CHAPTER TWO: ORIGIN AND EVOLUTION OF IWA-AKWA IN

UMUNOMO EHIME MBANO, UP TO 1960.

Geography, Land and People of Umunomo

Umunomo is a community carved out from the Ehime Mbano Local

Government Area in 1989. It has its administrative headquarters at Umuezeala, a
town traversed by Okigwe-Aba Branch-Orieagu-7½ Umuahia road 1 Umunomo is
bounded in the East by Obowo and Nsu, in the South by Mbaise, in the South West
by Ugiri and in the North and West by Agbaja and Osu towns respectively. 2 In
terms of land mass, it occupies an area of 179 square kilometers. 3 The area lies
approximately between Latitude 5º—40ºNorth and Longitude 7º—15º East.
Umunomo being in the tropics has its hottest months from December to January
and it heaviest rainfall in the months of September and October.4

In terms of topography, Umunomo is a stable land. Although it has some

hills in some of the communities therein. Such hills include Umuehie Hills in
Umuakagu Nsu, German Hills in Umuakagu Nsu, Dimeke Hills in Umuanunu Nsu,
Ugwu-Ekwensu in Umuakagu Nsu.

Similarly, there is absence of rivers in the area. Rather, what are obtainable
are streams such as the Ezeala-Akpaka stream: this flows South of the community,
it has its important tributary-Lolo Eke stream which joins it at Umueze 5 Oyibo is

1
Felix Uzochukwu Emenalor and Pearl Chidimma Akanwa, From Land of Hope to Eastern Heartland: Government
and People of Imo State from 1976-2006(Owerri:BAF Communications, 2007) 285.
2
N.A.E.103/193 Owdist 9/17/108, Intelligence Report on Uguri Clan by C.T.C Ennals A.D.O.
3
Emenalor and Akanwa, From Land of Hope to Eastern Heartland. 286.
4
Chidimma C. Ugo, Economic and Social Changes in Ehime-Mbano since 1970:Historical assessment, an
unpublished B.A. Project, Department of History and International Studies, Imo State University, Owerri,
November 2007) 15.
5
Romanus Ejiaga, A History of Ehime Before 1906, unpublished B.A. Project, Department of History and
International Studies, University of Nigerian, Nsukka, June 1983) 15.
another big stream in Umunomo. It flows round Nzerem which is located at the
North Eastern border of Umunomo. Apart from fishing which is highly
pronounced in the communities that Oyibo transverses, sea sand is also derived
from the stream. Some of the smaller streams in Umunomo are Nwokochi in
Umuebo, Dimonyeka in Umunakanu, Opara-Eluigwe in Umueleke, Acha in
Umunuhu/Umuota, Dimeke in Umuanunu, and Nkwoafo in Umuopara and so on.

Most of these streams have their swamps full of wild life, raffia palm wine
and so on. The surroundings of these swamps have over the years contributed
immensely, and thus are significant features in the social and economic life of an
Umunomo man. In the drier areas like Umuakagu and Umunakanu, the people
usually dig holes (olu) for collection of flood waters during the rains6

FIG.1: An Olu dug at Umuakagu Nsu that serves as source of water during
dry season

Important to stress here is that these streams have over the years served as
unifying factors and means of communications, sanitation, and so on to the
communities that drink from them. This is so because Nkwoafo for example, is in
Umuopara Nsu, but neighboring villages like Umuduru Nsu, Agbaghara,
6
Romanus , A History of Ehime Before 1906, 14-15.
Umuakagu Nsu, Umunomo, Ezeoke Nsu, and so on drink from it. Thus, someone
from Umuakagu Nsu could easily pass a message to a relative living in Umunomo
when they meet at the stream.

Economically, Umunomo is also endowed with fertile soil and vegetable

grassland for domestic animals. Sequel to the admirable geographical endowment
of the region, agricultural activities in the region thrive. This made agriculture the
dominant occupation of the area. Describing the economic activities in Umunomo,
Enwereama Ndudi observed that

Economically, the people of Ehime are good in

agriculture. Agriculture is the dominant
occupation of the people of Ehime. This is
encouraged by the fertile soil condition, and
which only needed labor and other inputs to
produce maximum yield, which does not only
sustain the people of Ehime, but also their
neighbors7
Among other things, Umunomo people produce are palm oil, palm kernel,
yam, maize, palm wine, and so on. These produces are readily available in large
quantities than the people can consume. This contributed in making the people
traders. They sale their products far and wide. Like other Igbo communities,
Umunomo is integrated into the wider economy of Igboland in particular and
Nigeria in general. As they sale their farm products, they also buy other things that
they need which they cannot produce. Example of which are rice and beans. Ijere
M.O. observed

Previously, rice and beans traders bought

small quantities for retail from Umuahia or
Onitsha. But now, traders travel as far as

7
Ndudi Enwereama, A History of Ehime People of Mbano and Their Neighbors, Unpublished B.A. Project,
Department of History and International Studies, Imo State University, Owerri, November 2008. 32.
 Abakiliki to buy rice from the farmers, or to
Onitsha for beans. Rice traders also retail
onions8
To buttress this idea of trade as part of the economy of Igboland in general
and Umunomo (as it concerns this research), V.C. Uchendu as quoted in Ugo
Columba stressed that “ the Igbo see farming as their chief occupation and trading
as a subsidiary and not a substitute for it”9

Hunting is another pronounced aspect of the people’s economic life. In

order to carry out this activity successfully, hunting guilds were formed and people
in the same guild chose a certain day to hunt in a certain forest. Hunting in groups
made the hunters to have many games each hunting day. The importance attached
to hunting was observed and stressed by N.O. Njoku thus

Hunters developed unique skills, including

extra-sensory sensitivity and an especial
relationship with the spirit of the bush…In
addition to skills, courage and bravery
were also needed in hunting such predators
as leopards, lions, hyenas and elephants.
Among the Igbo, a hunter who killed any
of these animals was greeted with relevant
horrific or praise-names such as ‘Ogbu-
Agu’, for a leopard killer, and ‘Ogbu-Ehi’
for the elephant killer10
A look at the economy of this region has shown that it is a diversified one.
Apart from agricultural activities, trading and hunting described above, people of
Umunomo also engaged themselves in other occupations such as blacksmithing,

8
M.O. Ijere, Nsu Past and Present: An Account of its Economic, Social, Educational and Political Development
(Onitsha:Etudo Limited, 1965) 34.
9
Ugo, Columba, Some Aspects of Cultural and Political History of Ehime up to the colonial [Link] B.A.
Project, Department of History and International Studies, University of Nigerian, Nsukka, June 1983. 14
10
Onwuka Njoku, Economic History of Nigeria, 19th -21st Centuries (second edition) (Nsukka: Grea AP Express
Publishers Ltd, 2014) 49.
weaving, basketry, carving, pottery and so on. For instance, Agbaghara Nsu which
is one of the communities therein is well known for blacksmithing. She produces
such farm tools as hoes, knives, traps, diggers, axes, and so on.

More so, the people are well known for their ceramic works. For instance,
in Agbaghara Nsu, lies a pit called Obo-Nzu where the natives dig out mold for
both consumption, production of utensils, building mold houses and so on. This art
was so pronounced that around 1983, the government of Imo State under the
leadership of Late Chief Samuel Mbakwe established a ceramic industry in the
locality. Although the industry ‘died with Nigerian Second Republic in 1983.

Fig 2: Heap of Nzu at Obo-Nzu in Agbaghara Nsu.

 Fig 3: A section of government abandoned Ceramic industry in
Agbaghara Nsu.

It was partly because of these economic endowments of this region that

large markets litter everywhere. Such markets include Orieagu, Nkwo-Umuezeala
and so on. These markets in return provided employment opportunities, served as a
source of communication and so on for the people and beyond.

Religious and social lives of the people of Umunomo worth giving

attention. Umunomo people give much credence to the worship of the Supreme
God. Like every other Igbo community, they believed in the existence of Chukwu
who is the most powerful God that cannot be reached directly. This Chukwu has
agents such as Amadioha, Urashi, Opara-Ike, and so on. Sacred shrines were
devoted to these agents through whom the people made their requests known to
Chukwu. According to D. Forde and G.I. Jones as quoted in Ugo Columba,

There are no shrines or cult symbols for

Chukwu who rarely receive direct
sacrifice, but is generally regarded as the
ultimate recipient of offering to lesser
gods, who may be explicitly referred to as
 intermediaries11
The belief in the supreme God does not deny the fact that Umunomo
people recognized the existence of lesser gods. Such gods include Ala, Igu,
Ahumachi, just to mention but a few.

With the advent of Christianity, the people embraced the religion, but not
with the intention of forbidding the gods who had sustained their ancestors from
time immemorial. The acceptance of this religion in Umunomo was early enough
that it was in the Old Okigwe District that had places of Christian worship as early
as 1913.

The people also derive great pleasure and made fame through their social
activities that they are known for. Example of which are Iwa-akwa and Mbom-
Uzo, Agbagwu, Okonko, Ugadazu, and so on. Important to note at this point is the
fact that modes and dates of celebration of each of the above listed ceremonies
vary from one community to the other; all subject to the market day of the
community involved.

Iwa-akwa being one of the socio-cultural activities of this region is

highly pronounced. It is a ceremony that is held to initiate youngsters into
adulthood. This is so because the role of an adult in Igboland cannot be
overemphasized; and to become an adult, one has to pass through some rigorous
activities; these activities are summarized in Iwa-akwa. Thus, a boost to the people
that practice it which Umunomo is a typical example.

Generally, Umunomo people are well organized people in all angles of

life; and like other Igbo communities, has rich cultural heritage which are
encouraged by her geographical, economical, social, religious and political life.

11
Columba, Some Aspects of Cultural and Political History of Ehime up to the Colonial Period. 15.
 ORIGIN OF IWA AKWA IN EHIME MBANO

Speaking on an interview on the origin of Iwa-akwa, Azuama Linus said

….Iwa-akwa is a tradition in Igbo speaking part of

Nigeria. It has been there from time immemorial. We met
it in this part of the world. My father who lived for one
hundred and twenty years said he met Iwa-akwa in this
world12.
On the same hand, M.C. Anyanwu has this to say about the origin of Iwa-
akwa

…no living soul can trace the origin of Iwa-akwa with a

high degree of accuracy, except if the person can trace
the origin of the people and the world. Anyone that tells
the story of its origin does that without a fact and it is out
of his own imagination13.
To buttress the above, Ezennaya Ijeoma wrote on the origin of age grade thus

…it has its origin from the very existence of the human
society. It is reasonable to argue that the first association
of human being especially male started with age grade
organization whether at the peer level or at adulthood
level14.
Writing on the origin of age grade which is closely knitted to Iwa-akwa, Leo
Nnoli said “…the origin of age grade system can be traced to the need for
community welfare and security in situations of warfare, slave raiding and
kidnapping”15 comparing the origin and nature of rites of passage into manhood
(Iwa-akwa) and title holding in igboland, Talbot wrote

12
Linus Azuama, 70 years, Retired Civil Servant, Interviewed at Agbaghara Nsu, 24 December 2014.
13
Micheal C. Anyanwu, 69 years, Farmer, interviewed at Umuota Agbaghara Nsu, 07 January 2015.
14
Ezennaya, The Rile of Age Grade System.
15
Ezennaya, The Rile of Age Grade System.
 They are however, quite distinct from one another.
It is no honor to belong to the former, every
member of the community passes automatically
through the consecutive groups. They would also
appear to be very ancient and primitive
organization while the later almost certainly
originated at a far later date…16
To drive home the above points, Onuoha wrote “…the Iwa-akwa festival of
Umunomo is a long time honored ceremony that has passed from generation to
generation. The origin of Iwa-akwa is not yet known as a matter of fact, it is as old
as the communities.”17

Evidence from oral tradition made me to believe that the Igbo people are the
types that like to live in groups and maintain brotherliness. This nature of theirs
was the reason why people irrespective of age differences gathered and form
cliques. By so doing, they help themselves in bearing individual’s burdens. As time
passed, the responsibilities that awaited these various groups abound and ran
across almost all the various individual groups. Such responsibilities included
protecting and warring off enemies, clearing community roads that lead to market
places, and steams. These made the need to unite individual groups into a larger
whole insurmountable. This could be why Basden wrote that

Boys, while still quite young, as well as youths, mingle

quite freely with the old men: to all outward appearances
there scarcely seems to be any consciousness of age in
general affairs18
With the formation of this merger, things were easily done, but in the face of
that were other challenges such as maintaining discipline and serenity among the
16
Talbot, The People of Southern Nigeria Volume 3, 343.
17
Onuoha, An Economic History of Ehime Mbano, 36.
18
G.T. Basden, Niger Ibos: A Description of the Primitive Life, Custom, and Animistic Belief of the Ibo People of
Nigeria By One Who, for Thirty Five Years Enjoyed the Privilege of Their Intimate Confidence and Friendship,
(London:Frank-Cass Pub. Company Limited, 1966) 194.
group members, providing for division of labor within the groups and uniting
people of the same age into a single class. From whence, the groups were
rearranged based on individuals age grades. Thus, there existed a grade for boys,
youths and elders as the case may be. But then, boys and youngsters were seen
from the spectacles of immature and less useful men. More so, one who was once a
youngster after some years can become a man. In the face of this, the puzzle was
“how this could be done? How could this transformation take place?

To solve this problem, it was resolved that for a youngster to become a

‘man’, there is a need for him to be cladded with ‘Gburu-Wara” which will cover
his nakedness fully. Unlike the type meant for youngsters that covered partially.

Describing this attire, Joseph Ebisike said that in order to cover the
nakedness of an adult fully, Gburu-Wara has an elongated sheet on both front and
back side. According to him, it was this elongated sheet that the white man saw
and mistook for a tail.

It was not enough to decide or to clad the emergent adult with an adult’s
Gburu-Wara. They thought it wise to make the enrolment festive and epochal.
With this on ground, Iwa-akwa was initiated as a ceremony and made compulsory
passage rite for a matured youth.

As the population keeps growing and occupations of divergent areas of land

took place, Iwa-akwa followed suit and welcomed some variations from groups to
groups, communities to communities, till the time of this research.

PRE-COLONIAL IWA-AKWA IN UMUNOMO.

Having been started, Iwa-akwa has come to stay as a socio-cultural festival

of Umunomo. It did not only take socio-cultural undertone, but also some religious
coloration was attached to it. In pre-colonial days, celebrants were not only adorn
with Gburu-Wara but with charms as well. It was believed that having come to
age, the celebrants had much works to do for the society. Most of these works
could not be done without the help of the gods. Thus, there was the need to aid
these emergent adults to carry out their manly responsibilities efficiently.

Like the Christian belief in baptism, putting on the charms also was a
symbol of purification and the presence of the gods. The celebrants through that
were washed from the sins of childhood. A stage where they knew not what they
were doing. With such purification, the celebrants were made new beings and were
qualified to serve both the community and the gods

To complete this religious undertone, during Iho-Ahia (dancing round the

market square), it was believed that the emergent adults were being presented to
the various gods of the land and to thank them for keeping the celebrants through
their childhood days. The gods were at the same time asked for protections,
blessings, and providence. These were done because in Igbo cosmology, market
places are knitted closely with the gods whom were believed to have control over
everything, including the economy19.

During this time, selection of age grade members was done by parents.
Being accurate with dates of childbirth was not in existence as it is obtained today.
Thus, to make sure that people of the same age were selected, parents narrated the
stories of events that happened during their childbirth. From which, people with
the same stories or evidences will have their sons into the same grade.

Circumcision was another way of identifying people of the same grade. For
instance, boys that were circumcised by the same person and the same period were
19
C. C. Opata, Economic History of West African in the 19th and 20th Centuries, a lecture delivered to second year
students of History and International Studies Department University of Nigeria, Nsukka. On September 2014.
believed to be of the same age grade20.

Another account of means of selection was given by Ezennaya who narrated

that

In igboland, Ahia Omugwo is not a new feast.

Every woman in the village who had newly born
and living children perform this ceremony called
Ahia-Omugwo during which they presented their
children and offered each to the principal deity of
the village as thanksgiving sacrifice. Those women
who had male babies offered cocks while those
who had females offered hens. All the children in
respect of whom the Ahia-Omugwo festival was
performed for three years were mates and fell into
the same age grade21
When the age grade was formed, through the procedures given above, new
members could also be added to augment the population of the emergent adults.
This could be done by arranging wrestling contest where the strongest were
selected. Some other times, the boys would be taken to farm. The first few to finish
their portions would be considered as being fit for manhood ceremony.

In the pre-colonial years of Iwa-akwa, parents not only select age grades for
their sons, but also bear the responsibilites and almost all the cost of the occasion.
This was because the celebrants were not considered to be adults yet, thus had no
farmland, wealth, machete, gun. Climbing ropes, and other things that made a man
then. Although during his youthful days, he may have been using all these almost
on daily basis, but surfaces to say is that they were their fathers’ properties.

Then before the appointed day, the parents would make arrangements for all

20
Anyanwu, interview cited.
21
Ezennaya, The Role of Age Grade System, 33.
the above household items for their sons who would ‘soon be a man’. Another
important provision for the celebrants was done in the area of his marital life. He
was provided with wife whom he would start living with from the night of Iwa-
akwa. This was determined by the financial status of the family involved.
Provision of all these were seen as ‘ihe Idu-Ulo’ for the emergent man.

Some days before the initiation date, the village squares, market places,
track roads leading to rivers and streams were all cleared. A barn like structure
(Ogba) would be constructed in the market square by the younger age grade. It is
in this Ogba that Iho-Ahia takes place.

On the Iwa-akwa eve, the whole village was made lively. Friends and
relatives from other communities would all gather for the celebration. Married and
unmarried women would be busy pounding ‘Akpu’ and molding it into ‘Ntugbu’.
Other dishes like ‘Mkpokoro’, ‘Nkpuru-ukwu-oru’, ‘Ugba’, and so on were also
put to fire on the eve of the occasion. Preparing these and other meals start before
the festive day because some of them (like those listed above) could not be cooked
in a day. As for Akpu, it was believed that the needed quantity could not be
prepared on the festive day; thus, the need to start a day before the festival.

Boys were not kept aside this preparation. The youths go from house to
house of the celebrants constructing Ndu-Igu. Chairs and ‘Ogbiri-Nkwu’ were also
brought by boys from neighboring compounds.

On the celebration day, the celebrants were cladded with their manhood
attire by their immediate senior age grade with music playing in the various
compounds of the celebrants. Before mid day, the celebrants were led to the market
square by their immediate senior age grade. They were also given well sharpened
machetes and Dane Guns. These were handed over to them by their fathers. These
signified that the celebrants were then ‘the full fledge men who could with
machetes and guns protect and fend for themselves and their families 22. The
immediate senior age grade followed them with some whips which may be flogged
anyone if the need arose. At the market square, they were led into the ‘Ogba’
according to the order of seniority in their kindred’s of their origin- people from
the eldest kindred stayed in front and in that order comes the least kindred 23. They
danced as they matched though the Ogba which was constructed to cut across the
market’s shrine. The family members and friends of each celebrant match along
with him, but outside the Ogba. Immediately each celebrant reaches the edge of the
Ogba, he was carried shoulder high by a strong youth from his maternal village.

Carrying him on ones shoulder made him appear taller than other people
present. Thus, he could be able to see far and wide beyond other people present.
The significance of which simply means that as a man, the celebrant could then
reason, see and act like a man unlike when he sees within a narrow horizon as a
child24.

From that point, the celebrant is carried straight to ‘Odu-Ahia Nne ya’
(where the mother sales in the market) where he would be dropped. 25 There, his
gun would be filled heavily with gun powder by an elderly man. The celebrant then
shot with one arm. If he was able to do that with less stress, it was believed that the
person like other adults of the community was indeed a man. From that point, the
celebrant danced home with his guests for feasting. 26 At home, music of different
kinds and other invitees who were unable to go for the Iho-Ahia with the celebrant
would be waiting. The arrival of the celebrant triggered on feasting. Dishes and

22
Achiam, interview cited.
23
Richard, interview cited.
24
Anyanwu, interview cited.
25
Anyanwu, interview cited.
26
Anyanwu, interview cited.
drinks of all kinds would be served to the guests. The celebrants would not be
included in the services of his guests. Instead, he remained at the compounds play-
ground dancing.

Most often, it was during this point that visitors patronized the celebrants
with different gifts of money and so on. These activities would continue for the rest
of that day. After the Iwa-akwa day, the celebrants were automatically included in
the adult register of the community.

COLONIAL IWA AKWA IN EHIME MBANO, 1900-1960.

European presence in Nigeria was said to have started by Portuguese in the

later decades of the 15th Century A.D. later, other European Naval powers followed
suit. Among which were Dutch, Britain and France. Then, their activities were
meager but steady. This continued till 19th Century A.D.

By June 30th 1849, the British appointed John Beecroft consul for the Bight
of Benin and Biafra. This marked British official activities in what later became
known as Nigeria. This was a landmine is the conquest of Nigeria because the act
laid the foundation for the interior penetration and final conquest as well as the
unification of Nigeria in 1914.27

By 1870s, the scramble for Africa took a new dimension; 1884-85 saw the
climax, thus, a conference held in Berlin-Germany between November 15 th 1884-
february 26th 188528. This conference officially partitioned Africa and made the
present day Nigeria a British colony. British crown, which was not ready to take a
direct involvement in the administration of her colony, placed it under Company

27
Michael Oddey, Nigeria , 1900-1960, a Lecture delivered to the Third Year Students of History and International
Department, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, on 02 December 2014.
28
Bright C. Alozie, The scramble and Partitioning of Africa, a lecture delivered to second year students of History
and International Studies Department, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, May, 2014.
Rule by granting Royal Charter to Niger Company in 1886. This company
administered Nigeria till 31st December 1899. But by January 1st 1900, British
colonial rule fully started in Nigeria29 of which umunomo was part of.

In his book- Nsu Past and Present, M.O. Ijere pointed out that the first
European (British) contact with the people of Agbaghara was in 1908 30. That is to
say that if they had come to Umunomo earlier than then, the date was not far from
1908. It was then that direct British and the natives contact started. By 1918, Rev.
Fr. Daniel Walsh – chaplain in the army visited Agbaghara Nsu from Emekuku at
the request of Chief Igwe Kenkwo.31 Chief Kenkwo had requested for a catholic
church in Agbaghara since 1915; and had received Rev. Fr. Folly CSSP same year
who in subsequent times continued to shuttle between Emekuku and Agbaghara
Nsu.32

In the face of these colonial and missionary activities in the region, Iwa-
akwa ceremony was waxing stronger; unlike other cultural practices in other
communities then33. But in as much as the culture of Iwa-akwa was in place, there
were changes that were made through the process of acculturation. For instance,
describing Iwa-akwa during colonial period in Agbaghara Nsu, Richard said that

“…Akwa Mmiri’ which was then brought from Akwete

people of present day River State was initially used, but
with the emergence of the white man, wearing of suits
and cotton materials were introduced.34
On the same hand, speaking on the changes over dress code during the
colonial era, Azuama said that “before the coming of the Europeans, our
29
Oddey, Nigeria, 1900-1960.
30
Ijere, Nsu Past and Present, 67.
31
Ijere, Nsu Past and Present. 67.
32
Ijere, Nsu Past and Present 67.
33
Anyanwu, interview cited.
34
Chief Richard Anyanwu, the Custodian, Nsu Culture and Traditions, interviewed at Agbaghara Nsu, 27 December
2014.
forefathers wore ‘Akwa-ekwere-ekwe’, but because of the availability of European
types of dresses, celebrants could wear suites and velvets. 35More so, Anyanwu said
that “during the first and early second half of 20 th Century, attire was determined
by the age grade in question, but important to note is that suit wearing was
predominant ; even my uncles, they wore suit when initiated”.36

Apart from the changes in the mode of dressing, some other changes
witnessed in the colonial Iwa-akwa in Umunomo were in the areas of the gun used,
sponsorships, and perception and so on. The 20 th century witnessed the
introduction of canon shot during Iwa-akwa. This was against the initial Dane Gun
used by the celebrants. Henceforth, a number of canon shots were arranged by the
age grades on their Iwa-akwa day37. The first round would be shoot at the eve of
the ceremony, while the second round was immediately before Iho-Ahia. Important
to stress here is that individuals were not meant to shoot canons separately instead
collectively. Two major significances of the canon shots were that it told people
when the Iho-Ahia would start, and also, the number of the shots told how united
and affluent the emergent men were.

More so, the coming of the Europeans brought about the breakdown of
family ties in Igboland of which umunomo is part of. As the result of the
availability of jobs in some places more than the other, western education and so
on, people started leaving their parents early in life 38. Most of these young men
made money before their ages of Iwa-akwa. This in return made the traditional role
of parents sponsoring the rite to disappear. This is a welcome development.

In terms of perception, people’s view of Iwa-akwa changed. This was so

35
Linus, interview cited.
36
Anyanwu, Interview cited.
37
Achiam, interview cited.
38
Ministry of Information, Eastern Nigeria, Nigeria Pogrom: The Organized Massacre of Eastern Nigerians Vol.3,
(Aba: The International Press. 1966) 1
because most western educated young men started seeing the rite as secondary in
determining one’s social status in the society.

Apart from the above changes, Iwa-akwa in the colonial period in Umunomo
was the same as in the pre-colonial era. The activities described earlier were
maintained with (if any), minor changes. This was so because according to Ebisike,
the white came to our place for Christianity and to obtain palm oil and other things
they needed from us. They did nothing to interfere in the tradition of Iwa-akwa. 39

On his own side, Anyanwu vividly said

Iwa-akwa has started before the Portuguese visited

Nigeria. The colonial government never attacked
our cultures like Iwa-akwa, Mbom-uzo and so on.
Instead, they came from Okigwe to witness the
festival. Then, they attached to their eyes
something which I suppose was camera. Even Rev
Fr. Walsh and Ho-well who lived in Agbaghara at
different periods were never against the festival;
rather, they were both spectators and lovers of the
people and their cultures. For instance, the love Fr.
Ho-Well had for our culture made him insist that
he would be buried in Agbaghara upon his death.
Furthermore, to encourage the rite, Fr. Howell
brought the idea of dedicating and praying
fervently for the celebrants in the church on any
Sunday before the festive day40

39
Ebisike, interview cited.
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