG
planning and implementation in Punjab, the Unit organised extensive advisory and cluster

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

consultations at the provincial level to ensure effective coordination and participation of

numerous stakeholders in developing the regional SDG framework. A similar project could
be launched in Pashtun areas, representing a uniting and compromise-enabling force.

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

7. Conclusion
An analysis of the main approaches to the study of ethnicity in general and all the
more so Pashtun ethnical identity shows that this phenomenon is complex and still does not
have a precise definition. Moreover, the evolution and implementation of Pashtun identity in
Pakistan are influenced by various vectors in the socio-political landscape – in particular, the
role and power of the military establishment. Conflicts are a core cause of gaps in Pashtun
province's development. Conflicts are also observed in political space. Application of
primordialist and instrumentalist approaches made it possible to analyse the roots and essence
of the opposition between ANP and PTM – it was suggested that the main reason for the
dissimilarity of their approaches to upholding the rights of the Pashtuns lies in the lack of
consideration by the ANP of both the characteristics of the current era of the 21st century, the
potential of the youth electorate, and the consideration of the successful experience of the
past in the struggle for civil rights - in particular, first of all, the struggle for civil rights in
United States under the leadership of Martin Luther King Jr. В то время как ANP is adherent
to ethnocracy, as a form of political power in which the management of economic, political,
social, and spiritual processes is carried out from the standpoint of the primacy of the national
interests of the dominant ethnic group to the detriment of the interests of other ethnic groups,
PTM applies 'ethnic entrepreneurship', skillfully based on ethnic feelings in the struggle for
resources, including political ones, showing many similarities with the Civil Rights
Movement in the USA in the second half of 20th century. A range of case studies and many
journalistic and analytical scholarly resources were analysed, which allowed the description
of the discourse around Pashtun identity and Pashtun struggle for their rights in modern
Pakistan within such categories as tribal identity, marginalisation, hybrid regime, military
establishment, youth political mobilisation. This array of categories describes the ANP
approach, Pashtuns' situation, political environment conditions, and the PTM approach
accordingly. Analysis of cases allowed the conclusion that, while the ANP presents
Pashtunwali as the core of its platform, the PTM focuses more on the civil and political rights
of Pashtuns and thus has more significant potential in the implementation of practical steps
aimed at enabling sustainable development of Pashtun region with the view of gradual
achieving of U.N. SDGs.
However, efforts to find common ground points of ANP and PTM are expedient and
needed to enable the transition from 'emergency response' to ensuring sustainability since

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Politics in Pakistan?

human rights create the conditions necessary for sustainable development. It is "promoting
sustainable development through human rights". Civil, cultural, economic, political and
social rights and the right to development are interrelated and develop as a whole. No matter
how free people are to express their opinions and protest, they cannot be truly free if they are
food insecure, unable to receive an education or do not have adequate housing. The reverse is
also true. Societies in which people have access to fundamental social protection, economic
resources and favourable opportunities are less vulnerable to social upheaval and the spread
of extremism - , which is especially relevant in connection with the ongoing attempts to
"Talibanize" the region. "Flirting" with the military establishment and trying to adapt to the
changing political (as well as geopolitical) landscape are unlikely to provide a stable
foundation for developing the territories inhabited by Pakistani Pashtuns.

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 How the ANP's Decision to Disavow PTM Reflects the Broader Situation of Ethnic
Politics in Pakistan?

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