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RACE
RACE
John R. Baker

1974
Oxford University Press
NEW YORK AND LONDON
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of Oxford University Press

©JOHN R. BAKER 1974

Library of Congress Catalogue Card Niiinber: 73-87989
Printed in the United States of America
 TO

C. P. BLACKER
M.C., G.M., M.A., M.D., F.R.C.P.

lifelongfriend
De-la est venu ce bel adage de morale, si rebatu par
la tourbe Philosophesque, que les hommes sont par
tout les memes. qu'ayant par tout les memes
passions & les memes vices, il est asses inutile de
chercher a caracteriser les differens Peuples; ce qui
est apeu pres aussi bien raisonne que si Ton disoit
qu'on ne sauroit distinguer Pierre d'avec Jaques,
parce qu'ils ont tous deux un nes. une bouche & des
yeux.
Ne verra-t-on jamais renaitre ces tems heureux oii

lesPeuples ne se meloient point de Philosopher, mais

ou les Platons, les Thales & les Pythagores epris
d'un ardent desir de savoir, entreprenoient les plus
grands voyages uniquement pour s'instruire, &
alloient au loin secouer le joug des prejuges
Nationaux, apprendre a connoitre les hommes par
leurs conformites & per leurs differences . . .
?*

Jean Jaques Rousseau

*See page 16.

 Preface

This book isintended for everyone interested in the problems of race,

whether a specialist insome branch of knowledge directly connected with the
subject or not. An author who addresses both specialists and non-specialists
may fee", himself in a quandary. How shall he remain comprehensible to all his
readers, yet not bore or irritate the specialists? Perhaps he cannot altogether
achieve his aim. Nevertheless, in this respect the subject of race plays into the
author's hand; for specialists in branches of knowledge bearing on racial
problems have not. as a general rule, settled down to the formidable task of
acquainting themselves with all aspects of it. For instance, there are probably
many authorities on human genetics who havenot studied the assessment of
cognitive ability, and by no means every social anthropologist would lay claim
to a detailed knowledge of anatomy or taxonomy. They could all have grasped
every aspect of the subject, had they wished; but the majority have not in fact
done so, and as a result they are in certain respects non-specialists. I therefore
offer this book to the public in the hope that some of it may be useful to all its
readers, and all of it to some. Those parts that are more technical or more
detailed than the rest (though not necessarily less interesting) are distinguished
by smaller type. Readers who decide to skip these passages will find that they
have not lost the thread.
Most of the passages taken from writings in foreign languages are rendered
in this book in English. The translations, except from Russian and Dutch, are
my own. My aim has been to err. if at all. on the side of being too literal rather
than the reverse, but I have avoided the use of grammatical constructions that
are foreign to our tongue. I have not interrupted the text by statements that the
original language was foreign. In many cases this will be obvious. If in doubt,
the reader has only to look up the reference in the list at the end of the book,
and note the language in which the title of the original publication was written.
In passages quoted directly, without translation. I have followed the original
spelling exactly, with the exception that in Latin words I have substituted u for
V wherever u was obviously intended.
Most of the measurements recorded in this book are expressed in metric
terms, in accordance with the Systeme International d'Unites. It will be
remembered that in this system, what used to be called the micron (/<) is now
the micrometre (/<m). and what was the millimicron is the nanometre (nm).
After a lot of hesitation I have decided not to make acknowledgements for
help in writing this book, except to those whose assistance has been such that
no one could regard it as indicating agreement with what I have written. The
X PREFACE

fact that a person's photograph appears in the book, to illustrate points in

physical anthropology, must not be taken to imply acceptance of my opinions.
Naturally I am indebted to others, as every author is; but parts of the book
deal with controversial matters, and if I were to offer thanks, it might be sup-
posed by some readers that those who had helped me necessarily shared my
views. The fact is that many of them do not know what my views are. and I do
not know theirs. No one, except typists and persons concerned with publica-
tion, has seen the manuscript. If anyone wishes his or her help to be
acknowledged, it shall be done most willingly if a reprint or second edition
should ever be published. Two exceptions, though, must be made to the general
rule against naming those who have given me information, advice, or en-
couragement. The dedication of the book reveals the identity of one; and there
is another of whom I can say with confidence that she will approve of what she

has not seen, and whom I can therefore thank for her encouragement and the
assurance of her support —
my wife. Liena.

John R. Baker

P.S. A new taxonomic term, stirps. is suggested in a footnote to p. 5. It is

hoped that this term will be found useful in anthropology. The footnote was
added after the rest of the book was complete.
 Contents

PREFACE IX

LIST OF APPENDICES xii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xiii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xvii

INTRODUCTION 1

Parti The historical background i

1 From Neanderthal man to the philosophers of the

eighteenth century 9

2 Blumenbach and his scientific contemporaries 24

3 From Gobineau to Houston Chamberlain 33

4 From Kossinna to Hitler 51

Part 2 The biological background 63

5 The meaning of 'species' 65

6 Hybridity and the species problem 85

7 The meaning of 'race' 99

8 Some taxonomic and evolutionary theories 118

9 Colour 148

10 Odour 161

Parts Studies of selected human groups 179

11 Introduction to Part 3 181

12 Physical differences between the ethnic taxa of man; In-

troductory remarks 185

13 TheEuropids 204
14 The Jews 232
15 The Celts 248
16 The Australids (Australian aborigines) 271
Xll CONTENTS
17 The Sanids (Bushmen) 303
18 The Negrids (Negroes). I. Introduction 325
19 The Negrids. II. Foreign influences on culture 343
20 The Negrids. III. Indigenous culture 366
21 The Negrids. IV. Miscellaneous observations 401

Part 4 Criteria of superiority and inferiority 4 1

22 Introduction to Part 4 421

23 The assessment of cognitive ability 438
24 The inheritance of cognitive ability 459
25 Racial differences in cognitive ability 468
26 Racial differences in achievement. I. Introduction 495
27 Racial differences in achievement. II. Civilization 506

CONCLUSION 531

List of Appendices

1. The physical characters of certain Mongolid subraces 537

2. A classification of the genera of Primates mentioned in the book . 540
3. The nomenclature of the Australids 541
4. List of Australid skulls 543
5. Types of aperturae pyriformes found in Australid skulls 544 ....
6. The rock art of the Bushmen (Sanids) 545
7. Classified list of the chief Negrid tribes mentioned by the seven
explorers 550
8. Livingstone on evolution by sexual selection 552
9. List of cultivated plants mentioned by the seven explorers 553 . . .

10. Remarks on the grading of competitors in sports by body-weight 554

11. Notes on the differences between the skulls of dog and jackal 555 . .

12. The physical characters of Andids and Zentralids 556

13. Middle American calendars 558

BIBLIOGRAPHY 560

INDEX 607

TABLE OF RACES AND SUBRACES 624

 List of illustrations

For acknowledgements see pp. xvii-xviii

1 Askull of Neanderthal man. with part of a skull of a modern Europid (a

Frenchman) for comparison 10
2 Johann Friedrich Blumenbach 25
3 Camper's drawings of skulls, to illustrate his 'facia! line' 29
4 Joseph Arthur, Comte de Gobineau 34
5 Quetelet's principle of 'the law of deviation from an average" 41
6 Galton's opinion on the distribution of intelligence among one million
Englishmen and one million Negrids 42
7 Galton's comparison of the range of intellect in various groups of man, and
in dogs and other intelligent animals 43
8 The eggs of six species of the genus ^/70/)/7e/es 76
9 Species or races? 77
10 Scotland and part of northern Ireland, to show the 'hybrid zone' between
the areas occupied predominantly by hooded and carrion crows ... 90
11 The crested newt. Triturus cristatus crislatus: male (above) and female 102
12 Europe, showing the geographical distribution of the races of the crested
newt. Triturus cristatus 103
13 drawing of 'lampbrush' chromosomes as he saw them in a
Riickert's
developing egg of the dogfish. Pm/'/wrws 106
14 The basic structure of lampbrush chromosomes 107
15 Some of the racial differences in lampbrush chromosomes X of the crested
newt. Triturus cristatus 1 08
16 Part of Africa, showing the geographical distribution of the races of the
chimpanzee. Pan satyrus 112
17 Typicaland untypical gastropods 120
18 The pnm\i\ve gastropods Haliotis tuberculata and Fissurella sp. ... 126
19 The 'living fossil' P/f-ivro^owor/o 128
20 The Uauplius larva of Peneus 131
21 The ammonhes Peltoceras and Cosmoceras 133
22 The skin and its pigment cells 149
23 Scent-organs of animals and man 163
24 Skulls of Eskimid and Lappid 196
25 Europid and Mongolid eyes 209
26 A right human eye. to show the 'third eyelid' (plica semilunaris) . . . 209
27 Europid and Negrid noses, viewed from below to show the shapes of the
nostrils 210
28 Alpinid and Nordid skulls 214
29 Alpinid and Nordid heads 215
30 Mediterranid. Aethiopid. and 'Negro' heads 230
31 Particular features of facial anatomy 237
32 A typical Armenid head and a typical Armenid skull 239
xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

33 Certain characters oftheArmenid head 240

34 Three noses, showing diagrammatically the characteristic appearance of
this organ among Ashkenazim and in other types of persons 241
35 The frequencies of the genes for blood-groups 'A' and 'B' in Jewish and
other communities 243
36 The ancient cemetery near Hallstatt, Austria, a famous Iron Age site . 249
37 An ornamental bronze disk from a tumulus at Glasinac, Yugoslavia . . 252
38 A graphical comparison of Iron Age skulls from Glasinac with those of
nineteenth-century Serbo-Croat soldiers from the same region .... 253
39 The north-eastern end of the Lake of Neuchatel, to show the position of La
Tene 254
40 Maiden 'Castle', a hill-fort of the Iron Age 259
41 Maiden 'Castle', to give an impression of the circumvallate fortification as
seen from the ramparts 260
42 A small shield of gilt bronze, one of the finest examples of Iron Age art 261
43 A bronze mirror with handle, an example of British Iron Age art at its fully
developed stage 263
44 Australid heads 274
45 Australid skulls 277
46 The structure of the lower border of the nasal aperture (apertura pyrifor-
mis) in human and pongid skulls 284
47 Facial skeleton of a Sumatran, to show the bothrocraspedote lower border
of the nasal aperture (apertura pyriformis) 285
48 Skulls and vertebral columns, to illustrate special points in the anatomy of
Australids 287
49 The posterior parts of the cerebral hemispheres of an orang-utan, an
Australid, and a Europid 293
50 The breast of a Caroline Islander (Micronesia, Western Pacific) . . . 296
51 A hairless Australid of southern Queensland 297
52 Caudal flexure in a human embryo and in a girl, and the lack of it in a
chimpanzee 304
53 Skulls of a Europid adult and infant, compared 309
54 Portraits of male Sanids and of an elderly female of the same taxon . . 310
55 Bushmen and Bushwomen, with a specimen of Sanid rock art .... 311
56 Khoisanid female anatomy 315
57 Sudanid heads, as represented by European artists of former times . . 327
58 Part of Africa, to show the distribution of Negrid subraces 328
59 Nilotid heads (Dinka tribe) 330
60 Negrids 332
61 Part of Africa, to show the explorers' routes 337
62 Negrid (Po/7 i) weapons forged in iron 355
63 Zebu and sanga, the two chief types of cattle kept by Negrids .... 358
64 Head of a Mittu woman, to show the mutilation of the lips practised by this
tribe 368
65 A Bongo village 369
66 A Pan 1 village near Panga, Zaire, to show rectangular houses, arranged in
two rows to form a street 371
67 Part of the external wall of the Great Enclosure at Zimbabwe, viewed from
the outer side 403
68 The Hill Ruin at Khami 404
69 Early and late building styles in Rhodesia 406
70 Symbols from the Vai script 410
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS XV

71 A contrasting pair of sculptures from Nigeria 413

72 Female athletes, to illustrate body-form in relation to success in sport 422
73 Brain-weights of European males aged 21 and over, shown in a frequency-
polygon 430
74 Neurones (nerve-cells) in the cerebral cortex of a child at birth and of
another at the age of six years 435
75 A model of a neurone (nerve-cell), to show some of the end-feet through
which other neurones send impulses to it 436
76 The correlations in IQ between members of pairs of persons related in
different degrees 465
77 The relative cognitive abilities of Europid and Negro recruits to the
American Army during the First World War, as assessed by the 'alpha'
test 476
78 The relative cognitive abilities of Negro recruits to the American Army
from northern and southern states during the First World War, as assessed
by the 'alpha' test 477
79 The relative cognitive abilitiesof Europid and Negro recruits to the
American Army from Ohio during the First World War, as assessed by the
'alpha' test 478
80 The relative cognitive abilities of Europid and Negro recruits to the
American Army from Mississippi during the First World War, as assessed
by the 'alpha' test 479
81 A shell-inlay plaque, to show the Sumerian head as usually represented in
the early period 510
82 Bushman art: small details from two rock paintings in Mashonaland,
Rhodesia 547
 Acknowledgements

I TAKE opportunity to express my deep gratitude to the past and present staffs of
this
the Bodleian Library and its dependent and associated libraries in Oxford, especially
the Radcliffe Science Library, for their invariable helpfulness over a period of half a
century.
I am greatly indebted to Mrs. J. A. Spokes for her secretarial help in the early stages

of the preparation of this book. Mrs. R. Keeys and Mrs. S. Freeborn, of Hunts
Typewriting Bureau, Oxford, copied most of the manuscript. I thank them for their
very accurate work.
Those who have given permission for the reproduction of illustrations are listed
below. I have taken a lot of trouble in seeking to obtain permission in the case of all
those illustrations that were published during the last eighty years, but I have not in
every case been successful in who could give it. If I have made
locating the person
omissions that can be corrected. hope to be informed and thus to have the opportuni-
I

ty to make amends in a reprint or later edition of the book. In those cases in which I
have based new illustrations, drawn by myself, on information published by others, I
have thought it unnecessary to do more than give references to the sources of the infor-
mation. This applies to Figs. 6, 7, 10, 12, 14, 16, 35, 38, 73, and 76-80.

Figure
1 Masson & Cie, Paris
2 The Royal Society of London
3 The Bodleian Library, Oxford
4 Bibliotheque nationale et universitaire, Strasbourg
9 University Museum, Oxford (Dr. T. S. Kemp. Curator of the
Zoological Collections)
I I Longman Group Ltd., London
15 The Royal Society and Professor H. G. Callan, F.R.S.
1 7c. D Biological Journal of Okayama University and Professor Siro
Kawaguti
22a VEB Gustav Fischer Verlag, Jena
23A-D E. Schweizerbart'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Stuttgart
25 Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic, Ethnologic und Urges-
chichte (Professor Dr. Hermann Pohle. Vorsitzender)
28A-D University Museum. Oxford (Dr. T. S. Kemp)
29a Press Association, London
29b Associated Press, London, & Wide World Photos, New York
29c Bassano & Vandyk Studios, London
29d Musees royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Brussels (M. Jean Ch. Baity)
30a. b Hutchinson Publishing Group, London
30c. D Associated Press, London, & Wide World Photos, New York
3 1 B Daily Telegraph, London (photograph by Mr. Murray Irving)
XVlli ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
32a Link Information Services. London
32b The Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History)
33a United Press International (U.K.). London
33b Museum d'Histoire naturelle. Lyon (M. L. David)
33c Musee du Louvre. Paris (M. Andre Parrot and M. Pierre Amiet)
40 The Visitors and Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford
42 The Trustees of the British Museum
43 The Trustees of the British Museum
44a. B Hutchinson Publishing Group. London
45A-C The Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History)
46a. b. d University Museum, Oxford (Dr. T. S. Kemp)
46c Anthropology Laboratory. Department of Human Anatomy. Oxford
University (Dr. G. A. Harrison)
48A-E University Museum. Oxford (Dr. T. S. Kemp)
49a Anatomischer a nzeiger (ProkssoT Dr. Max Watzka)
49b Cambridge University Press
52 VEB Gustav Fischer Verlag. Jena
55a. B Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic. Ethnologic und Urges-
chichte (Professor Dr. Hermann Pohle)
55c The late Mrs. E. Goodall, Queen Victoria Museum, Salisbury.
Rhodesia, and Mr. Roger Summers, F.S.A., Kommetjie, South
Africa
56b VEB Gustav Fischer Verlag, Jena
57b The Trustees of the British Museum
57c The Bodleian Library, Oxford
60a. b Buch- und Kunstverlag Anton Schroll. Vienna
60c Hutchinson Publishing Group. London
63a. b Mr. J. P. Maule, M.A., Edinburgh
7 1 A. b The Trustees of the British Museum
72a Mr. Gerry Cranham, Coulsdon
72b Associated Press, London. & Wide World Photos, New York
74 Professor J. LeR. Conel, Boston (Mass.)
75 Journal of Comparative Neurology and Professor Murray L. Barr
81 The Visitors and Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford
82 The late Mrs. E. Goodall, Queen Victoria Museum, Salisbury.
Rhodesia
INTRODUCTION
 Introduction

The SUBJECT of race is so vast and so diverse that an author might feel at a
loss when he what he has written about it. Briefly, the in-
sets out to introduce
tention has been to establish factsand to record ideas about race, with special
reference to man. There is nothing in the book about any practical applications
of the conclusions reached; but with this exception, the attempt has been made
to look at the subject in all its aspects.
Throughout the book, what may be called the historical method has been
adopted as a matter of deliberate policy. It is hoped that readers may approve
of this approach; for what seem to be new ideas strike suddenly on the mind as
novelties when they reappear out of the distant past in the writings of authors
now long in their graves. The stimulating effect is due to the fact that the
writers had not been influenced by the conventional ideas of modern times. One
is surprised and forced to think —
and sometimes to think new thoughts. In
those branches of science in which deduction plays a large part, modern ideas
may readily be introduced without need to recite the opinions of our
forefathers; but where knowledge accrues gradually by long-sustained thought
and argument about a vast body of information, one cannot fully understand
or assess the ideas of the present without going back to look at origins.
It is the human aspect of race that chiefly interests most people, and in the

writing of the book this fact has been kept constantly in mind. Nevertheless it is

written by a biologist who believes that racial problems cannot be understood

by anyone whose interests and field of knowledge stop short at the limit of
purely human affairs. 'One must not remain fastened to man and act as though
he were the only organism in nature.' So wrote that great anthropologist and
humanitarian of the eighteenth century, Johann Friedrich Blumenbach. when
considering the equality or inequality of human races.li09l* T. H. Huxley
stressed the same point, in his Essay on the methods and results of ethnology.
'Anthropology is a section of ZOOLOGY.' he wrote; '. the problems of . .

ethnology are simply those which are presented to the zoologist by every wide-
ly distributed animal he studies. '15361 The present work is written in the spirit
that inspired these sentences. If the relevance of some of the zoological parts of
the book is not obvious to the reader at first sight, it will become so when he
has passed on to the chapters devoted to selected human groups.
The book deals with the question whether there is reality behind the idea of

* Throughout this book, the numerals in square brackets refer to the bibliography on pages
560-605.
4 INTRODUCTION

race. The subject can only be rationally discussed if certain words that will be
used over and over again are clearly explained at the outset. Anyone who
happens not to be familiar with the technical terms used in systematic zoology
will find the book much more readable if he will take the trouble to note
carefully what meanings will be attached to a few terms that are indispensable
in a study of this kind.
The reader will be aware that organisms are grouped together if they show

resemblances that are considered to be due to descent from common ancestors.

A group of this kind is called a taxon, and the branch of knowledge concerned
with the principles and practice of the classification of organisms is called
taxonomy. The group that includes all the hairy animals whose young are
suckled by their mothers is a taxon known as the Mammalia, which includes
animals so diverse as the shrew, hippopotamus, fruit-bat. and man. A taxon
that includes such very different animals as these is called a class. Each class is
divided into subsidiary taxa called orders, and these successively \n\.o families,
genera, and species. Each of these groups is itself a taxon. and it thus follows
that there is a hierarchy of taxa.
A family (the Pongidae or anthropoid apes, for instance) is a very minor
taxon in relation to the Mammalia as a whole, but major in relation to each of
the species which compose it. It is convenient to use the words 'major' and
'minor' in this relative sense, to indicate the place of a taxon in the hierarchy of
taxa. It must be understood that these words will never be used in an ap-
preciative or disparaging sense: they are entirely objective.
The meaning of the word species will be considered in some detail in
Chapters 5 and 6. For the present it must suffice to say that it must be regarded
provisionally as a group of animals that interbreed with one another. When a
species has a wide distribution, it often shows differences of structure in
different places, though intermediates occur. Each recognizable group con-
stitutes a taxon called a subspecies or race. Thus the race is a minor taxon in
relation to the species. Many authorities subdivide the races of man into taxa
called suhraces: for instance, two of the subraces into which the Europid (so-
called 'Caucasian') race is divided are the Nordids and Alpinids. Some go so
far as to recognize subdivisions of subraces, the taxa called local forms. In dis-
cussions of the problems with which this book is concerned, one repeatedly
finds the need for a comprehensive term that can be used without distinction
for any of the taxa that are minor to the species; that is to say, races, subraces,
and local forms. No one has previously suggested a term having this meaning,
and it is therefore necessary to propose one. Throughout the book ethnic taxon
will be used for the purpose. It is open to the objection that English words

derived from the Greek edvoq (ethnic, ethnology, ethnography, and others) are
used by some authors in reference to groups of mankind distinguished by
cultural or national features, rather than descent from common ancestors. This
usage, however, is not universal; and it seems impossible to think of an accep-
table substitute for ethnic. Most of the Greek and Latin words that might have
been chosen are either so unfamiliar that they would convey no idea to most
readers, or else have already been taken into our language with senses that
make them inapplicable here (yevoq, for instance, in its Latin form genus is
 INTRODUCTION 5

already used).* It is meaning of the term 'ethnic

particularly important that the
taxon' should be clearly understood. does not supplant the words race, sub-
It

race, and local form, but comprehends these three, and can be used in place of
any of them.
Some authorities think that in certain cases the race is more significant than
the species. They may study an interbreeding group of animals over a vast area
of the surface of the globe, and concentrate their attention on the particular
'forms' or races that represent it in various localities. To these investigators
these 'forms' are the realities. They consider that species have been founded too
readily on the evidence of structural resemblances studied in the museum or
laboratory, without sufficient attention having been paid to the question
whether proof has been obtained by field studies that interbreeding between one
form and another does in fact occur in nature. Wherever there are forms that
replace one another geographically, and especially if they appear to merge into
one another in the intermediate territory, they refer to the whole series of forms
or races as a Formenkreis, and discard the word species altogether. The
Fonnenkreis, then, is a set or series of races. This is a matter of considerable
importance, for mankind should perhaps be regarded as constituting a
Formenkreis rather than a species. The subject is carefully discussed in
Chapter 5. Here it is only necessary to mention that the Formenkreis is a taxon
and that it is divisible, like the species, into races, subraces. and local forms.
If 'ethnic taxon' had been a generally recognized term, this book might have
been called 'Ethnic taxa\ for it is concerned with subraces as well as races,
and indeed occasional mention is made of local forms; but the title of a
serious work must necessarily be comprehensible, and precision must defer to
necessity.
It isthought by some students of the subject that all attempts to classify
mankind into ethnic taxa are vain. Those who hold this view lay stress on the
prevalence of intermediates, and on the difficulty of laying down strict criteria
for the recognition of races and subraces. They consider that those who
describe these taxa are really only listing the characters of ideal types, non-
existent except in the minds of men. For them, the only reality is the "whoXe pop-
ulation of a particular place at a particular time. The ethnic constitution of the
population is regarded as of little consequence in comparison with the en-
vironmental circumstances that mould the minds and activities of the men and
women who compose it. Full weight should be given to this point of view, and
in particular to the fact that large-scale hybridization between races and sub-

races has in fact occurred. Nevertheless it will be argued in this book that race
and subrace do represent a truth about the natural world, which cannot be
adequately described without consideration of them. For this reason a
classification of mankind into ethnic taxa is set out in the table placed at the
end of the book for easy reference. Nearly all the taxa mentioned in the book
are listed in it. All classifications of this sort are provisional in the sense that no

* The Latin word stirps (plural stirpes) may be suggested as a synonym for ethnic taxon.
Indeed, it might well replace the latter term. Not only does it avoid the objection to ethnic, men
tinned above; it has the added advantage that an adjective can be derived from it. Thus, for in
stance, one may say that there is a 'stirpai difference' between two peoples.
6 INTRODUCTION
two authorities are likely to be in complete agreement about them, and the
growth of knowledge will no doubt necessitate changes. Nevertheless such
tables do contain an important element of truth, which is hidden if no such
classification is attempted. This is proved by the fact that random alterations in
them produce nonsense, which certainly cannot be said of a carefully con-
structed table. For instance, no one with any knowledge of physical
anthropology will deny that it would be absurd to make the Nordids into a race
that included the Sinids and Khoisanids as subraces, or to place the Mongolids
as a subrace of the Australasids.
The subject of ethnic taxa is of great interest from the purely biological point
of view, without consideration of man, and a very large literature has grown up
around it. Public interest, however, is centred on human aspects of the matter,
and primarily on the question whether all the ethnic taxa of man are to be
regarded as 'equal' or as in some sense 'unequal', and if 'unequal', whether
some may be regarded as 'superior' to others. For instance, it has been claimed
(by certain Europids) that the Europid race is superior to other races, and (by
certain Nordids) that among the Europids, the Nordid subrace is superior to
other subraces. One needs a technical term that will cover this whole subject of
equality or inequality among the ethnic taxa of man. The term used throughout
this book with this particular meaning is 'the ethnic problem'. It will be un-
derstood that there are many biological problems concerned with ethnic taxa;
but one needs a short phrase in a book such as this, and the explanation that
has been given here will ensure that the words will not be misunderstood.
Every ethnic taxon of man includes many persons capable of living responsi-
ble and useful lives in the communities to which they belong, while even in
those taxa that are best known for their contributions to the world's store of in-
tellectual wealth, there are many so mentally deficient that they would be in-
adequate members of any society. It follows that no one can claim superiority
simply because he or she belongs to a particular ethnic taxon. It does not in-
evitably follow, however, that all taxa can properly be said to be 'equal'. It is
necessary to consider carefully whether any meaning can be attached to the
statement that one ethnic taxon is 'superior' to another. If the statement is not
meaningless, one wants to know with some precision what it means, and if this
could be defined, it would still be questionable whether any one taxon were in
fact superior to another. These problems are considered in this book.
The subject is necessarily controversial. It is hoped that those readers who
disagree with some of the opinions expressed will nevertheless find something
of value to them in particular parts of the book. It will have served its purpose
if it has cleared away those misapprehensions that cannot be helpful, in the

long run. to either side in the controversy.

PART ONE

The Historical
Background
 1 From Neanderthal man
to the philosophers
of the eighteenth century

The four historical chapters that constitute Part 1 of this book are
concerned with the thoughts of man. They do not deal with actions taken in the
political field to apply in practice the ideas present in the mind. For example, no
mention is made of the work of the great humanitarians, such as William
Wilberforce and Thomas Clarkson, in the suppression of Negro slavery; and
indeed this would be unnecessary, because the facts are readily available to
everyone interested in history or biography.l2i 1.229,4381 The subject dealt with
here is less familiar, because the information is scattered among many very
diverse and in some cases unexpected, little known, and even rather inaccessi-
ble sources of information. Hitler is the only author mentioned in the four
chapters who is chiefly known as a man of action. It has seemed necessary to
record something about his views on the ethnic problem as expressed in Mein
Kampf, \494\ because his subsequent actions had such a profound effect on
human thought.
The is not only intrinsically interesting:
subject considered in these chapters
ithas a message also for the present day. Although many of the early thinkers
were mistaken in their beliefs, some of them afford examples that might well be
followed today. In particular one thinks of that quartet of distinguished
biologists,Blumenbach, Sommerring, Camper, and Tiedemann, whom we shall
meet Chapter 2. Here were men who addressed themselves fearlessly to the
in
ethnic problem. They did not by any means agree exactly with one another, but
they indulged in no personal attacks. To the best of their ability they brought to
bear on a difficult subject such information as was available in their time. They
were men of wide knowledge and level judgement, open-minded searchers after
truth.
Chapters and 4 bring the history up to the end of the third decade of the
3
twentieth century. They deal with only one side of the problem, in considerable
detail. The reason for ending the purely historical part of the book at this point
is explained on p. 61.

This first chapter, dealing as it does with the earliest part of the history, is in-
evitably somewhat desultory, because the lack of relation between most of the
available sources of information makes it almost impossible to weave them
together into a continuous whole.

In a study of the subject with which this book is it might

largely concerned,
seem a waste of time to search for evidence regarding man's remote ancestors
in the mid-Pleistocene, perhaps fifty thousand or more years ago, during the
10 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
last great glacialphase. How did the various ethnic taxa of man react to one
another in the remote past? It is true that at present we have not enough
evidence to enable us to reach a firm conclusion, but in fact we can at least see
how a certain amount of knowledge might one day be obtained.
In the early part of the last glacial phase, humanity was represented in
Europe by Neanderthal man.li29. i30. i3il He was short, in comparison with
most modern men, but massively built. Huge eyebrow ridges joined one
another above the nose (Fig. I); the forehead was very low and sloping; the

1 A skull of Neanderthal man, with part of a skull of a modern Europid (a

Frenchman) for comparison
The Neanderthal skull represented here, from La Chapelle-aux-Saints. Correze. France, is the most complete
in existence, but it lacks the nasal bones and most of the teeth. The missing parts are present in other specimens
of the same ethnic taxon. and it has therefore been possible to add them in the drawing.
[Link]]

skull was rather long in proportion to its breadth, flattish on top, and curiously
flattened from above and below in the occipital region, so that it almost
resembled in form the chignon of a woman's hair. 291 The massive maxillary 1 1

bone of each side extended forward in a large process (apophysis) that pushed
the nasal bone before it so as to make the nose project prodigiously; the
foramen magnum was situated rather far back. The cavity of the skull was
large, but casts of the brain-case indicate that the frontal lobes were small and
the convolutions of the brain-surface somewhat primitive in arrangement. The
lower jaw sloped away below so that one can scarcely speak of a chin. The legs
were short in relation to total stature. There has been some tendency in recent
years to minimize the characters that distinguish Neanderthal anatomy from
 NEANDERTHAL MAN TO THE 18th CENTURY 11

that of modern man. It is legitimate to doubt whether this tendency can be fully
justified by the facts. Apart from the grosser features that have been men-
tioned, there are marked differences in the teeth, especially the lower
molars. 14331 Many him in a separate 'palaeospecies'. Homo
authorities place
neanderthalensis. and European race has been wdixntA proto-europaeus.\i'02\
its

Neanderthal man was replaced in Europe during the last glacial phase by
Homo sapiens, exemplified by Cromagnon man, named after a place in the
Dordogne (south-central France) where the remains of five human bodies were
found. Whether any Cromagnids coexisted in Europe with Neanderthal man is
uncertain, but it is usually supposed that the latter died out before the others
arrived. Since, however, there are 'Neanderthaloid' characters in certain early
forms of H. sapiens, some authorities consider that there was overlapping in
time and some hybridization. 1227] If so. Neanderthal man can scarcely be
regarded as a separate species.
Very strange facts are revealed when we turn to the Neanderthaloid remains
of the mid-Pleistocene found on Mount Carmel, south of Haifa in Israel, and in
other parts of Palestine. A considerable number of rather well preserved
specimens have been studied in great detail by McCown and Keith. |720l The
people who lived in this area at the time were remarkably varied in structure,
some of them verging towards the Neanderthal, others towards the early
sapiens type, others again intermediate. It was suggested by the American
anthropologist C. S. Coon that hybridization between Neanderthal man and
sapiens might be the explanation. [2261 This view was strongly supported by
Dobzhansky,1277l an authority on the origin of species and races. Since
Neanderthal man differs more markedly from any of the races of man living
today than any of these races differ from one another, it follows that if
hybridization occurred, primitive men and women had not at that time and
place a strong repugnance against extreme difference in sexual partners.
McCown and Keithl720l had themselves seriously considered the possibility
of hybridity and rejected it. If it had occurred, one must suppose that there was
already present in Palestine at that time (the Levalloiso-Mousterian culture
period of archaeologists) a fully developed form of Neanderthal man and also a
fully developed form of sapiens; and no evidence of this exists. In their book
Fossil men, the French palaeontologist Marcellin Boule and the anthropologist
H. V. Vallois agree with McCown and Keith in rejecting the possibility that
Palestine man was a hybrid.li3il The matter cannot be regarded as settled, but
when further evidence becomes available, we shall be better able to form an es-
timate of the interethnic relations of early man. It is possible that new ethnic
taxa were evolving rapidly in Palestine in the period under consideration that—
there was a branching of the evolutionary tree, rather than a grafting together
of previously separate twigs.

A moment's reflection will show that the great majority of man's remote
ancestors can have had only a faint idea, or none at all, of the physical
differences between the ethnic taxa of man. Even today, with the enormous in-
crease in population and ease of travel, it seems certain that only a small

minority of the inhabitants of Great Britain has ever seen a Bushman (Sanid)
12 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

or Hottentot (Khoid), and there must be many in Australia who have never
seen a Negrid. Population gradually increased in Neolithic times as knowledge
of agriculture began to spread over the world, and subraces must then have
tended to meet more often than races; but there were certain wide areas where
races did meet and hybridize to some extent with one another. In such cases
the resulting hybrid peoples were commonly not exactly intermediate, because
the majority of the ancestors of the partially hybrid group belonged to one of
the two races. An example is provided by the Turanids of the country north of
Iran, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. These people are hybrids between Europids
and Mongolids. but the former stock evidently predominated, presumably
because the original hybrids tended to intermarry with Europids more often
than with Mongolids. The Turanids are regarded as a subrace of Europids,
characterized by the possession of certain Mongolid traits in their physique.
Similarly, the Aethiopids of Ethiopia and elsewhere (Galla and other tribes)
are almost certainly hybrids between Europids with some Negrid admixture,
but certain authoritiesl303. 8361 regard them as Negrids with Europid admixture.
A remote possibility exists, however, that the Aethiopids are the descendants of a
group from which both Europids and Negrids are derived. i085i I

There are several tribes commonly grouped together as 'Nilo-Hamites'. because they
are supposed to have Nilotid Negrids and Aethiopid Europids as ancestors; but
different tribes were probably derived from different Negrid subraces and/or different
Europid subraces, and if so, the grouping under a single name is misleading because it

does not reflect a common ancestry.

Sufficient examples have been quoted to show that subraces and even races
sometimes hybridize where they meet, but this really almost goes without
saying; for if sexual revulsion against intersubracial and interracial marriages
were complete, one set of genes would have no chance of intermingling with
another, and the ethnic taxa would be species by the commonly accepted
definition (see p. 74). It cannot be too strongly stressed that intersubracial and
interracial hybridization is so far from indicating the unreality of subraces and
races, that it is actually a sine qua non of the reality of these ethnic taxa.
Strong feelings against intersubracial and interracial hybridization do,
however, sometimes manifest themselves. When Nordindids (Tndo-Afghans')
began to penetrate into India from the north-west from about 1500 B.C.
onwards, and came into contact with various peoples differing from themselves
in physical features as well as in culture, social barriers against free hybridiza-
tion were set up and the 'caste' system gradually evolved. This was perhaps the
most elaborate and effective barrier against the mixing of contiguous ethnic
taxa that the world has ever known.
Palestine is a region from which we have historical evidence of hybridization
and of steps taken to prevent it. Unfortunately we have no reliable evidence of
the physique of the peoples concerned, though we have names that are intended
to identify them. In the Bible three ethnic taxa are fancifully supposed to have
sprung from the three sons of Noah (Genesis, x). It is generally taken for
granted that the supposed descendants of Shem were the 'Shemites' or
'Semites\li9. 674. 391 but unfortunately this does not carry us much further,
because we do not know who the Semites might be. Possibly the Orientalids
 NEANDERTHAL MAN TO THE 18th CENTURY 13

('Arabs') are meant; possibly the Armenids, who are physically very different;
possibly both of these and their hybrids. [674) It has been argued, however, that
there was a Nordid element in the 'Shemites', and therefore in the Hebrew
patriarchs. 1 3951

The descendants of Ham were the Hamites. but here again we are in difficulty,
because it is uncertain who the Hamites were. Since Canaan was one of the sons of
Ham. it seems reasonable to suppose that the Canaanites were Hamites. Usually,
however, the Hamites of the Bible are assumed to have been the early Egyptians, 16741
who are thought to have been Protomediterranids hybridized with Orientalids; 13021

but Chapter x of Genesis makes it clear that the Sumerians and Assyrians, among
others, were also descendants of Ham. Certain authorities 1391 have supposed that the
Hamites were Negrids. It has. indeed, been claimed 12 iiithat the latter were descendants
of Phut, one of Ham's sons; but it is doubtful whether much was known of Negrids by
the writers of Genesis, x. and Phut's descendants do not appear to have made any clear
mark on the available historical records.
The Japhetic peoples are usually supposed to have been of 'Indo-European" I iq. 6741

or 'Indo-Germanic'1391 stock; but these expressions, based on linguistic studies, are not
translatable into ethnic terms. Evidence has been brought forward for the view that the
Japhetic peoples were in fact Armenids and Alpinids. 13951

It isimpossible to draw any definite conclusions from the account in Genesis

of the origin of the various peoples to whom reference is made, beyond the fact
that they were all supposed to have sprung from a common ancestor; but it
seems very probable that they were all Europids. Whatever the correct inter-
pretation may be, there is no doubt that hybridization among subraces oc-
curred in Palestine and Mesopotamia in biblical times, and that the Hebrews
were strongly urged by some of their spiritual leaders to avoid it. Although the
ethnic taxa in question were only subraces of the same (Europid) race as
themselves, there was no question of 'equality' in the minds of the leaders. It
was legitimate to despise people of another taxon that was regarded as more
primitive. Noah, it will be remembered, had condemned Canaan (i.e. one of
Ham's sons and his descendants) to be 'a servant of servants unto his . . .

brethren', that is to say. a servant to the Shemites and Japhetites (Genesis, ix,
25-7). Strongly expressed opinions on the ethnic problem such as these no
doubt had an influence on Jewish, and later to some extent on Christian,
thinking. A striking example appears, for instance, in the book of Job. It seems
that this unfortunate man was mocked by youthful members of a primitive,
cave-dwelHng, pre-agricultural (food-gathering) tribe (Job, xxx, 1-10). This is
the interpretation placed on the words by several commentators, and indeed no
other seems possible. As a young man. Job had known the fathers of his
persecutors, and he remarks of them, 'I would have disdained to set Itheml
with the dogs ofmy flock. they were viler than the earth.'
. . .

A group of Canaanites called the Hivites were regarded by the Hebrews with
marked disrespect. It will be remembered how Joshua imposed his will upon
them, by assigning to them the tasks of hewing wood and drawing water for
their Hebrew masters. They still retained this lowly status when the chapter of
the Bible describing these events (Joshua, ix) was written down, probably some
centuries later.
14 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Christian ethics brought about a less severe attitude in people towards per-
sons of ethnic taxa other than their own, but it must be remembered that the
early Christians had little or no acquaintance with people so different from
themselves in physique as to belong to another race. St. Paul played a promi-
nent part in encouraging a more tolerant attitude. The words he used in
speaking to the Athenians at Mars' Hill are given in the Revised Version of the
Bible thus: 'God hath made of one blood all nations of men,' but it is not
. . .

always remembered that he added, 'and hath determined ... the bounds of
their habitation' (Revised Version, Acts, xvii, 24-6). The translation of this
passage in the New English Bible is as follows: 'He (Godl created every race of
men of one stock. ... He fixed ... the limits of their territory.' (New English
Bible. 1961). It is questionable whether Paul actually used a word meaning
'blood'. This word is stated not to occur here in the early Greek texts, and it
was rejected by the Catholic Church from the time of St. Jerome. isosi The New
Testament in Greek carefully compiled by the British and Foreign Bible
Societyl79il says simply that God made every race of man '^^^ h'dq. Canon
G. W. Wade's version of this passage is 'from a single ancestor'.! 11121 The
common use of the word 'blood' to indicate relationship can be traced back to
Erasmus's Bible of 15 16.131 il He may have been deliberately using a current
European idea when he wrote 'l-^ h'dq a^jnaToq' in his Greek version and 'ex
una sanguine' in the Latin. Luther may well have been influenced by this when
he wrote 'von eynem blut' in his translation. 16881 It would not appear that the
early Jews associated blood with race. The use of the word 'blood' to indicate
relationship has nothing to commend it and might well be abandoned with
other mediaeval superstitions. Lest anyone should imagine that Erasmus had
prescience of the blood-groups, it should perhaps be mentioned that members
of a single ethnic taxon. indeed often of a single family, may belong to different
groups.
It is clear that the early Christians did not altogether disregard the ethnic

cohesion of the Jews. The Epistle of St. James appears to be directed to those
who were ethnically Jews, but who lived outside Palestine and had been con-
verted to [Link] 1121 It is not clear to whom precisely The First Epistle

General of St. Peter was addressed. The Revised Version of the Bible translates
I Peter, ii. 9. 'But ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy na-

tion, a peculiar people.' but Wade writes instead. 'But you are a Chosen
race..
.'
. The rendering in the New English Bible is this: 'But you are a chosen
race, a royal priesthood, a dedicated nation, and a people claimed by God for
his own.' It seems to be uncertain whether the 'strangers' (Revised Version).
'Sojourners'.! 1 1121 or 'scattered people' (New English Bible) in Pontus, Galatia,
and certain other places, to whom St. Peter addressed his Epistle, were
specifically the Christian strangers of Jewish origin.

That persons of different ethnic groups are not necessarily immediately unat-
tractive to one another is attested by the familiar tradition, passed down from
the sixth century, of Gregory (afterwards Pope Gregory I) at his first sight of
persons of the Nordid subrace. The Venerable Bede tells us that Gregory saw
some Anglo-Saxon boys exposed for sale in the market-place of Rome. 167. 681
 NEANDERTHAL MAN TO THE 18th CENTURY 15

He described their countenances as 'bright' and 'charming' (the adjectives were

liicidiis and vemistus). On being told that they were called Angles, he replied
'Rightly, for they have an angelic appearance, and it is proper for such persons
to be the associates of the angels in heaven.* (Not everyone is aware of the
further puns perpetrated by His Holiness on this memorable occasion and duly
recorded by his venerable historian.) It must be remembered, however, that the
Nordid boys differed only in rather unimportant points of physique from the
familiar Mediterranids of Rome, apart from the minor character of colour.
These two subraces are closely allied.
A leap to the sixteenth century brings us to Montaigne's essay entitled 'Des
Canniboles\\i5f^\ The ostensible purpose of this short paper is to exhibit a
primitive people in a favourable light in relation to the members of civilized
societies. At this distance of time it is difficult or perhaps impossible to be quite
certain whether in this particular essay Montaigne was writing with his tongue
in his cheek, deliberately hiding from the unsuspecting reader what he intended

to spring on him towards the end. He appears to be describing the Caribs of the
West Indies, though he does not make this perfectly clear. For his information
he relies mainly on one of his servants, who has been in that part of the world
and whom he describes as being '. simple and uncouth, which is a suitable
. .

state for rendering true evidence. . One needs either a very reliable man. or
. .

one so simple that he has not the wherewithal to create and give verisimilitude
to his false inventions.' This man's story is confirmed by several sailors and
merchants who had voyaged with him. Montaigne draws a remarkable picture
of the superiority of the 'Cannibales" over civilized people. One example among
many is that they eat wild fruits; civilized men should be termed savage,
because instead of using what nature provides, they artificially deform its
vegetable products. 'I find", he tells us, 'that there is nothing barbaric or savage
in this nation in what has been reported to me, unless it can be that each person

calls Barbarity what is not customary with him, or that we have no other
measure of truth and reason than the example and idea of the opinions and
customs of the country in which we live.' He goes smoothly on to tell us that
these people take prisoners in war and keep them alive for two or three months,
during which period they use every possible method they can think of to induce
them to say something that would indicate fear. For this purpose they tell them
exactly what is going to happen to them: the tortures they are going to suffer,
the preparations that are being made for this purpose, and the intention to slice
up their limbs for the banquet that will be made of their flesh —
all of which is in

due course carried out.

Those in modern times who overstress the significance of 'colour' would
receive a wholesome corrective on reading the excellent essay on physical
anthropology written by an anonymous traveller and published in the Journal
des Sqavans in 1684.1241 In this very remarkable work on the geographical
distribution of human 'Especes ou Races', the author clearly recognizes that
the people of North Africa, Arabia, and India belong to the same race as those
of Europe. He writes on the subject of colour as follows.
For although the Egyptians, for instance, and the Indians are very black,
or rather tawny \baganes\, this colour is nevertheless only accidental to
16 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

them, and comes only because they expose themselves to the sun; for those
who take care of themselves and are not obliged to expose themselves to it as
often as the [common] people are. are not blacker than many Spaniards. It is
true that most Indians have something rather different from us in the expres-
sion of the face and in the colour, which often tends towards yellow; but that
does not seem sufficient to make a particular species; for otherwise it would
be necessary to make one also for the Spaniards, another for the Germans,
and similarly for several other peoples of Europe.
The author sharply distinguishes certain other 'coloured' races from the In-
dians, by morphological criteria. He considered the women of Lahore the most
beautiful of India. These would have been Nordindids (Indo-Afghans).
Some of the important facts first clearly established by the anonymous
traveller were well exhibited in the atlas published by de Vaugondy nearly a
century later.|i087l The area ofLes Europeens\ identified by the appearance of
the face (visage), includes not only Europe itself (apart from the extreme north
of Scandinavia and the region north of the Black Sea), but also Africa north of
the Sahara, Arabia, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India as far south as the
River Ganges.
It was already recognized in the seventeenth century that the skin-colour of

certain races of man was not solely due to the action of the sun's rays during
the life of the individual. One Leutholf or Ludolfus. writing in 1691, put the
matter very clearly in acommentaryl679i published separately from his book on
Africa. 'But stilP, he says, 'within the range of the (tropical] sun there are
nations if not actually white, at any rate not actually black; many are far dis-
tant from the equator, beyond one tropic or the other, such as the inhabitants
of Persia or Syria, or the Cape of Good Hope, for example, and nevertheless
they are very black.' Ludolfus refers to the blackness of the native inhabitants
of Ceylon and other countries and remarks. 'If you attribute the natural cause
[of their skin-colour] to the heavens and the sun. why do not white men who
grow old in these regions become black?' There is here clear recognition of the
reality of genetic differences between ethnic taxa.

From this lack of knowledge there has arisen that fine dictum of morality
so much bandied about by the philosophical crowd, that men are everywhere
the same, and that having everywhere the same passions and the same vices,
it is rather useless to attempt to characterize the different races; which is just
about as reasonable as if one were to say that one could not distinguish Peter
from James, because each of them has a nose, a mouth, and eyes.
Will one never see the return of those happy times when people did not
concern themselves with philosophy, but when such men as Plato. Thales. or
Pythagoras, smitten with an eager desire for knowledge, undertook the
longest journeys solely to obtain information, and went far away to shake off
the yoke of national prejudices, to learn to know men by their conformities
and by their differences .? . .

Those who are unfamiliar with this passage would be unlikely to ascribe it
correctly toits author; but readers of these historical chapters will find that

during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries thinkers who were irreligious
 NEANDERTHAL MAN TO THE 18th CENTURY 17

and radical or 'progressive' in their political views often tended to believe in the
inequality of the races of man. The passage was in fact written by Jean-Jacques
Rousseau. It is printed in its original French as an epigraph to this book.
The circumstances in which Rousseau came to write his famous Discours
sur I'origine et les fondemens de rinegalite [sic] parmi les hommes\9 \?.-92o\ may
be remembered. The Academy of Dijon had offered a prize for a discourse on
this subject: 'What is the origin of inequality among men, and is it authorized
by natural law?' In his attempt to answer this question, Rousseau was not
primarily concerned with the ethnic problem; but. as the extract given above
shows, he allowed that the various ethnic taxa differed mentally as well as
physically. He stressed the importance of the environment in causing the diver-
sity of human beings in different parts of the world, especially when the en-
vironment acted over a long series of generations. His main concern, however,
was with the degree of happiness of persons in solitary and social life. He
believed that man's unhappiness was largely due to inequality among people
living in the same society. He distinguished two varieties of inequality:
natiirelle ou physique and morale ou politique. The former was the sort caused
by differences of age, health, or intellect; the latter by those due to convention
or the consent of fellow-men. It was Rousseau's belief that primitive man,
'I'hoinme dans I'etat de nature', was solitary: there was not even such an
association of the sexes as occurs in many non-social animals. 'The males and
females united at random, by chance meeting, opportunity, and desire. they . . .

left one another with the same readiness. . .the two sexes did not recognize one
.

another again, and even the child was nothing more to the mother, as soon as
he could manage without her.' In this state of society man was happy, because
inequality did not have an opportunity to express itself. As social institutions
developed, inequality became apparent and caused misery.
Rousseau does not argue that the primeval savage was morally superior. On
the contrary, he says distinctly that men in a state of nature 'could not be either
good or bad, and had neither vices nor virtues. they had no dealings of any
. . .

kind with one another, and as a result knew neither vanity nor consideration
nor esteem nor scorn; they had not the least notion of thine or mine, and had
no idea of justice.' He regarded the Caribs (Indianid race, Brasilid subrace) as
approaching more closely to the state of nature than any other people known
at the time; but he only mentions them very briefly, and there is no indication
that he had any detailed knowledge of their mode of life. As a matter of fact the
Caribs were not particularly unsocial in early times: they had their carbets, or
communal houses, and so far was the husband from deserting his wife that he
underwent the strange custom of the couvade when his child was born. 2681 1

Rousseau's belief in the solitary state of primitive man was almost entirely
hypothetical, as he himself freely admitted. His ideas on this subject would not
be likely to find acceptance among modern students of primitive culture.
The prize was awarded to Rousseau in 1750. but the Discours was not
published till five years later. |9i8l The French physiologist C. N. Le Cat, who
was one of the judges, strongly opposed the award and published a 'Refutation'
in the form of a book printed in columns, with extracts from the Discours on

the left and his own criticisms of them on the right.li93i Most of the latter are
18 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

given in very matter-of-fact style, without any attempt at satire, or rhetoric of

any kind. He stresses, however, some of the horrors of savage life. 'Tell me, I
beg you, illustrious orator,' he writes, 'is it among the realms in which univer-
sities and academies flourish, that one finds the gallant nation of cannibals?' It

should be mentioned that Le Cat was by no means contemptuous of persons

belonging to races other than his own. In another book he writes favourably of
Negroes, and in particular opposes the idea that darkness of skin indicates in-
feriority. 'Does one believe', he writes-, 'that Negroes have a lower estimate of
themselves, and are indeed less estimable, because ordinary white people
regard their appearance with horror? They are very good natured and much
more sensible than we, if they do not give us tit-for-tat.'l 194|
Rousseau was by no means the only celebrated author of the eighteenth
century who contributed to the discussion of the ethnic problem. Some of the
greatest philosophical and political thinkers of the period — Montesquieu,
—
Hume, Kant, and Voltaire among them made comments, though mostly short
ones. Some of these were merely satirical, and therefore not helpful in the
search for truth. Thus Montesquieu wrote of the Negro in De I'esprit des lois:
'Those concerned are black from the feet to the head; and they have the nose
squashed so flat that it is almost impossible to pity them. One cannot take it
into one's mind that God, who is a wise being, has placed a soul, especially a
good soul, in a wholly black body. '17591 The irony is so heavy-handed in the
passage from which this extract is taken, that it cannot be regarded as effective
even by the standards according to which this kind of rhetoric is commonly
judged.
The Scottish philosopher and historian David Hume was one of those op-
ponents of conventional religious thought who did not hesitate to express their
belief in the inferiority of certain ethnic taxa. In his Essays, moral and political
he writes. 'And indeed, there is some Reason to think, that all the Nations,
which live beyond the polar Circles or betwixt the Tropics, are inferior to the
rest of the Species, and are utterly incapable of all the higher Attainments of
the human Mind. '15231 He remarked, however, that there was no relation
between intelligence and latitude within the limits of the temperate zone. Hume
was particularly impressed by the ease with which Negroes could be bribed by
the gift of alcoholic drinks. He noted that the character of the Chinese was
remarkably uniform over a huge area, in which the climatic conditions varied
widely from place to place, and he concluded that the differences in 'Temper' of
the various nations could not be due solely to the physical environment. He
thought, however, that fortuitous circumstances might have produced some of
the differences. In developing nations, a few persons gain control and eventual-
ly influence the mass of the people. Since the governing body is small, there

must be a large element of chance in its composition.

The philosophers of the eighteenth century did not always draw a sharp dis-
tinction between nations and ethnic taxa. In his Beobachtimgen iiber das
Gefiihl des Schouen und Erhabenen\569\ Immanuel Kant gives rather elaborate
accounts of the mental characters of the Germans, English, Dutch, French,
Italians, Spaniards, Arabs, Persians, Indians. Japanese, and Chinese, but he
makes no genuine attempt to say anything about the general character of the
 NEANDERTHAL MAN TO THE 18th CENTURY 19

Europid race in contrast to that of the Mongolid. or to differentiate between the

various subraces among the Europids, though sufficient anthropological
knowledge was available at the time (1764) to make a start in this direction. He
does, however, distinguish the Negrid race from others, makes general remarks
on the mental powers of persons belonging to it. and quotes Hume in support
of his opinions.
The Negroes of Africa have received from nature no intelligence that rises
above the foolish. Hume invites anyone to quote a single example of a Negro
who has exhibited talents. He asserts that among the hundred thousands of
blacks who have been seduced away from their own countries, although very
many of them have been set free, yet not a single one has ever been found
that has performed anything great whether in art or science or in any other
laudable subject; but among the whites, people constantly rise up from the
lowest rabble and acquire esteem through their superior gifts. The difference
between these two races of man is thus a substantial one: it appears to be
just as great in respect of the faculties of the mind as in colour.i569i
The use of fetishes by certain Negrid tribes had a strong influence on Kant's
judgement. The religion of fetishes.' he writes, 'which is widely spread among
them, is perhaps a sort of idolatry that sinks as deep in foolishness as seems to
be possible for human nature. A bird's feather, the horn of a cow. a mussel, or
any other common article becomes an object of veneration and invocation in
oaths as soon as it has been consecrated by a few words. '|569|
Kant considered that no other uncivilized people showed such a high degree
of intelligence as those of North America.
Kant's Anthropologie in pragmatischer Hinsic/u\56?,\ is really a work on
psychology rather than anthropology in the modern sense. In this book he once
more summarizes his opinions about the mental characters of various nations,
but more shortly than in the earlier work. He particularly emphasizes the vir-
tues of the Armenians, whom he describes as a unique people, sensible
(rerunstig). peaceful, and of superior character. It may be remarked that Hume
also regarded the Armenians highly. He says that they 'have a peculiar
Character' and are 'much noted . . for Probity'. 15231
.

Voltaire, like Rousseau, was a radical in politics who did not believe in racial
equality; but he expressed himself on this subject much more forcibly than his
fellow-countryman. He was more impressed by the physical differences
between the races than most of the philosophical and political thinkers who ad-
dressed themselves to the ethnic problem. He was particularly struck by the 'tab-
lier' (apron) of Hottentot (Khoid) women, exaggerated accounts of which were

current in the eighteenth century. The subject is treated in some detail from
the anatomical point of view in Chapter 17 (pp. 313-17) of the present book.
It was in his book La philosophie de I'histoire. published in 1765 over the

pseudonym of I'Abbe Bazin, that Voltaire first broached the subject in

print.1 1081 It is to be remarked that he uses the words especes and races
1

interchangeably, and that he wrongly attributes the tablier to the "Caffres\

Voltaire writes of the Negroes that 'Their round eyes, their flat nose, their
lips that are always thick, their differently shaped ears, the wool of their head,
even the measure of their intelligence, place prodigious differences between
20 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

them and other especes of men.' He denies that the differences are the effect of
climate, because Negroes transported to cooler countries produce offspring of
their own kind. The apron that nature has given to the Kaffirs, the loose, soft
skin of which hangs from the navel to half-way down the thighs, the black teats
of the Samoyed women, the beard of the men of our continent, and the always
beardless chin of the Americans, are such marked differences that it is scarcely
possible to imagine that these people are not of different races. 'I i i08l

Voltaire reverted to the tablier inLes lettres d'[Link]] This work of

fiction consists mainly of letters written by one Amabed, an Indian of Benares,
to Shastasid, the 'Grand Brame de Madure\ and of the latter's replies. During
his visit to South Africa, Amabed was much struck by the peculiar anatomy of
the Hottentot women. He writes to Shastasid from the Cape of Good Hope:
These people do not appear to be descendants of the children of Brama.
Nature has given to the women an apron formed from their skin; this apron
covers their joyau. of which the Hottentots are idolatrous The more I . . .

reflected on the colour of these people, on the clucking they use instead of an
articulate language to make themselves understood, on their face, and on the
apron of their women, the more I am convinced that these people cannot
have the same origin as ourselves. Our chaplain claims that the Hottentots,
Negroes, and Portuguese are descended from the same father. The idea is
certainly ridiculous.
Once more Voltaire insisted on the diversity of man in his Questions sur
rencvclopedie.\\\09] 'The inclinations, -the characters of men differ as much as
their climatesand their governments. It has never been possible to form a regi-
ment of Lapps or Samoyeds, while their neighbours, the Siberians, are intrepid
soldiers. Only a blind person, and indeed an obstinate blind person, could
. . .

deny the existence of all these different especes.' He was under no misapprehen-
sion, however, about the intellectual level of the common run of mankind as a
whole. Tn general,' he writes, 'the human species is not more civilized by two or
three degrees tharr the people of Kamchatka. The multitude of brutal animals
called men. compared with the small numbers of those who think, is at least in
the proportion of 100 to one in many nations.'lii09i It may be remarked
incidentally that in his Questions Voltaire pours scorn on 'certain bad jokers'
who have claimed that man was originally solitary. This is obviously a
reference to Rousseau. Voltaire had already denied that ancestral man was
solitary in La philosophie de I'histoire. i08l 1 1

The diversity of man was emphasized even more strongly by Henry Home,
Lord Kames (1696-1782), than by Voltaire.
Karnes, a Scottish lawyer and philosopher, was a man of very wide interest.
Towards the end of his life he published anonymously a book in two volumes entitled
—
Sketches of the history of man \56i\ 'not intended", as he modestly but with some
justice admits, 'for the learned; they are above it'. It is a strange work. He dismisses
Linnaeus's classification of animals contemptuously.

It resembles the classing books in a library by size, or by binding, without regard

to the contents. It may serve as a sort of dictionary, but to no other purpose so far
as I can discover. . . What will a plain man think of a method of classing that denies
.

a whale to be a fish?
 NEANDERTHAL MAN TO THE 18th CENTURY 21

Karnes's purpose is to contradict the idea that the differences between the kinds of
human beings can be due to environmental effects. He devotes many pages to the men-
tal differences between peoples and to the improbability of their being caused by the en-
vironment. He dubs Montesquieu "a great champion for the climate' as a cause of these
[Link] says that the argument on which he himself chiefly relies is this. That
were all men of one species, there never could have existed, without a miracle, different
kinds, such as exist at present'. He thinks that the obvious conclusion would be that
God created not one pair of human beings, but many pairs with different characters, all
suited to the environments in which he placed them. This, however, he regards as un-
acceptable, because it is contrary to the biblical account: and he therefore concludes
that when the people were scattered from Babel. God divided them into different kinds,
already fitted for different climates.

Karnes's bookis worth mentioning not so much for any merit it may possess

as from the stimulus to controversy it aroused in the years following its

publication. Blumenbach refers to him several times (generally under the name
of Henry Home), and in each case he disagrees. The Revd. Samuel Stanhope
Smith, Professor of Moral Philosophy in the College of New Jersey, wrote a
special article entitled 'Strictures on Lord Kames's discourse on the original
diversity of mankind', which he appended to his book entitled An essay on the
causes of the variety of complexion and figure in the human species A'^'s^M Smith's
'Strictures' are quite effective, but the task was not a difficult one. He points
out a number of demonstrable committed by 'this celebrated
errors
philosopher. ... In all the writings of this author, there is not another example
of so much weak and inconclusive reasoning.' The main part of Smith's book,
which was based on a lecture delivered in Philadelphia in 1787. consists of sup-
port for the belief that all human beings have a common ancestry. He uses
some ingenuity in explaining away certain facts that appear at first sight to
contradict this theory. He believes that differences in climate are the chief
cause of the diversity of races, but he regards 'the state of society' as another
important factor; and he supposes that migrations account for some of the
facts that are not otherwise easily explained. There are also 'secret causes of
difference, as there are varieties of the same family'. He makes it perfectly clear
that in his opinion the changes produced by the environment are inherited, and
cumulative in effect.
The effect proceeds increasing from one generation to another. . . .

resemblances of parents are communicated to children. We see that . . .

figure, stature, complexion, features, diseases, and even powers of the mind
become hereditary. when any change becomes incorporated, so to speak,
. . .

it is, along with other constitutional properties, transmitted to offspring.

It is to be noted that Smith and the other philosophers and scientists of pre-
Darwinian days who believed in the ancestry of all mankind from a single
stock — the 'monogenists', as they be called came
were in a limited
later to —
sense evolutionists, though their views on the causes of the evolutionary
process were incorrect.
His belief that all mankind shared a single ancestry was far from making
Smith an egalitarian. 'And the Hottentots, the Laplanders, and the people of
New-Holland', he writes, 'are the most stupid of mankind. they ap- . . .
22 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

proach ... the nearest to brute creation.' He is particularly severe on the

Hottentots, describing them as 'In their manners the most beastly, and the
faculties of their minds approaching the nearest to brutes of any of the human
species*.
Smith's opinions on the origin of mankind were to some extent shared by Johann
Gottfried Herder (1744-1803). though the latter looked more favourably on the less
advanced peoples of the world. This German philosopher, theologian, and authority on
had a fellow-feeling towards the Volker of the world, and he was a student
linguistics
and admirer of the folk-songs of various nations. His fdeen zur Philosophic der
Geschichte der Menschheit\wi\ is regarded as his masterpiece. The first edition
appeared in separate parts from 1784 to 1791. In what he writes in this book on the
subject under discussion here, it is difficult to visualize him as the associate (and in later
years the adverse critic) of Kant, or as the close friend and inspirer of Goethe: for his
arguments appear rather feeble and in places actually foolish. For instance, he says
that all men are the same in internal anatomy, and even — almost unbelievably — that a
few hundred years ago the inhabitants of Germany were Patagonians. He mentions
Blumenbach (p. 25). but will not agree to the division of mankind into races. 'Race fhe
uses this actual wordl implies a difference of origin." he claims: and this difference he
denies. ^Dennjedes Volk ist Volk.' he insists: for him. the reality is not the race but the
nation with its national speech. His emphasis on the Volk foreshadows Spengler's (pp.
53-5). though the latter was not much interested in language as a binding force.
Herder shows better sense than some of the philosophers of his time in rejecting the
idea that anthropoid apes could be regarded as human. He tells us that Nature has
divided the apes and monkeys into many genera and species, but man is unitary.
'Neither the Pongo nor the Longimanus is your brother: but truly the American and
the Negro are.'*
The tendency of certain philosophers o^ the eighteenth century to attribute
more intelligence to the anthropoid apes than could reasonably be ascribed to
them from the available evidence, is of special interest to the student of the
ethnic problem. It may some readers
to learn that Rousseau regarded
surprise
the chimpanzee as human. I9i8.9i9| Having recorded certain observations made
on these animals in the Congo, he continues thus:
One does not see in these passages the reasons on which the authors base
themselves in refusing to the animals in question the name of sa\'age men;
but easy to conjecture that it is because of their the chimpanzees']
it is I

stupidity,and also because they do not speak: these are feeble reasons to
those who know that although the organ of speech is natural [innate! to man,
speech itself is nevertheless not natural, and who understand to what point
his capacity for improvement may have raised civilized man above his
original state.
Rousseau accepted whatever in the records of travellers supported the in-
telligence and humanity of the chimpanzee, and rejected contrary evidence. He
regarded the capacity for self-improvement as 'the specific character of the
human species', and he considered that this criterion had not been applied to
* The 'Pongo" referred to here was probably
the chimpanzee, since the gorilla was scarcely
known at the time: the name was subsequently applied to the latter animal (see p. 32). The
'/,(>iii^imaiuts' was the gibbon (and the 'American" of course the Indianid).
 NEANDERTHAL MAN TO THE 18th CENTURY 23

the chimpanzee with enough care to support the conclusion that it was not
human.
The learned but eccentric Lord Monboddo. Scottish lawyer and philologist,
shared Rousseau's outlook on the anthropoid apes. In his anonymous work On
the origin and progress of language\i52\ he mentions the 'Ouran Outangs' of
Angola and several parts of Asia. (The confusion of the orang-utan with the
chimpanzee is evident here, as in so many writings of the eighteenth century.)
They are exactly of the human form, walking erect, not upon all-
four. they use sticks for weapons: they live in society; they make huts of
. . .

branches of trees, and they carry off negro girls, whom they make slaves of,
and use both for work and pleasure. But though from the particulars
. . .

mentioned it appears certain that they are of our species, and though they
have made some progress in the arts of life, they have not come the length of
language.
What surprised Monboddo was not that they could not speak, but that they
could not learn to speak. He agreed with Rousseau in rejecting the opinion that
speech is 'natural' to man. 'Now if we can get over that prejudice,' he says,
'and do not insist, that other arts of life, which the Ouran Outangs want, are
likewise natural to man, it is impossible we can refuse them the appellation of
nien.'
Edward Long, the historian of Jamaica, agreed with Rousseau and Monboddo in at-

powers to the anthropoid apes, but gave a twist to his opinion to

tributing intellectual
which these authors would scarcely have assented: for he remarks of the orang-utan,
'.. nor. for what hitherto appears, do they seem at all inferior in the intellectual
.

faculties to many of the Negroe race'. He supposed that the orang-utan (or the chim-
panzee —
it is impossible to be sure which he meant) was 'in a close affinity to man'. l(S78i

Maupertuis would seem to have gone to even further lengths than Rousseau,
Monboddo, and Long in overestimating the intellectual potentialities of the
anthropoid apes. The French zoologist Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire has
related a curious anecdote about the illustrious mathematician. It evidently
made a profound impression on him, for he published it in 179813*^81 and
repeated it in an entirely separate work thirty-one years later.l?99| If the story is

true. Maupertuis made the announcement that he would take greater pleasure
and would learn more in the society of apes than in that of the most learned
men of his time. Saint-Hilaire mentions this as one of the 'ecarts' of a
philosophy that was fashionable at the end of the eighteenth century. (Mauper-
tuis died in 1759. I have not found anything in his own writings to substantiate
Saint-Hilaire's storv.)
 2 Blumenbach and his scientific
contemporaries

In THE eighteenth century the philosophers, political writers, and historians

were by no means the only people who interested themselves in the ethnic
problem. Certain distinguished biologists wrote at much greater length and, —
let it be said at once, with much more restraint and better sense on the same —
subject. The works of such men as Blumenbach retain their interest and a good
deal of their value today. In order, however, to appreciate what they were
trying to do. it is necessary to feel one's way into the biological thought of the
eighteenth century. Blumenbach and his associates were not concerned to
prove that all races of mankind were necessarily 'equal', but they did want to
show that all races were human, and to convince others that the differences had
been exaggerated. It must be remembered, too. that the idea of human evolu-
tion from an anthropoid stock was scarcely present in most men's minds; in-
deed, evolutionary thought was in its infancy even in scientific circles.
Linnaeus was so far from accepting the idea of equality among men that he
listed the mental qualities of each race as distinguishing characters, comparable
with the physical ones. The people whom he grouped under the name of
Europaeus clearly belonged to the Nordid (and perhaps also Osteuropid) sub-
races of modern terminology: this follows from his description of their physical
characters. With his customary terseness he says that this section of mankind
is 'active, very acute, a discoverer'. |669i It is worth mentioning, as a curiosity of

the history of science, that in the twelfth edition of the Systema naturae\6io]
Linnaeus changed acutissimus in his characterization o^ Europaeus to argutus
(quick-witted).l670i One cannot guess what might have been the cause for this
slight change, which was accepted by Gmelin in the edition (thirteenth) for
which he was responsible. I67ii In striking contrast to what he says about
Europaeus. Linnaeus stigmatizes the section Afer, which is shown by his
physical description to comprise the Negrid and Khoisanid races, as 'crafty,
lazy, careless'. Linnaeus's opinions on the status of the anthropoid apes are
deferred to a later page (p. 31).
In 1775. the year before Blumenbach's first edition appeared, a physician named

John Hunter published the Inaugural dissertation that he had delivered on the award
of the degree of Doctor of Medicine in the University of Edinburgh. 15241 It dealt with
the differences between the various kinds of human beings, and claimed to expound
their causes. It was written in Latin, but a translation was eventually published as an
Appendix to the English edition of Blumenbach's book. 15251 Several writers have
supposed that the author was the great surgeon and anatomist of the same name, but
this was not so. It should have been realized that the latter was not likelv to have taken
 BLUMENBACH AND HIS SCIENTIFIC CONTEMPORARIES 25

the degree of Doctor of Medicine at the age of forty-seven, and indeed it does not
appear that he was ever an M.D.
Although the Dissertation is not a work of much importance, it has some interest as
an immediate forerunner of Blumenbach's book; but unlike the it contains no
latter,

attempt at a classification of mankind into 'varieties' (races). Hunter attributes the

physical and mental differences between various groups of mankind to the direct effect
of the environment and their transmission from generation to generation, with
cumulative consequences. He says that '. . . many properties which have been acquired
by the parent are transferred to the offspring. The black colour of the parent may
. . .

become blacker in the son." It is his object to show that all human beings are of the
same species, and that the differences between them are due to 'natural causes', not to
separate creation. Hunter's message is very similar to Stanhope Smith's, published thir-

teen years later (see pp. 21-2).

2 Johann Friedrich Blumenbach

Blumenbach was the author o^ De generis humani varietate naliva liber. \ lOhi

From an engraving in possession of the Royal Society

Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (Fig. 2) was born at Gotha. eastern

Germany, in 1752, and started teaching at Gottingen University almost im-
mediately after taking his degree there in 1775. He became Professor of
Medicine, but his chief publications were in the fields of anthropology,
physiology, and comparative anatomy. He died at Gottingen in 1840, having
26 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Stayed there most of his life and travelled very little.1345. 346. 709i His
contributions to the study of the ethnic problem are contained in his famous
work De generis humarii vahetate nativa liber, which went through three
editions.! 106. 107. 1081 of which the first and third were translated into
English.! I loiand in his Beytrdge zur Naturgeschichte.\ i09. i loj

Blumenbach had no conception of the evolution of man from apelike

ancestors, nor, indeed, any idea of evolution at all, in the modern sense; but he
recognized that plants and animals were capable of becoming modified in form
as a result of domestication or change o^ climate, and he supposed that new
characters artificially imposed during the lifetime of the individual were in-
herited. All changes in a species resulting from these causes were examples of
what he called the Degeneratio\\m\ or Degeneration\\09\ of the Varietas
primigema\\oi\ or Stammrace.\\09\ New species could arise only by special
creation.! 109! It was his contention that there was only a single species of man.
The Varietas primigenia was what he called Caucasiana, which corresponds
roughly to the Europid race in the terminology used in the present book. From
this Varietas the others had arisen by the process of degeneration, which
resulted from the fact that man is exposed to climatic extremes, is by far the
most domesticated of all organisms. 1081 and sometimes interferes artificially
1

with the structure of his body.

From his use of the word Degeneratio one might well suppose that it was
Blumenbach's purpose to assert the superiority of the Europid over other
races; but this would not be quite correct, for his whole intention was to stress
the unity of man. and to correct the common belief in the marked inferiority of
certain races. He allowed the existence of certain obvious structural
differences. Referring to the facial characters of Negrids he remarks, for in-
stance. 'Although, therefore, almost all human embryos are flat nosed,
nevertheless the Ethiopians of whom we
speak have such very wide noses and
intersinia (if I may use Isidore's expression [for the nostrils]), that everyone
recognizes that race by these characters alone, even if the swollen lips are
disregarded.'! 1061 He also remarks that even a blind man. if he had any idea of
the great difference between the faces of Mongolians and 'Ethiopians', could at
once distinguish the skull of a Kalmuk from that of a Negro merely by touch.
He was anxious, however, to minimize those characters that might be thought
sufficiently important to warrant the separation of any group of human beings
as another species; and he underestimated the peculiarity of the tablier or ven-
trale as much as Voltaire exaggerated it. 'The most recent testimony of
travellers', he writes, 'commands us to put the cutaneous ventrale of female
Hottentots (the existence of which was asserted by the early travellers) in the
same category as the human tail, and in like manner to relegate it to the
fables. '11061 Blumenbach is right, however, when he denies that colour can
establish a difference of species. li06l
There is no perfectly clear statement in Blumenbach's writings to the effect
that degeneration implies inferiority, and with t he singleexception that people of the
Varietas prima* (Europids) are said to be 'of the most beautiful form'
{pulcerrimaeformae)\n comparison with those of all other races. Ii07!
* [Link] Blumenbach uses the term I'arielas primigenia with the same meanine.
 BLUMENBACH AND HIS SCIENTIFIC CONTEMPORARIES 27

Blumenbach made a special plea for a more favourable attitude towards

Negroes. 'No so-called savage people is known to us", he writes, 'that has so
distinguished itself by such examples of perfectibility and even of capacity for
learning and culture, and has thereby fastened itself so closely to the most
cultivated people on earth, as the Negro.'\\09\ He gives many remarkable
examples of the intellectual powers of particular Negroes.
Brief mention must be made of a colleague of Blumenbach's who had been ap-
pointed a lecturer in philosophy at Gottingen University I7?oitwo or three years before
Blumenbach had become a member of the teaching staff there. Two men more radic-
ally different in outlook on the ethnic problem it is scarcely possible to imagine.
Christopher Meiners sought to influence opinion on this subject by writing in scathing
terms about Negroes and other non-European peoples. In one of his papers he asks
jurists and other authorities on mankind whether they consider that freedom and other
rights are owed to people 'so devoid of feeling, so excitable and indolent, so stupid and
ill-natured (iibelartigen) as Negroes are", and gives it as his opinion that 'the black,
brown, and red peoples" not only did not invent arts and sciences, but were incapable of
accepting them when offered by Europeans. 17281 In another paper he refers to the 'ugly,
stupid, and ill-natured Negro". 17291

Samuel Thomas Sommerring (1755-1830) was a close friend of

Blumenbach's when they were undergraduates at the University of Jena. 13451
and afterwards a pupil of the latter's at Gottingen; he also studied under
Camper (pp. 28-30) in Holland. He passed through a period during which he
was interested in magic and became a Rosicrucian. but subsequently he
devoted himself wholeheartedly to scientific studies. He became a distinguished
human anatomist, holding professorships in several German universities. 1807]
He is known today chiefly for his pioneer work on the sympathetic nervous
system. He was a friend of Goethe, who warned him against his tendency to
speculate too freely. He remained a friend, too. of his former teachers. Blumen-
bach and Camper, and it is evident that he was familiar with the latter's
Dissertation\\?,(^\\ox\g before it was published.
In 1784 Sommerring published a small book on the anatomy of the Negro
compared with that of the European. |987| The following year he published a
much enlarged second edition. 19881 It is worth remark that in the title of the first
edition he referred to Mohren. but both editions are concerned with Negroes,
not Moors. He announced clearly at the outset that his main purpose was to
discover 'whether the Negroes or the Europeans approximate more closely to
the apes". These little volumes contain a remarkably objective and in most
(though not all) respects accurate account of the physical differences between
Negrids and Europids. So far as the former were concerned, he based his ac-
count chiefly on three skulls in his possession, and on his dissections of four
corpses. He goes systematically through the body, noting the differences.
Apart from the obvious ones he mentions the following, among others. The
eyeball and eye-socket of the Negro are slightly larger: the homologue of the
third eyelid is better developed; in the skull the anterior nostrils (nares) are not
separated from the nasal cavity by a sharp ridge, and the posterior openings of
the nasal cavity are much larger than those of the European, since the
pterygoid processes are further apart; the upper and lower incisor teeth project
28 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

forward so as to meet at an angle; the lower jaw is much more robust, and the
part to which the masseter muscle is attached is very broad; the fingers and
toes are longer, and the hips more slender.
When his studies were complete, Sommerring could justly claim that he had
carried out his work without prejudice.
One will see from my whole treatise that in this study my intention was
simply to discover whether Negroes or Europeans approximated more close-
ly to the apes. At the end it was as much a matter of indifference to me to
assert this for white men as for black, only I must find grounds for my asser-
tion: but the more I pursued this study cold-bloodedly, the more I became
well aware that it obviously held true for the Negro. But they remain
. . .

nevertheless men, and very much raised above that class Ithe apes] of true
four-footed animals; they are indeed very strikingly distinguished and
separated from them. ... I am in that matter fully of his Camper's] opinion,
I

as I have already said in the Preface, that the Negro is not simply man, but
of the same species with us; that he shades off as well through imperceptible
nuances in structure, colour, etc., into the Abyssinian and Hottentot, as
other varieties of man shade off into one another through equally impercepti-
ble transitions.
He remarks, however, 'I think that the distinguishing organs of the under-
standing, that prove our difference from the animals, probably leave the
Negro somewhat behind us on the average,' but 'among the blacks there are a
few who approach near their white brothers, and surpass many of them in in-
telligence'. It will be allowed by any unprejudiced person who studies
Sommerring's book that, whatever mistakes he may have made in points of
detail through lack of adequate anatomical material, he was guided solely by
desire to establish the truth.
The celebrated Dutch comparative anatomist Petrus Camper (1722-1789)
is of interest to students of the ethnic problem mainly because he introduced a
quantitative method comparison of the races of man with one
for the objective
another and with certain animals. His 'facial line' might almost be considered
as the starting-point from which modern craniology has developed, though the
artist Albrecht Diirer had studied the living face in a comparable way nearly
250 years before.12951 Camper wrote the first sketch of his Dissertation on this
subject in 1768 and added to it from time to time till it was more or less in its
final form in 1786. He was, however, a busy and versatile man: not only an
anatomist, but a distinguished surgeon and obstetrician, an authority on
medical jurisprudence, and an artist and sculptor of considerable skill. He was
just about to arrange publication of his book when he died unexpectedly in
1789. It was published two years later by his son, in the form of a translation
into French. 1 1871

Camper proceeded as follows. He set up the skull in a position arbitrarily

chosen as horizontal. This was achieved when the orifices of the ears (bony
external auditory meatus) and lowest part of the nasal aperture were in the
same horizontal plane. He does not say exactly where these points were, but it
seems probable from his drawings that he usually (but not always) used what
are nowadays called the porion and nahale as the exact points on the bony
 BLUMENBACH AND HIS SCIENTIFIC CONTEMPORARIES 29

orificesof the ear and nose respectively that were to be held in the same
horizontal plane. He then made an accurate drawing of the left side of the skull
from '«/? point de vue ambulant', so that every point in the object would be
represented in the drawing by a point immediately opposite it. without distor-
tion by perspective. He then drew a line (ND in Fig. 3a. b, C). through or close
by the nariale and porion. and a second line. GM
in the figures, grazing the

front surface of the first and the forehead (neglecting the fact that
incisor tooth
this line might intersect the nasal bones at their junction). This second line is
the celebrated "facial line' of Camper. Arrows have been inserted in Fig. 3 to
call attention to this line. The angle formed by the facial line with the horizontal
plane is commonly called the 'facial angle'. Camper himself does not appear to
have used this expression, though he always measured and recorded the angle.

A B C
3 Camper's drawings ofslculls, to illustrate his 'facial line'

The skulls are of a young orang-utan (A), a young Negro (B). and of a typical European (C). The lines
marked ND indicate Camper's horizontal plane. The facial line is that which connects the letters M and G in
each drawing. Arrows have been added to call attention to these letters. The original plates from which these
illustrations were copied photographically were discoloured by age. From Camper |i87i

If the upper part of the face, below the forehead, and also the upper jaw
project forward, the facial angle will necessarily be small; a sloping forehead
will have the same effect. Nowadays there are ways of measuring separately
the slopes of different parts of the face. Camper's facial angle combines these
potentially separate features. Nevertheless the angle was useful to him. He
wanted to compare the skulls of various races of man with those of apes and
monkeys. In these animals the slopes of the forehead, upper face, and upper
jaw all combine to give a very low facial angle.
Camper had already made an anatomical study of the orang-utan, 184. i86lin 1

which he had included his facial line in a drawing of the skull, but in this earlier
work he drew the line intended to represent the horizontal plane well below the
external auditory meatus and the lower margin of the nasal aperture (though it
appears to be parallel to a line that could be drawn through these). In his
posthumous book! 1871 he shows the skull of the orang-utan again, this time with
the horizontal plane indicated in his standard way, and he gives the facial
angles of this animal, of an unspecified monkey, and of certain races of man.
His figures are these: monkey, 42°: orang-utan, 58° (the same figure as he had
given before); a young Negro, 70°; a European. 80° (Fig. 3). He considered
that the angle between the facial line and the horizontal provided a good index
30 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

of the appearance of the face, and that in this respect the Negro was closer
than the European to the ape.
Camper made various other observations on the anatomy of Negroes. He
was aware that in his time many travellers and most naturalists attributed the
shape of the nose in this race to artificial deformation, but he knew that a
difference from the shape in Europeans was already present before [Link]
He also mentioned the semilunar membrane at the inner angle of the eye of
man, and remarked that it is a little Negroes than in Europeans; he
bigger in
was of opinion (wrongly) that it was not homologous with the nictitating mem-
brane of animals. Ii88l
The study of the ethnic problem by the German comparative anatomist and
physiologist Friedrich Tiedemann (1781-1861) is closely related to those of
Blumenbach, Sommerring, and Camper. The first edition of Blumenbach's De
generis humani vanetate\\06\ was published five years before Tiedemann was
born, but the latter refers to its author as his friend, and the younger man was
well acquainted with the studies of Sommerring and Camper. In his paper on
the brain of the Negro, Tiedemann's main purpose was to discover whether
there was any essential difference between this brain and that of the European,
and if so, whether the former showed closer resemblance to the brain of the
orang-utan. 1 10591

Tiedemann's measurements of cranial capacity suggested that the brain of

the Negro was no smaller, on the average, than that of the European. His
measurements of actual brains gave, on the whole, somewhat smaller figures
for the Negro, and he found in particular that the anterior part of the Negro's
brain was 'something narrower' than that of most Europeans; but he had not
enough material to justify the conclusion that there was in fact any regularly
occurring difference. He remarked that Camper's facial angle does not give a
measure of the size of the brain, as certain authors had supposed. (It may be
mentioned that Camper himself had not claimed this.) He could find no
difference in the structure of the brain in the two races, except that the gyri and
sulci of the cerebral hemispheres were more regular in their arrangement in the
Negro. This was also the only feature in which the brain of the latter ap-
proximated more closely than the European's to that of the orang-utan.
Tiedemann contradicted Sommerring's finding that the cranial nerves are
thicker in the Negro than in the European.
Tiedemann allowed that many Negroes living in coastal districts of Africa
show approximations to the ape in certain structural features. He instanced the
greater size of the bones of the face; the projection of the incisor teeth and their
alveoli; the prominent cheek-bones; the receding chin; the flat nasal bones; the
strong, projecting jaw; the position of the foramen magnum; the long humerus;
and the length, breadth, shape, and position of the os calcis. He was of opinion,
however, from the reports of travellers, that there were many Negro tribes
living in the interior of Africa, in which these features were not evident. He also
pointed out that it was unfair to judge the intellectual powers of Negroes by
those who had been torn from their native countries and from their families,
and subjected to slavery. 'The intellectual faculties of the Negroes', he writes,
'do not in general seem to be inferior to those of the European and other
 BLUMENBACH AND HIS SCIENTIFIC CONTEMPORARIES 31

races. . . . The principal result of my researches on the brain of the Negro, is,
that neither anatomy nor physiology can justify our placing them beneath the
Europeans in a moral or intellectual point of view." It is not clear why
Tiedemann refers here to physiology, since his paper is concerned with the
anatomy, not the function, of the Negro's brain.

As knowledge of the anthropoid apes spread gradually during the course of

the eighteenth century, the problem of their relationship to man excited a great
deal of interest. Explorers were providing more and more information about
various human markedly from Europeans in external
races differing
appearance, and it was realized that some of these peoples lived very simple

lives as food-gatherers, without knowledge of agriculture. It seemed possible

that the anthropoid apes might also be men. If so. there would be no question,
one might think, of the 'equality" of all human races.
Edward Tyson, a physician to the Bethlem Hospital, London, was the first

person to make a careful study of the anatomy of an anthropoid ape. He

published a book on the subject in the last year of the seventeenth century. 1079| 1

He called his specimen an 'orang-outang', but in fact it was a chimpanzee. It

had been captured in the interior of Angola and brought alive to this country.
He described the external form, skeleton, and musculature in considerable
detail, and gave some account of the viscera and brain. He noticed the
presence of an appendix or 'Processus venniformis\ which he knew to be ab-
sent in monkeys, and also the absence of cheek-pouches, which many monkeys
possess. He listed 48 points in which his specimen 'more resembled a Man,
than Apes and Monkeys do\ and 34 in which it 'dijferd from a Man, and
resembled more the Ape and Monkey-kind'. (In these passages he uses the
word 'Ape' to mean particular kinds of monkeys.)
The information available to Linnaeus caused him to suppose that the
anthropoid apes were not very sharply marked off from man in structure.
Strangely enough, he first mentioned the subject in his book on the fauna of
Sweden. 16681 'I shall confess', he writes, 'that as a natural historian I have so far
been unable to dig up any character by which to distinguish, by the principles
of science, between Homo and Simla' and he mentions the existence of
animals that are 'less Simlae than hairy Homo\ In his Systema naturae\M9\ he
assigns two species to the genus Homo, H. sapiens (man) and H. troglodytes
(anthropoid apes). He gives the orang-utan as his example of//, troglodytes, but
since he says that this species occurs also in Africa, it is clear that some of his in-
formation referred to the chimpanzee. (The gorilla was unknown to science at the
time.)
Although I brought all my attention to bear on the subject, I could not
maintain a genus Troglodytes, distinct from Homo unless I were to adopt
. . .

a character of doubtful value, not constant in other genera. Neither the

canine teeth, which are scarcely separated from the rest, nor the nymphae of
the Kaffir, which monkeys lack, allowed this animal to withdraw to the
monkeys. ... It is not doubtful that the species troglodytes is distinct from
Homo sapiens, however similar the upright posture may be. and similarly
one could not imagine it (onlyl a variety; for instance, apart from anything
32 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

else, the existence of a nictitating membrane (in troglodytes] absolutely

denies this. 16691

It is possible that Linnaeus received information from travellers about the

stance of the gibbons, for neither the chimpanzee nor the orang-utan holds
itself upright in the wild state.
The great French zoologist Leclerc de Buffon saw a living chimpanzee in
Paris in 1740. It was a young specimen that had been caught in Gabon and

trained to eat at table like a human being. He says that the brain Ms of exactly
the same form and the same proportion' as in man, but he rather surprisingly
adds, 'and it does not think'.Ii62l He
thought that the 'pongo' of Africa was the
same as the East Indian orang-utan, but that the African 'jocko'was perhaps a
distinct species. Actually the pongo was probably the gorilla, and the jocko
certainly the chimpanzee (cf. Huxleyl535l). Buffon remarks of the real orang-
utan that the "Indiens' (as he calls the inhabitants of the East Indies) 'are to be
excused for having associated it with the human species by the name of orang-
outang, or savage man, because it resembles man in its body more closely than
it resembles other monkeys or any other animal'. Nevertheless he denied that

the orang-utan was human.

Camper made a careful dissection of a young orang-utan at Groningen in
1770. In his memoir on the subjectli84. i86l he once and for all distinguished
between this species and the chimpanzee by a precise anatomical description.
He also distinguished it sharply from man by several characters, expecially by
the shortness of the thumb and the possession of enormous laryngeal air-sacks,
which he dissected out and illustrated.
In marked contrast to Linnaeus, Blumenbach overstressed the distinction
between man and anthropoid apes. He laid special emphasis on the possession
by man of two hands. In the first edition of De generis humani varietate he
remarks:
Another peculiarity of man springs directly from what has been said,
namely that I attribute two hands to mankind alone, while on the contrary
either four or none suit the monkeys; whose big toe. separated from the
remaining digits of the foot, applies itself to those functions that the thumbs
of the hands fulfil. 1061 1

In the second edition of the same book he again stressed the fact that man
has two hands, while the 'Simiae' (monkeys and apes) are neither bipedes nor
quadrupedes, but use all four extremities as hands in climbing trees.li07| It was
only of 1795, however, that he introduced the terms that for
in his third edition
long affected the classification of the Primates. For him. man stood alone in a
division called 'Bimanus', a name provided with a singular ending to denote
man's unity as a species, and chosen to indicate that he alone was two-handed;
while all the apes, monkeys, and lemurs were lumped together in a single group,
the four-handed beasts or "Quadruniana\\\o»\ This arrangement, though long
accepted, is accordance with modern knowledge. It is customary
not in
nowadays man with the apes as a member of the Hominoidea. and
to classify
to contrast this group with the Cercopithecoidea (Old World monkeys) and
Ceboidea (those of the New World).|968| The lemurs stand in a group apart
from all of these.
 From Gobineau
to Houston Chamberlain

Since the thirties of the present century there has existed an almost world-
wide movement intended to foster belief in the equality of all human ethnic
taxa. There can be scarcely any doubt that the impulse for this movement came
from intense feeling aroused by the persecution of Jews under the Nazi regime.
Some of those interested in the subject have looked back in history for the
origin of the ideas that fructified so hideously in the minds of Hitler and his
associates. The belief has grown up that the origin may be found in a book by
the Comte de Gobineau. Other authors, writing since Gobineau's time, have
been mentioned in the same connection. Unfortunately Hitler himself gave little
help to anyone anxious to trace the origin of his thoughts on the ethnic
problem. The first volume of Mein KampfM94\ rather strangely subtitled 'A
settlement of accounts' ('Eine Abrechmwg\ was written while he was im-
prisoned at Landsburg in Bavaria. Here his library facilities were presumably
limited, but it is nevertheless surprising that in his chapter on the ethnic
problem he mentions only two authorities. He quotes a very brief anti-Jewish
phrase of Schopenhauer's, and a little couplet of Goethe's (without mention of
the latter's name). Nevertheless, one may gain impressions from various
sources, and it is almost certain that some at least of the writers mentioned in
the present chapter influenced the thought of some of the Nazi leaders.
Whether they should be regarded as in any way responsible for the actions of
the Nazis is another matter.
It must be stressed that the present chapter and the next diff'er from the two

preceding ones not only in the period covered (1853-1928). but also in the
more limited scope. It is concerned only with the growth of ideas that favoured
—
belief in the inequality of ethnic taxa, or are supposed rightly or wrongly — to

have favoured such belief.

Joseph Arthur. Comte de Gobineau (1816-1882: Fig. 4). was a man of

exceptionally wide [Link] was by profession a diplomat, and when the
first volume of his work on the ethnic problem was published, he was First

Secretary of the French Legation in Switzerland; later he was transferred to the

Persian court. In all his writings his meaning is clear, as indeed might be
expected of one who was not only a Frenchman but a litterateur. He was the
author of several novels, novelettes, and books of poems, and he also wrote in
the fields of philosophy, history. Oriental studies, and archaeology: one of his
books is on cuneiform writing.l4i2l A useful short biography is given by
Redman. 18851
34 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

4 Joseph Arthur, Comte de Gobineau

Gobineau was the author of what is probably the best known of all works on the ethnic problem.
Essai siirl'inegalite des races hiimaines. \Mn
From a painting in the Bihliotheqiie .Rationale el Vni\-ersiiaire. Strashoiiri;
 GOBINEAU TO HOUSTON CHAMBERLAIN 35

Gobineau's Essai sur Vinegalite des races humaines was published in

separate parts from 1853 to 855.14091 Works professing to be translations into
1

English have been published.l4io.4iii but in fact they contain no more than
Livre I of the original, which constitutes only a part of the first of four
volumes. The translation by Hotz|4ioi was very roughly done, with unnecessary
omissions and rearrangements, and at least one surreptitious insertion of an im-
portant statement for which there is no authority in the French text.
A selection of Gobineau's writings was published in 1970.l4i6| The editor of
this selection considers it proper that Gobineau 'should have a central place in
the history of that pernicious brand of political thinking which culminated in
the excesses of the Nazi era*. A small part of Gobineau's novel Les Pleiades
(in English translation) is included in this selection. The editor says that in this
extract various facets of his philosophy 'and of race thinking generally' are
'strikingly epitomized': he regards it as an example of 'elite morality'. Many
readers would be likely to regard the novel itselfl4i3i rather as the work of a
man who had exceptional understanding of human nature and was ahead of his
time in his insight into the subject of sexual relationships. A full translation into
English is available under the title Sons ofkings.\4\4\
Gobineau's professional life is reflected in the Essai. for his interests are
clearly in nations and the events of history rather than in biological or
anthropological problems. The book is quietly and effectively written and is ob-
viously the product of a cultured and well-informed person. The problem that
he had set himself was not obviously connected with the equality or inequality
of races. He wanted to know why great civilizations seemed destined to decay.
To resolve this problem he carefully reviews the reasons put forward by others
to account for the facts. Decay of religion, fanaticism, corruption of morals,
luxury, bad government, despotism —
he considers them all and rejects them,
on the evidence of history. He cites examples, for instance, to show the moral
superiority of certain nations over those that replaced them. Religion
sometimes flourished as a nation declined, or a civilization perished when the
people were better governed than ever before. The Greeks. Persians, and
Romans declined although luxury never reached so high a peak among them as
in the France of his own day.
Serious thought on this problem turned his mind to the possibility that the
answer might be found in the inequality of races —
or rather, in the terminology
of the present book, of certain ethnic taxa (p. 4).
The first step towards civilization, according to Gobineau. is the union of
several tribes, by alliance or conquest, to form a nation. Certain ethnic taxa
seem capable of making this forward stride towards a unit big enough for
civilization to develop: others seem incapable. Those that fail do not seem to be
prevented by external causes. They are to be found in cold, temperate, and hot
climates: in fertile lands and barren deserts: on river-banks, on coasts, and in
inland regions.
The (presumably closely related) that join to form a nation blend
allied tribes
into a homogeneous whole by [Link] develop, and as they grow
bigger, strangers flock to them. An international society begins to be formed.
Among the new arrivals are persons belonging to ethnic taxa that have never
36 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

shown themselves capable of initiating a civilization. Degeneratioif sets in.'

I think that the word 'degenerate', applied to a people, should and does

no longer the intrinsic worth that it formerly

signify that this people has
possessed, that no longer has in its veins the same blood, the worth of
it

which has been gradually modified by successive mixtures; or to put it in

other words, that with the same name it has not retained the same race as its

founders; in fact, that the man of decadence, whom one calls the degenerate
man, is a different product, from the ethnic point of view, from the heroes of
the great epochs.
This brief statement summarizes with remarkable clarity the whole un-
derlying idea of Gobineau's thought, which he expounded at such very great
length in his book.
Gobineau discounted the importance of environment. 'I want to say that it
was not the place that made the worth of a nation, for that never made it and
never will make it: on the contrary it was the nation that gave, has given, and
will give to the territory its economic, moral, and political worth.' He points out

that the great civilizations of India, Egypt, China, and Mesopotamia were not
favoured by nature. The people who founded these civilizations had to bring
their social systems to high standards before they could profit from such
natural advantages as did exist, by irrigation and comparable technological
enterprises.
I shall cite the Armenians, shut away in their mountains (in these same

mountains where so many other peoples live and die as barbarians), at-
taining from generation to generation, since very remote antiquity, quite a
high level of civilization. Nevertheless these regions were almost sealed off,
lacking in any remarkable fertility, and devoid of any communication with
the sea.
Gobineau considered that the early civilization of the Jews was derived from
that of Mesopotamia, with some Egyptian influence. He attributed their inabili-
ty to originate a truly independent culture to the fact that they were
'chamatises' (that is to say, hybridized to some extent with the Chamites
(Hamites)). Nevertheless he had a high regard for the Jews. Those who have
been inclined to attribute the evils of Nazism to him would be surprised to read
what he actually wrote about them. He quotes them as an example of an in-
herently superior people living and for a time flourishing, like the Armenians, in
a somewhat adverse environment.
The Jews surrounded by tribes speaking dialects of a language related
. . .

to their own nevertheless surpassed all these groups. One sees them
. . .

as warriors, agriculturalists, businessmen. Monarchy, theocracy, the

patriarchal power of heads of families, and the democratic might of the peo-
ple as represented by assemblies and prophets, balanced one another in a
very bizarre manner. One sees them, under this singularly complicated form
of government, traversing long centuries of prosperity and glory, and over-
coming, by one of the most intelligent systems of emigration, the difficulties
opposed to their expansion by the narrow limits of their domain. And once
more, what was this domain? ... In this miserable corner of the world, what
were the Jews? I repeat, it was a people capable in all that it undertook, a
 GOBINEAU TO HOUSTON CHAMBERLAIN 37

free people, a strong people, an intelligent people. When, with their arms still
in their hands, they lost bravely the position of an independent nation, they
furnished to the world almost as many learned men {docteurs) as merchants.
Although Gobineau accepted the conventional or 'monogenist' opinion that
all mankind had a single origin, he did not hesitate to place certain ethnic taxa

on a lower intellectual plane than others. 'The European', he remarks, 'cannot

hope to civilize the Negro,' but he hastens to qualify this blunt assertion by in-

sisting that he is here not considering the moral and intellectual aptitudes of in-
dividuals taken separately. 'I of argument
reject absolutely', he writes, 'the type
that consists in saying "Every Negro is and my principal reason for
foolish,"
doing so is that \ should be forced to acknowledge that every European is in-
telligent, and I hold myself at a hundred leagues from such a paradox.'
Gobineau also entirely rejects Benjamin Franklin's jibe that the Negro is an
animal that eats as much as possible and works as little as possible.
I have denied excessive stupidity or chronic foolishness, even among the

most debased tribes. I go even further than my adversaries, because I do not

question that a good number of Negro chiefs go beyond the common level to
which our peasants, or even our decently educated and gifted townspeople
can attain, by the force and abundance of their ideas, the high degree of in
genuity of their minds, and the intensity of their active faculties. Once more
and a hundred times, it is not on this narrow terrain of individualities that I
place myself. It appears to me too unworthy of science to dwell upon such
futile arguments.
Gobineau considered that most scientific observers showed a marked
tendency to present an unduly low estimate of primitive human types. 'In the
most repugnant cannibals', he claimed, 'there remains a spark of divine fire,
and the faculty of understanding can kindle itself at least to a certain degree.'
Gobineau's principal criterion for judging the superiority of a 'race'' was its
capacity to originate a great civilization. In his opinion there had been ten such
civilizations in the course of history, seven in the Old World and three in
America. The seven were those of the Indians. Egyptians, Assyrians, Greeks,
Chinese, Romans, and finally 'les races germaniques\ The American
civilizations were those of the '/l//eghaniens', Mexicans, and Peruvians. It
should be pointed out that at the time when Gobineau wrote, it was scarcely
possible to realize that the culture of the Assyrians was derived from that of the
Sumerians. His Alleghanian civilization was presumably a branch of the an-
cient 'Mound-building' culture, subsequently recognized as widespread in the
United States.
It is by the name 'races germaniques'' Gobineau meant the Nordid
clear that
subrace. He attributed the civilization of modern Europe to people of this
stock, who had intermarried to some extent with Slavs and others without
degrading too quickly their natural instinct of initiative. The Germanics were,
for Gobineau, a branch of the 'Aryan race', to which he ascribed, in part at
least, no fewer than six of the great civilizations of the Old World —
all, that is

to say, except the Assyrian; for he considered that culture had been brought to
China by Aryans of India. The Aryans, in his sense, appear to have been the
various peoples who spoke Indogermanic languages, for he did not define them
38 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

in terms of physical anthropology. He regarded them as the great initiators of

civilization.
Gobineau's long book ends on a pessimistic note. Hybridization was
destroying the great civilizations of modern times as it had destroyed those of

the past. 'Thus mixture, mixture everywhere, always mixture: that is the
clearest, most certain, the most durable work of great societies and power-
ful civilizations.' He recognizes two periods in the existence of man on earth.

'The one, which has passed, will have witnessed and possessed the youth, the
vigour, the intellectual grandeur of the species; the other, which has begun, will
know the faltering procession towards decrepitude.'

Charles-Henri-Georges Pouchet was only 25 years old when he published

his book De la pluralite des races humaines in 1858.18531 He was unknown at
the time. Subsequently he wrote a large number of papers covering a very wide
range of zoological and histological subjects. 1856] Apart from a revision of the
text of his book for a second edition, [836. 837| he did not revert publicly to the
subject of racial inequality, though he continued to show interest from time to
time in anthropological topics, in particular the pigmentation of the skin. He
became Professor at the Museum d'Histoire Naturelle in Paris, and was for
many years co-editor of the Journal de rAnatomie et de la Physiologie.
Pouchet was acquainted with Gobineau's work, but it obviously made little
impression on him and his attack on the problem was quite different. He
believed that there was no really fundamental difference, either in bodily struc-
ture or in mind, between man and the anthropoid apes, but he stressed the
physical and mental diversity of the races of man, some of which —
especially
the Negro —
appeared to him clearly inferior to others in intellectual
attainments. He pleaded for the objective study of this problem, without
interference by what were supposed to be humanitarian motives. The search
for truth should alone guide the investigator. Pouchet denied the origin of races
by the direct action of climate or by hybridization, though he thought it
probable that all races were potentially fertile with one another. He opposed
Blumenbach's theory of their origin by degeneration. The whole book is an
exposition of the polygenist point of view —
the belief in the separate origin of
human races.
The monogenists claimed that man had a single origin; but since the races of
human beings were manifestly different, followed that there must have been
it

evolutionary change Yet those who held this opinion were the very
(cf. p. 21).

people who opposed most strongly the evolutionary views that were coming to
the fore at the time of publication of Pouchet's book. Georges Pouchet himself
(who is not to be confused with F. A. Pouchet, the opponent of Pasteur in a
celebrated controversy) was a believer in the reality of spontaneous generation,
and when he used the word pluralite in the title of the first edition of his book,
he meant that the several races had originated entirely independently. Darwin's
Origin of species\254\ was published in the following year, and Pouchet's
outlook was affected by the ferment of interest in evolutionary biology. In his
second edition, published in 1864, he used the word pluralite in a different
sense. He now believed that a prehuman ancestor gave rise independently to
 GOBINEAU TO HOUSTON CHAMBERLAIN 39

several species of man, which were therefore more directly related to their pre-
human ancestor than to one another. It follows (though Pouchet did not say
so) that convergent evolution must have occurred, for the human 'species'
showed resemblances to one another that could not have been shared by their
ancestors. This was the germ of an idea that was soon to be more fully
developed by Vogt.lii05l (The idea of convergent or parallel evolution from a
primitive human stock was implicit in a paper published by Peters in 1937,18361
and was interestingly worked out in a much modified form by Coon in his
recent work The origin of human racesMii])
In the first edition of The origin of species, Darwin was very guarded on the

subject of the evolutionary history of man. He merely remarked tentatively that

as a result of future investigations 'Psychology will be basedon a new founda-
tion, thatof the necessary acquirement of each mental power and capacity by
gradation. Light will be thrown on the origin of man and his history. '12541 These
words were slightly strengthened in later editions. 2561 As we have just seen,
1

Pouchet entered boldly into this field. If man had originated not by special
creation but by evolution, it was perhaps natural to suppose that the human
races might represent stages in this process, or the branches of an evolutionary
tree. It is therefore scarcely surprising that the next person to make a signifi-
cant contribution to the ethnic problem was a zoologist.
Carl Vogt was a remarkable man. Radical in his political opinions, he was
exiled from his native Germany for his part in the revolution of 1848. While
Professor of Natural History in the University of Geneva he was much oc-
cupied in 'left-wing' and anti-religious propaganda of a somewhat vitriolic
kind, 18071 but at the same time he was an important early convert to
Darwinism, and his writings were effective in spreading the doctrine of evolu-
tion. His most important contribution to this subject, so far as the ethnic
problem is concerned, was his book Vorlesungen iiber den Menschen, seine
Stelhmg in der Schopfung und in der Geschichte der Erde.\\\o^\ This was
published in 1863, eight years before Darwin's Descent [Link] In the latter
work reference is made repeatedly, from the first page onwards, to Vogt's
writings, especially to the English edition of the Vorlesungen. W i06l

Vogt was impressed by the studies of Gratiolet of the brains and brain-casts
of monkeys and apes,l430l as a result of which the French anatomist had
reached the conclusion that the three great anthropoid apes did not form a
natural group. Gratiolet's investigations 'made very probable this proposition,
that the gorilla is a baboon and the chimpanzee is a macaque, by the same
standard as that by which the orang-utan is a gibbon'. |430l Gratiolet even went
so far as to propose that the gorilla should be transferred to the genus
Cynocephahis, the chimpanzee to Macacus, and the orang-utan to Hylobates.
He knew, of course, that the great apes showed resemblances not shared by the
monkeys: he mentions the absence of a tail, the breadth of the sternum, and the
habit of walking with the dorsal surface of the manual phalanges directed
towards the ground. These features, however, he regarded as much less impor-
tant than the affinity indicated —
so he supposed —
by the anatomy of the brain.
Vogt translated Gratiolet's findings in comparative anatomy into
evolutionary terms by postulating a process of convergent change. He sup-
40 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

posed that there had been no common apelike ancestor of the three great apes,
but that each had sprung independently from separate genera of monkeys, and
had subsequently come to resemble one another more closely in several
respects. It seems possible that this was the earliest clear statement of the prin-
ciple of convergent evolution, which has been amply confirmed in certain cases
by subsequent research (though not in the evolution of the great apes). Vogt
uses the analogy of the evolutionary tree, and makes the remark (rather a
striking one in view of the novelty of the idea) that the process of improvement
{Vervollkomnung) 'bent the branches so that their tips came closer again to one
another'.
'Does not the history of man show us something similar?' asked Vogt. It was
his conclusion that if the various races of man
could be traced back to their
origins, no single primitive human type would be found; on the contrary, the
genealogical tree would lead back to separate groups of apes. 'All these facts',
he writes, 'lead us back not to a common stem, to a single intermediate form
between man and apes, but to manifold lines of succession, which were able to
develop, more or less within local limits, from various parallel lines of apes.'
Thus Vogt, like Pouchet, was a polygenist.
It may be remarked that Darwin did not accept Vogt's conclusion about the

polygenic origin of man. He allowed, however, that the various races of man
were very distinct in their mental characters, chiefly in their emotional but part-
ly also in their intellectual faculties. [2581
Many of the early Darwinists, especially in Germany, were anti-religious
and inclined to the 'left' in politics. I807i Ernst Haeckel (1834-1919) had been
brought up in an old-fashioned, religious atmosphere, and was at first shocked
by Carl Vogt's writings. In later years, when he was one of the chief advocates
of Darwinism on the continent of Europe, his outlook had completely changed.
He was now anti-Christian, and a radical in politics: Vogt and he found
themselves allies. Like Vogt. he considered that the races of man were unequal.
He especially admired the rather ill-defined 'Indogermanic race', which, in his
view, 'has far outstripped all other races of man in mental development'. 14531
To Francis Galton (1822-1911) the publication of 77?^ origin of species
formed 'a real crisis' in his life. He wrote to its author (a distant relative) that
the book 'drove away the constraint of my old superstition as if it had been a
nightmare and was the first to give me freedom of thought'. looi This versatile
—
I

genius explorer, meteorologist, geneticist, and founder of eugenics no —

doubt became interested in the ethnic problem as a result of his travels in South
West Africa, where he came in contact with Bushmen and the very primitive
'Ghou Damup' or Bergdama tribe, as well as the Herero and Ovambo. 13781 He
was not inhibited by any egalitarian feelings.
It is in the most unqualified manner that I object to pretensions of natural
equality. The experiences of the nursery, the school, the University, and of
professional careers, are a chain of proofs to the contrary. ... In whatever
way we may test ability, we arrive at equally enormous intellectual
differences. 37911

It was Galton who made the first attempt to put the ethnic problem on a

mathematical basis. He had been struck by Quetelet's exposition of the law of

 GOBINEAU TO HOUSTON CHAMBERLAIN 41

deviation from an average,l868. 8691 though actually the mathematics of the

subject had been worked out rather fully in the previous century. The Belgian
astronomer studied measurements of various bodily structures on which suf-
ficient data were available. He noted the number of Scottish soldiers whose
chest-measurements, to the nearest inch, were 33. 34. 35 inches, and so on up
to the maximum of 48 inches. He found that the proportions between the
numbers of persons in the various groups could be expressed mathematically,
and that the same mathematical expression was valid for measurements of
other bodily structures.
An example of Quetelet's principle is shown in Fig. 5. which represents an
imaginary case where a million persons have been measured for some par-
ticular feature, and counted in groups. In the figure, the number of persons in

257 257

250

200

162 162

150

100 |_

64 64

50

16 16

01 0-224. 24 2 01

g f

5 Quetelet's principle of 'the law of deviation from an average'

A one million individuals is supposed to ha\'e been measured.
particular feature in a population of
It has been decided to recognize fourteen groups or 'grades' in respect of the chosen feature. Each

grade represents the same range of the feature measured. The height of each column indicates the
number of thousands of persons to be expected, on Quetelet's principle, in each grade. The
numbers of persons in the several grades is stated at the tops ofthe columns in round numbers (e.g.
257 stands for 256.791). The grades are designated by capital and lower-case letters in accordance
with Galton's notation. The point on the base line separating columns a and A represents the
average (mean) of the whole population.
Diagram drawn from the data of Gallon. I37c»|
 42 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
is indicated by the height of the columns. One may select arbitrarily
each group
numbers of groups or 'grades': in this case fourteen are taken, seven on
the
each side of the average (arithmetic mean). Each grade differs from the next by
the same amount. The general shape of the now familiar figure is commonly
similar to that seen in Fig. 5. The grades are here distinguished by letters. The
capital letters represent grades of measurements greater, and lower-case letters
those less, than the mean.
occurred to Galton that Quetelet's principle might be applicable to
It

13791 To test this possibility he made a mathematical study

variations in intellect.
of the marks obtained by candidates in various examinations. He found that
the number of candidates falling into various grades according to the number
of marks obtained fitted well into Quetelet's scheme. He decided to use fourteen
grades in his studies of human intellect, seven on each side of the mean, and he
introduced the notation by capital and lower-case letters shown below the base-
line of Figs. 5 and 6. He concluded that one person in about 79,000 would fall

250 -

200

% 150

K 100

U
50

_ A
-illLC A}I]
BCD F G

6 Gallon's opinion on the distribution of intelligence among one million Englishmen

and one million Negrids
The letters below the base line are Galton's grades of intelligence from g (imbeciles) to G
(higher "eminent"
grade), nn the scale applicable to Englishmen. The black columns represent the numbers of Negrids. the
white those of Englishmen. (Arrows indicate columns that should be white but are too short for this to be
possible.) [iiagrain drawn from the data of Galton. \}19]

in G, and necessarily the same number in the lower grade of

the highest grade.
imbeciles, g: 4,300 in grade F and in f, but one in only four in each of the
1 in
mediocre grades, A and a. The two highest grades, F and G, used in his
statistical analysis consisted of persons whom he designated as 'eminent'. He
recognized also the existence of a few persons of such outstanding intellect that
 GOBINEAU TO HOUSTON CHAMBERLAIN 43

they were too few for statistical treatment: these 'illustrious' persons he
grouped in a grade designated as X, and to correspond with it he made another
group of complete imbeciles, x.
His study —
necessarily carried out on incomplete data suggested to him —
that the general principle of the distribution of intellect a population was among
the same in all ethnic taxa, but that the mean, and therefore the range from g to
G, and so from x to X, differed. For instance, he was impressed by the number
of illustrious Greeks in the free-born population of Attica in the century begin-
ning in 530 B.C. (Pericles, Thucydides, Socrates, Xenophon, Plato, Euripides,
and Phidias among them). The number of persons in the highest grades was
much greater, in proportion to the total population, than in the England of his
day. He concluded that the extent of the range of intellect was the same, but the
range was shifted upwards. Thus, for instance, the A grade of Attic Greeks
should be equated with a grade intermediate between B and C of Englishmen.
Fig. 7 represents the conclusions he reached about the intellectual range of
these and other groups of persons. The diagram is not taken from his book, but
it exactly represents his conclusions. It shows that in his opinion the Negrids

dogs, etc. xgfedcbaABCDEFGX

Australians xgfedcbaABCDEFGX
Negroes xgfedcbaABCDEFGX
English xgfedcbaABCDEFGX
Greeks of Attica
B.C. 530-43
xgfedcbaABCDEFGX
7 Galton's comparison of the range of intellect in various groups of man, and in dogs
and other intelligent animals
The letters x, g, f, etc. represent grades of intelligence from x (lowest) to X (highest).
Diagram designed to illustrate the opinions of Gallon. 1 37y|

Stand, on the average, on a lower plane than the English, but with a large
margin of overlap. He regarded Toussaint FOuverture, the Negrid 'liberator' of
Haiti, as an 'eminent' person of grade F by English standards, but in the
Negrid range he was in the 'illustrious' grade X. A Negrid of grade A was the
intellectual equal of an Englishman of grade b. The relative number of persons
of each of these two groups supposed to fall into each intellectual grade is
shown in Fig. 6.
shows that Galton placed the Australids (Australian aborigines) one
Fig. 7
grade lower than the Negrids, but he admitted that he had not sufficient data to
enable him to put them with confidence in their correct place.
Galton considered that the 'eminent' grade F of dogs and other intelligent
species of animals was 'nearly commensurate with the f of the human race, in
respect of memory and powers of reason. Certainly the class G of such animals
is far superior to the g of humankind.' In Fig. 7 the F of dogs is put level with f

of Englishmen.
Galton's study of ethnic differences in intelligence led him on to a general in-
vestigation of the inheritance of mental ability, which resulted in the publication
in 1869 of his well-known work Hereditary genius,\?>i9\ in which the
44 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

information briefly set out in the preceding paragraphs is presented at greater

length. It is perhaps not irrelevant to remark that although he made no special
study of the Jews, he does say that 'they appear to be rich in families of high in-
tellectual breeds'.

The step from Galton to Heinrich von Treitschke (1835-1896) —from a

retiring British 'gentleman of leisure' to a professional German historian,
publicly engaged in political activity — is certainly a long one. In so far as
Treitschke was intensely nationalistic, it is possible to represent him as in some
sense a forerunner of the Nazis, though it would be unjust to link a man of his

character with those who were responsible for the crimes of Hitler's regime.
Since, however, he was a who wrote and spoke on Jewish
famous public figure
immigration, it is necessary to make
mention of him here.
brief
Those who are not typical of the particular ethnic taxon or the particular
nation that has their allegiance are often loudest in their praise of it. Hitler
provides an obvious example of this, and Treitschke another. Passionately a
German, he was partly of Czech origin, and has been described as 'un-
mistakably Slav' in physique. 14781 This is admittedly a vague expression to
anyone interested in the realities of physical anthropology, but the meaning is
presumably that his appearance was Alpinid, while the most nationalistic of
Germans were inclined at the time to admire the Nordid physique that had
characterized the Germanen of old. It was Treitschke's fear that the virtues of
the German people would be adulterated by the presence of too many or too
influential Jews among them. He devoted no major work to the ethnic problem,
but in lesser writings he minimized the contribution of Jews to German
literature. He was disturbed by their great influence on literary criticism in Ger-
many. Books were praised or abused — so he claimed — according to whether
they supported or opposed the Jewish cause. He
considered that Jews con-
trolled too large a section of the German press. He did not approve of the
massive immigration of Jews from Poland, and deplored the tendency of
Jewish pupils to dominate in numbers in the higher classes of Berlin
colleges. 14781

Despite all this, Treitschke was opposed to extremist policies on the Jewish
problem. His only prescription for the trouble was 'gentle restraint'. 14781 In his
opinion no sensible person would think of abolishing, or even modifying, the
complete emancipation of the Jews; he considered that this would be obviously
unjust. So far was he from wishing to interfere with the practice of their religion
that he appealed to them not to relinquish it.

It is recorded that the works of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) 'were

obligatory reading for National Socialists and were solemnly presented by dic-
tator to dictator'. 18231 Some mention of his message is necessary here, though it
is not easy to present in narrow compass any clear indication of the thoughts of

this extraordinary,one might almost say incomprehensible, man. whose

writings have scarcely anything in common with those of any other writer con-
sidered in this or the succeeding chapter. Also sprach Zarathustra. published
during the years 1883 to 1891,1805. 806l is perhaps characteristic, and less
 GOBINEAU TO HOUSTON CHAMBERLAIN 45

extreme than some of his other works, in which he seems to give indications of
his final mental collapse.
Zarathustra was not written primarily for academically minded people. To
the children I am still a learned man,' he wrote; '. I am pushed out from the
. .

house of the learned, and I have slammed the door behind me.'l804i 'Fiir Allen
und Keinen; that is how the author himself saw the book. It is indeed fiir Allen,
in the sense that the individual words and the construction of the sentences are
intelligible to anybody, but it is also/w> Keinen. for surely no one can inter-
pret with confidence the deeper meaning of everything he says. His style
often astounds the reader. 'My tongue', he says, in a typically strange
passage, 'is that of the people: I speak too coarsely and heartily for the Angora
rabbit. And my words seem still more strange to all ink-fishes and pen-foxes.'
One cannot guess why he wrote most of the book in short paragraphs, rather
like the verses of the Bible. It is not even clear why Nietzsche should choose to
disguise himself as a reincarnation of the Persian thinker; our slender
knowledge of the real Zarathustra hardly explains it.
It is at any rate clear that Nietzsche's main purpose was to oppose the

spread of thoughtless egalitarianism and to claim special privileges for the

—
Obermensch, who was justified so Nietzsche thought in disregarding the—
welfare of lesser men. Compassion he scorns. 'What in the world', he asks, 'has
caused more damage than the follies of the compassionate?' Yet with
characteristic contempt for consistency, Zarathustra repeatedly goes to the
assistance of total strangers in distress. One moment der Wille zur Macht ab-
sorbs him, or again he says, 'To entice —
many from the herd for that purpose I
came;' but quite unexpectedly he tells us, 'I lie here willingly where the children
play, against the shattered wall, among thistles and red poppy-flowers.'
Interspersed with fulminations and quiet sayings there are some rather char-
ming and unexpected paradoxes. 'But if you have a foe,' says Zarathustra, 'do
not repay evil with good: for that would disconcert him. But show that he has
inflicted some good on you.' Or again, 'And if a friend treats you badly, speak
thus: "I forgive you for what you did to me; but that you did it to yourself, how
could I forgive you for that?" Or yet again, still more unexpectedly, 'It is
'

more distinguished to own oneself wrong than to maintain one's cause,

especially if one is right.'
Towards the end of the book Zarathustra seems to be on the verge of
pessimism. In his mountain cave, attended by the eagle and snake that are his
emblems respectively of power and wisdom, he has gathered together his
hoheren Menschen, to instruct them in his doctrines. Two kings are there, a
pope (unemployed through the death of God), an evil magician, a voluntary
beggar, a traveller, Zarathustra's own shadow, an old prophet, a spiritually
conscientious man, and —
strangest of all —
the ugliest man. Zarathustra fails,
apparently, to transmit his message. And then, at the very end, he seems to
spurn them all, and strides off on a new adventure.
Why should National Socialists have been urged to read such a book as
this? Nietzsche had no special regard for the German people. Indeed, he even
thought of forming an Anti-German League, and he prided himself on his part-
ly Polish descent from the Counts of Nietzki.1641,571 As for the State, he
46 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

condemned it through Zarathustra's mouth in no uncertain terms. 'The State is

the name of the coldest of all cold monsters,' he exclaims. 'Coldly, too, it lies;
and this lie sneaks from its mouth: "I, the State, am the people." The book has '

no direct bearing on the ethnic problem. Jews are only mentioned three times in
it,on each occasion very briefly. In one place Zarathustra says that if the
peasants were to rule, there would be a 'Mob-hotch-potch \Pdbel-
Mischmasch], in which everything is confused together, saint and rascal and
nobleman and Jew and every beast in Noah's ark'. The second reference is a
couplet, offensive to Christians and Jews alike:
Rom sank zur Hure und zur Huren-Bude,
Rom 's Caesar sank zum Vieh, Gott selbst ward Jude. —
The third is simply a statement by Zarathustra's shadow that he is not the
Wandering Jew.
is shown in a much
Nietzsche's real attitude towards the ethnic problem
more straightforward way Morgenrothe Moi.^oM a book that would have
in his
surprised the Nazis if ever it had come into their hands. This is a volume of
separate 'Thoughts' (Gedanken), one of which is devoted to 'The People of
Israel'.
The spiritual and
intellectual resources of the Jews of the present day are
extraordinary. Their bravery under the cloak of pitiable submission, their
. . .

heroism in spernere se sperni, surpass the virtues of all saints. The way in . . .

which they honour their fathers and their children, the reasonableness of
marriages and marriage customs, mark them out among all
their
Europeans. They will be called the inventors and pointers of the way for
. . .

all Europeans.

One might wish that the whole of Nietzsche's message had been conveyed in
such simple terms as these. He would have been less misunderstood.
At the beginning of the Great War of 1914-1918 the Oxford University
Press published a number of pamphlets intended to commend the British cause
to academically minded people. The Oxford historian, Ernest Barker, con-
tributed to this series an essay, Nietzsche and Treitschke: the worship of power
in modern Germanv.\5i\ It is perhaps significant that in this little work the
author makes no mention whatever of the ethnic problem, apart from a brief
quotation from Nietzsche in opposition to race-hatred.

Two bookson the ethnic problem, not wholly dissimilar in outlook but very
unequal were published in the last year of the nineteenth century. One
in merit,
was written by an extremist, and had little influence; the other, much more
moderate in tone, was acknowledged by the theorists of National Socialism as
one of the foundations on which their policy was based.
G. Vacher de Lapouge was a man of wide interests in history, sociology, and
anthropology. Unlike many students of the ethnic problem, he possessed a
good working knowledge of biology and human anatomy. He was a disciple of
Haeckel. He translated the latter's booklet on the philosophy of monism into
French, and provided an introduction to it. 16371
Lapouge was disturbed by ethnic changes in the population of France, and
published a paper on this subject in 1887.16351 In this, he divided the people of
 GOBINEAU TO HOUSTON CHAMBERLAIN 47

his native country into the endemics — tall, blond, blue-eyed dolichocephals
(Nordids) — and immigrants —
the shorter, brown-haired brachycephals
(Alpinids). He regarded the former as superior, and gave a list of the eminent
Frenchmen who appeared, from their portraits or other evidence, to belong to
this subrace. He claimed that few French brachycephals had been celebrated in

literature, science, or politics. He described in detail the mental characters in-

herent in each group, even going so far as to say of the Nordid, 'In religion he
is Protestant.'
Lapouge expounded these views at greater length in a series of lectures
delivered at the University of Montpellier a couple of years later, and brought
these together in a book entitled L'Aryen: son role social in 1899.(6351 He
explains at the beginning of this work that it is in fact a monograph on the
Homo europaeus of Linnaeus. In the title he used a word taken from philology
simply because there was no generally understood name that would more ac-
curately describe his subject. His intention was to extol the Nordid. but he
starts with a careful description of the various subraces of northern and central
Europe. He describes them as species and gives them Latinized names. He per-
forms the useful function of attaching the Latin name dinaricus to one of the
'species',and defining it accurately.
For Lapouge, each subrace ('species') has very special mental characters,
which appear to be inherent, though modifiable by environmental cir-
cumstances. He gives reasons for supposing that the fundamental characters of
mind exhibited by his Homo europaeus have been maintained since ancient
times. He does not lay down the law as to whether particular characters that
appeared subsequently in history were pre-existent in latent form and were
simply revealed by new environments, or whether a certain amount of evolu-
tion occurred with the passage of time. He allows that the mental characters of
each ethnic taxon are not shared by every member of it.
Lapouge was not content to give his reasons for supposing that one ethnic
taxori differed from another in certain broad features of intellectual or
emotional make-up. He gives very detailed descriptions of the particular
characters of certain groups. He goes to such extremes in this matter, and
emphasizes so strongly his belief in the inherent superiority of Homo
europaeus, that one might almost imagine he was an egalitarian indulging in a
lampoon.
The typical H. europaeus, for Lapouge, is characterized rather by his reason
and will-power than by fertility in ideas, facility in learning, or extent of
memory. The Spaniard, Arab, or Hindu has a prodigious variety of ideas, but
these succeed one another so rapidly that they cannot arrange themselves, and
there is poverty in practical results. In pure intelligence europaeus does not
greatly exceed the average of humanity, but he applies himself more consistent-
ly to mental work and is more capable of breaking with habitual ideas: his
tendency, in fact, is towards what is new. His power of reasoning is 'cold' and
just. He calculates carefully, draws a conclusion as quickly as is necessary, and
acts without indecision. Having once made up his mind, he does not change it
without cause. His supreme quality, which characterizes his 'species' and
places it above all others, is his precise, tenacious will, which surmounts all
48 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

[Link] is his aptitude for command that gives him dominance over others.

He combative and individualistic, stubborn against authority, but capable of

is

conforming to discipline when necessary.

'The only dangerous competitor of the Aryan', writes Lapouge, 'is the Jew',
whom he stigmatizes as arrogant in success, servile in calamity, cunning, a
swindler, a great amasser of money, of high intellectual qualities, and yet un-
able to create. 'He is by nature incapable of productive work. He is a courtier,

a speculator; he isnot a worker, an agriculturalist. ... A predator, nothing but

a predator, he is a bourgeois; he is not, and does not want to be, anything but a
bourgeois.'
Lapouge even defended the institution of slavery, seeing in it 'nothing more
abnormal than the domestication of the horse or ox'. He considered that there
was a correlation between brachycephaly and servility, and consequently fore-
saw, in a remarkably prophetic passage, the coming of 'absolute socialism' in
Russia.
This summary of Lapouge's opinions on the ethnic problem is given at some
length as an example of the most extreme views expressed during the pre-Nazi
period.
Lapouge was It must be men-
chiefly interested in the peoples of Europe.
tioned, however, that he had particular admiration for the skill of the Chinese
in agriculture, and regarded them as 'not inferior to the majority of Europeans',
though different in character.

Those who have particularly admired the Nordids and related peoples have
mostly been less precise than Lapouge in defining the ethnic taxon that they
meant to praise, in terms of physical anthropology. In this respect Houston
Stewart Chamberlain (1855-1927) was no exception, though his "Germanen'
certainly included the Homo europaeus of the French author. His work bearing
on the ethnic problem. Die Grundlagen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts, was
published in 1899.1201. 202)

Chamberlain was the son of an admiral in the British navy. He was rather
weakly as a boy, and his education was undertaken by a German tutor.
Subsequently he studied zoology under Carl Vogt in Geneva. He went to live in
Dresden and became absorbed in the music and philosophy of Wagner, whose
daughter he married. He became imbued with German culture and wrote
books in the language of his adopted country. Although educated partly as a
scientist and no doubt affected in outlook by his association with Vogt, he was
essentially a historian and a biographer. He regarded his life of Immanuel Kant
as his most important work.
Chamberlain's outlook, as presented in Die Grundlagen, was that of a stu-
dent of history, interested primarily in Europe and the Middle East. He wanted
to picture and explain the nineteenth century in the most general terms, but to
do this he found it necessary to go back to the time of the early Israelites and to
devote about one-half of the large work to the long period that led up to the
century he intended to describe. His main intention throughout was to extol the
virtues and emphasize the influence of the Germanen. This made it necessary
for him to place the origin of the Middle Ages some centuries earlier than is
 GOBINEAU TO HOUSTON CHAMBERLAIN 49

usually allowed, and to lessen the significance customarily attached to the

Renaissance. 'The awakening of the Germanen to their destiny in world-
history', he wrote, 'as the founders of an entirely new civilization and an entire-
ly new culture, constitutes this turning-point: the year 1200 can be designated
as the average moment of this awakening.' The 'Middle Ages' that started in
A.D. 1200 were not at an end, in his view, at the time of publication of his
book. The nineteenth century was only a part of the long period of preparation
for a new age that would eventually succeed it.
The people primarily responsible for the advances made in the 'Middle Ages'
(in his usage of the term) were the Germanen. 'If the Germanen were not the
only people concerned in the fashioning of history, they were at any rate in-
comparably the most important.' Unfortunately he uses the word Germanen in
two separate senses, wide and narrow.
In this book I comprehend under the name Germanen the various north-
European populations that appear in history as Kelten, Germanen. and
Slaven, from whom —
mostly in inextricable mixtures the peoples of—
modern Europe are derived. It is certain that they were originally one single
family —
I shall produce the proof of it in Chapter 6, but the Germane in the

narrower sense of the word, as used by Tacitus, has proved himself so

superior intellectually, morally, and physically among his kindred, that we
are justified in putting down his name as the essence of the whole family.
Later in the book he hedges slightly on this. 'Indeed, I do not even postulate
blood-relationship [between Kelten. Germanen. and Slaven]. but I
am .conscious of the appalling complexity of the problem.' He claims,
. .

however, that the Slavs were originally similar in physical type to members of
the other two groups, and that they gradually evolved into their present form,
often so very different from that of the others. He emphasizes that the Ger-
manen are not by any means necessarily fair-haired.
There can be little doubt that Chamberlain brought together under the single
term Germanen, in the wider sense, an arbitrary collection of Nordids,
Osteuropids, Alpinids, and Dinarids. It must be allowed that Chamberlain had
only a limited knowledge of physical anthropology, and indeed not much in-
terest in the subject, or confidence in its findings.
A considerable part of Chamberlain's book is devoted to an attempt to con-
vince the reader that the Greeks, Romans, and Jews played only a small part in
the development of European culture. He deplored the increasing influence of
Jews in the government, law, science, commerce, literature, and art of Europe.
There some resemblance to Gobineau's outlook in his insistence on the evil
is

effects of the indiscriminate hybridization of different ethnic taxa. He attributed

the downfall of the Roman Empire to what he called its 'raceless chaos',
though he did not share Gobineau's pessimistic expectations about the future.
The worst example of the indiscriminate mixing of different ethnic taxa, in his
view, was the Volkerchaos of the ancient Middle East. Nevertheless, he allowed
that the intermarriage of what he regarded as closely related peoples the Ger- —
manen. Keltogermanen. and Slavogermanen was legitimate and indeed —
beneficial. 'Race', he wrote, 'is not a positive phenomenon, but is created:
physiologically by characteristic mixture of blood, followed by inbreeding; psy-
50 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
chically by the influence that long-continued historical-geographical cir-
cumstances produce on that particular, specific, physiological predisposition.'
It is not clear whether he supposed that environmental factors could affect the

genetic qualities of the 'race'.

Chamberlain regarded the Jews as fundamentally different not only from the
Gennanen, but also from the Indo-European peoples in general. 'Dieses fremde
Volk\ he writes, '. . ewig fremd.' It is difl^cult to understand why he should
.

have taken so much trouble to belittle the intellectual achievements of the

Jewish people. For him there was a 'sanctity of unmixed race' {'Heiligkeit
reiner Rassel. He regarded the Jews as hybrids between semitischen (Orien-
talid), syrischen (Armenid), and indoeuropaischen peoples, but he admired
them for their efforts to preserve the stock when once it had established itself.
His aversion from the Orientalid and Armenid subraces was too strong,
however, to permit him to make a level judgement. Nevertheless he was far
from having sympathy with the extreme opponents of the Jews. In the long in-
troduction to his book he remarked that the attempt to make the Jew the
general scapegoat for all the burdens of our time was 'obviously laughable and
shocking'. Reverting to the same theme in the body of the work, he asks
whether we should revile the Jews, and answers that to do so would be 'as base
as it would be unworthy and unreasonable'.
There is much of interest and value in Die Grundlagen. It is obviously the
work of an earnest and serious-minded person, the possessor of much detailed
historical knowledge bearing on his problem; but he gives much too little credit
to the Mediterranids and Jews for their achievements, and the arbitrary way in
which he links certain subraces together and contrasts them with others is in-
defensible on grounds of physical anthropology. It obviously never entered his
head that the Nordids (that is to say. the Germanen in the narrow sense) are in
fact rather closely related to the Mediterranids.
On the outbreak of war in 1914 Chamberlain adhered to Germany's cause,
and two years later he was naturalized as a subject of that country. For his
sake one is glad that he died several years before the Nazis came to power.

A word must be added about Karl Pearson, who stood in relation to Francis Gallon
roughly as T. H. Huxley had stood Darwin: as a younger and more dis-
in relation to

putatious exponent of the thoughts of a much less obtrusive man. Pearson was a
vigorous supporter of the eugenic movement about the beginning of the present cen-
tury. His contributions to it are mentioned repeatedly in Dr. C. P. Slacker's Eugenics:
Gallon and after.\\m\ Eugenics and the ethnic problem, though related to one another,
are distinct, and Pearson is remembered much more work in the former field
for his
than for his controversial writings on the which are mostly scattered in
latter subject,
the pages of pamphlets intended for the general reader. His views on it were rather
extreme, since he considered that the advancement of man could only come about by
natural selection between races, is.^ol was a mathematician and a
Primarily, however, he
statistician with special interest in biometry; and his academic work in this field has
been of considerable value to students of human genetics and anthropology. Mention is
made of his statistical work on p. 462 of this book.
 4 From Kossinna to Hitler

The GERMAN philologist and archaeologist Gustaf Kossinna (1858-1931)

may have assisted to some extent in the growth of Nazi ideas on the ethnic
problem, but his activities in this direction seem to have been exaggerated by at
least one distinguished authority. 208I to the detriment of Kossinna's reputation
1

as a serious worker in his chosen fields of study. It is true that when the Nazis
came to power, after Kossinna's death, they took advantage of some of his
writings. For instance, the Reichsminister for the Interior. Dr. Frick, when
laying down in 1933 the right lines for education in history in all German
lands, spoke as follows:
Let prehistory be named first, because it not only provides the starting-
point for the historical development of our part of the world in the mid-
European ancestral home of our people, but also is adapted, as no other
science is, as 'an eminently national science' to use Kossinna's—
expression —
a science that counteracts the customary undervaluation of the
cultural level of our Germanic forefathers. 15221
It is Kossinna used the expression 'ein hervorragend nationale
true that
Wissenschaft" as part of the title of his book on Die deutsche Vorgeschichte,
the first edition of which was published in 1912.16051 Indeed, he disputed the
idea that all science was necessarily international. Army affairs, he pointed out,
are a subject for international study, yet each army is primarily national. A
genuine Volk, he contended, had some proprietary rights over the special con-
cerns of its Volkstaat (which he was careful to distinguish from a mere
Nationalitdtenstaat), and these concerns extended to the prehistory of the
Volkstaat, just as it did to its army. It was his contention that the German peo-
ple had been a genuine Volk since ancient times. (It may be remarked in
passing that many archaeologists have taken a lot of trouble to point out the
virtues of the remote ancestors of the British peoples, without incurring dis-
favour on that account.) Most of Die deutsche Vorgeschichte is a straight-
forward account of German prehistory, with descriptions of the various ar-
tifacts left behind by the Germanic tribes, but he also sought to show that the
manly virtues of these ancient peoples had been inherited by their descendants
down to modern times. He mentions calm self-assurance, the
in particular the

reserve of strength, the willingness to be led combined with an intractable urge

towards freedom, the spiritual frame of mind, the serene, sober-minded
thought, the high spiritual endowment, and the stern character, which he sup-
posed to have distinguished the German people since prehistoric times. It was
these traits — so he thought — that enabled the Germanic people to overrun
52 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

large parts of Europe as Roman power declined, and everywhere to establish

themselves among foreigners as the ruling class. Passages of this sort, however,
occupy only a small part of Kossinna's voluminous writings. He did not use his
editorship of the Zeitschrift fiir Vorgeschichte (the organ of the German Socie-
ty for Prehistory) very obtrusively to satisfy the patriotic feelings of his fellow
countrymen, and his writings seem to be remarkably free from thoughtless
denigration of the many peoples whom he must have regarded as in some
degree inferior.
Kossinna had come to archaeology from philology, and he never developed
any deep interest in physical anthropology. His classification of Euronid sub-
races, as given in his book Die Indogermanen,\606\ cannot be accepted as valid.
He brings together the 'west-Alpines or Jura-shortheads' and the 'Nordic
longheads' to form a 'west-European' group, which he says is 'commonly
called Nordic or north-European'. This arrangement enables him to put all
Germans in a single group, though he allows that there are many 'Jura-
shortheads' and 'Nordic longheads' beyond the confines of Germany.
Though distinguished in his own fields of study, Kossinna was not really a
very important figure in the ethnic controversy, and it is doubtful whether he
had much to do with the growth of National Socialist ideas.
In intellect and erudition Oswald Spengler ( 1 880-1 936) was greatly superior
to most of those who have been regarded —
rightly or wrongly —
as the precur-
sors of Nazism. He was educated as a mathematician and philosopher, but his
writings present him as a philosophical historian with a comprehensive
knowledge and understanding of the principal civilizations of the world from
the distant past to the present century. He was almost unknown until he
published the first volume of famous book Der Untergang des Abendlandes
his
in 1918, just before the end of the Great War. The second volume appeared in
1922. One hundred and thirteen thousand copies of the book had already been
sold when the definitive edition of both volumes was published in the following
year,|997. 9981 and many reprints followed.
Der Untergang was written for, and read by, the general educated public: in-
deed, Spengler held 'professional scientific lecture-desk philosophy' in con-
tempt. Yet the book attracted the intense interest of professional philosophers
and historians. The first edition contained errors of detail that the specialists
were quick to point out, but it was not found so easy to challenge the main con-
clusions. Spengler's originality and wide-ranging knowledge compel respect.
He is long-winded, but even the extensive passages that seem irrelevant to the
main thesis are interesting. It was, indeed, an absorbing book, and it retains
much of its interest and value today.
Spengler's writings must be considered at some length, partly because of
their intrinsic interest and partly because they have been seriously mis-
understood, but also because he puts forward an unusual view of the nature of
civilization. The ability to create a civilization is generally regarded, naturally
enough, as evidence of intellectual capacity, and the subject will be considered
in Chapter 27 of the present work; but it is convenient to mention Spengler's
unconventional ideas on the subject here.
Spengler's Abendland was the whole of Europe west of the River Vistula and
 FROM KOSSINNA TO HITLER 53

the Adriatic Sea, with the addition of North America. He regarded Russia as
quite distinct from western Europe and objected strongly to the artificial sub-
division of 'continents' by the Ural Mountains. His book is primarily concerned
with the decline of the western people as thus defined, but in order to review
this subject he found it necessary to consider the origin, rise, and fall of all the
best-known cultures of the world.
The reader of Der Untergang may well wonder why a book of this sort
should be regarded by anyone as having led. however indirectly, to the birth of
National Socialism. It is emphatically not propagandist. It does not urge that
anything should be done, but only professes to tell what must inevitably
happen. There is nothing about the special virtues of Germans or the special
defects of Jews. Indeed, much less attention is paid to these two groups of per-
sons than to many others. Spengler sets out simply to expound his views on the
destinies— the rise and fall — of various peoples throughout history. He
recognizes that each great people that has risen and fallen has done so in a dis-
tinctive way. but he sees a general similarity in the process, and he thinks that
the final fall can never be evaded. In brief, his thesis is that the Land of the
Evening has entered the phase of inevitable decline.
Spengler divides the process of rise and fall into four stages or 'spiritual
epochs'. At first the population, the 'Urvolk\ is 'rural-intuitive' {Land-
schaftlich-intuitiv); there are no great cities, but an intellectual ferment has
begun. In the western world this period was roughly from A.D. 900 to 1300,
though the corresponding stage had already been reached in India (for in-
stance) in 1500-1200 B.C. The western thinkers of this epoch were such men
as Francis of Assisi, Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and Dante. To this first
beginning there succeeds what Spengler calls the 'Culture-period', during which
the people —
now a Kulturvolk — reach their highest stature. Cities are
developing, but they belong solely to the particular culture. 'Traditions' are im-
portant at this stage. They involve the recognition of nobleness, the Church,
privileges, dynasty; in art, of convention; in science, of the limitations of in-
tellectualpower. The western peoples were at this phase from the fourteenth or
fifteenth century till late in the seventeenth. Some of the names that seemed
most significant to Spengler were those of Savonarola, Luther, Calvin, Galileo,
Bacon, Descartes, Bruno, Leibnitz, Pascal, Fermat, Newton. Towards the end
of this epoch Spengler detects an impoverishment of religion, associated in
England with the rise of Puritanism. There succeeds, with some overlap, the
'autumn' or age of reason, as the great cities develop still further. Intellectual
creativeness is at its height with Locke. Voltaire. Rousseau, Laplace, Goethe,
Kant, and Hegel; but the use of reason — Spengler suggests —is overstressed

and religion overrationalized.

There then succeeds — in the nineteenth century, in the case of the western
world — the phase that is the main subject of the book. The population loses the
feeling of 'we'. The cities are too large, international, no longer representative
of the people who created the culture. 'International-urban' (weltstddtische)
civilization has arrived, which Spengler regarded as destructive of culture. The
cities are inhabited by the genuine 'factual man', lacking in tradition, appearing
in shapeless, fluctuating masses, irreligious, sharp, unproductive, with a deep
54 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

antipathy to the peasantry. The spiritual creative force has been lost, and
religion begins to be replaced by ethical and practical substitutes that are, in his
view, inferior. Abstract thinking degenerates into the 'professional scientific
lecture-desk philosophy' that has already been mentioned. Strangely enough
Spengler mentions Nietzsche as an example of this tendency Nietzsche, of —
whom he has said that he owes more to him than to anyone except Goethe!
(He remarks elsewhere that Nietzsche 'arrived at the gate, but remained stan-
ding in front of it'.) With Nietzsche he groups a strange collection of thinkers,
many of whose names will not sound with a ring of decadence in modern ears.
Here stand Bentham, Comte, Darwin, Spencer, Marx, Schopenhauer, Wagner,
Ibsen, Gauss. In politics the whole tendency is away from the individual culture
that made the people great, and towards internationalism, pacifism, and
socialism.
This, for Spengler, is the destiny of all cultures, the final decline.
Civilization is the of a culture. Here the climax is
inevitable fate
reached. . . . most external and most artificial conditions
Civilizations are the
of which a higher kind of man is capable. They are a closing down: they
follow, as the become follows the becoming, as death follows life, as rigidity
follows unfolding, as spiritual old age and the stony, petrifying world-city
follow the countryside and the soulful youthfulness in which Doric and
Gothic reveal themselves. Civilizations are an end, irrevocable, but they are
always reached at last from intrinsic necessity.
From the point of view of the present book, the most important question is
what Spengler means by the word Volk when he uses it for the group of men
and women who have created a culture. (The original word Volk will be used
here, because 'people' is too vague, 'nation' and 'race' are inaccurate, and the
English word 'folk' is somehow suggestive of feebleness and intellectual pover-
ty.) It is here, surely, that Spengler has been most misunderstood, possibly
because his long-windedness has exhausted the patience of some of his readers.
One must realize that, contrarily to what one might suppose, he lays very little
stress on the ethnic composition of the various Volker that have risen to
become Kulturvolker. He says specifically that Volker 'are neither linguistic
nor political nor zoological, but on the contrary spiritual units'. He defines
Volk as 'a society of men that feels itself to be a unit', and in a remarkable
statement he claims that it is the action of a group of men that turns it into a
Volk. 'The great events of history', he writes, 'were in fact not carried out by
Volkern: on the contrary, the great events first produced the Volker.^
To make Spengler's outlook on the ethnic problem perfectly clear, once and
for all, it is necessary to give rather an extended extract from his book.
Neither identity of speech nor bodily inheritance is decisive. Volkerformen
may change their speech, race, name, and country; so long as their soul
lasts, they engulf men of any thinkable origin and remodel them. One cer- . . .

tainly does not suppose that a Volk was ever held together by mere unity of
bodily inheritance and that this type of Volk could last even for ten
generations. It cannot be often enough repeated that this physiological origin
exists only for science and never for Fo/^-consciousness, and that no Volk
has advanced itself for this ideal of 'pure blood'. Belonging to a race
 FROM KOSSINNA TO HITLER 55

(Spengler here means a Volk] is nothing material, but something cosmic and
ordained, the harmony of a destiny.
felt

In 1919 —
the year after the appearance of the first volume of Der
Untergang and three years before that of the second volume —
Spengler
published a strange little book entitled Preussentum unci Sozialismus. 1999] The
Weimar Republic had just been set up to replace the empire of Bismarck and
the Hohenzollerns. Spengler's object was to weld together the extreme 'left' (the
independent socialists and the communists) and the extreme 'right' (the
monarchists and conservatives) into a single group that would oppose and
destroy the parliamentary government of Weimar. The book is written in a
style so different from that of Der Untergang that it is difficult to believe that
the author was the same person; indeed, I have caught myself turning back to
the title-page to find out whether I were reading the wrong book by mistake.
Much of it is written in short, jerky sentences; the whole work is propagandist
and unintellectual. Spengler was now an advocate of socialism, which he had
listed as a mark of decadence in Der Untergang; but not many socialists would
be likely to proposed system by that name. He insisted that everyone
call his
defined socialism in such a way as to suit his own purposes. Marxism he con-
demned; he regarded Marx himself as a destructive critic, not a creator, and
only the 'stepfather' of socialism. Only Germans —
not Jews —
could be genuine
socialists. He considered that all real government must be carried out by an
elite, but that the opportunity to become a member of the ruling group should

be open to all. 'What I hope is that no one shall remain in the abyss, who
through his ability is born to command, and that no one shall command, who
through his innate talent was not called to it.' He had, however, no respect for
the Soviet experiment in socialism. In a passage that is rather characteristic of
the book as a whole, he remarks that 'Nothing can be more deplorable than the
attempts of a certain type of Protestantism to rub its corpse alive again with
Bolshevist excrement.' Under Spengler's socialism, private property and the in-
heritance of wealth would not be abolished, but industrialists would be forced
to act within the framework of rigid rules established by authority. The
employer would become, in a sense, a government official. 'Should commerce
rule the state,' he asks, 'or the state rule commerce?' There would be no
political parties and no elections.
It was Spengler's contention that in so far as the conservatives preserved the
true spirit of Prussianism they socialists (in his sense) without knowing it.
were
'The old Prussian and socialist conviction, which today hate one another
spirit
with brotherly hate, are one and the same.' Spengler had great admiration for
the Prussian spirit. For him, it was 'a life-feeling, an instinct, an inability to be
otherwise'. Frederick William I (father of Frederick the Great) had shown the
way by establishing a centralized, bureaucratic state. Spengler's ideal had
nothing in common with the pacifist, internationalist outlook of many orthodox
socialists.
We need a class of socialist master-natures. socialism means might
. . .

[Macht], might, and ever more might. Plans and ideas are nothing without
might. The way to might is indicated: the valuable part of the German
working community [will act] in combination with the best upholders of the
56 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

old Prussian feeling for the State, both determined on the foundation of a
rigorously socialist state, a democratization in the Prussian sense.
The true socialists were to ask 'not rights for themselves, but duties from
themselves'.
Since Spengler was urging the creation of a nationalistic, socialist state, it
was natural enough that he should be regarded as one of the founders of
National Socialism; but he was too much of an individualist (though nominally
a socialist) to be swept away by party spirit. He never accepted some of the
principal Nazi doctrines and he never became a member of the Nazi party. His
objection to the Jews was not founded on a belief that they constituted a
separate ethnic taxon. He only objected to their cultural heritage, and he
wanted to see them ^tegrated into the nation.
So late as the autumn of 1932, in his collected works, Spengler condemned
Hitler's policies; but in his Jahre der Entscheidung, published shortly after the
Nazis came to power in 1933, he revealed himself as somewhat equivocal in
outlook. (52 Nevertheless, even mild opposition could not be permitted. The
1 1

sale of his book was stopped (though not before many copies had been dis-
tributed), and the periodical press was forbidden even to mention his name. The
Nazis regarded Spengler 'as a precursor gone wrong'.[52i l

His final eclipse occurred almost laughable circumstances. A

in curious,
short book was written by von Leers to demolish the image of Spengler as one
for whom a genuine Nazi might have respect. 1647] Spengler had gradually
developed a rather unexpected antipathy for the various 'coloured' peoples
of the world, including the Japanese. The Nazis particularly wanted the friend-
ship of this 'coloured' nation. 'How does Japanese expansion into Manchuria
and Mongolia inconvenience us?' asked von Leers; 'it is an entirely
Japanese-Chinese-Russian problem.' By a strange irony, Spengler was at-
tacked by this doctrinaire Nazi for his indiscriminate antipathy to 'coloured'
people.
Spengler was not molested, but simply disappeared from public view. He
died in 1936 from a heart attack. How different might be his reputation today if
he had never written Preussentum and had died after the publication of the se-
cond volume o^ Der Untergang in 1922!
It remains to mention two American authors of far lower calibre than such
briefly
men as Gobineau, Nietzsche, Chamberlain, and Spengler, and then to attempt a brief
summary before we come to Hitler himself.
Madison Grant (1867-1937) was trained as a lawyer, but is known chiefly as an
author on various subjects and an amateur zoologist (he was Chairman of the New
York Zoological Society). One of his principal works was The passing of the great
race, 1425) published the year before the first volume of Der Untergang.
Grant's purpose was to persuade the American people to control more rigorously
the ethnic composition of the U.S.A. For Grant, the 'great race' was the Nordid, and
he regretted the fact that the proportion of people of this stock in his country had
greatly diminished since colonial times. He deplored 'the maudlin sentimentalism that
has made America "an asylum for the oppressed" '
and was 'sweeping the nation
towards a racial abyss'. He was not favourably disposed towards the Jews, but this
aspect of the ethnic problem plays only a very small part in his book. Grant seems to
 FROM KOSSINNA TO HITLER 57

have taken almost for granted the superiority of Nordids over others. He claims that
they are 'everywhere the type of the sailor, the soldier, the adventurer, and the pioneer'.
He considered that their superiority was due to selective influences during their long
sojourn in northern Europe.

The must have been such as to impose a rigid elimination of

climatic conditions
defectives through the agency of hard winters and the necessity for industry and
foresight in providing the year's food, clothing, and shelter during the short summer.
Such demands on energy, if long continued, would produce a strong, virile, and self-
contained race which would inevitably overwhelm in battle nations whose weaker
elements had not been purged by the conditions of an equally severe environment. 14251

It is rather difficult to understand Grant's belief in what seems to him the almost self-

evident superiority of the Nordids, in view of the virtues that he himself ascribes to other
subraces of Europids. He allows that 'The early Alpines made very large contributions to
the civilization of the world,' chiefly by introducing the bronze culture into Europe and
teaching it to the other subraces, but he considered that their contribution to culture later
on, in classical, mediaeval, and modern times, had been small. His praise of the
Mediterranids is not qualified, however, in this way. He ascribed to them 'the foundation
of our civilization. . . . The mental characteristics of the Mediterranean race are well
known, and this race, while inferior in bodily stamina to both the Nordic and the Alpine,
is probably superior to both, certainly of [sic] the Alpines, in intellectual attainments. In
the field of art its European races is unquestioned.' One
superiority to both the other
would not suppose that the writer of such words as these would have opposed the
massive immigration of Mediterranids into his country.
Grant regarded the Nordids as the only true European ethnic group, the Alpinids and
Mediterranids being invaders from Asia (through North Africa in the case of the
Mediterranids). It does not appear to have occurred to him that the separation of Europe
from Asia is meaningless from any scientific point of view, because the line might well
have been drawn somewhere else or (better) not drawn at all. Even if a particular ethnic
taxon could be shown to be endemic to some arbitrarily defined territory, this fact could
not in itself provide evidence of the superiority or inferiority of that group.
Grant lays considerable stress on the part played by Nordids in spreading Aryan
languages throughout almost the whole of Europe and to countries beyond, though he
allows the possibility that this speech may have been brought to Europe by Alpinids with
the bronze culture.
He was harsh in his schemes for negative eugenics. He considered that 'a human life is

valuable only when it is of use to the community or race'. He favoured the forcible
sterilization of criminals, diseased and insane persons, and 'worthless race-types', and
the enactment of laws against race-mixture.
The passing of the great race is not a scholarly book. Grant's opinions are often
expressed dogmatically, his classification of the Europid race is greatly over-
simplified, and he makes scarcely any references to other authors except in a rough and
inadequate list He makes no mention anywhere of Gobineau, Pouchet, Vogt,
at the end.
Treitschke, Nietzsche, Lapouge, or Kossinna. One might almost suppose that he alone
had considered the possibility that the ethnic taxa of man were in some sense unequal.
Yet the book has its merits. He treats in considerable detail the ethnic history of Europe;
that is to say, he traces the story from the earliest times onwards in terms of the ethnic
composition of the peoples concerned, without consideration of their artificial separation
58 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

into 'nations'. This part of thebook is valuable. It is a line of attack on the ethnic problem
that deserves to be followed up in greater detail, and extended to other parts of the world.
The historian often seems almost unaware of the taxonomic differences between the
peoples of the world, and is content to use undefined group-names, some of which actual-
ly stand for arbitrary and temporary associations of unrelated types of mankind, while

others are meaningful from the ethnic standpoint.

In his long introduction |426| to Stoddard's book The rising tide of colour. \\o\}.] Grant
claims that Western civilization is essentially Nordid. The Alpinids and Mediterranids
have only been 'effective' to the extent that they have been influenced by Nordid culture.
He nowi426i seems to allow that the Nordids may have originated partly in western Asia.
He claims that the Alpinids are ultimately of Mongolid ancestry, though he had
specifically denied this in his own book. He regarded the great conflict of 1 9 1 4-1 9 1 8 as a
Nordid 'civil war'.
Lothrop Stoddard (1883-1950) was an American author of books for the 'general
reader' on political and historical subjects. Like Grant, he had been trained for the legal
profession. His style is journalistic; indeed, extracts from newspapers occupy a con-
siderable space in his pages. The
of colour] ioi3i was published after the end of
rising tide
the First World War, before the second volume of Der Untergang. It may be regarded
almost as a sequel to Grant's book. Unfortunately Stoddard had not suflRcient
anthropological knowledge to write effectively on the ethnic problem, for his classifica-
tion of man is oversimplified to the point of crudity, and the book contains nothing
profound or genuinely original. He wrote, like Grant, to awaken his fellow-countrymen
to what he regarded as the dangers of insuflRciently controlled immigration, but he was
concerned mainly with non-Europid races.
Stoddard remarked that before the war there had been only nine regions of 'non-white
governance' (China, Japan, Siam, Turkeyd), Afghanistan, Persia. Abyssinia. Liberia,
and Haiti), and that these covered only 6,000,000 square miles out of the 53,000,000 of

non-polar land. After the war the area of effective 'white' control was extended still
further, through the domination of Turkey by the French and British and in other ways.
People of the 'non-white' races outnumber the 'white' by more than two to one, and mul-
tiply more rapidly. Stoddard pointed out the danger that resulted from these cir-
cumstances. He was apprehensive about the possibility that 'white' civilization might dis-
appear, by race-mixture or elimination in war. This would be a disaster for humanity,
since the greatest creative ability would be destroyed: but he nowhere clearly defined, at
any length, what he supposed to be the great inherent virtues of the 'whites'. He admitted
that the 'brown' and 'yellow' peoples had contributed greatly to the civilization of the
world (the 'brown' being a heterogeneous collection of ethnic groups, from which the
Negrids were excluded). Among the 'whites' he particularly favoured the Nordids. 'the
best of all human breeds', and he deplored the fact that hordes of Alpinids and
Mediterranids were entering the United States along with 'Asiatic elements like Levan-
tines and Jews'. There is. however, very little about Jews in the book: Stoddard, like
Grant, seems uninterested in them.

How can one summarize what has so far been said in these two chapters?
Are the authors too diverse in outlook to allow of any generalization?
Nietzsche and Spengler may be eliminated at once as irrelevant to the ethnic
problem, despite opinion to the contrary and notwithstanding the altogether
 FROM KOSSINNA TO HITLER 59

special interest of their writings. Nietzsche was primarily an anti-egalitarian,

but he did not proclaim the inequality of ethnic taxa. Spengler was intensely in-
terested in the Volk and its capacity, in certain cases, to initiate a great culture
(which would eventually become a civilization and decline); but he makes it
abundantly clear that the Volk was not an ethnic taxon. Towards the end of his
life he showed a mild antipathy to 'coloured' people, but this did not appear in

his important writings. His Preussentum und Sozialismus does indeed to some
extent foreshadow the Nazi movement, but only from its nationalistic fervour
and political bias, not from any tendency to favour any particular ethnic taxon.
Of the thirteen authors already mentioned in these two chapters, seven
strongly proclaim the superiority of people variously described as 'Nordics',
"Germanen', Indogennanen, or 'Aryan'. These seven are Gobineau, Haeckel,
"

Lapouge (especially). Chamberlain, Kossinna, Grant, and Stoddard. It is a

remarkable fact, however, that none of the authors mentioned in these chapters
claims superiority for the whole Europid race: it is only a subrace. or else a sec-
tion of the Europids not clearly defined in terms of physical anthropology, that
is favoured.
Only one of the authors, Lapouge, strongly condemns the Jews. Treitschke
is moderately anti-Jewish; Chamberlain. Grant, and Stoddard mildly so;
Gobineau is equivocal. The rest show little or no interest in the Jewish problem,
apart from Nietzsche, some of whose eulogistic remarks have been quoted.
With the exception of Lapouge it is impossible to imagine any of these men
participating in or condoning actual cruelty to Jews, though some of them
would limit their immigration (with that of certain other peoples), and dis-
courage intermarriage.
No unprejudiced person who had studied the works of all these authors
would be likely to suppose that there was no validity whatever in any part of
their writings on the ethnic problem. Stoddard was obviously unimportant,
Lapouge highly prejudiced; but one cannot lightly dismiss such men as
Gobineau and Chamberlain as negligible, and there are passages in the books
of most of the others that provoke interest and thought. If one had to choose a
single work as the most important of all in presenting one side of the ethnic
controversy, it would be reasonable to suggest Gobineau's Essai sur Vinegalite
des races humaines; but necessarily it is in many respects out of date, and its
very great length would deter most readers.
However determined one may be to present an objective account of the
ethnic controversy, one cannot altogether avoid a sense of shock and
abhorrence as one turns from those who affected the thoughts of men to one
who directly and disastrously controlled their actions. Yet Hitler's Mein
Kampf, published in two volumes in 1925 and 1927.1494. 4951 is perhaps a
somewhat less violent and emotional book than anyone would be likely to sup-
pose who had only heard him address vast crowds during the 'thirties.
Adolf Hitler (1889-1945) was 36 years old when his first volume was
published. The first part of the chapter dealing with the ethnic problem is quite
well written and not uninteresting. He starts from the standpoint of biology, by
remarking on the tendency of animals to mate strictly with their own kind. He
notes the resulting 'internal isolation of the species of all living creatures of this
60 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
earth'. He intends this to be taken as a guide to human beings to select their
mates from among their own ethnic taxa. His biology, however, is tinged with a
mystical belief in an innate urge towards the self-improvement of all species un-
der natural conditions. When he turns to his main theme, he discards altogether
the attempt to treat his subject scientifically, for he makes no serious attempt to
define the two human groups in which he is primarily interested —
the 'Aryan'
and the Jewish —
in terms of physical anthropology; indeed, one is left in doubt
as to who der Arier may be, and what criteria we should use to identify him. (It
is scarcely necessary to remark that the Germanen of Tacitus's time would

never for an instant have regarded Hitler himself as a potential member of any
of their numerous tribes.) He lays great stress, however, on the ethnic
separateness of the Jews, and strongly denies that they are simply a religious
community.
In the historical part of the chapter, dealing with the gradual increase in
Jewish influence in Germany, Hitler traces the way in which they first gained
power over the princes through their control of finance, next over the nobility,
and then over the bourgeoisie, and how finally they were becoming leaders in
the trades union —
movement, though they lacked so he claimed all genuine —
concern for people of the working class. In particular he deplored their control
of the press, and emphasized their astuteness in using it in a clandestine way to
their own advantage. In this passage one seems to detect the influence of
Treitschke. Hitler suggests that when the Jews talk of the equality of men of all
races, they do so simply to conceal their tactics and dupe their victims.
Hitler could not restrain himself from the exaggerated, untrue, and purely
abusive remarks that appeal especially to low-grade, vindictive minds. He
states that 'the absolutely essential presupposition for a civilized people, the
idealistic disposition' was completely lacking in Jews. He reverts several times
to their deficiency in Idealismus. 'The apparent fellow-feeling {Zusammen-
gehdrigkeitsgefuhl) [among the Jews] is founded on a very primitive herd-
instinct, like that which shows itself also among many other living creatures on
this earth.' The Jew 'is and remains the typical parasite, a toady, who like a
harmful bacillus distributes himself ever more widely, wherever a suitable
nutrient soil invites'. Hitler makes dogmatic statements intended to minimize
the Jewish contribution to learning and art. Even in the drama, where he seems
to allow some success, he says that the Jew is ''nur der ""Gaukler", besser der
^''Nachdffer''^ '
('only a buffoon, or better an apelike mimic').
In contrast to this, he makes an absurdly exaggerated claim for the
superiority of the 'Aryans' over all others.
What we see before us today of human
civilization, of the results of art,
learning, science, almost exclusively the creative product
and technology, is

of the Aryan. But this fact permits directly the not unfounded conclusion
that he alone was, in the main, the originator of the higher man.
It has already been pointed out (p. 33) that in his chapter on the ethnic

problem. Hitler quotes only two authorities, Schopenhauer and Goethe.

Nevertheless it seems almost certain that he was influenced by Gobineau. His
denial that the Jews ever had a civilization of their own is suggestive; so is his use
of the name 'Aryan' for the people regarded as the great initiators of civilization
 FROM KOSSINNA TO HITLER 61

(in preference to Germanen or Indogermanen): and his reference to genetic

deterioration through hybridization is almost conclusive. 'All great civilizations

of the past\ he writes, 'only perished because the original creative race died out
from blood-poisoning.'
Anyone who read Hitler's remarks on the ethnic problem in 1925 would be
likely to conclude that he was strongly prejudiced against the Jews, to the ex-
tent of taking drastic action against their influence in Germany, if ever he could
rise to power; but few could guess that the thoughts brooding in his mind
would eventually lead on to mass-murder.

which the second volume of Mem Kampfwas

In 1928, the year after that in
published, thereappeared in the U.S.A. a work entitled Contemporary
sociological theories. The author was Pitirim Sorokin. Professor of Sociology
in the University of Minnesota. 19921 The book contains a chapter on the ethnic
problem. This chapter is memorable, for it marks the close of the period in
which both sides in the ethnic controversy were free to put forward their views,
and authors who wished to do so could give objective accounts of the evidence
pointing in each direction. From the beginning of the thirties onwards scarcely
anyone outside Germany and its allies dared to suggest that any race might be
in any respect or in any sense superior to any other, lest it should appear that
the author was supporting or excusing the Nazi cause. Those who believed in
the equality of all races were free to write what they liked, without fear of con-
tradiction. They made full use of their opportunity in the decades that followed,
when nothing resembling Sorokin's chapter appeared in print. He himself sup-
ported neither side. All he did was to express, clearly and shortly, the views of
both sides in the controversy. Sorokin's chapter is well worth reading today, as
a reminder of what was still possible before the curtain came down. In recent
years a corner of has already been lifted.
it

It was mentioned in the Introduction to the present book that the historical

method has been adopted throughout. From this point onwards no attempt will
be made to follow the general course of controversy on the ethnic problem,
because, for the reason just stated, there has been no general controversy on
the subject. Nevertheless, much new knowledge bearing on the problem has
been obtained in various branches of science. The historical method will now
be pursued in a different way —
not by the attempt to present a general view,
progressing with the march of time, but by separate accounts of advances
made in each particular subject. Special attention will be given to the histories
of those subjects that attained first-rate importance later than the others and
have therefore been mentioned only incidentally up till now. This applies par-
ticularly to the accounts of mental testing and genetics in Chapters 24 to 26,
but also to many other branches of knowledge, as the reader will find.
PART TWO

The Biological
Background
 5 The meaning of 'species'

'Mankind is one: ... all men belong to the same species.' These words are
taken from the first sentence of a formal Statement issued by a group of social
scientists and biologists who assembled in Paris in December 1949, under the
auspices of UNESCO, to discuss the ethnic problem. losoi I What exacdy does
the word 'species' mean?
This question of such fundamental importance for the subject of the pre-
is

sent book must be answered in considerable detail. The belief that all
that it

human beings belong to a single species is supposed by some to support

strongly the opinion that all races should be regarded as 'equal'. Darwin
himself foresaw that acceptance of the doctrine of evolution would make this
word less clearly definable.
Differences, however slight, between any two forms, if not blended by in-
termediate gradations, are looked at by most naturalists as sufficient to raise
both forms to the rank of species. Hereafter we shall be compelled to
acknowledge that the only distinction between species and well-marked
varieties is, that the latter are known, or believed, to be connected at the pre-
sent day by intermediate gradations whereas species were formerly thus con-
nected. ... It is quite possible that forms now generally acknowledged to be

merely varieties may hereafter be thought worthy of specific names. ... we

shall at least be freed from the vain search for the undiscovered and un-
discoverable essence of the term species. 1254]
In this important passage Darwin uses the word 'varieties' to mean what the
modern biologist calls 'subspecies' or 'races'. This is clear from the context.
The question whether the search is actually vain is the first to be tackled in this
Part of the present book; it will occupy two chapters. The biological
background to the ethnic problem is, however, far wider than that. No one
knows man who only knows man. Indeed, that is what Blumenbach and T. H.
Huxley implied in their remarks quoted on p. 3. One might almost go so far as
to say, in relation to the ethnic problem, that the proper study of mankind is
animals.
Many who man as he has
write or talk about this problem think only of
existed since some of gave up being simply food-gatherers and
his ancestors
began to develop agriculture and village life, and thus took the first steps
towards civilization. To anyone who has studied palaeontology this outlook on
man appears so restricted that it cannot provide a basis for true judgement on
the nature of man, and especially for an understanding of the ethnic problem.
One must see man as the product of his animal ancestors; one must realize that
66 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

he is Still to a large extent an animal and that, palaeontologically speaking, he

has only just ceased being exactly that. Let the reader imagine a huge history
of the world, covering the whole period from the time when fossils were first
being preserved in Cambrian rocks to the present day, written in such a way
that the number of lines of print is throughout proportional to the number of
years they record. If such a work comprised 120 volumes, each of 500 pages,
the history of man from the time when he took the first steps towards civiliza-
tion to the presentday would occupy a little less than the last page of the last
volume. Yet man's ancestry stretches back to the first page of the first volume,
and indeed far back into pre-Cambrian times; for in the Cambrian period many
groups of animals were well established, and no biologist supposes that man's
remote ancestors sprang suddenly into existence long after other groups of
animals had already evolved to the level exhibited by the Cambrian fossils.

REMARKS ON NOMENCLATURE
It might be thought pedantic to start an examination of the very interesting
subject of the reality or unreality of the idea of 'species', with all its implications
for the ethnic problem, by discussing of all the seemingly dry and un-
first

necessarily formal subject of nomenclature. Readers who are familiar with this
subject should skip to p. 69, but it is hoped that others will read these few
pages, for much misunderstanding about facts can arise from ignorance of the
way in which zoologists use their words. What is said here will supplement the
very brief remarks already made on this subject in the Introduction (p. 4).
It is widely known that all animals, including man, are divided by zoologists

into great groups caWed phyla, of which the Chordata, Mollusca, and Annelida
are examples. The Chordata are divided into classes, of which the Mammalia
are one, and classes into orders, such as the Primates, Rodentia, and Car-
nivora. These orders, again, are sub-divided into families. Three of the families
of Primates are Cercopithecidae (Old World monkeys), Pongidae (anthropoid
apes), and Hominidae (men). A family usually comprises several genera, and
some authorities accept Pithecanthropus (fossil Java Man), Sinanthropus
(fossil Pekin Man), and Homo (men of modern type) as genera of the
Hominidae, though most present-day students of the group allow only the
genus Homo. A genus consists of one or more species or 'kinds', and the names
of the species are written with that of the genus. Thus the common snail {Helix
aspersa) and Roman snail {Helix pomatia) are two species of the genus Helix;
and Homo neanderthalensis and Homo sapiens (modern man) have been
regarded as separate species of the genus Homo, though some authorities con-
sider that Neanderthal man belonged to Homo sapiens (cf. p. 11).
Confusion would result if each zoologist chose a name at random for each
kind of animal. It is a great convenience that rules of nomenclature have been
established by international agreement, which make it as nearly certain as can
be that there is only one correct name for each species. These rules are set out
in detail in a valuable book entitled The international code of zoological
 THE MEANING OF 'SPECIES' 67

nomenclature. \\o\A\ It is out of the question to present here even a brief resume
of the rules, for they are extremely (though not unnecessarily) complicated; but
a few possible sources of misunderstanding must be mentioned, for the benefit
of any readers who may not be acquainted with them.
The system defines objectively what a particular kind of animal shall be
called; it does not attempt to define how species should be grouped together
into genera or larger groups, for that is a matter on which different zoologists
may disagree.
The fundamental rule governing nomenclature is the 'law of priority', accor-
ding to which the correct specific name of any species of animal is the name
given to it in 1758 in the tenth edition of Linnaeus's Systema naturae A(,(>^] \{ i\\t

species in question is defined in that work; ifnot (and the vast majority are
not), it is the name applied to it, in conformity with Linnaeus's system, in the
oldest printed book or journal published subsequently to his tenth edition. The
great advantage of this 'law' is that the date of publication is nearly always an
objective fact, not subject to argument.
The name is simply a label. It need not necessarily provide truthful informa-

tion about the animal concerned. For instance, a species called europaeus need
not be confined to Europe: it might even not occur in Europe (as in fact many
plants caWQd japonic a actually come from China). It must not be supposed that
in calling modern man Homo sapiens, Linnaeus was under the impression that
all human beings are wise. Similarly, the fossil Homo rhodesiensis retains his
name (for those who
regard him as specifically distinct), despite the fact that
the country in which his remains were found is now called Zambia. It must
here suffice to say that this rule of nomenclature, that a name need not be ac-
curately descriptive, however unfortunate it may appear, is a useful one in
practice, and its abolition would cause much more confusion than its retention.
It is important to understand the very special sense in which the word 'type'

isused in zoological nomenclature. A particular specimen, in some particular

museurn, is regarded as the 'type' of a species only in the sense that if it be
found that a species is wrongly defined and new knowledge requires it to be
split into two (or more) species, the 'type' retains the name and a new name is

given to the newly distinguished species. This is a matter on which there is

much misunderstanding. The word 'type', as it is used in zoological

nomenclature, does not convey that the specimen thus labelled is particularly
typical of the group to which it is assigned. It is concerned solely with the
proper naming of this group. A mistake would only be made if the name of the
'type' were given to a group of animals to which the 'type' does not belong. In
any taxon of animals —
subspecies, species, genus, family, etc. there may be —
forms that are genuinely typical in the straightforward sense that they represent
the group well, since they are not strikingly aberrant in any character, while
others are so peculiar that no one would consider them typical of the group as
a whole. This is an important subject that is discussed in some detail in Chapter
8 (p. 118). Here it must suffice to insist that in zoological nomenclature the
word 'type' is used in a special and clearly defined sense, and that the type need
not be typical.
So that there may be no doubt as to which animal is referred to by a particular specific
68 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

name, the person who gave it is often mentioned. Thus modern man may be designated
Homo sapiens Linnaeus. For this purpose it is permissible to use abbreviations of the
names of famous nomenclators, for instance, Linn, or L. for Linnaeus. When there is

evidence that a particular species does not fit accurately into the genus in which the
nomenclator placed it, it is transferred to another, and a special convention is used to in-

dicate that this has been done. Thus Linnaeus regarded the chimpanzee as a member of
the genus Simia (in which incidentally he placed all the species of monkeys known to
him). was recognized, however, by the German biologist and philosopher Lorenz
It

Oken, early in the nineteenth century, that the chimpanzee differs sharply not only from
all monkeys, but also from its closer relative, the orang-utan, and he defined the

differences from the latter with some precision. isioiTo emphasize the distinctness of the
chimpanzee, he coined for it the generic name Pan. The correct name for this species,
which was called Simia satyrus by Linnaeus, is therefore Pan satyrus (Linnaeus). The
brackets round the word 'Linnaeus' indicate the fact that Linnaeus himself used a
different generic (but the same specific) name. This useful convention is mentioned here
because persons not acquainted with the rules of zoological nomenclature sometimes
make the mistake of attributing carelessness to authors for the use of brackets in some
cases and not in others. They do not understand why one writes 'Homo sapiens Lin-
naeus' but 'Homo erectus (Dubois)'.
When subspecies (races) are concerned, a trinomial replaces the binomial
name. Thus the Europid ('Caucasian') race of man is named Homo sapiens
albus. Once again, there is no need for the subspecific or racial name to be ac-
curately descriptive. Members of the race H. sapiens albus never have a skin that
is actually white (albus), and some representatives of this race in India and

Ethiopia are dark-skinned.

Each human race has two separate names: the one conforming in all

respects to the international laws of nomenclature (e.g.. Homo sapiens albus)

and the alternative 'trivial' or 'popular' name (e.g., Europid), to which no inter-
nationally accepted laws apply but which are nevertheless often useful in
speech and writing. A
list of human races, showing the correct names in accor-

dance with the laws of. nomenclature and the trivial equivalents used by von
Eickstedtl303l and by Peters, 18381 is given at the end of this book on pp. 624-5.
The trivial names, like the 'lawful' ones, need not be accurately descriptive.
The existence of endemic Europid populations in India and Ethiopia shows
this.

It must be clearly understood that there is not universal agreement as to the

number man. This subject will be dis-
or grouping of the races and subraces of
cussed Chapter 7 (pp. 109-10) by reference to an example taken from
in
animals. It will be shown that there may well be different views on particular
points of anatomy, but this by no means invalidates the whole system. Certain
arrangements would be nonsensical, while others clearly admit of reasoned dis-
cussion. The intention of taxonomists is to approach more and more closely
towards a perfect system, in which the relationship of the ethnic taxa would be
correctly displayed.
The formal usage of such words as 'class', 'order', 'family', and 'genus' is
necessary to establish the hierarchy of taxa: that is to say, to ensure that the
word 'order' (for instance) always means a taxon minor to class and major to
 THE MEANING OF 'SPECIES' 69

family. Nevertheless, one cannot define what a class, order, family, or genus is,
in way
such a one could tell, from objective evidence, that a certain taxon
that
of mammals, a certain taxon of birds, and a certain taxon of reptiles must
necessarily all be regarded as orders. It is a mere convenience to fix on par-
ticular names, such as 'class' and 'order', to establish a system of hierarchy.
The important question arises whether the words 'species' and 'subspecies'
('races') differ from the other names of taxa in not being merely hierarchical.
Are species and races realities in a sense in which classes, orders, and the rest
are not? If the words 'species' and 'race' have only hierarchical validity, it is
open to anyone to afl^rm or deny at will that all human beings belong to a
single species. This is the question with which the rest of this chapter, and also
Chapters 6 and 7, are concerned.
The reader's attention is called to a particularly ingenious diagram on p. 125
of Professor A. J. Cain's book Animal species and their evolution. \\i^\ This
diagram, with the accompanying text, illustrates very clearly the different
senses in which the word 'species' is used (though he himself speaks of different
'sorts' of species, to each of which he gives a name, briefly defined on p. 128 of
his book).

THE SPECIES IN THE P AL AEONTOLOGIC AL SENSE

It isconvenient to consider first how the word 'species' is used in the study of
evolutionary change. Such change has come about in two distinct ways. On
one hand a single kind of animal may give rise, in the course of time, to two or
more kinds, and these to yet others, so that one may say metaphorically that
the evolutionary tree branches; indeed, it may be more like a shrub than a tree.
To this type of evolution Rensch has given the name of ''Kladogenesis\\S94]
Change may also come about, however, without any division of one type of
animal into two or more. This was already evident to Charles Darwin when he
was writing the first edition of The origin of species. \254\ 'In some cases', he
wrote, 'no doubt the process of modification will be confined to a single line of
descent, and the number of modified descendants will not be increased. '12541 In
this book I shall call an evolutionary change of this kind 'adastogenesis' (from
the Greek [Link]„ undivided: ylveoiq, descent). It is the same as what the
Revd. J. T. Gulick, in a very interesting paper published in 1887, called
'monotypic evolution'. 14431 Gulick defined it as 'any transformation of a species
that does not destroy its unity of type'. He used the alternative terms 'polytypic
evolution' and 'divergent evolution' for what Rensch long afterwards called
'Kladogenesis'. The only disadvantage of Gulick's terms is that they are not
easily transformed into adjectives.
The word 'anagenesis' has been used 1 1 781 with the same meaning as adastogenesis. In
introducing the word 'anagenesis', Hyatt defined it as 'the genesis of progressive
characters'. 1541 1 It is used in exactly this sense by Rensch. |894| who carefully defined his
ideas of evolutionary progress. Neither Hyatt nor Rensch used it with the meaning of
adastogenesis.
Adastogenesis is the simpler form of evolutionary change. While it is taking
70 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
place, the modifications from one generation to the next are so slight that it
would not occur to anyone to describe the populations of the two generations
as different 'species'. It follows that if a complete series of fossils were left in the
rocks in a state fit for study by palaeontologists, it would be an arbitrary
matter to decide where a new species began. Let us suppose that a population
had been named from specimens taken from a particular geological stratum,
which may be distinguished as 'A'. A new species would then be recognized
and named by a palaeontologist at the lowest stratum, higher than 'A\ at
which all the specimens were distinct from those at 'A' (cf. Simpsonl969i). This
higher stratum may be called 'B'. It follows that if a population in this
adastogenetic series had chanced to be named first at some stratum, 'C\ lower
or higher than 'A', when its characters were slightly different from those at 'A',
the next new species would have been named at a level, 'D', at which its
characters were distinct from those at level 'C not when they were distinct
from those at level 'A'. The origin of a new species would depend on the chance
of first discovery of a population forming part of a continuous adastogenetic
series, not on any biological feature of the evolutionary sequence.
In practice the geological record is usually very incomplete, and as a result
there are marked differences between the fossils of an adastogenetic series in
two different strata, and no intermediates are found between them. If so,
palaeontologists would regard the two sets of fossils as different species, to
which different names would be given. The definition of the species would de-
pend on the fortuitous circumstances that certain strata survived and fossils
were found in them, while other strata were eroded away.
If a complete series of fossils were available, showing the kladogenetic evolu-
tion of two forms from one ancestor, the palaeontologist would say that new
species had originated at that particular level in the geological strata at which
every specimen could be assigned to one or other of the two forms. A problem
would, however, remain: had two new species originated or one? In such —
cases it is the practice of palaeontologists to say that two new species have
originated, even though one of them may not differ from the ancestral
species. 19691 If by chance the other had not been found, no new name would
have been given. The problem is not very often posed, however, because the
imperfection of the geological record makes it impossible to follow the com-
plete series of evolutionary changes, and favours the discovery of forms that
are clearly distinct.
From what has been said it follows that the 'species', in the sense in which
the word used by palaeontologists, is defined by arbitrary criteria. Yet
is

without the description and naming of species, palaeontology would be chaotic.

No harm is done by the arbitrary distinction between the 'species' of past times
preserved in the rocks, if it is remembered that this is a special usage of the
word species. One may refer, if one wishes, to 'palaeontological' or 'fossil'
species; but it must be remembered that the meaning of these terms is 'species
in the palaeontological sense'. This must be borne in mind in discussions of

human evolution as revealed by the fossil evidence. It must also be remembered

that the decision whether or not to distinguish two closely similar fossil forms
as separate 'palaeontological species' cannot command universal assent.
 THE MEANING OF 'SPECIES' 71

Some palaeontologists nowadays recognize only two grades of structure

in the Homo, and the name of 'Homo erectus (Dubois)'
evolution of the genus
is commonly given to fossil man of the older and more primitive grade.

The specific name erectus is taken from Java Man, originally called
Pithecanthropus erectus by his discoverer, E. Dubois (1894), who used the
adjective to indicate that although the specimen was intermediate between ape
and man, he walked upright. It is argued that the difference between this form
and modern man is insufficient to warrant the use of different generic names,
and Pithecanthropus is therefore often (but not invariably) replaced by Homo.
Pekin Man, formerly regarded as generically distinct under the name of
Sinanthropus pekinensis, was in many respects so similar to Java Man that
many authorities place him in the same species. The majority of later forms, in-
cluding that which was discovered at Neanderthal, are often grouped with
modern man as Homo sapiens.
Homo (or Pithecanthropus) erectus may be distinguished from H. sapiens by
several criteria, of which the following are among the most important. In the
median sagittal plane of the skull (the plane that divides the left from the right
side), the frontal and parietal bones are somewhat flattened in erectus, bulbous
in sapiens: the occipital bone, on the contrary, bulges out backwards in erectus,
less so in sapiens (though it must be remarked that it projects strongly in
Neanderthal man). The eye-sockets of erectus lie largely in front of the brain-
case, in sapiens below it. If the skulls are viewed from behind (or better in
transverse section), that of erectus appears roughly pentagonal in outline: it is
widest at the base, above which its flat sides slope inwards, and then more
sharply inwards again to meet in a ridge in the middle line on top. In sapiens,
on the contrary, the contour is somewhat rounded (even in Neanderthal man),
and the skull is generally widest from side to side far above the base. More im-
portant, perhaps, than any of these distinguishing characters is the fact that the
cranial capacity (and therefore the brain) is small (about 775-1280 ml) in erec-

tus, large (about 1200-1800 ml) in sapiens.

The distinguished human palaeontologist Franz Weidenreich, who did so
much to make Pekin Man known to the world,lii281 was of opinion that human
evolution, from the primitive Java Man to modern man, was in fact what is
here called adastogenetic; for he considered that all known human fossils could
be arranged in a single series, and that no side-branches were produced. ii29l I

He appears to have supposed that geographical isolation played little or no part

in human evolution, and that all races, mingled together in space, mated more
or less indiscriminately with one another. Geographical isolation, in his opi-
nion, 'is not and cannot have been a prerequisite for the establishment of
speciations in man'; and he goes on to speak in a contemptuous manner,
strange indeed in a scientific book, of 'the eternal futility of human
isolation'.l 11291 (These words appear to mean 'the eternal futility of a belief in
human isolation'.) For these reasons Weidenreich maintained that the whole
series of human fossils belonged to a single species. Homo sapiens.
It will be evident to the reader that arguments of this sort carry little weight.

Whether we regard the evolution of the genus Homo as kladogenetic or as

adastogenetic, the fact remains that if the skeleton of every human being who
72 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
had ever existed were available for study, the series would be complete and no
one could possibly define, on objective evidence, the point at which a new
specific name should be allowed. If, however, the absence of sudden discon-
tinuity involves the necessity to allow only a single name, then Weidenreich
does not go nearly far enough. The subhuman, apelike ancestor of the Pliocene
must have the same name. Homo sapiens: so must the remote reptilian
ancestor of the Mesozoic epoch, so also the amphibian that preceded it in the
late Palaeozoic, and the fish that was ancestral to that, perhaps 300 million
years ago: for there is no evidence or likelihood that any sudden break ever oc-
curred between one generation and the next.
It is a practical convenience —nothing more than that — to recognize two
stages In human evolution, erectus and sapiens. It does not matter whether we
call them species or genera, or whether we recognize different genera (as was
formerly done, and indeed still is by some authorities) in what is now usually
called the 'species' erectus. We can name the ranks in the hierarchy as we
please. There is nothing genuinely special about the species when we are
studying fossil history.

THE SPECIES IN THE MORPHOLOGICAL SENSE

The taxonomist in his museum receives from many parts of the world in-
numerable specimens of animals, usually unaccompanied by information that
would enable him to apply any criteria, other than those derived from a study
of structure, in distinguishing 'species' from one another. He is in much the
same position as the palaeontologist, for he is forced to make somewhat ar-
bitrary judgements as to whether two or more specimens are sufficiently similar
to one another to fall into the same species. If no intermediates are known to
exist, and the degree of difference is as great as that which usually separates
well-known distinct species in the group of animals in which he specializes, he
is justified in separating the two forms under different specific names. If he

were unwilling to do this, knowledge could not be shared by different

taxonomists, because they would not have verbal means of communication. On
purely structural or 'morphological' grounds, therefore, a set of specimens is
regarded as belonging to a single species, to which a name is given. A species of
this sort is sometimes called a 'morphological species', which means a species
defined on the basis of structure, without consideration of other criteria, such
as its mating habits. A better name would be a 'species in the morphological
sense'. Ideally, the naming of species on a purely morphological basis might
eventually become unnecessary. Today, and in the foreseeable future, we can-
not do without it.
A species in the morphological sense is not necessarily everywhere exactly
the same. If it extends over a vast expanse of land, differences are usually
observed in different places. Provided that these differences are gradual from
each place to the next —
less, that is to say, than the differences that usually oc-
cur between the recognized species in the particular taxon in question all the —
forms are regarded as belonging to a single species. Sometimes there is a
 THE MEANING OF 'SPECIES" 73

noticeable difference among the populations on the two sides of some

geographical feature, such as a mountain range or wide river, which partially
isolates them; but if there is no absolute distinction between the populations on
the two sides that would enable one to determine with certainty from which
side of the obstacle every specimen came, the two populations are regarded as
belonging to the same species, but to different subspecies or races of it. The
expression 'geographical race' is sometimes used, but the meaning is the same.
A species in the morphological sense might be found, by subsequent
research, to be a species also in some other sense; but most species have been
defined by the application of morphological criteria only.

THE SPECIES IN THE GENETICAL SENSE

Dans la nature, il n'existe que des individus & des suites d'individus, c'est a
dire des especes. Daubenton. 1 754.12601

According to Blumenbach,[i081 the English naturalist John Ray was the first
person to state that those animals should be placed in the same species which
copulate together and have fertile progeny. I have not found a definite state-
ment to this effect in the works of Ray. The latter discusses what is meant by
'species', in animals as well as plants, in his Historia plantarum. published in
1686; 188 II but here he only indicates that in deciding whether to regard two
forms as belonging to the same species, one should be guided not solely by
structural difference or similarity, but by whether they originate from similar
parental types: 'for those which differ specifically preserve their species
[separatelyl for ever, and one species does not arise from the germ (semine) of
another species, or conversely'. In another workl882l Ray briefly mentions the
mule, but only asks why 'that hybridous Production should not again generate,
and so a new race be carried on; but [that] Nature should stop here and
proceed no further, is to me a mystery and unaccountable'.
The Comte de Buffon seems to have been the first to state quite definitely, in
1749, that the criterion of the species was the capacity to interbreed. He
remarked that the kinds of animals are easier to distinguish by obvious
differences than those of plants,and continued. 'Moreover, there is another ad-
vantage recognizing the species of animals and distinguishing them from one
in
another: this is the fact that one should regard as of the same species those
which, by means of copulation, perpetuate themselves and preserve the likeness
of this species; and as of different species, those which by the same means can
produce nothing.'li59l He goes on to define species more exactly by the test that
if members of different species do copulate together, their offspring if any are —
produced — are infertile.
Later in the same century the Scottish physician named John Hunter, who
has already been mentioned in Chapter 2 (p. 24), put forward a similar but
curiously of the word 'species' in the course of his
elaborate definition
Inaugural Dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Medicine at Edinburgh
University. 1524, 5251 According to him it was 'A class of animals in which the
74 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

individuals procreate withone another, and the descendants of which also

procreate other animals which either already are, or subsequently become,
similar to [other members of] the class'.By this he meant that the parental
stocks might differ, but they were of the same species if the progeny of the
hybrid offspring and its descendants, mating in each generation with members
of one and the same parental stock, eventudlv produced individuals similar to
members of that stock; one of the original siocks had merged with the other,
and both were therefore to be regarded as belonging to the same species. It is a
very strange coincidence that another Scot also named John Hunter, no less a
person than the celebrated surgeon and anatomist of that name, put forward a
similar but simpler idea a dozen years later, quite independently. He argued
that 'The true distinction between different species of animals must ulti-
mately, as appears to me, be gathered from their incapacity of propagating
with each other an offspring capable of continuing itself, by subsequent
propagations. '15261 He obtained evidence that the female wolf, and also the
female jackal, could mate with dogs to produce a second generation of hybrids.
On this evidence he concluded that these three kinds of animals belonged to the
same species. 1526. 527] Nowadays it is universally allowed that the European
wolf {Canis lupus) and common jackal (C. aureus) belong to different species.
The ancestry of the domestic dog (C. familiaris) is not known with certainty
(see p. 362).
Dobzhansky's definition of the word 'species' is essentially a refined and
sophisticated version of the ideas expressed by Buffon and the Hunters.
'Species in sexual cross-fertilizing organisms can be defined as groups of pop-
ulations which are reproductively isolated to the extent that the exchange of
genes between them absent or so slow that the genetic differences are not
is

diminished or swamped. '(2771 One notices at once that those kinds of animals
are excluded in which sexual reproduction does not occur; yet these kinds of
animals are numerous, and zoologists are unanimous in recognizing species
among them. However, man and all his near relatives in the animal world

reproduce exclusively by sexual reproduction, and the use of the word 'species'
in this different sense, applicable to asexually reproducing animals, need not
detain us. A species defined by Dobzhansky's criterion is sometimes called a
'biological species', but this is an unfortunate expression. Any definition of
species must necessarily be biological, since biology is the science of life. The
term 'genetic species' is preferable, on the understanding that it means a species
defined by 'gene-flow', that is to say, the spread of genes from one member of
the group to another, but it is more accurate to speak of 'the species in the
genetical sense'.
From what has been said, the reader might suppose that the word 'species'
has a definite meaning when used in the genetical sense, though not when used
in any other. In fact the definition, though useful, is not wholly satisfactory. Its
most obvious defect is that it can only refer to a population as it exists during a
very limited space of time, almost necessarily the present, and evolutionary
history is therefore overlooked.
of Dobzhansky's definition results in certain very similar
Strict application
animals being assigned to different species. The malarial mosquitoes and their
 THE MEANING OF 'SPECIES' 75

relatives provide a remarkable example of this. The facts are not only extreme-
ly interesting from the purely scientific point of view, but also of great practical
importance in the maintenance of public health in malarious districts. It was
discovered in 1920 that one kind of the genus Anopheles, called elutus, could
be distinguished from the well-known malarial mosquito. A. maculipemiis, by
certain minute differences in the adult, and by the fact that its its eggs looked
different; but for our detailed knowledge of this subject we are mainly indebted
to one Falleroni, a retired inspector of public health in Italy, who began in 1924
to breed Anopheles mosquitoes as a hobby. He noticed that several different
kinds of eggs could be distinguished, that the same female always laid eggs
having the same appearance, and that adult females derived from those eggs
produced eggs of the same type. He realized that although the adults all
appeared similar, there were in fact several different kinds, which he could
recognize by the markings on their eggs. Falleroni named several different
kinds after his friends, and the names he gave are the accepted ones today in
scientific nomenclature.
It was not until 193 1 that the matter came to the attention of L. W. Hackett,

who, with A. Missiroli, did more than anyone else to unravel the details of this
curious story. 1449. 447,4481 The facts are these. There are in Europe six different
kinds of Anopheles that cannot be distinguished with certainty from one
another in the adult state, however carefully they are examined under the
microscope by experts; a seventh kind, elutus, can be distinguished by minor
differences if its age is known. The larvae of two of the kinds can be dis-
tinguished from one another by minute differences (in the type of palmate hair
on the second segment, taken in conjunction with the number of branches of
hair no. 2 on the fourth and fifth segments). Other supposed differences
between the kinds, apart from those in the eggs, have been shown to be unreal.
In nature the seven kinds are not known to interbreed, and it is therefore
necessary, under Dobzhansky's definition, to regard them all as separate
species.
The males of six of the seven species have the habit of 'swarming' when
ready to copulate. They join in groups of many individuals, humming, high in
the air; suddenly the swarm bursts asunder and rejoins. The females recognize
the swarms of males of their own species, and are attracted towards them.
Each female dashes in, seizes a male, and flies off, copulating.
With the exceptions mentioned, the only visible differences between the
species occur at the egg-stage. The eggs of six of the seven species are shown in
Fig. 8 (p. 76).
It will be noticed that each egg is roughly sausage-shaped, with an air-filled float at

each side, which supports it in the water in which it is laid. The eggs of the different
species are seen to difTer in the length and position of the floats. The surface of the rest of

the egg is covered all over with microscopic finger-shaped papillae, standing up like the

pile of a carpet. It is these papillae that are responsible for the distinctive patterns seen on
the eggs of the different species. Where the papillae are long and their tips rough, light is

reflected to give a whitish appearance; where they are short and smooth, light passes
through to reveal the underlying surface of the egg, which is black. The biological
significance of these apparently trivial differences is unknown.
76 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
From the point of view of the ethnic problem the most interesting fact is this.

Although the visible differences and confined or

between the species are trivial
almost confined to the egg-stage, it is evident that the nervous and sensory
systems are different, for each species has its own habits. The males of one
species {atroparvus) do not swarm. It has already been mentioned that the
females recognize the males of their own species. Some of the species lay their
eggs in fresh water, others in brackish. The females of some species suck the
blood of cattle, and are harmless to man; those of other species suck the blood
of man, and in injecting their saliva transmit malaria to him.

8 The eggs of six species of the genus Anopheles

1, inelanoon: 2, messeae: 3, maculipennis: 4. atroparvus: 5, labranchiae; 6, elutus.
From Hackett and Missiroli. 14491

Examples could be quoted of other species that are distinguishable from one
another by morphological differences no greater than those that separate the
species of Anopheles; but the races of a single species indeed, the subraces of —
a single race —
are often distinguished from one another, in their typical forms,
by obvious differences, affecting many parts of the body. It is not the case that
species are necessarily very distinct, and races very similar.

It is commonly supposed that the species in the genetical sense is dis-

tinguished from the race by the fact that the former is cut off from reproduc-
tion with other species (in the ordinary circumstances of wild life), while the
subspecies or race because interbreeding is known to occur where races
is not,
of the same species come into contact at the margins of their territories, or the
forms pass over into one another by such slight or insensible gradations in the
intermediate region that hybridization must be assumed. Yet this distinction
between the species and the race is by no means so rigid as these words would
imply. The very complicated case of the herring gull illustrates this fact par-
ticularly well. It has been thoroughly investigated by independent authors, es-
pecially Stegman,lioo5l Mayaud,|7i6l and Stresemann and Timofeeff-
 THE MEANING OF 'SPECIES' 77

Ressovsky;! 10201 and it deserves rather detailed study, because it gives further
warning that we should not lay too much stress on the question whether any
particular group of related organisms is to be considered as a single species or
not.
The Danish writer Pontoppidan was the first to give a specific name to
herring gulls. He gave the name of Lams argentatus to Scandinavian
specimens. When it was discovered that there were many races of the species
Larus argentatus Pontopp.. the Scandinavian race took the name of Lariis
argentatus argentatus, in accordance with the rules of nomenclature, or simply
argentatus for short in studies of races. The British race of this species.

«a~~

9 Species or races?
A. herring gull (race argenteus): B, lesser black-backed gull (race briiannicus = graellsii).
Specimens i.i the Oxford University Museum, photographed by Mr. J. Haywood.

argenteus, is very iimilar to argentatus. A member of it is shown in Fig. M.

The back and wings (apart from their black-and-white tips) are silvery or very
pale blue-grey; the feet have a somewhat rosy tint, and are usually describee as
flesh-coloured. Gulls of the same general type may be followed across the
Atlantic past Iceland to Canada, and thence across the Behring Straits to Asia
and all the way along
the northern part of that continent until the circle round
the pole completed by overlap with the habitat of argentatus in the White
is

Sea. east of the Scandinavian peninsula. Any zoologist who has followed this
route westwards from Scandinavia will have passed through the territories of
seven races when he has completed his journey, and will have left on his right-
hand side another race in Greenland and yet another in the Hudson's Bay dis-
trict. During the course of his journey the traveller will have noticed a
progressive change in the characters of the seven races. The backs and wings
of the gulls will have become pale slate-grey, darker slate-grey, and finally
almost blackish; their feet will have passed through intermediate shades to
yellow, their wings will have become relatively longer and their whole bodies
larger. The gradual transition is attributed to interbreeding at the racial boun-
78 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
daries. A chain
of related forms, replacing one another progressively, was given
the name of by Professor J. S. Huxley. 15331 Many examples of clines
'cline'
could be quoted, but a complete circle round the world is exceptional.
On the evidence so far given, no one would doubt that all these races were
members of a single species. But argentatus and another form L. argentatus
ontelius themselves flady contradict this supposition: for on meeting in the
White Sea they do not breed together (though sexual attraction between some
individuals of the two forms has been reported). Thus the zoologist who
travelled westward round the world from Norway until he first reached the
territory of antelius would be inclined to put all the herring gulls he had seen in
the same species: but if he had started in the opposite direction he would
almost certainly have put argentatus and antelius in different species as soon
as he had reached the White Sea and had observed that the two forms did not
merge into one another in their physical characters and did not interbreed.
In Asia a second, more southerly, chain of four races of herring gulls springs from one
of the members of the chain of seven, goes through the Caspian and Black Seas to both
northern and southern shores of the Mediterranean, emerges through the Straits of
Gibraltar as atlantis. and spreads southwards along the coast of Africa and also
northwards to the Portuguese coast. The Mediterranean race, michahellesi. also extends
to the Atlanticand breeds as far north as the north-west corner of Spain.
A northerly side-shoot from the first member of this chain of races constitutes yet
another race, omissus, which enters the Baltic Sea. Here it behaves exactly as antelius
does in the White Sea: it encounters argentatus. but does not breed with it.

In northern Europe, in a zone extending from the eastern end of the Scandinavian
peninsula to the British Isles, and also down the Atlantic coast to Africa, there is another

group of three races commonly called lesser black-backed gulls, or Larus fuscus Linn.
These \\\vqq, fuscus. intennedius. and britannicus. are rather similar to one another. They
tend to be smaller than herring gulls, though there is overlap in size: the feet are yellow
and the back and wings very dark slate-grey, almost black. The wings are longer relative-
ly to body-size than in herring gulls. Those races of herring gulls that end the westerly
sequences that we have been considering antelius in the White Sea. omissus in the
Baltic, atlantis and michahellesi in the Atlantic — are precisely those that reach or ap-
proach most closely to the territory of the lesser black-backed gulls and show the
strongest resemblance to the latter. The lesser black-backed gulls give the impression of
being the final members of the series. Stegman says that the British lesser black-backed

gull (britannicus) is 'amazingly' Cverbliiffend') similar to the herring gull antelius: lioo5l

but the territories of these two races do not actually overlap. Stresemann and Timofeeff-
Ressovsky actually classify atlantis with the lesser black-backed gulls in one place (p.

62) in their paper. I io:oi though not in same paper: and they say that
other places in the
interbreeding between atlantis and britannicus occurs occasionally. (Mayaud. to whom
they refer, does not record this.)

Stegman states that argentatus forms mixed colonies with britannicus on the coast of
Holland, and that a certain amount of hybridization occurs, with production of
intermediates.! 10051 He does not make it clear whether by argentatus he here means L.
argentatus argentatus or L. argentatus argenteus. In the Moray Firth, on the east coast
of northern Scotland, the BriUsh herring gull (argenteus) shares a breeding-ground with
britannicus. but hybridization does not occur. I904|
 THE MEANING OF 'SPECIES' 79

Seventeen races have been mentioned (though not all of them have been
named) in the above account, and another race in Asia brings the total to eigh-

teen. On the evidence of gradation in characters and genetic continuity through

occasional interbreeding, all these might seem to constitute a single species. If
so, the correct name for it is Larusfuscus Linn., since this has priority over the
others. The failure to interbreed in certain places has, however, resulted in the
suggestion that two species should be recognized: (1) L. fuscus {the fuscus-
britannicus group of three races) and (2) L. argentatus (all the rest). It has also
been suggested that there are three: (1) L. fuscus (as before); (2) L. argentatus
of northern Europe, the British Isles. Iceland, Greenland, and
(the herring gulls
Canada); and (3) L. cachimians (comprising the whole of the chain of races
that starts on the Asiatic side of the Behring Straits and ends in antelius,
omissus, michahellesi, and atlantis).
In such cases as this it seems best to discard the idea of species altogether,
and to think simply of a group of races, all of which are linked together by in-
sensible or almost insensible gradations in physical characters in such a way
that they replace one another geographically, with occasional interbreeding. A
group of races of this sort falls into the category called Formenkreis (p. 82).*
Another bird, almost as familiar of Great Britain as the herring gull is on
in the interior

its what has just been described, though in this case

coasts, presents a curious parallel to
the circle is completed not round the North Pole, but round a huge area comprising the
central Asian massif and the deserts of Takla Makan and Gobi to the north of it. The
great tit. Panis major, has an immense range, extending all the way from the British Isles
to Japan, both south and north of the area just defined. A large number of races has been
described, but it is not necessary for the present purpose to mention more than three. The
European races, typified by Parus major major, are greenish on the back and yellow
below. As one follows this bird eastwards to Persia and beyond, there is a progressive

loss of the yellow pigment in the feathers, until the back has become grey and the belly

white {P. major bokharensis). Further east, insouthern China, a yellow-green patch has
appeared on the nape of the neck; this is the race {P. major mhior) that extends to
Japan. 18921
If we now follow the bird from Europe across the continent north of the mountainous
and desert area, it remains much more constant in colour, and may be regarded
throughout as P. major major. The narrow dp of its eastern range just reaches the Pacific
Ocean and the Sea of Okhotsk, north of the northernmost island of Japan. In one par-
dcular area, however, P. major major completes the circle by overlapping with P. major
minor. The overlap occurs in the area partly enclosed by the great northern loop of the
Amur River, in Manchuria. This area has been very carefully studied by Stegman. lioo4i

Although he could not state positively that P. major major and P. major minor never
hybridize in the region of overlap, he could find no evidence of it. Each race maintains its

two races appear as 'good species' where their ranges

integrity. Just as with the gulls, the

overlap. As Stegman mildly remarks. "On this subject I only want to say that the
difference between species and subspecies is not fundamental.' looai I

Many comparable examples could be quoted of what Stresemann and

Timofeeff-RessovskyI 10201 call 'the transgression of subspecific areas without
* For an interesting suggestion about the way in which the Ice Age may have influenced the
evolution of the races considered in the foregoing paragraphs, see Schweppenburg. 14521
80 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

the formation of intermediate forms and hybrid populations'. These authors

quote seven confirmed cases among birds and eleven probable ones. Races that
share the territories of other races without hybridizing often avoid one another
by occupying different ecological niches within the shared territory, though, as
the gulls show, this does not necessarily happen.

Certain non-marine animals that live on oceanic islands, surrounded by a

vast expanse of sea. present a problem for anyone who would define the species
by the genetical criterion. The sea prevents any effective gene-flow from a con-
tinent (though an occasional straggler may arrive, as must have happened in
the distant past, when the island was first populated). The isolated population
often begins to change in colour or morphological characters, so that one can
distinguish the island specimens from members of the typical continental
species. In such cases it is customary to make a guess as to whether the two
forms would breed together, if they chanced to meet under natural conditions
of life. If this is thought probable, the island form is regarded as a race of the
continental species. 78] It is clear that the definition of a species in such cases
1 1

depends not on objective proof of gene-flow, nor even on the likelihood of its
occurrence, but only on the probability that such flow would occur if
something else occurred which is not known to occur. The same drawback to
the definition exists if the island form is not distinguishable from that on the
mainland, since no significant gene-flow has occurred. The inclusion of the
island form in the same species as the continental is pragmatically useful,
because it calls attention to the morphological similarity (or identity) of the two
populations, but the use of gene-flow in the definition of the word 'species' loses
authority from this practice.
A curiously analogous case is presented by those castes in India that prac-
tise strict endogamy. From the time when such castes originated, the exchange

of genes with the rest of the population was at an end. A rigidly enforced
custom here takes the place of the ocean in isolating a particular class of per-
sons. Strict application of Dobzhansky's definition might cause one to regard
the members of such a caste as constituting a separate species of man, even
though no morphological character could be relied on to determine whether a
person belonged to the caste or not. It may be argued that the absence of struc-
tural differences proves that the members of a caste do not constitute a separate
species; but if so. the definition rests on a morphological basis, not on the
presence or absence of gene-flow.

REALGATTUNG. FORMENKREIS. AND RASSENKREIS

The writings ofImmanuel Kant on the species problem are of extraordinary
interest. They belong in part to their time, but here and there the great
philosopher seems to have looked far forward into the future.
Kant draws a sharp distinction between 'the description of nature'
{N aturbeschreibiing) and 'natural history' (Naturgeschichte).\564\ The former, a
product of what he rather contemptuously calls the 'academic system'
(Schulsystem), is a mere description of nature as it now exists, while the latter is
 THE MEANING OF 'SPECIES' 81

literally a history — an account of events in time, including the origin of races.

To understand him it is necessary to realize that the word Gattung, in his
writings, means an interbreeding stock, not a 'genus" in the formal sense. He
remarks that classification into Gattungen 'is based on the common law of
propagation, and the unity of the Gattungen is nothing else than the unity of
the ability to procreate", which prevails widely among animals that show a con-
siderable degree of diversity.
Therefore Buflron"s rule, animals which together produce fertile
that
offspring (whatever differences there may be between them)
of form
nevertheless belong to one and the same physical Gattung. must properly be
regarded as the definition of a natural Ga/^z//7gof animals, in contradistinction
to all academic Gattungen of them. Academic classification extends to classes,
which it divides according to resemblances, while natural classification divides

according to relationships, by taking reproduction into account. The former

provides an academic system for the memory, the latter a natural system for
the understanding. The first has as its purpose only to arrange creatures under
names, the second to bring them under laws. 15641
It is significant that Kant's thoughts on this subject arose from the fact that it

was one of his functions to lecture on physical geography. He recognized that as

plants and animals spread over the surface of the globe, each original kind
(Stamingattung) underwent evolutionary modification (Anartung). In his view it
already contained the germs (Anlagen) that would enable it to transform itself in

appropriate ways when encountered new soils and climates; but the
it

recognizably different forms (Racen) retained the capacity to breed with one
another and produce fertile offspring. He dispensed with the idea of
morphological species (Arten) and looked at the whole set of different Racen as a
'genuine interbreeding stock" or Realgattung, to be distinguished sharply from
the academic Nominalgattung, in the definition of which no regard was paid to
the processes of reproduction. For Kant, then, the grouping of animals was best
expressed by the recognition of realities, namely of Realgattungen, each of
which, spreading widely, might evolve into many geographical races
{Racen).\5b5\ In dispensing with the species and recognizing as valid only two
taxa, the Realgattung and Racen, Kant was well over a century ahead of his
time.
Applying these principles, Kant pronounced that all human beings belonged
to 'one and the same natural Gattung\ which he divided into only four Racen,
of which three (essentially the Europid. Negrid, and Mongolid) are still
recognized today. He thought the Europid was the original stock from which
the others had diverged. 15651
Anxious as he was to concentrate on realities, Kant nevertheless allowed
himself to theorize on the origin of the Realgattungen. He seems to have come
to the conclusion that these might have arisen from ancestral forms just as
Racen had originated from Stammgattungen (though he did not state his opi-
nion in exactly this way). His thoughts on this subject are expressed, sur-
prisingly enough, in his celebrated philosophical work Critik der
Urtheilskraft.\566. 561] He reveals himself here as one prepared to speculate
freely about the distant past — or. to use his own quaint expression, to act as
82 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

'an archaeologist of nature'. He was even prepared to include man himself in

his grand evolutionary scheme. The resemblance of many Gattungen to others
was due, he thought, to their genuine relationship, and in theory they could be
traced back
through the gradual approximation of one Gattung of animals to
another .from man all the way to the polyp ... In this matter the
. .

archaeologist of nature, relying on any mechanism known to or conceived by

him, is free to imagine that a great family of creatures originated from Spuren
f? primitive forms] that survived the earliest turmoils*: for one must regard
those creatures as a family, if the universal and continuous relationship,
already mentioned, is to have a foundation in fact.
He supposed that the earth, developing through these turmoils from its
original chaotic state, brought forth "at first creatures of less well-adapted form,
and that these in their turn perfected themselves in adaptation to their place of
origin and their interactions with one another'. In a footnote Kant remarks that
there must be few scientists to whom such ideas have not occurred.
—
The idea of the Realgattung though not the revolutionary ideas that in-
spired the 'archaeologist of nature' —
did indeed eventually occur, entirely in-
dependently, to another German thinker. It was in the last decade of the
following century that Otto Kleinschmidt. a naturalist and at one time a
Protestant clergyman, began to expound his Fonnenkreis doctrine, to which he
devoted many papers and eventually, more than a quarter of a century later, a
book. I5Q2. 5931 At first he was unaware that his Fonnenkreis and Rassen
corresponded closely to Kant's Realgattung and Racen. When at last he
stumbled on the latter's writings, he discarded for a time the use of
Formenkreis and adopted Realgattung in its place. Kant, however, had been
interested principally (though by no means exclusively) in the human Realgat-
tung and its component Racen, while Kleinschmidt had a vastly greater
knowledge of animals. Like Kant, he rejected the idea of species (Arten)
because it represented an unreality. He considered that the word was too much
associated with morphology, and too little with actual relationship. In one
respect, however, his Fonnenkreis differed from Kant's Realgattung. In an
early paper, delivered to the German Ornithological Society, he gave in a single
sentence the gist of the doctrine to which he was to devote the whole of his
energies in the field of science.
'It is not possible', he claimed, 'to distinguish

sharply between "good species" and "mere geographical races", because good
species may often be geographical representatives of one another.'i59ii Thus,
wherever two different forms replaced one another geographically, he regarded
them as Rassen of a single Formenkreis. without regard to whether they inter-
bred with one another or not. A
Formenkreis therefore often included as
single
Rassen many 'good and was thus a much wider
species' of the old systematics,
term (though he allowed that a Formenkreis might in certain cases consist of
only a single Rasse).
It may be remarked in passing that Kleinschmidt was inclined to place the

Neanderthalians and Broken Hill man, and possibly also Pithecanthropus, in

the same Formenkreis as the races of modern man. 1 5931

* Possibly Kant meant revolutions of the earth in the astronomical sense.

 THE MEANING OF -SPECIES' 83

The Formenkreis resembles 'the species in the genetical sense", but it seems
to provide a better representation of reality because it takes some account of
the evolutionary history of the forms included in it. instead of being based only
on the existence of gene-exchange at a particular time. An important part of
Kleinschmidt's doctrine, however, is not acceptable. He considered that each
Formenkreis had evolved, independently of all others, from a primitive
ancestor that had existed in the most remote times. Actual relationship or
sharing of common ancestors was thus in his opinion non-existent except
within the Formenkreis. This implies an incredible degree of adastogenetic
parallel evolution. The valuable component of the Formenkreislehre is unfor-
tunately impaired by its association with this untenable hypothesis. When he
tried to trace his Formenkreise back he seems to have been baffled by
in time,

the same difficulties as are implicit in 'the species in the palaeontological sense',
and to have tried to escape them by denying the reality of kladogenesis, except
within the Formenkreis.
The term Rassenkreis was introduced by the German authority on
taxonomic principles Bernhard Rensch, who developed his ideas on this
subject in a number of papers and books. I89i. 892.8941 He found it 'absolutely
necessary' to depart from the idea of species as used in the old systematics, and
to use instead the idea of 'Rassenkreis or Formenkreis': and when this was
done, he found that all distinction between species and races disappeared. 89 il 1

He pointed out that the races of a single Rassenkreis often do not differ less
from one another than 'good species' do. He allowed, however, that these 'good
species' do exist, especially among cosmopolitan or nearly cosmopolitan forms
(for instance, certain Protozoa), which seem to be everywhere the same. There
are also 'young species', which have not yet had time to spread over a wide
area and become diversified, and also 'relict species', somehow cut off in
ancient times in a restricted area, from which escape was impossible. For all
these he continued, unlike Kleinschmidt, to use the term Arten or species.
Rensch's writings are more erudite than Kleinschmidt's, but it is questionable
whether he could not have expressed his ideas while retaining the latter's ter-
minology (as he did at first), or Kant's.
Unlike Kant and Kleinschmidt. Rensch took cognizance of the fact that animals may
become separated in space and gradually develop in several territories into distinct forms
that subsequently come together in a shared environment after having diverged
sufficiently to be able to avoid hybridity. this occurrence the term 'disisolation' may
To
perhaps be applied. One does know whether Kleinschmidt would have included dis-
not
isolated forms in a single Formenkreis. Some of the gastropods (snail-like animals) of
Lake Baikal seem to provide a particularly striking example of disi§oIation. This great
expanse of water contains no fewer than 33 forms of the pectinibranch family Baikalidae
(related to the very common Viviparus of British fresh waters). The members of this
family, which are not known to hybridize, occur nowhere else in the world except in the

region of Lake Baikal, and it is hard to understand how the ancestral form could have un-
dergone so much kladogenetic evolution without the help of geographical isolation. Some
authorities have supposed that the animals of the lake are a relict fauna of what was
originally part of the sea. but the evidence against this appears to be conclusive. 16671

Rensch supposes that geographical isolation miay have played a part in the evolutionary
84 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
process. S'j: I His hypothesis is that many of the 33 forms have originated separately as
races in waters connected with the lake, and that changes in the inflow and outflow
systems, caused by earth movements, provided isolated areas in which these races
diverged further, until subsequent geotectonic changes allowed them to come together in

the main body of water as 'good species', too distinct to hybridize.

Not only in Lake Baikal, but wherever two or more closely related but dis-
tinct kinds of animals live together in the same place and in the same ecological
niche in it, there must almost certainly have been isolation followed by dis-
isolation; for otherwise kladogenetic evolution could scarcely have occurred. It
cannot reasonably be doubted, despite Weidenreich's opinion (p. 71). that
partial geographical isolation played an essential role in the evolution of human
races, which, in their typical forms, differ so markedly from one another. The
subsequent disisolation which has now been going on for a long time, was
caused not by geotectonic changes, such as may have brought together the in-
cipient species of Baikalidae, but by modern inventions. The Victorian
anthropologist Dr. Beddoe recognized this long ago. 'The ever-increasing
J.

rapidity of local migration and intermixture', he wrote in 1885, 'due to the

extension of railways and the altered conditions of society, will in the next
generation almost inextricably confuse the limits and proportions of the British
races. '|69| He was referring to Europe, and should have referred to 'subraces';
but the steamship and now the aeroplane have brought the races together in
space to an extent never known before. Without these mechanical devices the
kladogenetic evolution of human races might possibly have gone further, and
produced in the end genetic barriers to hybridity in addition to the psy-
chological ones that have a partial isolating effect today.
 6 Hybridity and the species problem

THE SELECTION OF SEXUAL PARTNERS

Evolutionary advance must have been due mainly to the repeated
splittingof one species into two or more ('kladogenesis', p. 69), for otherwise
there would be no such taxa of animals as genera, families, and orders, but only
unrelated stocks. Adastogenesis, or evolutionary change without such splitting,
must as a general rule occur temporarily and end in reversion to kladogenesis
or in extinction. But kladogenesis implies that one interbreeding stock becomes
two or more; and this can only happen when two or more races originate and
cease, or nearly cease, to interbreed with one another. Races may originate, for
instance, as a result of geotectonic changes, such as the broadening of a river
or the uprising of a chain of mountains, with the consequent division of the
previously continuous population into partly separated groups. Isolation
caused in this way can seldom be sudden and complete. If the races are to
evolve eventually into separate stocks ('species'), despite the fact that isolation
is incomplete, there must be a tendency towards the mating of individuals that
closely resemble one another, and a revulsion against sexual partnership with
those that clearly belong to a distinct population. As Broca tritely remarks,
'Animals that live in complete liberty and only obey their natural instincts seek
ordinarily for their amours other animals that are altogether similar to their
own kind, and mate almost always with their own species.'! 391
1 Sexual
revulsion against slightly different kinds only a particularly sharply marked
is

example of the natural tendency of animals to avoid mating with widely

different forms, belonging to different species, genera, families, or orders.
It is thinkable that new taxa might originate without physical isolation,

through the tendency of those individuals that chanced to resemble one another
most closely in appearance or odour or behaviour to congregate together and
select one another as sexual mates; but it is not likely that a tendency of this
sort has played any important part in evolution. Partial isolation and
evolutionary change must ordinarily come first, before the recognition of 'own
kind' steps in to make the separateness of the taxa more complete.
The exceptional occurrence of hybridity between different species of animals
living under natural conditions is discussed below (p. 89). Indiscriminate inter-
breeding between distinct forms, whether 'species' or markedly different races,
is not generally beneficial. The defect may show in a change in the sex-ratio of

the offspring, probably caused by the early abortion of members of one sex,
generally the male in the case of mammals. It is possible for two related forms
to occupy the same territory but to avoid mating with one another, because
86 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

their mating seasons are at different times of the year, or because their habitats
within the territory are different; but in many cases isolation is maintained by
the marked preference of each form for a mate of its own kind. The nature of
the preferences, and the mechanisms by which hybridity is avoided, are widely
different in different groups of animals.
In certain fishes a few of the rays of the male's anal fin are lengthened to support an
elongated copulatory organ (gonopodium). which is grooved or hollowed out for the
passage of spermatozoa to the female. This occurs, for instance, in the guppy, PoeciUa
reticulata, a tropical American species commonly kept as a warm-water aquaria.
pet in
The male of this species touches the genital papilla of the female with the tip of the organ
after an elaborate courtship display. 18 1.821 In the fresh waters of its natural habitat in
Guyana this fish lives in company with three other species of the same genus. The
mechanism by which the four species remain genetically isolated from one another has
been investigated in and in the laboratory. I666rrhe
great detail both in the natural habitat
facts are complicated and cannot be accurately condensed into a short statement, but the
general principle of the isolating or anti-hybridity process may be roughly stated as
follows. The males court the females by performing rather elaborate dances, which are
diflferent in the different species. The females respond only to the dances of males of their
own species. Their responses, though slight, are a necessary stimulus to the male, who
discontinues his dance unless stimulated. If stimulated by the correct response, the male
perseveres in his display and the female permits the transfer of spermatozoa. The males
gradually learn by experience to prefer to display before females of their own species.
Very close association between members of related species is compatible
with complete genetic isolation, even in cases where little or no help is derived
from differences in the processes of courtship. Two species of gazelle provide
an example. Gazella granti and G. thomsoni live together in mixed herds in the
great Ngorongoro crater of Tanzania. The two species are rather similar in
appearance, and newcomers to the district almost invariably confuse them.l3i5l
There are, nevertheless, certain differences in coloration.* The dark stripe along the
face is less clearly marked in granti than in thomsoni, and extends above the eye (instead
of stopping short); the dark band along each side of the body is usually rather indistinct
in granti. while the white area of rump is somewhat more extensive in this species, and

sends forward a little projection on each side, in the form of an equilateral triangle, which
is absent in thomsoni. There is a diff'erence also in height at the shoulder, granti being the
taller, and its horns are larger and more distinctly lyrate in shape. I690. 954. 3i5The scent-
glands of the face (pre-orbital glands), which are used to mark out territory by deposit of
the secretion on grass, are smaller in granti: and the inguinal glands, which produce a
musky odour, are present in both sexes in thomsoni hul absent In granti. I3i5l
No one knows what 'isolating mechanism' prevents copulation between
these two gazelles that resemble one another so closely in most respects and
live in such very close association. The courting and mating behaviour of the
two species is remarkably similar.l3i51 Possibly the mechanism is visual, but
odour from the inguinal glands may presumably play a part. (On the subject of
odour, see Chapter 10, p. 161.)

A stuffed male Gazella granti is publicly exhibited in the British Museum (Natural History),
*

in the first-floor gallery of the main hail. The markings have faded slightly. The Museum
possesses a very fine collection of skins, horns, and skulls of both species.
 HYBRIDITY AND THE SPECIES PROBLEM 87

Skulls play such a large part in human taxonomy that it is interesting to

compare those of the two species of gazelles that live in such close association
but do not attempt to interbreed. They are remarkably similar, very much more
so than those of an Eskimo and a Lapp, for instance, and indeed than those of
a typical Nordid and a typical Alpinid. though the two latter are only siihraces
of the Europid race. The skull of grand is larger, but the only morphological
differences are rather trivial.
The skull of thomsoni is slightly convex on top in the parietal region, while that of
grand \s nearly flat. In the latter species the facial part of the lacrimal bone is somewhat
hollowed out to hold the large pre-orbital gland. This hollow, the lacrimal fossa, extends
on to the jugal and maxilla. In grand the fossa is shallower, and situated largely on the
jugah it does not extend on to the maxilla. The jugal projects further forward on the face
than in thomsoni. The paroccipital process of the exoccipital is more sharply pointed in

thomsoni than in granti.\4^\ The notch in the orbital margin of the frontal, which is

present in granti and various other gazelles, is scarcely indicated I44j| or absentl49| in
thomsoni. It is doubtful whether any of these differences in the skulls would be noticed by

a person untrained in osteology, yet he or she would instandy see how unlike are the
skulls of Eskimos and Lapps.
In the distant past these two gazelles (and the others of the same genus) must
have had a common ancestor. Since the recognition of difference promotes
evolutionary change, it is perhaps not surprising that special adaptations

sometimes evolve that have the effect of making recognition easier. If isolation
is beneficial, because hybrids are in some way at a disadvantage in the struggle

for existence, the process of natural selection may result in the exaggeration of
the visible differences, until these suffice in themselves to act as a barrier to
copulation, without the necessity for the evolution of distinctive courtship dis-
plays. Two species of nuthatches provide a good example of this interesting
evolutionary process, which shows clearly the advantage of avoiding hybridity.
The two birds. Sdta neumayeri and S. syriaca (=tephrono!a). are very similar
in appearance. S. syriaca is slightly the larger, and somewhat paler above: the
black stripe along the side of the head, familiar in the British species, is a little
broader and extends further down the neck than in S. neumayeri.\2S2\TY\e latter
is a western species, ranging from Dalmatia to Iran, while S. syriaca replaces it

towards the east and does not extend info Europe. They clearly belong to the
same Formenkreis, since one replaces the other geographically. In parts of
Iran, however, the two forms overlap in range, and here a most interesting
change occurs in both of them, which has been studied in detail. They have
become much more distinctly different in the only territory in which the chance
to hybridize could [Link] In Iran the dark stripe is much wider and extends
much further back, far behind the head, in S. syriaca. while in the other
species, in this particular locality, it hardly exists behind the eye. and indeed
has become almost obsolete. S. syriaca is also a distinctly larger bird in Iran,
with a disproportionately larger beak. It must not be supposed, however, that
exaggerated recognition marks are usual at the boundaries between one race
and another.

In many of the lower marine animals there is nothing that can properly be
88 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

called selection of sexual partners, for the male and female germ-cells are
simply cast into the sea, and the fusion of the spermatozoon with an egg of the
same species depends on the selective abilities of these cells, not of the adults
that produced them (though restriction of the breeding season may aid the
process). Marine vertebrates do not ordinarily cast their genital products in-
discriminately into the water. Among the bony fishes it is usual for large
numbers of males and females of the same species to congregate together for a
communal sexual act. The French have a special word, lafraye (not to be con-
fused with lafrai, spawned eggs), to designate this sexual assembly. isil There is
here mutual recognition of 'own kind', but no pairing-off or selection of par-
ticular mates. The males and females simply cast their products into the water
in the limited space occupied by the group as a whole.
In some species of bony fishes several males may associate with a single
female and cast out their spermatozoa into the water to fertilize her extruded
eggs, while in others only one male associates with one female for this purpose.
Actual copulation is rather unusual in the bony fishes, but an example has
already been quoted (p. 86).
The ancestors of all higher vertebrates are to be sought among the
Crossopterygii, a group of fishes that originated in middle Devonian times,
some 300 million years ago. A member of this group, the celebrated
coelacanth, Latimeria chalumnae. still lives in the Indian Ocean, off the coast
of Africa, but unfortunately nothing is known about its reproductive habits. 7461 1

No copulatory organ has been described. The lung-fishes (Dipnoi) are an

aberrant group, apparently related to the Crossopterygii, that have also
lingered on to the present day. In this group also we have no information about
the fertilization of the eggs, 18241 but since in three of them the South —
American Lepidosiren parado.\a,\5is] and the African Protopterus annec-
/e/2sli58l and P. aethiopicus\4}i\ —
the eggs are laid in nests, it is certain that
there is some kind of association between the sexes; and in the two first-named,
the male guards the young.
From what is known about the habits of bony fishes in general and of lung-
fishes in particular, it seems very unlikely that the ancestral fresh-water

Crossopterygii of the mid-Devonian reproduced by random extrusion of sper-

matozoa and eggs, without /rare or actual copulation; and their immediate
descendants, the early Amphibia, no doubt also had some form of sexual
association, like their descendants of the present day. It follows that from those
ancient days onwardstoday, throughout their crossopterygian, amphibian,
till

reptilian, and mammalian stages, the ancestors of man needed to recognize

their 'own kind' with certainty. One cannot say with confidence, even quite
roughly, how many generations there have been in the ancestry of man since
the days of early Crossopterygii; but an estimate based on knowledge of the
age at maturity and reproductive life-span of various groups suggests that there
must have been at the very least sixty million; and in every one of these
generations, without a single exception through all those millions of years, the
parents recognized their 'own kind' when they performed the sexual act. By
'own kind' is here meant animals sufficiently similar to their own stock that —
is, to their actual relatives —
to make it possible for copulation to result in a
 HYBRIDITY AND THE SPECIES PROBLEM 89

continuous sequence of generations.

The ability to recognize a member of its own kind as an appropriate partner
in the sexual act is such an obvious necessity to a vast number of different
kinds of animals, including all terrestrial ones, that it tends to be taken for
granted by the non-biologist. Yet it is one of the most fundamental characters
of all those innumerable animals, of very diverse groups, in which either afraye
or an actual copulatory act is a necessary antecedent to reproduction.

HYBRIDITY UNDER NATURAL CONDITIONS OF LIFE

It is allowed, by those who use the 'geneticaP criterion, that members of
different species do occasionally mate with one another and produce fertile
offspring. It is claimed, however, that there is a sharp distinction between this
process on one hand and interbreeding between members of different races
(subspecies) of a single species on the other. In the latter case, interbreeding
produces offspring showing a smooth gradation of characters, already familiar
among the parent stocks, which anyhow cannot be sharply separated; whereas
when different species chance to interbreed, markedly strange offspring result,
differing sharply from one another and from parent stocks. nsi It was I

mentioned in Chapter 1 (p. II) that Neanderthal man and Homo sapiens in the
narrower sense are thought by some authorities to have interbred in Palestine,
and to have produced some strangely diverse forms. This may suggest that the
parental populations should be regarded as having belonged to different
species.
Nevertheless, doubt must arise as to whether the degree of diversity of the
offspring does or does not suffice, in any particular case, to cause the
taxonomist to place the parental stocks in different species. The carrion and
hooded crows provide an example. It is a familiar fact that these two forms are
very different in appearance, for the former is iridescent black all over, while
the hooded kind has part of the back and almost the whole of the underparts
pale grey. The carrion crow inhabits England, France, part of Spain, western
and southern Germany, Switzerland, and the Italian and Austrian Alps. The
hooded crow is found in Ireland, northern Scotland, Scandinavia, and central
Europe roughly as far west as the River Elbe; its eastern range extends to the
Ural Mountains, Asia Minor, and Iran. 1732. 802I The territories of the two forms
overlap along a strip of country running very roughly south-west to north-
east through Scotland (Fig. 10) and north to south through central Europe. The
continental strip varies considerably in width, averaging about 65 kilometres. It

is thought that the two forms having diverged in past times from a common
ancestor, came to occupy separate areas, and then re-established contact in a

'zone of secondary intergradation' or 'hybrid belt',l7i7| so called because a

certain amount of interbreeding occurs in the regions of overlap. The hybrids
do not provide a smooth gradation between the parental types, but tend to
differ from one another (as well as from both the parental stocks). Anyone who
considers the diversity of the offspring sufficient may regard the carrion and
hooded crows as different species, Corvus cowrie and C. conii.w those who
90 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

minimize this diversity place the parental stocks in a single species, Corvus cor-
one, and make two
subspecies or races, C. corone corone and C. corone comix.
Kleinschmidt, naturally enough, regards them simply as races of a single
Formenkreis.\^9M

10 Scotland and part of northern England, to show the

'hybrid zone' between the areas occupied predominantly
by hooded and carrion crows.
Map drawn from thedata of Meise. I7?:i

It has been argued that in is whether

cases of this sort the important question
the genetic constitution of the two forms
changed outside the actual zone of
is

hybridization. 1861 It is freely admitted that genes may pass from one
species to another in certain circumstances, by interbreeding; indeed, a special
term, Mntrogression', is used to designate this occurrence. This need not
necessarily change either of the species into which the other's genes have in-
trogressed, because the foreign elements may have a disadvantageous effect
and as a result be eliminated by natural selection. Nevertheless it is allowed
that where hybridity occurs in nature, a sharp distinction between species and
subspecies (races) cannot be drawn.[7i81
In certain circumstances a species may actually originate in nature by
 HYBRIDITY AND THE SPECIES PROBLEM 91

hybridity. The ducks (Anas) provide an example. A new species. A. oustaleti.

was discovered in 1856. It occurs only in Guam and two neighbouring islands
of the Mariana group (south of Japan). Careful research has shown that it
originated by [Link] I63l Anas poecilorhyncha is resident in many
islands in this part of the world (Caroline and Paulau Islands. Philippines, and
Japan). Members of this species must have spread in the past to the Marianas
and here interbred with members of the migratory species. A. platyrhynchos
(mallard), straying outside its usual range. No introgression appears to have
occurred: both A. poecilorhyncha and A. platyrhynchos are perfectly 'good'
species wherever they occur outside the Marianas. The hybrid species is
somewhat variable, presumably as a result of different amounts of back-
crossing with the two parental species. The latter hybridize readily in captivity
(like many members of the genus), and their offspring strongly resemble one of
the characteristic forms of A. oustaleti. Thus one can produce a 'natural'
species in captivity. The ocean that surrounds the isolated Mariana Islands has
acted rather like the wire of an aviary, if we suppose the wire broken here and
there to admit occasional stragglers. As we shall see (p. 97). there seems to be
a counterpart to A. oustaleti among the manifold forms of man.
One may say. if one likes, that hybridity between species is rare among wild
animals, but if so one may be arguing about words instead of the facts of
nature. Over a century ago. Broca asked whether in making hybridity the
"pierre de louche^ of species, and species the 'pierre de touche' of hybridity, one
were not turning in a vicious circle. i39l I

HYBRIDITY UNDER DOMESTICATION

'When animals mate with one another by their own nature {von Natiir). this is

an infallible indication that they are one and the same species." So wrote the
German zoologist J. L. Frisch in the first half of the eighteenth century. 13621 He
seems to have used the words 'von Natuf to indicate that willingness to mate
under natural conditions of wild life was a proof that the participants were of
the same species, whereas under domestication or captivity copulation might
occur between members of different species. Such was the interpretation put on
Frisch's words by [Link] In his work on the birds of Germany,
Frisch considered hybridity between captive canaries and their relatives in
some detail, without further discussion of the definition of species. I36i I

It was Berthout van Berchem the younger who first wrote perfectly plainly
on this subject. In a valuable paper on the distinction between species,
published in 1789, he wrote:
The first consideration that presents itself is that the rules that serve for
wild animals should be different from those that one employs for domestic
animals. . . . men have modified and denatured animals while denaturing
themselves. ... In wild animals, copulation is the most certain means one

can have for the recognition of species. when copulation does not occur,
. . .

one can regard them as of different species. If one finds individuals having
constant differences between them, which nevertheless do not prevent them
92 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

from having progeny together in a state of nature, one should consider them
as forming different races of the same species. I77l
Berchem insists that different species never mix 'in their state of nature. . .

it is therefore solely the copulation of wild and free animals that must be
observed; it is for them alone that it can serve as a guide.' He quotes many
examples of hybrids produced by domesticated animals of different species.
Berchem's very clear words on this subject, written not far short of two cen-
turies ago, constituted an important contribution to zoology, though one can
scarcely doubt that similar ideas must have been present in other minds than
his and Frisch's; for domestication commonly leads to a profound change in
habits. A wild animal that is accustomed to scrupulous cleanliness in its native
haunts, for instance, may adapt itself to the presence of filth under artificial
conditions of life, and substances utterly unlike its natural diet may be accepted
as food. Thus the gorilla is strictly vegetarian in nature, but in zoological gar-
dens meat (often horse-flesh) nearly always forms a considerable part of its
regular diet. 1231. 7861 Similarly the capacity for precise recognition of suitable
mating partners that has played such an important role in kladogenetic evolu-
tion may become so attenuated that two distinctly dissimilar forms may mate
together, which would never have accepted one another as sexual partners in
the circumstances of wild life. 'Strange as the fact may appear,' wrote Charles
Darwin, in The variation of animals and plants under domestication,\i5i\
'many animals under confinement unite with distinct species and produce
hybrids quite as freely as, or even more freely than, with their own species'.
Some very strange examples of abnormalities of this sort have been recorded
by reputable authorities. Buffon quotes two examples of an 'amour violent'
between a dog and a sow. In one case the dog was a large spaniel on the
property of the Comte de Feuillee, in Burgundy. Many persons witnessed 'the
mutual ardour of these two animals; the dog even made prodigious and oft-
repeated efforts to copulate with the sow. but the unsuitability of their
reproductive organs prevented their union.' Another example, still more
remarkable, occurred on Buffon's own property. A miller kept a mare and a
bull in the same stable. These two animals developed such a passion for one
another that on all occasions when the mare was on heat, over a period of
several years, the bull copulated with her three or four times a day. whenever
he was free to do so. The act was witnessed by all the inhabitants of the
place. 1 164]

Lacepede and the illustrious Cuvier. in their book on the menagerie of the
French National Museum of Natural History, record a comparable case. 1624] In
their description of a captive mandrill {Mandrillus sphinx) they write:
We have already had occasion to speak of the sexual love \amour\ of
monkeys for women: no other species gives more lively signs of it than this
one. The individual that we describe used to fall into a fit of frenzy at the
appearance of certain women, but it was by no means the case that all had
the power to excite him to this degree: one saw clearly that he picked out
those to whom he wished to express his fancy, and he did not fail to give
preference to the younger ones. He distinguished them in a crowd; he sum-
moned them by voice and gesture, and one could not doubt that if he had
 HYBRIDITY AND THE SPECIES PROBLEM 93

been free, he would have been carried away to violence. [624]

Darwin made enquiries on this subject at zoological gardens, from keepers
and also from a very cautious and sagacious veterinary surgeon employed at
one of them. He convinced himself that males of various genera of
'Quadrumani' (monkeys and apes) were in certain cases sexually attracted
towards women. He considered that the attraction was caused mainly, though
not exclusively, by odour.(258) Georges Cuvier's brother Frederic, who was in
charge of the French Menagerie Royale, makes some general remarks on the
lack of discrimination in sexual matters shown by monkeys and apes in captivi-
ty. 'It seems', he writes, 'that the more closely one approaches the human race,
the greater enfeeblement there is of the repugnance that separates species from

one another and prevents them from mixing.'|400l

Domesticated birds sometimes display similar abnormalities of sexual
behaviour. Reaumur records in his characteristic manner a curious example in-
volving a duck in his own possession. 'I have had occasion', he remarks, 'to see
every day a duck of the commonest kind that used to squat to receive the
caresses of a cock, not always the same one, to which she lent herself with as
good a grace as she would have done to those of a drake. The cock, on his part,
seemed as ardent for this duck as he could have been for a hen. '18831 The cocks
seemed able to perform effectively the functions of a drake. Incidentally the
duck had a drake for a husband, with whom she also copulated.
Rare and futile abnormalities such as these are nothing else than extreme
examples of the loss of discrimination or sensitivity in sexual matters displayed
by animals living under the influence of domestication.
Although, in the definition of species, Buffon failed to draw clearly the
necessary distinction between natural and unnatural conditions of life, he con-
tributed very considerably to our knowledge of hybridity under domestication.
This subject was in fact carefully studied by Buffon himself and his
associates[i65l and especially by Broca,[i38. 139. 140) during the century and a
half that preceded the general recognition of Mendel's discoveries. From then
onwards biologists concentrated their attention on such crosses as could be
analysed in Mendelian terms, and little attention was paid to hybridity between
kinds of animals that differed in so many genes, having cumulative effects, that
this type of animal was not applicable. Yet several of the early workers had
experimented carefully and thought deeply on the problems of interspecific
hybridity.
It was realized that hybridity was not an all-or-nothing affair. Paul Broca, a

French surgeon, anatomist, and anthropologist of great distinction, introduced

some useful terms by which to distinguish the grades of fertility shown in
interspecific crosses. 391 'Homogenesic' hybridity* may be said to exist where
1 1

any degree of fertility whatever results from a mating, from the occasional
production of a sterile hybrid to the full degree shown by the parental stocks.
Broca's degrees of fertility in hybridization are these:

* Broca's French terms are here anglicized and slightly simplified. For example, 'homogenesic'
replaces Homoeogenesique
''
94 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

agenesia: the hybrids are infertile (the mule is an example);

dysgenesic: members of the F.l (first filial) generation are infertile
among themselves, but occasionally fertile in a back-
cross with one of the parental stocks;
paragenesic: the F. 1 generation is fertile with one or both of the
parental stocks, and permanent stocks of partial
hybrids can thus be produced; but an F.2 (second filial)
generation is either not produced by mating the F.l
hybrids, or is incapable of repeated reproduction,
generation after generation;
eugenesic: members of the F. 1 generation are readily fertile among
themselves and with the parent stocks; all hybrids may
produce permanent stocks.

Modern studies have shown that decreased fertility in paragenesic hybridity

tends to show itself by a low ratio of offspring of the heterogametic sex: that is
to say, the male in mammals, the female in birds. That the male sex
predominates in hybrids between canaries and other species was already
known to Buffon, who reported on such crosses in considerable detail.! i63l He
produced evidence of different degrees of fertility among the hybrids, and his
findings can be expressed in Broca's terms, which were introduced much later.
He describes the special steps that had to be taken by the aviculturist in some
cases to persuade the parents to copulate. He gives particulars showing the
possibility of paragenesic between the female canary (Serinus
hybridity
canaria) and males of two species of another genus, Carduelis, namely the
siskin (C. spinus) and goldfinch (C. carduelis). With the citril finch (C.
citrinella) the hybridity actually appears to be eugenesic, although the cross is
intergeneric.lL39l
These and many similar experiments were performed by others, but Buffon
himself supervised experiments on the crossing of sheep with he-goats.li62. 260l
The fact that this intergeneric cross is sometimes successful, and that the
hybrids are not appears to be established. It was accepted as true by
infertile,
Broca,n39i who mentions that the French have a special name, chabin. for the
hybrid. Several examples of the successful outcome of this cross are quoted by
Alfred Russel Wallace in his famous work Darwinism.W \\i\ The information he
quotes suggests that the hybridity is paragenesic. The cross appears to be what
Brocah39i called 'unilateral', since there is evidence that the ram does not
produce progeny with the she-goat. [260l
The fact that the domestic goat (Capra hircus) has been stated by reliable
observers to hybridize in certain circumstances with the domestic sheep {Ovis
aries) is particularly remarkable, on account of the marked differences between
the members of these two forms, which cause them to be placed by
taxonomists not only in different genera, but actually in different subfamilies,
the Caprinae and Ovinae.13561 Apart from the external features that obviously
separate them, there are many others in various parts of the body.
Thus, for instance, sheep have pre-orbital glands on the face, and the facial parts of
the lacrimal bones are hollowed out to receive them; there are no such glands in goats.
 HYBRIDITY AND THE SPECIES PROBLEM 95

and consequently there is no hollowing of the lacrimal bones. Sheep also have inter-
digital glands between the toes of both hind and front feet, while in goats such glands
either do not occur or are restricted to the front feet. He-goats possess paired stink-
glands below the tail, which the ram lacks. The atlas (first) vertebra is of distinctly
different shape in the two subfamilies. The list of differences could be greatly
extended. 1356. 11221

Innumerable examples could be quoted of hybridity between species under

captivity or domestication. Some examples may be mentioned here, chosen
from among species mentioned in the preceding chapter. The Anopheles
mosquitoes provide a particularly interesting example. 14471 When held captive
in small cages, the males cannot swarm, and this interferes with the copulatory
habits of the females, which refuse to mate with the males of the swarming
species. The extraordinary fact is that in these circumstances they depart from
their usual custom and mate with males of the non-swarming species, A.
atroparvus, if present in the same cage, and conception results. No fewer than
five species of Anopheles will produce hybrid embryos in this way, but the
hybridity is agenesic or dysgenesic. In some of the crosses development goes
no further than the early stages, but in others (for instance, when A. melanoon
females are used) healthy adults are produced. The male progeny, however, are
sterile. This accords with the rule that sterility usually affects the heterogametic
sex of hybrids.
The poecilid fishes, which avoid hybridity in nature by their elaborate
courtship arrangements, will breed together in captivity. Agenesic hybrids have
been obtained by mating Poecilia reticulata with P. vivipara and also with P.
parae.\666\
The species of gulls (Larus) interbreed readily in captivity.
The breeding territory of L. marinus (the great black-backed gull) overlaps with that
of L. hyperboreus (glaucous gull), but they do not ordinarily hybridize under natural
conditions. In confinement, however, these two species breed together; so do L.
marinus and L. argentatus (herring gull, see pp. 77-9); so also do the latter and L.

canus (common gull).l952i In this genus, as in so many others, the normal mating
behaviour, which made kladogenetic evolution possible, seems to be almost completely
broken down by artificial conditions of life.

HYBRIDITY AND DOMESTICATION IN MAN

The effect of domestication in reducing sensitivity to the recognition of 'own
kind" deserves to be carefully considered in relation to the question of species in
man.
Blumenbach remarked long ago that man is 'of all living beings the most
domesticated'. 1081 Berthout van Berchem had already pointed out, in his paper
1

on the effect of domestication in promoting hybridity among animals, 'Men

have modified and denatured animals while denaturing themselves'l77i (see pp.
91-2). The human alimentary tract suggests adaptation to a diet similar to that
of the anthropoid apes, which do not eat the flesh of mammals under natural
conditionsl23i.786l (see p. 92); but domestication results in his eating many
96 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
kinds of food that would not have been accepted by the wild anthropoid
ancestors from which he inherited his teeth and alimentary canal. The instinc-
tive attitudesof animals to sex are modified, as we have seen (pp. 92-5), by
domestication, and this applies no less to man. Broca pointed out, in his paper
on human hybridity,li40) that the loss of sensitivity resulting from
domestication has gone so far that from the earliest recorded times it has been
necessary to enact laws against bestiality. The ruling of Moses on this subject
will be remembered: 'Neither shalt thou lie with any beast to defile thyself

therewith: neither shall any woman stand before a beast to lie down thereto'
{Leviticus, xviii, 23). This rule refers to the
extreme of insensitivity in the
recognition of sexual partners; but as Broca remarked, 'Man, especially
civilized man. is of all animals the least exclusive in his amours.'li40l Examples
are quoted in the medical literature of semi-monstrous human beings who have
married and become parents. There can be little doubt that the use of alcohol
and other drugs has rendered man even less exclusive in this respect than he
would otherwise have been, by reducing the capacity for accurate discrimina-
tion and judgement, but domestication itself is presumably the primary cause.
The parallel between man and animals in their tendency to indiscriminate mating
cannot be exact, since man determines what opportunities shall be available to his
domestic animals for the selection of appropriate or inappropriate sexual partners,
while he leaves himself free to select partners of either type without comparable restric-
tion.

It is interesting to consider what attitude modern man would have taken

towards hybridity today if some of his prehistoric relatives had persisted with
little change to the present day. Certainly no normal human being of modern

times would willingly copulate with any of the australopithecines (p. 272), and
by most of us the acceptance of Pithecanthropus (often regarded as a race of
Homo erectus) as a sexual partner would presumably have been considered as
a step across the boundary into bestiality. Broken Hill man (Homo
rhodesianus Woodward) would probably have been regarded by nearly
everyone as too appalling in appearance to be acceptable. Professor Mikhail
Gerasimov, the Russian anatomist noted for his work in reconstructing the
living appearances of human beings of prehistoric and modern times from
study of their skulls, has provided us with a striking portrait of this formidable
creature in his book published in English translation as The face finder. \m\\
Most of us, I would have drawn the line well on our own side of the
think,
typical Neanderthalians, though it is to be remembered that there is some
evidence for hybridity between the latter and Homo sapiens in the narrower
sense (p. 11). Modern Europids would, however, almost certainly have
accepted Cro-Magnon man (or woman), if he had survived —
as he may in fact
—
have donel48l from Upper Palaeolithic times. Gerasimov's portrait of him
confirms this opinion; indeed, the 'face finder' himself describes Cro-Magnon
man as 'in his way good-looking'. Although so much
guesswork in this par-
is

ticular problem, one thing seems certain —

that if the complete series of our
ancestors could be presented to us, diflferent people would draw the line in
different places. The wide acceptance of markedly different partners by some
would appear as intolerable and verging on bestiality to others, who would in
 HYBRIDITY AND THE SPECIES PROBLEM 97

turn be condemned as 'racialists' by the more permissively inclined. We should

remember, however, that some of the 'permissives' would be likely to receive a
rebuff from their anticipated mates, who might well be too little domesticated,
too 'natural', to view a modern man or woman with anything but revulsion.
It may well be doubted whether any two kinds of animals, differing from one

another so markedly in morphological characters (and in odour) as, for in-

stance, the Europid and Sanid (pp. 303-24), and living under natural con-
ditions of wild life, would accept one another as sexual partners. Yet if such

acceptance is the result of attenuated sensitivity to the recognition of 'own

kind', caused by the degree of domestication to which man has subjected
himself, the existence of hybrids cannot be regarded as evidence that Europid
and Sanid belong to the same 'species'. Even typical Nordids and typical
Alpinids, both regarded as subraces of a single race (subspecies), the Europid,
are very much more different from one another in morphological
characters — shape of the skull
for instance in the —
than many species of
animals that never interbreed with one another in nature, though their territories
overlap (see p. 87).
Although one may well doubt whether two forms so different as the Europid
and the Khoisanid would hybridize under conditions that could be regarded as
'natural', yet it is well known that this cross did in fact occur, and gave rise not
only to many of the people designated as 'Coloured' in the population of the
Cape Province of South Africa, but also to the Griquas and to the Reheboth
Bastaards of South West Africa. The events that led to the origin of these
hybrids at the Cape are particularly interesting on account of the remarkable
analogy with certain occurrences in the animal world, in which hybridity
between species was involved (p. 91). When Van Riebeck and his little com-
pany of emigrants from the Netherlands landed at Table Bay in 1652, they
were met by Hottentot herdsmen belonging to tribes from which the Koranas
of the present day are probably descended. Both the Dutch and the Hottentots
were in the zoological sense 'stragglers' to this part of the world, for members
of the latter group had only recently reached the southern extremity of the
continent. [10161 In so far as the land 'belonged' to anyone, it was part of the
hunting-grounds of the Bushmen, and the related 'Strandloopers' were present
on the coast. The Bushmen held all the great mountain passes and fastnesses
on the periphery of the area occupied by the Dutch, and they remained a dis-
tinct people, not yet conquered, in the vicinity of the Cape itself.lioi6l A certain
amount of interbreeding began gradually some of the Dutch
to occur between
and Hottentots, who thus mingled on soil that was foreign to both peoples. The
resulting hybrids were the first members of what eventually became the Cape
Coloured population, which was later further hybridized when the Dutch in-
troduced workers from their East Indian possessions.
The Cape Coloured people, despite their hybrid origin, show no sign of
reduced fertility. By 1909 their numbers had risen to about half a million, and
fifty years later to more than 1,400,000. [261 Nevertheless there is no proof that

hybridity among human beings is invariably eugenesic, for many of the possi-
ble crosses have not been made, or if they have, their outcome does not appear
to have been recorded. It is probable on inductive evidence that such marriages
98 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
would not be it is questionable whether the
infertile, but hybridity would
necessarily be For instance, statistical study might reveal a
eugenesic.
preponderance of female offspring, which would suggest a failure of embryos
of the heterogametic sex to develop (p. 94). Again, one would need to prove
that the filial generations in the direct without back-crosses to either of the
line,
parental stocks, retained their fertility. be remembered that in crosses
It will

between species among animals under domestication, the offspring sometimes

show reduced fertility when mated to similar hybrids, but not when mated to
the parental stocks (paragenesic hybridity).
When two human races are present in the same country in very dispropor-
tionate numbers, the hybrids produced will necessarily tend to intermarry
chiefly with members of the more numerous race, and their fertility may
therefore be only paragenesic (cf. Brocal i39l).

When two human races are present in the same country in numbers that are
not very unequal, but one race is more advanced than the other in the
scale of
civilization, the resultant hybrids are said to differ in their
marriage prospects.
The female hybrids are said to intermarry frequently with members of the more
advanced race, or with other hybrids having a preponderance of the characters
of that race, while the male hybrids tend to do the reverse. i40l It follows that I

many of the marriages are back-crosses to parental stocks. Even if the F. 1

hybrids intermarry with others of similar origin, there is no certainty that their
descendants will continue to do so, generation after generation, or if they do,
that fertility will be fully maintained. In such cases much back-crossing is
almost inevitable, and proof of eugenesic hybridity is therefore lacking.

seems to follow from what has been said in this and the preceding chapter
It

that the facts ofhuman hybridity do not prove that all human races are to be
regarded as belonging to a single 'species'. The whole idea of species is vague,
because the word is used with such different meanings, none of which is of
universal application. When it is used in the genetical sense, some significance
can indeed be attached to it, in so far as it applies to animals existing in natural
conditions of wild life at a particular time (though even here it ceases to have
any quite precise meaning in those cases in which there is interbreeding
between what are called 'good species'); but it does not appear to be applicable
to human beings, who live under the most extreme conditions of domestication
and many of whom have become insensitive in their choice of sexual partners
to a degree unknown among wild animals.
 7 The meaning of 'race'

The race or subspecies has already been mentioned repeatedly in the chapter
on the meaning of species. The reader is aware that in following a widely dis-
tributed animal over range, one often notices alterations in its appearance.
its

The changes are particularly evident wherever a partial geographical barrier

intervenes, such as a range of mountains, a desert, or a wide river. The pop-
ulations on the two sides of the barrier are not, however, entirely distinct.
Intermediates are found, and there is often direct evidence of interbreeding,
though not on a sufficient scale to make
the two populations indistinguishable.
If the two populations are so distinct that one can generally tell from which
region a specimen was obtained, it is usual to give separate names to the two
races. If every specimen could be identified with certainty as belonging to one
population or the other, it would be evident that no gene-flow occurred between
the two, and they would therefore be regarded as different species in the
genetical sense of the word, however small the differences might be. It is the
fact that intermediates do occur that defines the race. The definition of any par-
ticular race must be inductive in the sense that it gives a general impression of
the distinctive characters, without professing to be applicable in detail to every
individual.
For practical purposes it may be found convenient to make an arbitrary
decision as to the proportion of intermediates that are allowable, if different
races are to be recognized. One may argue that a population 'A' is dis-
tinguishable from a population 'B' if x% of the individuals constituting popula-
tion 'A' can be recognized as not belonging to population 'B'. It will be un-
derstood that the correct value to be assigned to x cannot be discovered by
objective means; nevertheless, if a high figure (perhaps 75) is agreed upon by
taxonomists, one can scarcely doubt that there is a distinction worthy of
recognition as subspecific or 'racial'. Very commonly, however, the differences
observed are so evident, and x is clearly so high, that no statistical investigation
is necessary to convince other taxonomists that races should be distinguished.

For many purposes it is convenient to regard a whole series of races as a

Formenkreis, but usually the idea of species is adopted and a system of
nomenclature based on that of Linnaeus is then used, the generic and specific
names being followed by a third or subspecific (e.g. Larus argentatus antelius).
This trinomial system has already been explained (p. 68) and used in several
places in this book. The naming of races simplifies the discussion of many very
interesting problems, without tending —
so far as one can see to mislead—
anyone by suggesting that the racial differences are greater or of more
100 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
frequent occurrence than they actually are. Some students of the subject,
however, oppose the use of the trinomial system, on the ground that a certain
degree of arbitrariness is inherent in the delimitation of [Link] It is argued
that one taxonomist might choose a particular set of distinguishing characters
to define two or more races, while some other student of the same group might
choose a different set of characters and as a result divide the species differently.
It is questionable, however, whether this argument applies more strongly to the

race than to other taxa. Universal agreement on taxonomic matters is not to be

expected, yet there are many problems in biology that could not be tackled at
all without the aid of taxonomists. Students of race are ready to readjust their

classifications when sufficient reason is provided.

It is sometimes claimed that the existence of intermediates makes races un-

real. It scarcely needs to be pointed out, however, that in other matters no one
questions the reality of categories between which intermediates exist. There is
every gradation, for instance, between green and blue, but no one denies that
these words should be used. In the same way the existence of youths and
human hermaphrodites does not cause anyone to disallow the use of the words
'boy', 'man', and 'woman'. It is particularly unjustifiable to cite intermediates
as contradicting the reality of races, for the existence of intermediates is one of
the distinguishing characters of the race: if there are no intermediates, there are
no races. As Kant insisted, those who wish to get right away from the purely
academic outlook on animal classification —
the Schulsystem, as he called
—
it should use two taxa only in their descriptions of the animal world: the
Realgattung and its component Racen (see pp. 80-81).
Adaptation to different environments often results in the evolution of races,
although no clearly defined barriers exist; or the races of a species may be
separated from one another by gradual environmental differences in one part of
its range and more sharply by clearly defined barriers in another. Sri Lanka

(Ceylon) provides many examples. There is a mountainous zone in the centre

of the island, and a low-country wet zone in the south-west; the rest of the
island constitutes the low-country dry zone. Many species of mammals are
represented in each zone by a separate race. [84 1, 307!
For instance, the leaf-eating monkey commonly called 'wanderoo' {Presbytis senex)
is represented in the low-country dry zone by a race {P. senex senex) distinguished by
large size and rather dark coloration, while in the mountains there is a paler, very
shaggy, stocky form (monticola), sometimes called the 'bear monkey'. The low-country
wet zone is divided by a considerable river, the Kalu Ganga, which acts as a barrier in
separating the races of certain mammals. North of it one finds the smallest wanderoo
(nestor), which is grey with a terminal tuft to the tail; south of the river this is replaced
by the larger black wanderoo (vetulus), which grades into monticola in the Adam's
Peak district. It should be noticed that one finds gradation in characters as one ascends
the mountains, and much sharper change when one crosses the river. It must be men-
tioned that the differences between the four races, in their typical forms, are far more
numerous than the few descriptive words given above would suggest.
It has already been mentioned briefly (p. 83) that races are not necessarily

in every case separated geographically: it sometimes happens that two races

live in the same territory, but occupy different habitats ('ecological niches')
 THE MEANING OF 'RACE' 101

within it. The races and subraces of man seem to have evolved chiefly as a

result of (partial) geographical isolation, but here and there one may find
examples reminiscent of the 'ecological races' of animals. The pygmies (Bam-
butids) of Africa, living interspersed among the Negro (Palaenegrid) popula-
tion, seem to fall into this category. Isolation is not complete, for there is
evidence of a certain amount of Bambutid ancestry in the Palaenegrid popula-
tion.

As T. H. Huxley indicated in the passage quoted on p. 3, almost any widely

distributed terrestrial animal could be used to illustrate the facts of race; but
some animals are more suitable for this purpose than others, because more is
known about them. One wants a common animal that is represented by several
races, easily distinguishable (in their typical forms) from one another by
morphological features, each caused by the simultaneous action of many genes
having cumulative effects ('polygenes'). Preferably there should also be data
derived from the analysis of the effects of genes, each of which has an obser-
vable effect; and ideally one should also have information about the
chromosomal differences between the races. Differences in behaviour or
movements are also of special interest in racial studies. In all these respects the
crested newt, Triturus cristatus, approaches the ideal. It would probably be im-
possible to choose a better form to illustrate the meaning of race. Great advan-
tage would accrue if everyone who professed to speak or write on this subject
would learn something about it from this common denizen of ponds and their
environs in many parts of Europe (Fig. 1 1, p. 102). A rather detailed exposition
is therefore attempted here.

The various races of the crested newt are, in general, drably pigmented
above, with darker spots, and have a yellowish-orange belly with dark spots on
it. There are usually small white spots on the otherwise drab flanks, and the

dark throat is also spotted with white in most races. The skin is warty. The
and warts are described below.
racial differences in colour
With a dead crested newt, an easy way to distinguish the races is to extend
the front legs backwards and the hind legs forwards, close beside the body, and
then to note how far the tips of the toes reach forward on to the hand or arm;
for the races with short bodies tend to have long limbs, so that there is much
overlap when this position is maintained, and conversely with races having
long bodies and short limbs.[ii5il Details of these differences also are given
below.
The geographical is shown in Fig. 12. Hybrids occur
distribution of the races
where the one race merges with that of another. Near Bucharest,
territory of
for instance, hybrids occur between cristatus and danubialis,\\\5\] while in the
vicinity of Vienna all intermediate forms are found between these two and
between them and carnifex.\\%i]
In captivity F.l hybrids between these races are vigorous, but F.2 hybrids
often fail to survive the larval stage. 1 1 831 The hybridity is thus paragenesic. It is

perhaps rather surprising that hybrids have been able to establish themselves in
nature. There is no actual proof that the hybridity is fully eugenesic under
natural conditions, for it does not appear to have been established by experi-
 1 1 The crested newt, Triturus cristatus cristatus: male (above) and female
From Furneaux. 13721

ment that the natural hybrids can give rise to an indefinitely extended sequence
of filial generations.
Members of the race carnifex, which inhabit the countries adjoining the
Adriatic Sea, are large (up to 150 mm
long) and very stocky, with broad heads.
The back being short and the limbs long, the tips of the toes reach the elbows,
when the newt is put in the position mentioned above.lii5il The upper surface
tends to have an olive-green tinge, and in the female there is often a broad
yellow stripe down the middle of the back (in this sex there is no crest in any of
the races).
Thanks to the studies of Spurway, (looiiit is possible to analyse certain features of the
races genetically. The race carnifex is recessive for five easily observable distinguishing
features, and this makes it useful in genetical studies, because dominant genes show up
in the F.l progeny when crosses are made. The five genes in question are these:*

r, r gives a rather smooth skin; that is, the warts are not very strongly developed;

t, t results in the white spots on the throat being rather small, so that this part
appears nearly black from the background colour;
5, s gives scarcity of white spots on the flanks;
/, / causes the dark spots on the belly to be separate from one another, and arranged
at random;
b, b results in lack of the Prussian blue sheen on the skin, seen in karelini.

* See opposite, concerning karelini. for the significance of the particular letters chosen for the
genes described.
 THE MEANING OF 'RACE' 103

The which inhabits parts of Greece, Turkey, Georgia, and

race, karelini,
Iran, may
be roughly described from the morphological point of view by saying
that it is an exaggerated form of carnifex. It is even stockier, the head broad
and fiat, and the limbs so long in relation to the trunk that the toes may reach
as far as the upper arm. The female never has a yellow stripe down the back.
Although the body-form of karelini shows it to be closely related to carnifex, it
happens to carry genes dominant to the five recessives of the latter race:
Rk, Rk (meaning roughness of the karelini type) produces small warts, so arranged
as to give the appearance of shagreen;
Tk, Tk (meaning throat of the karelini type) gives an orange-yellow throat, not pre-
sent in any of the other races (there are sometimes large black blotches on it);

S, S gives many white spots on the flanks:

L, L causes the dark spots on the belly to merge into one another in such a way as to
give the impression of irregular, dark, longitudinal bands;
B. B
gives the Prussian blue sheen on the skin, not seen in any of the other races.
goes without saying that this quintuple dominant, when mated with the
It

quintuple recessive carnifex, gives an F.l progeny resembling itself in warts

12 Europe, showing the geographical distribution of the races of the crested newt,
Triturus cristatus
Map drawn from the data of Wolterstorff,\\\i\\Mertens and M'uller. \iys\ and Smith. 19821
104 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
and colour, and not differing greatly in body-form, since the two races are
rather similar in this respect.

comparison with the other races, the familiar T. cristatus cristatus (Fig.
In
1 of Great Britain and the northerly parts of Europe is neither stocky on one
1)
hand nor slim on the other, and the total length of the body (up to 135 mm) is
intermediate. The toes reach forward to the base of the hand, and in this
respect also cristatus occupies an intermediate position among the races.
Rcr, Rcr (meaning roughness of the cristatus type) gives coarse warts on the skin (it

is uncertain whether this gene is allelomorphic with /?^);

Tcr, Tcr (meaning throat of the cristatus type) gives large white spots on the throat,
which therefore appears greyish from a distance (it is uncertain whether this gene is

allelomorphic with TIcY

S, S gives white spots on the flanks like those of karelini:
L, L gives irregular, dark, longitudinal banding of the belly, as in liarelini:
b, b results in lack of Prussian blue sheen on the skin.

The Danube is inhabited by another race, danubialis. markedly

valley of the
different in form from carnifex and karelini, but showing some resemblance to
cristatus. This is a small newt (maximum length 125 mm), slim, with a small
head. The limbs are slender, short, and inserted far apart, so that the tips of the
toes may not even reach the finger-tips. This newt moves in the water very
differently from the others that have been described above, with strongly
serpentine bendings of the slender trunk. There is often a yellow stripe along
the back of the female.
In its most characteristic form danubialis has this genetic constitution:
Rcr, Rcr gives coarse warts of the cristatus type;
Tcr, Tcr gives large white spots on the throat, as in cristatus:
s, s reduces the white spotting on the flanks to the carnifex level;

/, / The latter
prevents longitudinal banding of the belly by fusion of the darker spots.
are rounded, sharply defined, and arranged at random;
b, b results in lack of Prussian blue sheen on the skin.

At the eastern extremity of its range, in the region of the Danube delta,
danubialis gives place to dobrogicus, which may be regarded as its exaggerated
counterpart, even more slender, but longer and with long fingers and toes.

It follows from the fact that the races interbreed with one another in nature at the
boundaries of their ranges, that the genetical constitution of all specimens of a
particular race is not the same. Gene-flow between the races probably accounts, for
instance, for the fact that danubialis is not always Rcr, Rcr: Tcr. Tcr: s. s: I. I: b. b.

Specimens have been recorded heterozygous for genes controlling warts {Rcr. r\ and
others homozygous for the recessive (r. r). liooilThe same applies to the genes affecting
spotting of the throat. Specimens heterozygous for longitudinal banding of the belly
have also been recorded; interbreeding between these would result in the presence of
homozygous dominants (L, L) among the progeny. The possibility of independent
mutation is not excluded.
 THE MEANING OF 'RACE' 105

The four first-mentioned races all have 12 pairs of chromosomes; those of

dobrogicus do not appear to have been examined. Abnormalities tend to occur
in the maturation of the germ-cells of racial hybrids. In normal sper-
matogenesis the cells in any particular follicle keep pace with one another, so
that all are at the same stage of maturation at any given time; but in racial
hybrids this synchrony is disturbed, and the pairing of paternally with mater-
nally derived chromosomes is often deranged. This is in part due to the fact
that 'translocation' has occurred in the course of evolution; that is to say, in a
certain race a part of a chromosome has become incorporated in another
chromosome, in which it did not 'belong' ancestrally. When the normal pairing
of paternally and maternally derived chromosomes is prevented by
irregularities of this sort, strange-looking chromosome complexes ('trivalents'
and 'quadrivalents') are produced. Spermatogenesis often does not go beyond
the first meiotic division, and those that survive the two divisions often
degenerate at the spermatid stage. Nevertheless all male interracial hybrids (so
far as is known) produce some spermatozoa. 1831 1

When Triturus cristatus is hybridized with another species, T. marmoratus,

spermatogenesis is still more abnormal, but the differences are of degree rather
than of kind. The racial and specific differences of chromosomal behaviour in
the spermatogenesis of hybrids substantiate the degrees of affinity postulated
by taxonomists on entirely different evidence.16321
If matings were made between typical members of the same race taken from
widely separated places, it is conceivable that abnormalities might be found in
the spermatogenesis of their ofTspringI looil; but there is no evidence of this.

While the eggs (primary oocytes) of the crested newt are maturing in the
ovary, the chromosomes become enormously long (up to about } mm) and
assume a very strange form. By examination of these we get a glimpse not
simply of racial differences, but of their immediate cause; for the 'genonema' or
string of genes is displayed before us in a remarkable way, and we seem to see
in action the causative agents that result in the differences of race.
These special chromosomes were first seen in 1878 in the developing egg of
the axolotl (Amblystoma tigrinum) by the German cytologist Walther Flem-
ming, and were studied by him in collaboration with a medical student named
Wiebe; but their extraordinary appearance suggested that they might be ar-
tifacts caused by the reagents used in making microscopical preparations. It
was four years later when Flemming at last published their results, with some
reservations about the possibility that the appearance of the chromosomes
might not represent accurately what had been present Meanwhile
in Iife.l342i
they had seen similar chromosomes in other Amphibia and in certain unnamed
fishes. Ten years later a much more exact study of similar chromosomes in a
dogfish {Prisdurus) was published by another German cytologist, Riickert, to
whom we owe the familiar name nowadays universally applied to chromo-
somes of this type. 'Very roughly', he wrote, 'one can form a plastic idea
of the structure of part of a chromosome if one thinks of a Lampencylin-
derputzer, the threads of which have been distorted by use and matted to-
gether.'l922l One of Riickert's drawings is shown in Fig. 13 (p. 106). The name
106 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
of 'lampbrush' was given from the resemblance —
inexact, it is true to the in- —
strument in general use at the time for cleaning out the glass chimneys of oil-
lamps. It consisted of an axis from which bristles projected radially in all direc-
tions. *'*- '•'»t

1 3 Riickert 's drawing of 'lampbrush chromosomes as he

' saw
them in a developing egg of the dogfish, Pristiurus
From Riickert. 19221

It is now known that lampbrush chromosomes occur in the developing eggs

(primary oocytes) of a wide variety of animals in addition to Amphibia and

dogfishes. They have been described in certain reptiles and birds, in a starfish
(Echinaster), in the cuttle-fish (Sepia), and in Anilocra, a relative of the
woodlouse, but parasitic on marine [Link], i82l All the animals in which
lampbrush chromosomes are known to occur, have yolky eggs. In the opinion
of one of the foremost authorities in this field of research, something correspon-
ding to a lampbrush phase is probably passed through at a particular stage in
the maturation of the eggs of all animals, but the appearance is disguised in
those cases in which the yolk is scanty. 80l [ 1

For our knowledge of the structure and significance of lampbrush

chromosomes we are indebted to many independent investigators, but to none
more than to Professor J. G. Gall of the University of Minnesota[374, 375, 3761
and Professor H. G. Callan of St. Andrews University. 82. is It is clear, from
1 1 1 1

studies made by phase-contrast and electron microscopy, that the projections

at the sides of the axis are not like the bristles of a lampbrush, but are in fact
loops of a continuous thread of DNA (the genetic material, deoxyribonucleic
acid) that runs from one end of the chromosome to the other (or part of the
way along one chromosome of a pair and the rest of the way along its partner).
(See Fig. 14.)
 THE MEANING OF 'RACE' 107

Each object within the nucleus is a pair of chromosomes, roughly parallel

with one another, and held together here and there by special connections
(chiasmata) (Figs. 13 and 14). Each chromosome consists of two parallel
threads (at least over a part of its course), and of the four threads (chromatids)

loop
,chromomere
chromatid

kinetochore

14 The basic structure oflampbrush chromosomes

The diagram (not to scale)intended to represent a pair of these chromosomes. Only four pairs of loops
is are
shown on each chromosome, but actually there are hundreds of pairs on each.
The structure of the chromomeres is based on Gall's interpretation. 3761 1

that constitute thewhole object two represent the genetic material derived from
the animal's mother and two that derived from its father. The maternal and
paternal chromosomes, previously separate, have come together at an earlier
stage in the development of the egg (zygotene stage), and each has split
longitudinally into two threads (though the split may not be complete at the
lampbrush stage). At intervals the chromatids are coiled in such a way as to
make little lumps (chromomeres); from each of these a loop projects on each
side. In the diagram (Fig. 14) only four pairs of loops are shown on each
chromosome; actually several hundreds are present in some of the
chromosomes.
It is thought that the loops are the parts of the chromatids that are active, at
a particular moment, in synthesizing the gene-products; that is to say, the sub-
stances that enable the genes to produce their effects.
The twelve chromosome pairs differ in length and in the number and
arrangement of the loops. The number and arrangement are more or less con-
stant in any particular chromosome in all the developing eggs of all the in-
dividuals of a race, though there is some variation in different individuals and
at different stages in maturation of the egg. The approximate constancy in the
number and arrangement of the loops makes it possible to identify each of the
chromosome pairs. They are numbered from I to XII, no. I being the longest
and no. XII the shortest. The identification of the different chromosomes is
rendered much easier than it would otherwise be by the fact that there are a few
enormous, very thick loops, which are so helpful in identification that they are
called 'landmarks'.
For students of the ethnic problem, the essential fact is that each of the
twelve chromosomes is very different in the of Triturus
different races
cristatus. This subject has been studied by Callan and Lloyd,! i82l who have
108 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
described in great detail each of the twelve lampbrush chromosomes in four of
the races of this species.
For the present purpose it must suffice to consider only chromosome-pair
no. X.* Fig. 15a represents this chromosome as it commonly occurs in the
race carnifex, but the figure has been simplified by omission of all the loops
except the landmarks, and details of the chromatids and chiasmata are not
shown. One notices at once the 'giant loops' situated towards what is arbitrari-
ly called the 'left' end (LE) of each chromosome. (Fusion of the sides of the
loop makes it look like a shapeless lump.) Callan and Lloyd[i82i have prepared

It 3 >* »
B

I : t
-i

i-+ g I ^ -»-•

1 5 Some of the racial differences in 'lampbrush' chromosomes X of the crested newt,

Triturus cristatus

Only the 'landmarks' are represented. (See text.) A, a pair of chromosomes X of the race carnifex. LE, 'left'
end: RE. 'right' end. B, 'working map' of chromosomes X of carnifex: C. ditto, of karelini: D, of crislalus.
Diagram rearrangedfrom Callan and Lloyd. i82lI

* This symbol means that the serial number of the chromosome, in respect of length, is ten. It
does not refer to an 'X-chromosome' in the sense of a sex-chromosome.
 THE MEANING OF 'RACE' 109

for each chromosome what they call a 'working map' of a typical chromosome
of the race. The working map of chromosome X of carnifex is shown at B in
Fig. 15, and that of chromosome X of karelini at C. The general resemblance
and the differences are easily noted, especially the much smaller size of the
giant loop near the left end in karelini, and also the presence of a thickening of
the axis ('axial bar') at a particular place on the chromosome in this race.
Chromosome X of cristatus is shown at D in the same figure. It differs notably
from that of carnifex and karelini in the invariable absence of the giant loop
and in several other respects, but some of the landmarks can be recognized as
corresponding to those in the other races. The giant loop is also absent from
chromosome X in danubialis.
The landmarks are not all exactly the same in all members of a race. Com-
parison of drawings A
and B in Fig. 15 gives an impression of the amount of
difference that may occur within a race.
The arrows in Fig. 15 indicate the positions of the 'kinetochores', which are con-
cerned in the movement apart of the chromosomes at cell-division. Axial bars of
karelini are actually situated 'left' and 'right" of the kinetochore, but are not shown
separately in the working maps.
Study of the complete sets of working maps representing the lampbrush
chromosomes of mind the degree of
the crested newt impresses forcibly on the
difference in the genetic material of the races, but remembered that
it is to be
these maps show only the landmarks. If maps could be prepared showing all
the loops in all twelve chromosomes, the impression would necessarily be much
stronger.

The races of Triturus number of important points about

cristatus illustrate a
racial differences in general. These now
be considered in turn.
will

(1) A map such as Fig. 12, intended to give an impression of the

geographical distribution of races, must not be taken too literally as indicating
the exact range of each race. Each differently marked territory simply
represents an area within which the typical form of the race can be found. The
boundaries of these areas are not sharp, as they appear to be on the map, nor
do they necessarily remain constant over long periods of time; overlapping of
the races occurs, and intermediate forms are naturally commoner near the
boundaries than elsewhere. The correct way in which to interpret a racial map
should be kept in mind whenever there is occasion to examine one.
(2) None of the racial characters is quite constant. Apart from the im-
mediate hybrids there is a good deal of variation in size, colour, and the
proportion of parts; but no one could confuse the extremes, e.g. dobrogicus
with karelini. nor has anyone ever claimed to find a member of either of these
races living wild in (for instance) Great Britain or Sweden.
(3) Not everyone agrees on the delimitation of the races. Thus
Wolsterstorffl 11511 regards dobrogicus not as a race but as a subrace {'forma')
of danubialis, while Mertens and Muller[735l regard these as separate races.
Similarly, carnifex and karelini have been regarded as belonging to the same
race.li32l It follows that no one can make a definite pronouncement on the
number of races in the species Triturus cristatus. In the case of man it has been
110 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
argued that the whole idea of races collapses, because the number of races can-
not be positively stated. The facts that have been given about the races of
Triturus cristatus show that this is not a valid argument. It is obvious that
dobrogicus shows closer resemblance to danubialis than to karelini. It is not of
very great importance whether we regard dobrogicus as a subrace of
danubialis or as a separate race; different authorities may properly be per-
mitted, in the present state of knowledge, to differ on this point. A serious error
would, however, be made [^dobrogicus were said to be a subrace o^ karelini, or
if these two were regarded without qualification as being of the same race.
Similarly, it does not matter much whether carnifex and karelini are
regarded as racially or subracially distinct, but it would be quite wrong to
separate them and then put one of them in the same race as danubialis. Again,
the Balkan specimens of karelini resemble carnifex more closely than the
Asian ones do. One authority (a 'splitter') might even regard the Balkan and
Asian forms as separate races, and another might regard the Balkan form as a
subrace of karelini and give it a distinguishing name; but it is customary in this
case to be a 'lumper' and include them all under the single name o[ karelini. No
important error would be involved in any of these arrangements, but it would
obviously be wrong to 'lump' the Balkan form with danubialis.
(4) Races are in many cases distinguished (in part) by the bodily features
that may be referred to by such names as 'stockiness' and 'slimness'. These
loose expressions are convenient for certain purposes, but the features in ques-
tion can be accurately measured and described in statistical terms if necessary.
We have noted the stocky newt, karelini, and its slim counterpart, dobrogicus.
One can scarcely fail reminded of comparable differences among the
to be
ethnic taxa of man. One thinks
at once, for instance, of the stocky
Palaenegrid of Zaire and the slim Nilotid of the Sudan, or of the stocky
Alpinid and lanky Nordid (though the difference between these two Europid
subraces in this respect is not so marked as between the Negrid subraces).
There is, however, great variety in these major features of bodily structure. In
the newts, for instance, stockiness of the trunk is associated with long limbs,
and slimness with short, while the converse is true of man.
It will have been noticed that the features that differentiate the races of newts

are of two kinds: those that have been analysed genetically and those that have
not. The gross morphological features (shape of body and length of limbs, for
instance) do not lend themselves readily to genetical analysis. On hybridizing
the races, sharp segregation does not occur in respect of such features as these.
Whenever, in cases of this sort, segregation is not observed in the progeny of a
cross, but only intermediates appear in succeeding generations of filial descen-
dants, one suspects that the feature under examination is controlled by
polygenes: that is to say, by many genes having cumulative effects. Since
different sets of polygenes must be assumed to control the shapes of many
different component parts of the body (many different bones, for instance, and
the muscles attached to them), it is probable that the total number of such
genes is in many cases large, in comparison with the number that can be
analysed genetically. In trying to determine the relationship of different races to
one another, one realizes how unsatisfactory it is to do no more than describe
 THE MEANING OF -RACE' 111

the morphological characters, without being able to analyse the causes that
produced them. In a few animals, particularly the fly Drosophila, genetic
analysis of polygenes is a possibility;l7i2l but in most cases, and above all in
man, where controlled matings cannot be made and reproduction is extremely
slow, such analysis is scarcely possible in the existing state of knowledge
(though an ingenious start towards it has been made in relation to human skin-
colour 1 1007. 1008I (see p. 159)).
The idealwhich one must look forward is a complete analysis of
to
polygenes. Until this ideal can be achieved, a paradoxical situation must exist.
The better the evidence of relationship, the less susceptible are the facts to
genetical analysis. 157]

(5) When chromosomes can be examined in the extended state as 'lamp-

brushes', the numerous between the gene-strings (genonemata)
differences
characteristic of different races are rendered evident.
(6) Races often differ not only in form and coloration, but also in habits.
Some examples are quoted below (pp. 1 15-17). Triturus cristatus does not il-
lustrate this type of racial difference particularly well, for the mode of life is. in
general, similar; but attention has been called to the very different swimming
actions of cam ifex and karelini on one hand, and of danubialis and dobrogicus
on the other. One is reminded of the rather stiff movements of most Europids in
walking, and the loose-limbed action characteristic of many Negrids. In the
case of newts there can be no doubt that the difference is genetically controlled.
In man there may be an element of unconscious imitation in producing the
effects that are observed; but it is difficult to see how the differences could have
arisen and spread over enormous areas of the globe, unless a genetic element
were involved (though it is of course true that members of either race could
deliberately copy or avoid the actions of the other, if they wished).
(7) In the study of race, no attention should be paid to the political sub-
divisions of the surface of the earth. It would be a waste of time, for instance, to
take a random collection of all the crested newts of Romania and describe their
average characters. It could be done: the average 'Romanian' among newts
could be described. Its body would be of moderate length, neither stocky nor
slim, with hind toes reaching to the bases of the fingers; it would neither swim
in the serpentine manner of danubialis and dobrogicus nor paddle like
cristatus, but make movements of an intermediate kind. Such a creature might
well exist in a narrow hybrid zone, but it would be quite unrepresentative of the
great majority of crested newts in the country, which would belong to one or
other of the three races that occur there. Anyone who wishes to describe the
facts accurately would induce, from a mass of information, the distinctive
characters of each race, and then plot its geographical distribution. Hybrid
zones might be assumed to exist at the racial boundaries, or if they could be ac-
curately defined, they would be included on the map (as, for instance, in Fig.
10). It cannot be too strongly insisted that this is the proper procedure, for
otherwise important distinctions are necessarily overlooked. The 'politicaP
method is only applicable when all the specimens in a particular country
happen to belong to the same race (for instance, T. cristatus cristatus in
Sweden). Yet over and over again, data (especially genetical ones) are collected
112 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
about heterogeneous populations of man, and treated together arbitrarily
because at a particular time they chance to be assigned by particular politicians
to a particular 'nation'. Information collected in this way tends necessarily to
minimize and disguise the true facts about races and subraces.
The chimpanzee. Pan satyrus (Linn.), is chosen to provide another example
of racial distinctions. I950. 9121 The reader may care to note the nature and extent
of differences between races in the animal that of all present-day species is
perhaps most closely related to man, not only morphologically but also in
respect of its blood-groups. The pygmy race (p. 113) is of special interest.
Misunderstandings about the races of the chimpanzee have arisen from the
fact that the naked parts are 'flesh'-coloured in young chimpanzees of all races
and become blackish or black at the age of 10 or 12 years, for many descrip-
tions refer to immature specimens. The only parts that retain the 'flesh'-colour
in old specimens are the penis of the male and the sexual skin of the female.
There is a tuft of white hair in the anal region in the young of all races.
The geographical distribution of the races is shown in Fig. 16.

verus
satyrus
paniscus
schweinfurthi

1 6 Part of Africa showing the geographical distribution of the races of the

,

chimpanzee, Pan satyrus

The black Congo River, in the area occupied by the race satyrus. indicates
spot north of the
roughly the locality which a specimen of paniscus is stated to have been captured.
in
Map drawn from the dale of Rode. \<^\2\ Coolidge. \22f<\and Urtiain and Rode. losil
I

The 'true' chimpanzee. Pan satyrus verus, is a native of West Africa; some
authorities have restricted the name of chimpanzee to this race. The skin of the face
darkens fairly evenly with age, leaving the lower part pale for a long time. The adult
male has side-whiskers and a white beard. The head is hairless along a narrow median
strip, giving the impression of a parting. The skull has strongly developed brow-ridges,
and the forehead has therefore a markedly concave appearance in side-view. The
cranium is high in the parietal region and descends steeply to the occiput.
 THE MEANING OF 'RACE" 113

East of the River Niger Pan satyrus verus is replaced by the bald chimpanzee. Pan
satyrus satyrus, characterized especially by the hairlessness and shining black scalp
over a considerable part of the surface of the head. The beard and whiskers are weakly
developed. The darkening of the face occurs irregularly in blotches that gradually fuse.
In most respects this race resembles verus. but the ears are smaller, the back of the
skull does not drop away so suddenly to the occiput, and the brow-ridges are strongly
developed, especially in the central (glabellar) region. Prognathism is more marked
than in verus. This race was studied in the wild state by the celebrated explorer. Paul
Du Chaillu. who named it 2001 Under the name of Troglodytes
Troglodytes calvus* Ww.
aubryi was afterwards studied anatomically in great detail by Gratiolet and Alix.
it

whose well-illustrated description was published more than a century ago. 14301
The race of chimpanzees discovered by the German explorer Schweinfurth in the
territory of the Niam-Niam cannibals, on the watershed between the Bahr-el-Ghazal
and Ubangi Rivers, is called in his honour P. satyrus schweinfurthi. This eastern race,
which is now known to extend as far as the vicinity of Lakes Albert and Tanganyika, is
more different from verus and satyrus than these from one another. In describing in
great detail the anatomy of this race nearly a century ago. Hartmann remarked that if
he had studied it fifteen years earlier, when species-mongering {'Artmachereil was in
full swing, he would have made it a new species. 14761 The skull is narrower, more

elongated, and flatter on top; the profile of the face is noticeably straight. The brow-
ridges do not rise up quite so markedly as in the other species. The skin of the face
darkens evenly. The fur is very abundant, and the male has well-developed side-
whiskers and a beard.
The pygmy chimpanzee. Pan satyrus paniscus. was discovered much later
than the other races, and only made known to the scientific world in 1929.19491
It had previously been supposed that no chimpanzees occurred south of the

River Congo, but in fact this little animal is quite widely distributed in the
forested region enclosed by the great northerly bend of the riverl947. 2251 (Fig.
16). In 1939 an adolescent male was discovered north of the great river, in the
Haute-Sangha district;li08i.9i3l that is to say, in the territory of P. satyrus
satyrus. If paniscus can really maintain itself in the territory of satyrus, this
pygmy chimpanzee might qualify as a separate species; but confirmation
would be necessary.
P. satyrus paniscus is a much smaller ape than verus, satyrus, or schwein-
furthi. When adult, it retains many characters, apart from size, that distinguish
juveniles in the other races.1949. 225. 1081.9131 Of these the most obvious is
perhaps the white anal tuft; the ears are small; the forehead is better developed
and the head more convex above than in adults of the other races; the back of
the head falls away sharply to the occiput; the brow-ridges are not very promi-
nent and there is not a deep depression behind them; the orbits are nearly cir-
cular and close together, so that the frontal sinuses are almost squashed out of
existence; prognathism is slight; the canine teeth are small: all these are
juvenile characters in the other races (though blackening of the facial skin oc-
curs earlier in paniscus than in the others).

* Both Schwarz 19501 and Rode 19 121 maintain that Du Chaillu's species Troglodytes kooloo-
kambaw'ii] was also in fact P. satyrus satyrus. This seems improbable. It was more likely to have
been a specimen of verus.
114 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
Since it retains juvenile characters when adult. Pan paniscus is an example
of what is called a 'paedomorphous' form. This is a subject of particular
significance in relation to the present book, for it provides a remarkable
counterpart to the small peoples among human beings, such as the Negritids of
the Malay Archipelago, the Bambutids (pygmies) of central Africa, and the
Sanids (Bushmen of the southern part of that continent). Adults of these three
same size relation to ordinary human beings of other ethnic
taxa bear about the
taxa as paniscus does to the other races of chimpanzees, and all of them show
juvenile characters, apart from size, when adult. The subject of paedomor-
phosis is discussed in a general way on pp. 137-8. and Chapter 17 is devoted
to the physical characters of the Sanids.
Schwarz 19491 considers that paniscus is closest in some of its characters to satyrus.
but Coolidge, in his detailed description, relates it especially to schweinfurthi. 12251

The races of chimpanzees from one another in the cries that they
differ
utter,|947i but wild anthropoid apes do not lend themselves particularly well to
the study of racial differences in habit. They are nowhere abundant animals,
and study of their behaviour under natural conditions of life is necessarily a
slow process requiring great patience. Detailed observations have indeed been
made on wild chimpanzees, but there is not much information about
differences between the habits of the various races. A few remarks will be made
here about certain differences in habit between the races of the gorilla, and
attention will then be directed towards those species that lend themselves par-
ticularly well to studies of this sort. Carefully planned experiments of the kind
that have been carried out with wild deer-mice (pp. 15-16) are unfortunately
1

impossible with man's nearest relatives, the chimpanzee and gorilla.

No fewer than ten species of the genus Gorilla have been described, but
careful study has revealed that the morphological characters on which this sub-
division of the genus very variable from individual to
was based are in fact
individual. 2241 There is great variation in the shape and size of the sagittal crest
1

and brow-ridges and in the shape of the occiput in this animal. It is usual
nowadays one species. Gorilla gorilla, and two races. G.
to recognize only
gorilla gorilla and G. gorilla beringeiMiM The former, the so-called 'coast'
gorilla, occupies roughly the same territory as the satyrus race of chimpanzees,
while heringei. the 'mountain' gorilla, is confined to a much smaller area to the
west of Lakes Edward. Kivu. and Tanganyika. The typical mountain gorilla
has a longer palate and generally a narrower skull than the other: the arms are
shorter, the legs longer, and the coat of hair thicker. It has been claimed that
only one skull in five can be identified with certainty as belonging to one form
or the other. Those specimens of the mountain gorilla that have been tested for
blood-groups belong to 'A', those of the coastal form to 'B*.li89| It is probably
the overlap in some of the characters that causes zoologists to regard the two
forms as racially and not specifically distinct. Since the areas they occupy are
not contiguous —
indeed, they are nearly 600 miles apart there is no ques- —
tion of interbreeding in nature, and beringei bears much the same relation to
gorilla as many 'races' on oceanic islands do to their continental represen-
tatives. Since gene-exchange cannot occur, literal application of Dobzhansky's
definition (p. 74) might cause one to regard these two forms as separate
 THE MEANING OF 'RACE' 115

species. is presumably taken for granted, however, that they would inter-
It

breed ifwere possible for them to meet under natural conditions.

it

The most interesting difference between the two races concerns their habits.
The mountain gorilla, occupying as it does an elevated region in the Mitumba
range, is adapted for resistance to cold. It is a bulk feeder, and defaecates five
or six times a day; it almost invariably fouls its nest. The coastal form eats
more fruit, and one might suppose that this would have a laxative effect; but it
seldom defaecates more than once a day, or fouls its nest.l786l It would appear
from the literature of the subject that these habits are carried over into captive
life. In cases of this sort it is often not easy to distinguish with certainty
between built-in differences, imposed by genetic constitution, and those
resulting directly from environmental effects.
Innumerable instances could be quoted of differences in behaviour shown by
the races of a single species. The pipit. Ant hus spinoletta, will serve as a typical
example. The water-pipit, A. spinoletta spinoletla. is a bird that frequents the
regions of marshy meadows and dwarf trees in the high mountains of central
and southern Europe. Its slightly smaller size and thin white stripes above the
eyes and at the extreme edges of the tail distinguish it from the rock-pipit, A.
spinoletta petrosus, which departs so far from the habits of the other race that
it confines itself to the vicinity of rocky sea-coasts. I8021 The physical
resemblance very close, for the parts corresponding to the white stripes in
is

spinoletta are paler than the rest of the body (though not white) in pet rosus; yet
the chosen habitats are entirely different, and the rock-pipit feeds on the marine
molluscs and Crustacea of the beach.
The question arises, whether the selection of habitat by members of a par-
ticular race is controlled by innate tendencies, or whether the environment of
the young imprints on their minds an idea of the 'right' habitat in which to
spend their lives. This subject has been investigated experimentally by Dr. S. C.
Wecker of the University of [Link] 124, 11251 He chose the deer-mouse,
Peromyscus maniculatus, for his investigations. This species consists of many
races, some and others in forested areas. Members of the
living in prairies
prairie races have shorter ears and tails and are somewhat smaller than those
that inhabit woodland. A prairie or grassland form, bairdi, and a woodland
form, gracilis, both occur in the countryside near the University of Michigan,
each keeping to its own chosen habitat. Dr. Wecker's object was to discover
the immediate cause of the selection by bairdi of grassland in preference to
woods.
To study this problem he chose the sharp edge of a wood of oak and hickory
trees where it abutted on grassland, and fenced off a large pen that included
both habitats. Mice were set free in the pen and allowed to choose whichever
habitat they preferred. Their movements were recorded automatically by
ingenious devices, which need not be described here.! 124. 125I 1

Wild mice of the race bairdi, when placed in this pen, elected to occupy the
patch of grassland in preference to the wood, but this might have been a result
of their experience when young. Wild bairdi were therefore brought into the
laboratory to produce offspring. The latter had had no experience of any
natural habitat, but when placed in the pen they showed a very marked
116 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
preference for the grassland. It follows that prairie deer-mice of the race bairdi

inherit an innate preference for their natural habitat, and it may be concluded
that in this respect they differ from gracilis and other woodland races.
The experiments just recorded do not prove, however, that the early environ-
ment is altogether without effect. Luckily it was possible to study this subject
experimentally. It appears that the tendency of prairie deer-mice to choose the
'right' environment when living in the wild is maintained by natural selection;
for when bairdi is reared in the laboratory for twelve or more generations,
without any experience of a natural habitat of any sort, progeny placed in the
experimental pen show no well-defined preference for either habitat, but dis-
tribute themselves in woodland or grass at random.
This 'laboratory' stock of mice, in which the selective capacity as regards
habitat had become attenuated, provided material for further interesting
experiments. Some of them were put with their mothers in a closed pen con-
taining grassland only, before their eyes had opened. After about a month in
this environment, the idea of grassland had been imprinted on them; for when
transferred to the experimental pen and thus given the choice of grass or wood,
they showed a marked preference for the former. This proved that the early en-
vironment could exert an effect, but further experiment showed it to be of a
limited kind; for when young of the 'laboratory' stock were brought up in a
closed pen containing only woodland before being given a choice of woodland
and grass in the experimental pen, they showed no particular preference for
wood or grass. Thus the attenuated 'laboratory' stock still retained an innate
capacity to receive the impression of grassland but not of woodland.
This interesting experiment strongly suggests that a genetical difference
affects choice of habitat by races of the deer-mouse, though an element of
doubt may
arise from the fact that the tendency towards a particular choice is
sequence of only twelve generations in the absence of natural selec-
lost after a
tion of the fittest to survive. The experiment would also have been more
demonstrative if it had been repeated with gracilis.
Races of animals differ in what might be called temperament, and there is
reason to believe that a genetic element is concerned. It has been shown by
experiments on rats that genes affecting body-weight, the size of various
organs, the dimensions of the skull, and other physical characters, may also
influence tameness and docility. [i781
A example of racial differences in innate behaviour-
particularly interesting
patterns provided by the honey-bee. Apis mellifera* Linn. The researches of
is

von Frisch on the 'language' of this animal are well known. Thanks to his
remarkable studies it has become a familiar fact that worker bees can tell one
another in what direction and roughly how far away a source of food is
situated. It is not necessary to describe the 'language', which is very clearly
explained in von Frisch's own writings. [363. 364. 365lt It must suflRce to say here
that a worker bee of the race A. mellifera carnica, having found a source of

* This specific name is often mis-spelled meUifica. The rules of nomenclature require that Lin
naeus's spelling should be followed.
t There is an excellent working model, explaining the language, in the Oxford University
Museum.
 THE MEANING OF 'RACE' 117

food at some distance from the hive, returns home and performs a particular
dance that gives the necessary information to other workers, which fly off and
find it. The distance is indicated by the speed at which the dance is performed:
the faster, the nearer.
Now another race of this species exists, the 'Italian' A. mellifera ligustica.
which uses — to speak metaphorically —another dialect of the same language.
This differs in two respects. First, ligustica uses a different dance to indicate
direction and distance, when the food-supply is close to the hive. Secondly, for
longer distances her dance is the same as carnica's, but her scale is different: to
indicate a particular distance, she dancesmore slowly than carnica does. When
members of two races are kept together in the same hive, they confuse one
the
another, because they misinterpret one another's symbols. Worker bees of the
race ligustica in a mixed hive respond to the message of a carnica forager by
looking for the food too close to the hive, and conversely a ligustica forager
sends the carnica workers too far away on a useless journey. 3651 1

There is no evidence that young workers are taught the 'language' by their
elders, as children are taught to speak. The capacity to communicate ideas of
direction and distance is innate, and the races differ innately in this important
component of behaviour.

Although the environment plays such a preponderant part in human

language, yet there seems to be no doubt that a genetic element is involved, as
Eimer claimed more than eighty years ago.(304| The etymology and grammar of
languages are passed on from one person to another in the course of life, but
the phonetic element in speech depends in part on inherited characters, which
make it easy or difficult to produce certain sounds. This was first established
clearly by Professor C. D. Darlington in an article published in a genetical
journal,|247, 248] in which he considers the geographical distribution in Europe
of people who can readily pronounce the various sounds of the th group (as in
this, thick, and the related sound in the Basque language), and those who can-
not. He follows the past history of human migrations in relation to changes in
the distribution of this capacity, and comes to the conclusion that difficulty in
pronouncing these sounds has spread with human populations from the east.
Invaders may adopt the languages of their new territories, while retaining their
own phonetic capacities or incapacities; the latter may thus be transferred to
quite different [Link] brings forward evidence that there is a correlation
between a low frequency of the gene for the 'O' blood-group in a population
and difficulty in pronouncing the th sounds.
Darlington expresses his findings in national instead of ethnic terms; but as
a broad generalization (subject to reservations where particular local groups
are concerned), one may say that a low frequency of //z-speakers is found
among Alpinids, Osteuropids, and Armenids, while most ///-speakers are found
among Nordids and Mediterranids.
The role of genetic factors in the development of speech-sounds has been
treated in some detail by Brosnahan.[i46l
 8 Some taxonomic and
evolutionary theories

TYPICAL FORMS
Much of the misunderstanding that arises in discussions of the ethnic
problem would be avoided if those who intended to study man would first gain
experience of general taxonomy; that is to say, of the principles used in the
systematic arrangement of organisms into taxa. These principles are based on
studies of animals and plants, and have been secondarily applied to the human
Fonnenkreis. In biology the subject exists on a far more extensive basis, for
our attention is concentrated not on a single Formenkreis, but on all the taxa
from the subrace to the phylum, and as a result the principles stand out in
much bolder relief. Many students of man have indeed taken a preliminary
course in biology; but modern developments in that science have been so
wide-ranging and of such great interest that teachers in elementary classes have
naturally focused their attention on them, almost to the exclusion of the wealth
of knowledge accumulated in earlier times about the variety of organisms and
the principles that should guide one in the attempt to gain an impression of a
taxon as a whole, and of its history in the distant past. A new generation of
teachers has grown up, well equipped to teach certain important branches of
biology, but perhaps less so to impart a real understanding of taxonomic
biology. Particular organisms are chosen to illustrate particular aspects of
animal or plant life, but the study of the taxon as a whole is either omitted
altogether, or undertaken only by a few of those who make zoology or botany
their major subject; and of this limited number, very few indeed become
anthropologists. As a result, man and his subdivision into ethnic taxa are often
studied in an isolated manner, by persons unacquainted with the massive
knowledge and understanding that exist and have not been rendered less true or
less relevant by recent advances in particular fields.
Animals are classified into their taxa by their resemblances, and so far as
possible by those resemblances that are due to common ancestry. The taxon.
whether 'large'— —
a class, for instance or 'small', such as a Formenkreis or a
race, consists of individuals, no two of which (not even 'identical' twins) are
exacdy alike. The grouping into taxa, lar^e or small, can only be done by per-
sons gifted with the capacity for induction, who are capable of recognizing
such resemblances as exist. They will form in their minds an idea of a 'typical'
member of the group, and will note the departures, in various directions, from
this form. (It will be recollected that the 'type' of a species need not be typical
of it. See p. 67.) Some members of a taxon may show specializations adapted
to the performance of particular functions; some may be 'degenerate' in the
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 119

sense of having lost, in the course of evolution, certain structures that were
possessed by their ancestors; some may be 'primitive', having never attained
the stage of evolution that characterizes the more 'typical' forms. In many
cases it is scarcely possible to invent an actual definition of a taxon that will
describe every member of it, yet will distinguish it satisfactorily from every
other kind of animal; but one markedly aberrant form is often so obviously
linked up by intermediates with others that are less aberrant, that the reality of
the taxon as a natural unit impresses itself forcibly on the mind. It may be
found best not to attempt an all-inclusive definition, but to draw up a descrip-
tion that covers the typical members of the group, and to note the various
departures from it.
It is important to realize the limitations of statistical methods in taxonomy.

One cannot idealize a 'typical' member of a taxon by simply counting or

measuring and then subjecting the figures obtained to statistical analysis. An
example taken from the class Gastropoda ('univalves') of the phylum Mollusca
will make this clear. Some members of this taxon (e.g., Trochus, the common
top-shell of our sea-shores) have no specifically genital pores: the spermatozoa
or eggs are discharged into the kidney and find their way into the sea through
the urinary duct. Others, such as the 'triton trumpets' {Charonia. see Fig. 17a,
p. 120), have one genital pore, carrying either spermatozoa or eggs to the
exterior, according to sex; others again, being hermaphrodite, have two, one to
discharge each type of genital product; yet others have these two, and a third
to receive spermatozoa from another individual — this occurs in various sea-
slugs (Nudibranchia). It would not be sensible to count the number of genital
pores in all kinds of gastropods, find the arithmetic mean, and state that the
typical form has (say) 1-87 genital pores.
One cannot determine which animals should be included in the Gastropoda
and which excluded from it by consideration of metrical data alone. This would
be a serious error, yet a comparable one has been made in anthropological
writings. For instance, in making a statistical study of all the known
Palaeolithic human skulls of Europe, the statistician G. M. Morant took a set
of measurements from each, without considering whether the parts measured
were those that distinguished various ethnic taxa or not.l765l These
measurements, when analysed statistically, might give the impression that all
the skulls belonged to members of a single, homogeneous population, and this
conclusion has in fact been derived from his data by several anthropologists.
Morant himself did not make this mistake. He admitted, in the paper in which
he described his findings, that 'the treatment of the series as a sample from a
single homogeneous population may obscure some ethnic relations of great im-
portance'. In other words, his work was carried out on the assumption that the
population was homogeneous, when manifestly it was not. For instance, the
so-called 'negroides\\\09A\ whose skeletons were found in the Grotte des
Enfants, near Mentone. are strikingly different from Cro-Magnon man. 147]
Attention has already been called to this error (pp. 111-12), which might
be described as 'political taxonomy'. A certain district, defined by national
boundaries, is treated as though it contained a homogeneous population,
whether in fact it does or not; this is then compared with another such district.
 head

17 Typical and untypical gastropods

typical: A, Charonia nodifera. pr, proboscis; ten. tentacle. B, shell of Charonia nodifera.
Untypical: C, D, the bivalve gastropod, Tamanovalva Umax, from the left side and from above, ot, olfac-
tory tentacle (rhinophore). E, wormlike gastropod, Entoconcha mirabilis, an internal parasite of an
echinoderm. al, alimentary canal of Entoconcha: kn. its knoblike 'head'; ov. its ovary, .v, alimentary canal,
and y, so-called 'haemal space' of the echinoderm, Synapta digitata.
Pi., from Poli;\sso] E, from Reeve;\ssi] C and D, from Kawaguti and Baba; \5i2\E, from Miiller. 17801
Lettering by the author.
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 121

treated in the same way. This procedure has been adopted on a large scale in
the study of blood-groups in Europe. That it is not a reliable method of
exposing biological truths is demonstrated by the fact that no one adopts it
when ethnic differences are so obvious, even to those untrained in
morphological anthropology, that they cannot be overlooked. Thus, no one
studying blood-groups in Australia 'lumps' the aborigines (Australids) with
persons of European origin; clearly one would only confuse the results by so
doing. In taxonomy one must use common sense, morphological insight, and
evidence from palaeontology, too, if this is available, to discover which animals
(or men) fall into a natural group or taxon, and to gain an impression as to
which members of it may properly be regarded as typical, which primitive, and
which specialized.
—
The various taxa of animals the phyla, classes, orders, and the
—
rest provide almost unlimited scope for illustration of these ideas, but there is
perhaps no group better adapted to the purpose than the very large class of
Gastropoda. This includes the familiar garden snail. Helix aspersa, but no one
acquainted with its anatomy would choose this species as typical of the group
as a whole. Its reproductive system is very complex, and its nerve centres con-
centrated in a small region of the head instead of being distributed in various
parts of the body, as in so many members of the group. The spirally coiled shell
is, however, characteristic of very many gastropods.

In choosing such a large and diverse assembly of animals as a class to

illustrate the ideas of typical, specialized, degenerate, and primitive members of
a taxon, I am simply using an extensive canvas to show in bold outline what
will appear again in miniature, but nevertheless distinctly, when in subsequent

chapters the taxon under consideration will be a single Formenkreis and the
human races that compose it. The ideas are fundamental and must be grasped
from a preliminary study of easily interpreted material, before the facts of
physical anthropology can be properly appreciated.
In seeking a typical form, one must avoid those that are primitive, for these
are in certain respects untypical, since they possess features that are not
represented in most members of the class, and lack others that occur in many
or most. Different authorities would no doubt choose somewhat different
forms, but one cannot go very far wrong in selecting an unspecialized member
of the order Pectinibranchia, such as the 'knobbed trumpet triton', Charonia
nodifera (Lamarck) (often called Triton nodiferus): indeed, this is precisely the
form chosen by Parker and Haswell for rather detailed description, as
characteristic of the class as a whole, in their Text-book of zoology. \S20\ This
large marine gastropod (Fig. 17a, b) has been recorded from British seas and is
common in the Mediterranean; members of the genus occur in the Red Sea and
off the coast of South Africa, and their range extends across to the South
Pacific Ocean, where the shells are bored near the tip by the natives of the New
Hebrides and other islands to form trumpets for long-distance communication.
In a book such as this, a detailed description of the anatomy of C. nodifera
would be out of place, but anyone who is at all familiar with the gastropods can
see at a glance, by looking at the text-figure, that there is nothing highly
specialized about its external characters; and the internal ones are such that a
122 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
Studentwho has examined them is in a favourable position to understand the
anatomy of almost any gastropod that is not markedly specialized or aberrant.
C. nodifera has a spirally coiled shell, protecting a corresponding coiled
visceral hump; a 'mantle' or fleshy fold hanging down from the hump; a flat
foot on which the animal moves; a 'tongue' (radula) provided with teeth, and
an alimentary canal ending in an anus; eyes, and a statocyst or gravity-organ;
a complicated nervous system, consisting of paired nerve-centres (ganglia),
joined by nerves called commissures and connectives; and a single genital
gland (testis or ovary, as the case may be, for the sexes are separate).
No one who wished to name a typical gastropod would choose one of the
cowries (Cvpraea) for the purpose. The shell of these animals is very untypical
of the group as a whole, for each succeeding whorl almost entirely covers the
preceding ones, so that it could scarcely be guessed that the structure had ever
been spiral. Beyond this, the part of the shell that separates the successive
whorls is gradually absorbed, so that even internally the spiral structure is
removed; and the aperture of the shell, instead of being rounded, is flattened to
a slit. Yet the anatomy of the soft parts is not very abnormal, and Cvpraea falls
into the same order as Charonia. Another untypical gastropod is Umbrella, a
Mediterranean form, in which the shell is flattened and resembles the object to
which the generic name refers; no trace of spiral structure persists in it. Other
gastropods, again, have lost the shell altogether in the course of evolution. The
strange planktonic form, Pterotrachea, is an example: not only the shell, but
the visceral hump also has disappeared; so have the tentacles; and a long
thread-like appendage hangs out from the posterior end of the body.
These animals, however, are only untypical to a moderate degree; there are
far more astonishing departures from the characteristic gastropod form. One of
the most extraordinary was only discovered quite recently. A glance at the shell
shown in Fig. 17c and D, would convince almost anyone that the animal was a
bivalve —
that is to say, one of the Lamellibranchiata and not a gastropod at
all. This curious animal was discovered in Japanese seas in 1959.15721 Unlike

the lamellibranchs, however, it has a head and eyes and olfactory tentacles. A
study of its internal anatomy shows conclusively that despite its bivalve shell it
is a gastropod, belonging to the subclass Opisthobranchia.

In the course of evolution certain animals have become simpler in structure

than their ancestors were, generally as a result of their restriction to a very
limited habitat. Very untypical, 'degenerate' forms often originate in this way.
The gastropods provide some excellent examples. It will be allowed that no
one, not already acquainted with the facts, could possibly suppose that the
wormlike creature shown in Fig. 17e was a gastropod. This is Entoconcha
mirabilis, and the specific name does not exaggerate its peculiarity. The animal
is a parasite in the body-cavity of the marine holothurian Synapta digitata

(related to the 'sea-cucumber', Cucumaria, and to beche-de-mer or trepang). It

was discovered by the German physiologist and comparative anatomist
Johannes Muller|780l in the course of his study of the holothurian. It lives
attached to a haemal or 'blood' vessel on the wall of its host's intestine (seen on
the left of Fig. 1 7e). The reader may find it instructive to compare the following
description with that of the typical gastropod, Charonia, given above. In its
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 123

adult State E. mirabilis has no spirally coiled shell, nor indeed any shell at all;
no visceral hump, no mantle, no foot, no radula, no anus, no eyes, no statocyst,
no nervous system —
but two genital glands (an ovary and a testis)! One may
well ask how such an animal can be called a gastropod, for we have here an
extreme example of departure from the typical. Yet it is universally allowed by
zoologists that E. mirabilis belongs to this class, and indeed to the same order
(Pectinibranchia) as Charonia. Its position in the classification is determined
partly by a study of its development, and partly by comparison with an
interesting series of intermediate forms that connect it with typical members
of the group.
From what has been said it will be understood that there are gastropods that
may be called 'typical', because they represent so well the group as a whole,
and others so specialized or degenerate that they can only be called untypical.
It will be realized that it is almost impossible to frame a definition that will in-

clude all gastropods and exclude all animals that are not gastropods; for if it
were to cover the extremely aberrant forms, it would necessarily be so vague
and all-inclusive as to conjure up no clear idea in the mind, and it would in fact
be useless. If. however, one learns the characters of the typical forms, and then
studies the progressive departures from the norm until such extremely aberrant
offshoots as Entoconcha mirabilis are reached, one can delimit the class with
confidence. The idea of the typical is valuable in taxonomy; and it is in-
escapable, because anyone who looks will see it, even though the perfectly
typical form may not be found. The idea is applicable to all taxa, at any rate
from the class downwards, although naturally the extremes of divergence are
not to be expected in the minor range of the taxonomic hierarchy, among the
genera and species. But even among the races, in man as in animals, the idea is
valid and indeed manifest, though intermediates produced by hybridity may
make the proportion of typical forms lower than it would otherwise be.
There are some who argue against the idea of the typical, claiming that this is a mere
abstraction, without reality; yet anyone who thinks it necessary may choose a par-
ticular individual as his type. This is precisely what the philosopher. Sir William
Hamilton, did in respect of man.
The class man* includes individuals, male and female, white and black and
copper-coloured, and short, fat and thin, straight and crooked, whole and
tall

mutilated, &c.. &c.; and the notion of the class must, therefore, at once represent all
and none of these. It is evident, therefore, though the absurdity was maintained by
Locke, that we cannot accomplish this; and. this being impossible, we cannot repre-
sent to ourselves the class man by any equivalent notion or idea. All that we can do
is to call up some individual image, and consider it as representing, though in-

adequately representing, the generality. 14641

It is unlikely, however, that many zoologists, in forming their ideas about typical
members of a taxon, do actually think of a single individual. They are more likely to

discard temporarily from their minds all extremely primitive, specialized, or aberrant
animals that clearly belong to the taxon but do not adequately represent it; they then
build up the idea of the taxon from what remains, and regard any form as typical if it

falls within the scope of the idea.

* It is scarcely necessary to remark that Hamilton does not use the word 'class' in the sense in
which it is used in the taxonomy of animals.
124 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
It would be possible to carry out an experiment to determine whether the idea of the
typical is valid. In teaching comparative anatomy it is usual to select one species of a
taxon and make an exact study of every part of its body and then proceed to a much

less detailed review of the structure of other members of the taxon. including those that
depart most significantly from the form that has been chosen for special study. It

would be possible to arrange that one half of the class used Charonia nodifera as the
example chosen for detailed study, and the other half Entoconcha mirabilis. The whole
class would then join for the general review. At the end. the same examination on the
anatomy of the Gastropoda would be set to both halves of the class. It is scarcely
possible for any comparative anatomist no doubt that those who had studied Charonia
would gain significantly higher marks (unless, indeed, the students of EiUoconcha had
surreptitiously studied some more typical form before joining the others, as they would
be severely tempted to do); and those who had studied Charonia would also be at a
great advantage when the time came to study the remaining classes of the Mollusca.

PRIMITIVE FORMS
Some memorable words taken from a contribution by Sir Ray Lankester to
the Encyclopaedia Britannica will serve to introduce the idea of the 'primitive',
as that word is used in biology. He is here considering not just the class of gas-
tropods, but the phylum Mollusca as a whole. He constructs
a schematic Mollusc, which shall possess in an unexaggerated form the
various structural arrangements which are more or less specialized,
exaggerated, or even suppressed in particular members of the group. Such a
schematic Mollusc may be taken as more or less coinciding with what we
. . .

are justified, under present conditions, in picturing to ourselves as the

original Mollusc or archi-Mollusc.l63i I

It will be noticed that in this passage Lankester goes back in imagination far

beyond the typical forms to a primitive ancestor common to all members of the
phylum.
In many taxa of animals one need not use imagination to find a primitive
form. Studies in comparative anatomy will reveal that certain members of a
class are simpler in many respects than others, but show no sign of
degenerative changes; and these forms often resemble, more or less closely, the
comparable simple members of other classes of the same phylum. Further, if
fossils have been left in the older sedimentary rocks, it may be found that the
forms supposed to be primitive on grounds of comparative anatomy are in fact
very similar to animals that existed in far-oflT times, before the 'typicaP,
'specialized', and 'degenerate' representatives of the group had evolved. It
happens not very rarely that a living animal, previously unknown, is discovered
which closely resembles the members of a primitive stock till then known only
from its fossil remains in ancient rocks. Such forms are often called 'living
fossils'.

The facts related in the preceding paragraph can be well illustrated by

reference once again to the gastropods.
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 125

In the typical form, Charonia, there aremany organs that occur only on one
side of the body; but in other species, simpler in structure but not degenerate,
these organs are seen to be paired, left and right. A study of all the relevant
facts indicates that in the ancestral gastropod these organs were represented by
an equal left and right pair, like the kidneys, for instance, in our own bodies;
but in the course of evolution the strange spiral twisting of the body had
gradually resulted in the reduction and finally in the elimination of the organs
that were originally on the left side, but were twisted to the right; while the
organ of the other side, brought over to the left, remains large. The twist can be
seen to occur at an early stage in embryonic development. In the account that
follows, the words 'left' and 'right' refer to the final situation of the organs in
adult animals.
In Charonia and in an enormous number of other species of gastropods,
only the left-side organs remain. This applies to the following:
the gill (ctenidium) or respiratory organ;
the organ of chemical sense (osphradium), which tests the water entering the gill-

chamber (mantle-cavity);
the mucous (hypobranchial) gland, which secretes a substance that keeps the gill-
chamber clean by sticking together faecal and other particles;
the vessel (auricle) that brings blood to the main contractile organ (ventricle) of the
heart;
the renal or excretory organ.
In a few gastropods, however, the ancestral condition is retained, for all

these organs are still present on both sides of the body, though the left and right
members of a pair are commonly unequal. Agood example of such a creature
is the 'ormer', Haliotis tuberculata (Fig. p. 126), which occurs off the
18a,
coasts of the islands in the English Channel, and indeed is sufficiently abundant
there to form the basis of an industry, since the flesh is edible. Other species of
the genus occur in Californian, Japanese, and East Indian seas. In California
the local species is known as the 'abalone'. Many who are familiar with
Haliotis as an article of food are probably unaware of its special scientific in-
terest as a primitive gastropod.
Haliotis is specialized in certain respects (as many primitive animals are). It

is flattened from above, and the spiralform of the shell is greatly reduced; in-
deed, there is little of it left except the enormous
last whorl, which contains
almost the whole of the animal (Fig. 18 A). As a result, the shell shows some
resemblance to a human ear, and it is this that gives rise to the name of 'ormer'
(a contraction of the French oreille de mer), by which the animal is known in
the Channel Islands; the scientific name of the genus has exactly the same
meaning. Haliotis would be an almost ideal example of a primitive gastropod if
only its visceral hump and shell took the form of a gradually expanding spiral.
The left gill of H. tuberculata is decidedly bigger than the right; the left
hypobranchial gland is very much larger than the other; the left auricle is slightly, and
the left kidney considerably, smaller than the right. l232iThe osphradia are about equal.

Another primitive form. Fissurella, which occurs in British seas, is remarkable in

having exactly equal left and right gills (Fig. 18b), but this is perhaps a secondary
condition, consequent upon the assumption of a somewhat limpet-like shape.
126 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
Whereverin a taxon of animals we find a primitive form, we may expect to
see in resemblances to members of related taxa. We may therefore look
it

among other classes of Mollusca for features in which Haliotis resembles them;
and we shall certainly not be disappointed, for this animal is a good example of
a form that has retained many characters which must have been possessed not
only by ancestral gastropods but also by the ancestors of all the classes of
Mollusca, but which have been lost in the course of evolution by all the gas-
tropods except the primitive ones.

18 The primitive gastropods Haliotis tuberculata

(A) and Fissurella sp. (B)

The mantle of Fissurella has been cut longitudinally and turned

aside to the right (e) and left to show the two equal gills

(ctenidia), d. a. tentacle: b. ([Link]. hole in mantle: g. anus: h

and /. openings to exterior of and right kidneys:
left p. head.
[Link] Fischer;\}}4] B,from Lankester. ifti 1

must be made here of other molluscan classes, for the benefit of those
Brief mention
readers who have not made a study of this great phylum. Of these classes the most
familiar is the Lamellibranchiata or 'bivalves', of which the mussel and oyster are
examples. Everyone has also seen or read about the squid and octopus, and perhaps
also the pearly Nautilus. The symmetrically wound spiral shell of the latter is rather
ammonites shown in Fig. 21 (p. 133); it is sometimes displayed as
similar to that of the
an ornament. These three —
squid, octopus, and Nautilus are representatives of the —
class Cephalopoda.
The other classes of Mollusca are much less likely to be kndwn to those who have
not studied zoology. One of them indeed, the Monoplacophora. was not known to
anyone, except as a misunderstood group of fossil shells, until 1952, when a few
specimens of a single species (Neopilina galatheae) were obtained by trawling in the

depths of the Pacific Ocean, west of Costa Rica. 165 While still known only by their
ii

fossil shells, members of this group had been regarded as aberrant limpets that is,
the —
as gastropods; but their soft parts showed them to be quite different in structure, and
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 127

very remarkable for the serial repetition of some of their organs. The Polyplacophora
or chitons, not wholly dissimilar, are another primitive group, their most obvious
feature being the presence of eight calcareous shells strung out in a line along the upper
surface of the body. Both these and the Monoplacophora are known from early
Palaeozoic rocks. (The other main taxa of molluscs, the Aplacophora and
Scaphopoda, are not particularly important in connection with the subject under con-
sideration here.)
Apart from the gastropods, all molluscs that possess ctenidia show symmetry in

respect of these organs, the right and left ones being equal in size on the two sides of

the body. Haliotis thus shows resemblance to members of other classes, since its right
and left ctenidia are not very different in size. The ctenidia of Haliotis are bipectinate;
that is to say, they have projections on both sides of an axis and thus resemble bipec-
tinate hair-combs, while in the great majority of gastropods that have ctenidia, the
projections are on one side only, as in the ordinary domestic hair-comb. {Fissurella
resembles Haliotis in this respect, as can be seen in Fig. 18b.) It is particularly
interesting that in this respect Haliotis resembles Niicula (a primitive lamellibranch).
Nautilus (a primitive cephalopod), and Neopilina (a member of the primitive group
Monoplacophora —though in the latter case the projections are unequal on the two
sides). Again, Haliotis is primitive in that the living tissues of its eye form a hollow cup,
whereas in the vast majority of gastropods the edge of the cup grows across and joins
up, so that the lens is totally enclosed. Now
Nautilus has the same type of eye as
Haliotis, but is still more primitive, for the cup is devoid of lens and filled with sea-
water. Haliotis also has a blind spiral tube (caecum) projecting from its stomach; in
this it from the great majority of gastropods, except the primitive ones; but a
differs

corresponding structure occurs in most cephalopods.

There are yet other ways, besides these, in which Haliotis differs from most gas-
tropods but resembles members of other classes. The most striking of all is in the ner-
vous system. In all gastropods except the most primitive this system consists of two
distinct elements: numerous brainlike ganglia (containing aggregations of nerve-cells)
and nerve-fibres (devoid of cell-bodies), which connect the ganglia and innervate all

parts of the body. In Haliotis, however, this sharp distinction does not exist. There are
no demarcated ganglia, for the nerve-cells are distributed all along the chief nerve-
trunks, and there are not swollen regions to which the cell-bodies are restricted. This
applies equally to the nervous systems of the two most primitive groups of molluscs,
the Monoplacophora and Polyplacophora; and although ganglia occur in Nautilus, the
commissures that connect the corresponding ganglia of the two sides of the body con-
tain nerve-cells as well as nerve-fibres.
Haliotis is thus in most respects a primitive gastropod. Its organs are for the
most part unspecialized and such as one would expect to find in an ancestral
form. It shows several striking resemblances to primitive members of other
classes, and thus seems not to have diverged very far from the ancestor from
which all molluscs must originally have sprung. It is probable, however, that
the early gastropods had large, spirally coiled visceral humps, and a shell
widening evenly from the tip to the open end. It has already been mentioned
that Haliotis is in these respects specialized, for its body is compressed dorso-
ventrally and little remains of the spiral shell except the enormous last whorl. Is
it possible to find a gastropod that possesses the primitive characters of
128 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
Haliotis, but lacks these specializations?
Certain fossil shells were already known long ago which appeared to have
belonged to forms related to Haliotis, but were of unspecialized spiral type.
The genus Pleurotomaria, familiar to palaeontologists, belongs here; its range
in time extended from the Triassic to the [Link] Many genera of the
family Pleurotomaridae are, however, much more ancient, going back perhaps
430 million years to the early Ordovician, and related genera about 90 million
years further back still, to the lower Cambrian. n 371 I

The fossil shells could not provide positive evidence that Pleurotomaria and
similar gastropods were genuinely primitive in the absence of any knowledge
of the soft parts. In 1856 a remarkable discovery was made. A collection of
molluscs from the French West Indies had been sent to France for study.
Among them was a shell o{ Pleurotomaria, with the coloured cuticle still intact
and a few fragments of the soft parts of the animal still attached. [3351 It had
been obtained in deep water off the island of Marie-Galante. Hopes that the
complete 'living fossil' would be discovered were naturally aroused, and before
the end of the century a number of specimens had been obtained at various
times off Barbados;l242. i331 but although some of them had been alive when
caught, not very much was learnt about their internal organs, apart from the
nervous system and radula. Eventually, however, a specimen of the genus was
obtained off the coast of Japan and was still alive when examined by a
Japanese zoologist, who preserved it excellently for anatomical and histological
study. 17491 This specimen, with others from Japanese seas, was carefully
examined by M. F. Woodward of the Royal College of Science, London, to
whom we are indebted for most of our knowledge of the anatomy of this in-
teresting genus. Iii54l
Apart from having a slit in it, through which the respiratory current is

expelled with the faeces and excreta, the shell (Fig. 19a) is a simple, regularly
enlarging spiral and contains a normal visceral hump. In those respects in
which the organs differ from the corresponding ones of Haliotis, they are even
more primitive. In particular, the eye is simpler, for the lens does not fill the

25mm
19 The 'living fossil' P\eurotomaT\a
A. the shell o^ Pleurotomaria quoyana: B. P. adansoniana. crawling
[Link]]
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 129

open cup, as does in Haliotis, and sea-water enters the organ freely, as it does
it

in Nautilus. Afew other gastropods are more primitive in particular respects,

but no other member of the group shows so many ancestral characters so well.
Not only is Pleurotomaria a primitive gastropod: in certain respects it ap-
proaches Ray Lankester's ideal of the 'archi-mollusc', except in the spiral
twisting of the body that is one of the most characteristic features of the great
majority of the class to which it belongs.
The gastropods have been chosen to illustrate the ideas of the typical and the
primitive, because they happen to be particularly well suited for the purpose.
Many other taxa would have served nearly as well, and indeed a closer ap-
proach to human affairs could have been made by using the Mammalia in-
stead. In the latter group the so-called 'tree-shrews' (Tupaiidae) are probably as
good examples of typical forms as one could choose, while the duck-billed
platypus {Ornithorhynchus anatinus) and spiny anteaters {Echidna and
Zaglossus) are primitive in several respects, since they retain certain characters
that associate them with the reptilian ancestors of the group (though they can-
not be regarded as very close to the ancestral form from which the higher
mammals and they are much more specialized in
(Placentalia) arose[435l,
particular than Pleurotomaria is among the gastropods). The
features
manatees {Trichechus) and dugongs (Halicore) are obviously highly specialized
marine habitat.
in relation to their
It is hoped that the foregoing brief remarks, intended to introduce the ideas
of the typical and the primitive to readers who have not studied morphological
and taxonomic zoology, will be found useful when the occasion arises in
Chapter 16 of this book to discuss these ideas in relation to a much smaller and
less diverse taxon than a class, the Formenkreis of man.

THE RECAPITULATION THEORY

In judgingwhether a particular organism is to be regarded as primitive in
one is naturally inclined to rely primarily on evidence derived
certain respects,
from comparative anatomy and palaeontology. The question arises whether
embryology may not also provide a clue. The theory of recapitulation suggests
that it does. The word 'recapitulation', in this context, means that the in-
dividual, in the course of its development, tends to re-enact the evolutionary
The matter is important for the ethnic problem; for if it
history of the race.
were true, one could draw conclusions about the 'primitiveness' of certain
groups of mankind from studies in human embryology.
Foreshadowings of the recapitulation theory can be detected in eighteenth-
century writings, and more definitely in those of the first half of the nineteenth.
In 181 1 the German comparative anatomist J. F. Meckel wrote a 'Sketch of a
demonstration of the parallel to be found between the embryonic states of the
higher animals and the permanent states of those of lower rank'.|727i Meckel
presented his ideas on this subject at considerable length, and a part of what he
says is valid. He points out in some detail, for instance, how the heart, major
blood-vessels, and brain of the higher vertebrates at the embryonic stages of
130 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
theirdevelopment show resemblances to the corresponding organs in adults of
animals in the lower groups. In the next decade these ideas appear to have been
widely accepted, for von Baerl42i referred to
the ruling idea that the embryo of higher animals passes through the perma-
nent forms of the lower animals. . . . Few
statements of affairs in the organic
world have found so much approbation as this, that the higher forms of
animals, in the several stages of development of the individual from its first
origin to full maturity, show correspondence with the forms that remain
behind in the animal series; that the development of individual animals
follows the same laws as that of the whole series: and that the more highly
organized animal, development, thus passes through what
in its individual
are more or less the same as the permanent stages of those which stand
below it in the series.
Having now said the same thing four times (and actually he goes on to say it
once more in the same sentence), von Baer might be thought to have accepted
the idea of recapitulation, but in fact this great embryologist had done nothing
of the sort —
for he gives no indication that he has any idea of evolution in his
mind.
The Swiss-American zoologist and palaeontologist Louis Agassiz carried
these conclusions rather further by comparing the embryonic stages of modern
animals with the forms of life that had existed in remote geological ages.
In my researches on fossil fishes I have often made allusion ... to the
resemblance that one can remark between embryonic forms and the
characters of the most ancient representatives of this group in the geological
epochs. This latter analogy corresponds to another important principle: that
the order of succession of the geological types in time agrees with the
gradual changes that the animals of the present day undergo during their
[Link] il
Agassiz illustrates this theme by examples chosen from diverse groups of
animals.
One might well suppose that Agassiz's words, quoted in the preceding
paragraph, did not simply foreshadow but actually stated the theory of
recapitulation. This, however, was not so: for Agassiz never accepted the doc-
trine of evolution, though he lived till 1873. It was Charles Darwin who first
put it forward, tentatively and not very clearly, in the first edition of the
Origin. \254\ He argued that, as a general rule, the modifications of structure that
distinguish a species from its ancestors appear in the offspring 'at a not very
early period of life\ and that 'at whatever age any variation first appears in the

parent, tends to reappear at a corresponding age in the offspring ... the em-
it

bryo is the animal in its less modified state: and in so far [as this is sol it reveals
the structure of its progenitor'. Thus 'we can clearly see why ancient and
extinct forms of life should resemble the embryos of their descendants —our
existing species'.
These ideas were powerfully reinforced by Fritz Miiller in his little book Fiir
Darwin, published five years later. [775. 7761 One of the early followers of
Darwin. Muller not only spread the latter's doctrine, but also made important
contributions to it. especially in the field of mimicry. Fiir Darwin is essentially
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 131

an exposition of the recapitulation theory, based on a study of the development

of Crustacea.
Miiller's main thesis was that the various larval forms known in this group
gave a general impression of the ancestral history of the class. He was much
struck by the fact that a shrimplike creature. Peneus (or a member of a closely
related genus), though belonging to one of the most highly evolved groups of
Crustacea, started life as a free-swimming larva of the type called 'Nauplius'.
the characteristic larva of many of the most primitive forms (Fig. 20). He

Imm

20 The Nauplius lan^a o/ Peneus

From Miiller. 17751

remarked that developed into another very distinctive type, called 'Zoea', a
this
characteristic larvalform of many of the higher Crustacea, and this again into
a third kind of larva, closely resembling the adults of the family Mysidae,
another group of shrimplike forms, regarded as somewhat more primitive than
Peneus. 'The shrimp', he wrote, 'that we accompany from the Nauplius
through the Zoea and Mysis-Mke stage up to the form of a long-tailed crusta-
cean, at present appears to be the animal which, within the group of the higher
Crustacea (Malacostraca), gives the most complete and truest information
about its ancestral history.'
In the fourth edition of the Origin, published in I86612551. Darwin referred
several times to Miiller's contributions to the recapitulation theory, and
recorded the latter's conclusions about the ancestry of Peneus. He still only
accepted the theory rather tentatively, however, and in the latest edition
published during his lifetimel256l he still remarked, in reference to the supposed
Maw' requiring that ancient forms should resemble the embryos of existing
species of the same class, '. we may hope hereafter to see the law proved
. .

true'— almost the same words as he had used in the first edition, thirteen years
earlier.
The wide acceptance of the recapitulation theory must be ascribed neither to
Darwin nor to Fritz Miiller. but to Ernst Haeckel. This strange man. fantastic
though some of his writings were, had a remarkable capacity for exposition,
and probably did more than anyone else except T. H. Huxley to popularize
132 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
Darwin's doctrine of evolution by natural selection. He briefly summarized the
recapitulation theory in his Generelle Morphologie. 'Ontogenesis', he wrote, Ms
the short and quick recapitulation of phylogenesis. 'l45il This appears to be the
first use of the word 'recapitulation' in connection with the processes of
[Link] also coined the term 'Biogenetisches Grundgesetz' as a more
dogmatic name for the recapitulation theory. This theory has probably never
been more clearly explained than in the following remarks taken from
Anthropogenie, his work on the development and evolution of man.
These two parts of our science —
on one hand ontogeny or the history of
the embryo and on the other phylogeny or the history of the stock —
stand in
the closest possible relation, and one cannot be understood without the
other. The relation between the two is not of a merely apparent or superficial,
but of an intrinsic, causal nature. This knowledge is. of course, an achieve-
ment of very recent times, and even now the fundamental law of organic
development, based on it, is still often doubted, and not acknowledged even
by famous men of science. This fundamental biogenetic la\v\ to which we
shall repeatedly come back again, and on the acknowledgement of which all
genuine understanding of the developmental process depends, may be
expressed in the statement, 'The history of the embryo is an epitome of the
history of the stock;' or in other words, 'Ontogeny is a short recapitulation of
phylogeny;' or in somewhat greater detail, 'The series of forms through
which an individual passes during its development from the egg-cell to its
adult state is a short, compacted repetition of the long series of forms that
the animal progenitors of the same organism (or the ancestral forms of its
species) have passed through from the earliest times of so-called organic
creation up to the present day.*|452l
Ideally, to reach certainty on this subject one would need a complete series
of fossils at all stages of individual development through a long sequence of
geological strata. As a general rule adult animals stand a better chance of being
fossilized than young ones, because they usually possess harder constituent
parts, less liable to decay before the process of petrification has set in. When
fossilembryos or larvae are found, it may be difficult to associate them with the
correct adults. The Ammonoidea (ammonites) circumvent these difficulties to
some extent. They constitute an extinct order or suborder of cephalopod
molluscs, numbering many thousands of species; they are found as fossils in
Palaeozoic and Mesozoic rocks, and are extremely abundant in the latter.
Some were minute, but there were giants with shells up to two yards in
diameter. In this group the shell has a general resemblance to that of Nautilus.
the characteristic form being a flat spiral (Fig. 21). As in Nautilus, growth
began at the centre. The initial chamber was formed by a very young animal,
and each succeeding part of the spire was added by the same individual at later
and later stages of its life. Thus the adult carried about with it a record of its
own life-history; for ridges and tubercles developed on its surface, and these
formed distinctive patterns at different ages (see Fig. 21 A). By searching back
into older and older rocks one could find slightly different forms that seemed to
represent an ancestral series.
The American palaeontologist Alpheus Hyatt, who was a distinguished
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 133

authority on this group of animals in the second half of the nineteenth century,
claimed that the evidence provided by the ammonites supported the theory of
recapitulation, for he found a correlation between the developmental history of
the individual and the evolutionary history of the stock to which it

21 The ammonites Peltoceras and Cosmoceras

A, Peltoceras athlela (from the Jurassic of Normandy), viewed from the right side.
The change in the external sculpturing with age is well shown. B. P. alhleia. from in
front. C. Cosmoceras orimtum (from the Jurassic of Baden Wurtemberg). viewed
from the right side. The orientation of these fossil shells has been altered from the
original illustrations to accord with the modern interpretation. From Ziiiel. 1 1 1 7i 1

belonged. 15411 seemed that the structure of the parts of the shell formed by
It

geologically ancient ammonites when they were adults resembled parts formed
by more recent species (their supposed descendants) when they were young.
Hyatt's conclusions could scarcely have been more directly contradicted than they
were by the researches of the Russian palaeontologist Pavlow on the ammonites in the
Lower Cretaceous strata of his country. 18281 The facts he observed are interesting and
relevant; the conclusions he drew from them can only be described as astonishing.
Pavlow examined the internal, intermediate, and external whorls of the shell in certain
ammonites that appeared to form an evolutionary series, ascending from Kepplerites in
the lower (earlier) strata to Cosmoceras in the upper (more recent). So far was he from
obtaining confirmation of Hyatt's results, that he found the exact opposite. 'It seems
more accurate', he wrote, 'to say, not that the internal whorls of Kepplerites repeat the
characters of the immediate ancestors of this genus [as the theory of recapitulation
would require], but that they announce the characters of the descendants Cosmoceras] \

of this genus: there is not an atavistic phase but a prophetic one'!Pavlow found com-
parable series of forms in various groups of ammonites and coined the term 'precession
des caracteres' to indicate his belief that developmental stages might actually
foreshadow the future.
One can only suppose that modifications in the external characters of the
shells in various lines of descent over long periods of time chanced to give
appearances suggesting recapitulation in Hyatt's cases and precession in
Pavlow's. This is borne out by the statistical studies made later by Brinkmann
on Jurassic ammonites and reported by him in a massive contribution to a
scientific journal, longer than many books. li 371 He found no evidence of any
134 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
general tendency for. the parts of the shell formed by the animals when young
to resemble the parts formed by adults of related species occurring in more an-
cient rocks. In some cases a resemblance of this kind existed, in others it did
not; no rule could be applied.
Up till the end of the first quarter of the twentieth century the theory of
recapitulation was widely accepted, and it was applied by Haeckel and others
to the ancestry of man. It was argued by the anthropologist Klaatsch that
since the skulls of young orang-utans and gorillas resemble that of adult man
more closely than do those of adult apes, it followed that the common ancestor
of apes and man must, when adult, have had a skull like adult man's, from
which that of adult apes subsequently diverged. 1588. 5891 Klaatsch considered
that the ancestral anthropoid apes were much more like man than were their
descendants, the apes of the present day. Only the foot, he thought, was
markedly different from that of man. He based this conclusion on em-
bryological, not palaeontological evidence. It is strange that he made no actual
reference to the theory of recapitulation or the biogenetic law.
These ideas of Klaatsch were developed independently and at much greater
length by a Canadian anthropologist. Hill-Toutl4yi.492l, who based his opinions
firmly on
that great biogenetic principle sometimes called Baer's law. Now it must
. . .

follow from Baer's law that the skull-forms of the young of the anthropoids
and the young of man must represent very closely the original skull-form of
their common progenitor. ... in his head form and general cranial characters
man has remained practically unchanged from the period when he and the
anthropoids first set forth upon their divergent careers.
Hill-Tout concluded that in the common ancestor of apes and man, the
forehead rose steeply above the orbits, and that the great brow-ridges and
sloping foreheads of Pithecanthropus, the Neanderthalians, and Australids
evolved quite independently of the similar features in the apes. He would not
allow that Pithecanthropus was even a semi-human forerunner of man; he
denied that it belonged to the family Hominidae.
If the conclusions of Klaatsch and Hill-Tout could be substantiated by
evidence supporting the theory of recapitulation, a new light would be thrown
upon the ethnic problem; for certain features in the skulls of Australids and
others, long regarded as evidence of primitiveness. could no longer be at-
tributed to retention from an apelike ancestor. Hill-Tout did allow, however,
that the receding chin, characteristic of certain ethnic taxa, was a genuinely
primitive character.14911
As Darwin had foreseen 12541, the theory of recapitulation gave a great
impetus to embryological research. Objections to it soon arose, however, which
have never been satisfactorily answered. One might well imagine than von Baer
would have supported the theory, which has often been wrongly attributed to
him as a result of what he wrote in 1828.1421 In fact he opposed it strongly. 1431
The main opposition started, however, in the twenties of the present century,
and has grown into a large literature, which appears to have resulted in the
rejectionof the whole idea of recapitulation. The fact that very different
animals have similar larvae is interpreted in another way. From the fact that
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 135

the sessile barnacle and the free-swimming Peneus —

utterly unlike one another
in appearance when adult —
start life as very similar Nauplius larvae, the con-
clusion is no longer drawn that the common ancestor of both, in its adult state,
resembled a Nauplius. On the contrary, it is supposed that the common
ancestor must have had a Nauplius larva. It is recognized also that one takes
too narrow a view if one regards the phylogeny of an animal as simply the
evolutionary history of the series of adults from which it is descended. On the
contrary, all stages in individual development are subject to evolutionary
change, and phylogeny, properly understood, is a description of events that
have affected all stages in the lives of ancestors. A well-adapted and therefore
successful larval form, such as the Nauplius. may persist in two or more
groups of animals that are now widely different in their adult stages, and are
therefore placed far apart in the system of classification; in other groups, more
closely related to one another, very different larval forms have sometimes
evolved.
A particularly striking instance of what has just been said may be quoted. It involves
what would be an impossibility under a rigorous application of the biogenic law.
Linens gesserensis, an unsegmented marine worm belonging to the phylum Nemertini,
occurs off the coast of Brittany in two forms, regarded as subspecies and named L.
gesserensis gesserensis and L. gesserensis ruber. The adults differ from one another in
no feature, so far as is known, except the minor one of colour. L. g. gesserensis being
green and L. g. ruber red. Cocoons are laid, each containing many eggs. The young of
the green form is of the type commonly called 'Desor's larva", in honour of the Swiss-
American who first described it;l27oibut the name is ill-chosen, because the object to
which it is applied is an embryo, not a free-swimming larva. This embryo transforms
itself gradually, and the animal that eventually escapes from the cocoon is a little

worm. There is no need here to describe the process of development; it is enough to say
that the embryo is sluggish and has a small mouth. The red form develops, surprisingly
enough, from a very different embryo. 19431 It is active and has a large mouth and
oesophagus, which it uses to good purpose: for the great majority of the embryos die
when they are no more than groups of undifferentiated cells, and these are greedily con-
sumed by the embryos that survive.
It is remarkable enough that two very different processes of development should be

undergone by animals that are indistinguishable as adults, except by colour; but that is
not all. Another species of the genus. Lineus lacteus. develops in an entirely different
way. characteristic of many nemertines. The young form of this species is a free-
swimming, planktonic larva, called 'Pilidium' from its resemblance to a small
hemispherical felt cap with lappets to cover the ears (Greek 7Tt}.'i?i()r). No one would be
likely to guess that this organism and the embryos of the green and red worms would
all three develop into closely similar nemertine worms. The theory of recapitulation
might be thought to imply that the adult ancestor of L. lacteus resembled a Pilidium,
while that of the green kind was like Desor's embryo, and the red one's ancestor like

the egg-eater. however, incredible that such similar adults as the modern forms
It is.

could each have an entirely different ancestor; all must be descended from the same
stock. It must be supposed that the common ancestor was a wormlike creature when
adult, quite unlike any of the three youthful forms. The evidence suggests that the
young of this ancestor was a Pilidium. and that in the course of evolution of the green
136 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
and red worms this Pilidium larva was transformed into the two embryonic forms that
have been mentioned. I4i9|

The conclusions of Klaatsch and Hill-Tout are not supported by more recent
studies. Acceptance of the theory of recapitulation would suggest that the
ancestors of modern dogs had skulls with bulging foreheads and short, weak
jaws, like those of the Pekinese; for that is the form of the skull in the young
embryos of all dogs. If, however, the ancestry of the Canidae is followed in the
fossil record, no adult skulls resembling those of the Pekinese are found. On the
contrary, there is a gradual evolution towards the type of skull found in the
jackal and wolf, and in what appear to be the least modified forms of domestic
dogs. 14341 The form of the skull in mammalian embryos throws no light on its
structure in adult ancestral forms. It is quite usual for mammalian embryos to
have skulls showing some resemblance to those of adult modern man. This was
recognized by von Baer nearly a century before Klaatsch and Hill-Tout
expressed their views. 'The pig and dog', he wrote, 'are at first very similar to
one another and have short, human faces (Menschengesich(er).'\42\ As the
American palaeontologist W. K. Gregory pointed out, the feebleness of jaws
and lack of bony ridges for the insertion of jaw-muscles in immature skulls of
man and apes are not evidence that their common ancestors had feeble jaws and
lacked bony ridges when adult, but only that at the suckling stage strong jaws
would have been purposeless. 'To suppose that the remote common ancestor of
man and anthropoids had a vertical forehead without brow ridges is to invent
an entirely hypothetical group and to disregard the series of existent inter-
grading conditions from that of the lower mammals on the one hand to that
of man on the other. '|4341 It need not be supposed, however, that in the common
ancestor of man and apes the brow-ridges were developed to the excessive
degree that we see in the male gorilla and in that strange, isolated human fossil.
Broken Hill man, discovered in 1920 in what is now Zambia. 1866. 136.481 A 1

certain amount of convergent evolution has occurred in this respect in the two
stocks.
A mass of evidence has accumulated in opposition to the theory of
recapitulation. One of the most on it was
interesting general attacks written by
Garstangl388l at a time when the theory still received support from influential
biologists. The much later work by de Beer Embryos and ancestors includes a
valuable critique of the whole subject. |7i| Neither of these authors was
primarily concerned, however, with the relevance of the subject to the problem
of primitiveness in man. In this connection it must suffice to say that there is no
biogenetic 'law' requiring that the ancestor of should resemble the human
man
embryo; but since this embryo resembles that of the anthropoid apes, there is
every reason to believe that the common ancestor of apes and man developed,
generation by generation, from an embryo of similar form. We shall not find
out which are the most primitive ethnic taxa of modern man by looking for
those that retain youthful or embryonic characters when adult. On the con-
trary, we must look for those that retain characters shared by adult anthropoid
apes, though not necessarily by those rather unrepresentative members of this
group that happen to have survived to the present day. It will be necessary to
revert to this subject in Part 3 of this book (Chapter 16).
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 137

PAEDOMORPHOSIS
It follows from what has been said that Darwin was wrong when he argued (see
p. 130) that the modifications of structure that distinguish a species from its
ancestor appear in the offspring 'at a not very early period of life', and that, as
a result, 'the embryo is the animal in its less modified state; and in so far it
reveals the structure of its progenitor*. The opposite process does, however,
sometimes occur: the adult retains to some extent what had been embryonic or
larval characters in its ancestors, and what had in the past been adult
characters no longer appear.
Some animals becoming sexually mature while
are capable on occasion of
still words the larval stage is stretched
retaining larval characters, or in other
out so as to include sexual maturity. The word Neolenie (Greek rt'oq, young;
retvco. stretch out. extend) was coined in 1885 by Kollman. who had noticed
that if he kept amphibian larvae of various species as prisoners in water, after
the time when they would ordinarily have metamorphosed into the adult form
and become terrestrial, they retained their larval characters even when at last
given the opportunity to escape on to dry land.l604i He mentions cases in which
the crested newt. Triturus cristatus, passed the winter in the larval stage and
become sexually mature in the following summer, while still retaining the larval
form and without ever having passed through a terrestrial phase. In the same
paper he refers to the case of the axolotl in Mexico.
It is nowadays {Amblystoma ti^rimim) often
a familiar fact that the axolotl
retains form of a salamander, respiring by external gills, when
the larval
sexually mature. Sometimes, however, it metamorphoses into a form
resembling that of the adult salamander, lacking gills and breathing by lungs.
Related forms, such as Necturus and Proteus, have altogether lost the capacity
to metamorphose. They remain throughout life in the larval condition, except
in the development of their reproductive organs.

The great influence that neoteny may have on the process of evolution was
emphasized nearly half a century ago by the British zoologist Professor Walter
Garstang, who claimed that many of the major taxa of animals derive their
characters not from the adults but from the larvae of remote ancestors. 13881 His
contention was that in many cases the ancestral adult form was discarded
during the course of evolution. This was the reverse of the theory of recapitula-
tion. He expressed his views in a neat epigram, 'Ontogeny does not recapitulate
Phylogeny: it creates it,' and he introduced a new word, 'paedomorphosis'
(Greek ixoJc,, naid-. boy; jnopcpcooic,. shaping) to extend the idea of neoteny. He
defined it very briefly as 'the influence of larval characters upon adult
organization'. The mere retention of larval characters by some individuals of
Amblystoma tigrinum scarcely suggests a fundamentally important process,
affecting themajor taxa of the animal world. By paedomorphosis Garstang
—
meant something more significant a new principle underlying evolutionary
changes. This idea was seized upon and extended by A. C. Hardy, who saw in
paedomorphosis a method by which animals had gained release from close
adaptation to particular circumstances of life and thus enabled themselves
to branch forth freely in new variety. He called this the 'escape from
specialization'. I468I
138 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
The fundamental principle of paedomorphosis need not be restricted to
animals that have a distinctive larval form that must undergo sudden and
dramatic metamorphosis in order to assume the structure of the adult. In very
many animals there is no such distinctive free-living form, to which the name of
larva can properly be applied. The embryo develops gradually into the infan-
tile, juvenile, and adolescent stages and so to the adult, without any sudden or

profound changes in structure; yet throughout the process gradual

modifications have been occurring. Although there is no larva, animals that
develop gradually may undergo evolutionary change of the same type as that
to which Garstang gave the name of paedomorphosis: for it may happen that
adults resemble the infantile or juvenile stages of their ancestors, except in the
maturity of the reproductive organs. It seems legitimate to extend the meaning
of paedomorphosis to cover such cases. This has been done, for instance, by
G. R. de Beer, in Embryos and ancestorsMW The pygmy chimpanzee (pp.
1 13-14) is clearly a paedomorphous subrace off*, satyrus.
Paedomorphosis is highly relevant to the subject of this book, for modern
man himself shows some paedomorphous traits, and certain human taxa have
gone much further than others in this respect. Chapter 17 is devoted to a
paedomorphous subrace of man.

ORTHOGENESIS
Some analogy has often been supposed to exist between the processes of
individual development on one hand, and those of evolutionary advance on the
other. Indeed, the theory of recapitulation reflects one aspect of this idea.
Another aspect is represented by those theories that have a central theme in
common, namely, the belief that there exists a "force' or mechanism or
influence of some sort, that directs the course of variation and thus evolu-
tion. Those who accept this central theme are united in believing that evolution
is not due. as Darwin claimed, to random variation coupled with the better

chance of survival possessed by those individuals that happen to be the best

fitted to survive.

The name of 'orthogenesis' is commonly applied to theories of evolution

based on the central theme mentioned in the preceding paragraph. The fact that
the word 'orthogenesis' was introduced by a man named Haacke is mentioned
by a few writers, but I have never seen a quoted statement of what he meant by
it. Johann Wilhelm Haacke of Darmstadt, traveller and biologist, coined the
term in 1893, in a book written primarily to oppose the opinions of August
Weismann. as expressed in the latter's celebrated work. Das Keimplasmalw}}.
n34|. which had been published in the preceding year. Haacke made perfectly
clear what he meant by his new technical term. The first sentence in which it
occurs is this: 'But in accordance with our earlier considerations we have first
to ask whether variability occurs in all directions or whether it follows a
prescribed direction —
whether we can establish amphigenesis or ortho-
genesis. '|446| The name 'amphigenesis' for random variation has disappeared:
'orthogenesis' has remained. Haacke meant by it that the 'prescribed'
{vorgeschrieben) direction caused evolution to proceed in such a way that
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 139

reversal did not occur (with certain minor exceptions). Whether one examined
the evolutionary history of a particular organ (the eye. for instance) or of a
great group of animals, such as the Mammalia, one never found a return to an
earlier condition. Apart from single reverse mutations, which do in fact occur
but do not significantly influence the course of evolution. Haacke was right in
this contention. He was well aware that degenerative changes do occur, es-
pecially in the circumstances of parasitism, but he knew that earlier stages in
the evolutionary history did not reappear during the process. In brief, he con-
sidered that evolution took place through a process of variation that did not oc-
cur at random and
did not result in 'reversal' or repetition of earlier states; and
that what he meant by orthogenesis.
is

Since Haacke's time, however, the term orthogenesis has generally been used
to mean not only that variation is what he called 'prescribed', but also that
evolution tends, as a general rule, to proceed in a 'rectilinear' manner; that is to
say, in such a way as to cause continuous progress in the same direction.
Examples of the parallel but independent evolution of related stocks are quoted
as evidence of this. As we shall see. some biologists have attributed rectilinear
evolution to an unexplained cause, residing within the organisms; others (but
not many) to the action of the environment in influencing the course of varia-
tion.
In considering the ethnic problem, one is concerned with the inborn poten-
tialities that may manifest themselves, in suitable environments, by intellectual
achievement. Just as there are 'slow developers' among human beings, so
also —
it is widely believed —
certain ethnic taxa that have not yet shown much
evidence of intellectual attainment are 'slow developers' in the evolutionary
sense, and will eventually, of necessity, reach the same standard as the rest.
The American palaeontologist G. L. Jepsen has remarked that it 'is a favorite
pastime of popular writers' to predict the course of evolution; and
anthropologists —
so the same author says —
have assumed that orthogenesis
has been demonstrated by palaeontologists and is still held in high esteem by
them. 13521 The Dutch anatomist L. Bolk in his pamphlet on human evolution
makes a definite statement implying that the less advanced races of man must
inevitably evolve as others have done in the past. 1 1201

Striking evidence of rectilinear evolution was provided by the Austrian

palaeontologist.M. Neumayr. who made a study of certain highly fossiliferous
freshwater deposits in the Pliocene of what is now northern Yugoslavia, and
published a detailed account of them in 1875.1795. 7941 Species of the familiar
genus of pond-snails, Viviparus, usually known as Paliidiua. occur so abun-
dantly in this geological formation that some of the strata are called
Paludinenschichten. Passing from earlier to later deposits, Neumayr found
what he regarded as an evolutionary series of forms. In the early ones the shell
was smooth, and the whorls evenly rounded; corrugations with intervening
furrows began to appear in slightly later forms, becoming progressively more
marked in still later deposits, till eventually the corrugations broke up into
tubercles. Neumayr's illustrations of the gradual change of form through the
ascending strata are impressive.
140 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
Careful study of Neumayr's report I795lreveals that the sequence was not in fact quite
regular. In Viviparus sturi the tubercles were even more highly developed than in V.

hornesU though the former occurred in a lower stratum. Slight corrugations, in addition
to the major ones, occurred in some of the species. These, too. reveal departures from
strictly rectilinear evolution.

From study of ammonites, already mentioned on pp. 132-3. Hyatt came

his
to the conclusion that evolution was controlled by internal causes, and not
primarily by natural selection. 1541.5421 In the early stages of the evolution of an
ammonite stock, the change of form in the shell was 'progressively direct' (i.e.

rectilinear); it then became 'progressively indirect', as aberrant forms appeared;

finally there was a 'retrogressively direct' stage, as the stock declined towards
the phylogenetic counterpart of senility. Hyatt stressed the parallel between
ontogenetic and phylogenetic change — between individual development
and evolution —and attributed both to internal causes.
The Swiss botanist Carl von Nageli was another early exponent of the idea
of an internal force affecting the direction of variation. Like Hyatt, he was un-
able to believe that natural selection of random variations could be the cause of
evolutionary progress. His book on the subjectl785l is, however, very different in
outlook from the writings of Hyatt and also from those of Neumayr, though
the ideas of all three were to fall subsequently into the as yet unnamed category
of orthogenesis. Nageli distinguished between the influences of the environment
{die dusseren Ursachen) and the internal ones {die inneren Ursachen), the
former producing only temporary modifications that were not inherited, while
the latter resulted in continuous changes and originated new varieties and
species. 785 These internal causes were molecular forces associated with the
1 1

genetic material, which he named Idioplasma (corresponding to the

deoxyribonucleic acid of modern science). The chemical composition of this
Idioplasma was such that it entailed a perfecting principle {'VervoUkom-
nungsprincip"). He disavowed any mystical interpretation of his beliefs, which
he described as a 'mechanical-physiological theory of the origin of species'; but
he did not base this theory firmly on evidence that could be tested by the obser-
vations or experiments of others.
In the long and devious history of orthogenesis, no one seems to have been
so frequently mentioned or so much misunderstood as the Swiss zoologist
G. H. T. Eimer. Professor of Zoology and Comparative Anatomy at TUbingen.
who was the first to adopt Haacke's term and make it widely known.
Nordenskiold, in his History of biology, says that Eimer followed the lines laid
down by Nageli and accepted the idea of an 'inner force'. I807| Actually Eimer
considered Nageli a teleologist and in this respect specifically disclaimed any
association with him. 'I want to know nothing of a particular, internal
evolutionary force,' he wrote; 'in my view everything happens in evolution by
altogether natural processes, altogether materialistically \ganz materiell],
altogether physically. 'I304.305l He attributed variation to the direct effect of the
environment on the organism {not to the effects of use and disuse).
According to my conception the physical and chemical modifications
which organisms undergo during life through the influence of the environ-
ment, through light or the lack of it. air, warmth, cold, water, humidity.
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 141

nutriment, and so on. and which they transmit [to their descendants], are the
first means for shaping the manifoldness of the world of organisms and for
the origin of species. From the material fashioned in this way the struggle for
makes its selection.
existence
These words are not in accord with Locy's remark, in his Biology and its
[Link]^ii] that Eimer was "radically opposed to the belief that natural selec-
tion plays an important part in evolution'.
Eimer considered that, over certain periods of time, the effect of the environ-
ment (aided by natural selection) was to produce more or less rectilinear evolu-
tion, and it was for this reason that he stressed the reality of orthogenesis.
Some members of a group, at any particular time, had moved further forward
in a certain direction than others, and it was therefore possible to witness the

orthogenetic stages by observations on related animals at the present day. His

first studies were on lizards; afterwards he made a very large series of obser-

vations on the Lepidoptera. and devoted the second volume of his bookl304i to
this group. Since the ionizing radiations present in the natural environment do
in fact increase slightly the amount of mutation that occurs in the germ-cells of
organisms, and natural selection does sometimes result in rectilinear evolution
over a limited period of time (see p. 143). it must be allowed that Eimer's views
were not wholly at variance with modern knowledge.
The philosophical biologist Hans Driesch may be regarded as an ortho-
geneticist, though he had little in common with those. Eimer among them,
who sought materialistic explanations of rectilinear evolution. As a matter of
fact he was not very much interested in evolution (or 'descent', as he insisted
that it should He pointed out weaknesses in Lamarck's and
be called).
Darwin's explanations, and put instead the idea of 'entelechy', which he defined
as 'a something in life phenomena "which bears the end in itself" '.12841 He took
the word from Aristotle's h'TtAt/jia. but denied that he used it in the latter's
sense. Driesch's views, frankly ideological and vitalistic, do not seem to lend
themselves readily to scrutiny by observation or experiment. One is reminded
of the Ven'ollkommmgsprincip', though Nageli himself would not have ad-
"

mitted any sympathy with Driesch's opinions if he had lived long enough to
have heard of them. Driesch, for his part, dismisses Nageli with the dry remark
that he does 'little more than state the mere fact that some unknown principle
of organization must have been at work in phylogeny\|284|
Some similarity to Driesch's opinions is detectable in a book. Nomogenesis,
written by Professor L. S. Berg, though the latter denied that vitalism could
help in the understanding of purposive adaptations, and rejected the idea of
entelechy. An authority on fishes in the State University of Leningrad, Berg
was a friend of the very distinguished Russian geneticist. N. L Vavilow. who
helped him in the preparation of the English edition of the book, published in
1926.1781 That this is a serious work is indicated also by the fact that Professor
D'Arcy Thompson wrote an Introduction to it (without committing himself to
its author's views). Like so many others. Berg was impressed with the idea of a
fundamental similarity between development and evolution (or between
'morphogenesis' and 'transformism' or 'descent', as Driesch would have said).
Like the other orthogeneticists. Berg could not accept the doctrine of evolution
142 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
by natural selection of random variations (which Driesch, fairly enough, had
called 'the elimination principle').
The laws of development of the organic world are the same both in on-
togeny and phylogeny. Neither in the one nor in the other is there room
. . .

for chance. New characters, both in the course of ontogenetic and

. . .

phylogenetic development, arise not at random, but in a certain sequence

and in such a manner that, knowing the preceding stage, we may foretell the
following. 1781
Berg used the term 'Nomogenesis' to indicate his belief that evolutionary
change is somehow predetermined or subject to laws, 'the modes of which we
see and measure, the causes of which we do not and may never understand, but
nevertheless laws and not fortuities or chance happenings'. 78! He repeatedly 1

uses the word 'orthogenesis', and it is not obvious why he felt it necessary to
coin another name. He insists that internal forces control the evolutionary
process, though he allows that natural selection accounted for the extinction of
ammonites, pterodactyls, dinosaurs, and many other groups.
Several noted palaeontologists of more modern times, the American H. F.
Osborn among them, have followed Hyatt in upholding orthogenetic views.
They were impressed, like many others from Neumayr onwards, by series of
fossils that appeared to show rectilinear evolution in successive geological
strata.
Osborn, who was chiefly interested in mammalian palaeontology, distinguished
between two modes of evolution. On one hand there was a gradual change in the

proportions of the constituent parts of the skeleton: on the other there was the origin of
new structures of which no rudiment had been observable in the fossils of older rocks.
To the elaboration of these new structures into complicated organs, Osborn gave the
—
name of 'aristogenesis' the origin of the best. He did not consider that the origin of
these organs was predetermined, in the sense that they must necessarily evolve, and he
therefore denied the truth of entelechy; but he insisted (perhaps unnecessarily) that
there was an inherent potentiality in organisms to evolve and elaborate new structures
of particular kinds. He made no claim, however, to explain the cause of aristogenesis.
His theory was clearly orthogenetic. 'The process is continuous.' he wrote, 'gradual,
direct, definite in the direction of future adaptation.'l8i2l
Anyone who advance of backward
believes in the inevitable intellectual
ethnic taxa of men, and bases on the principle of orthogenesis, has a
his belief
wide variety of conflicting opinion to which to look for support. He may accept
the opinion of Eimer that environmental factors enforce rectilinear evolution;
or he may suppose that something intrinsic to the organism itself makes
necessarily for progressive evolution. If the latter alternative appeals to him, he
may postulate, with Nageli. a materialistic, mechanical-physiological 'perfec-
ting principle', actingon the germ-plasm, generation after generation; he may
suppose, accordance with the ideas of Hyatt, that man is at the 'progressive-
in
ly direct' stage of evolution; he may homologize development with evolution,

and find, like Berg, a similar but unknown and perhaps unknowable cause for
both; he may rely on the palaeontological evidence of Osborn for the existence
of an unexplained, internal, aristogenetic principle; or he may fall back on
vitalism, and accept the entelechy of Driesch. Whichever view appeals to him.
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 143

he should study the evidence for it in the works of the authors that have been
named, which are representative of the chief varieties of orthogenetic theory.
Those who accept the doctrine of orthogenesis lay stress on the supposed
tendency of organs to go on enlarging or becoming more complex in the course
of evolution, even when the enlargement or extra complexity seems useless or
disadvantageous. The analogy of 'momentum' has often been used to describe
or explain the facts underlying these changes. Fuller study seems, however, to
weaken the case for orthogenesis that the facts seem at first sight to support.
The extinction of the giant deer Megaceros giganteus (Trish elk') is often at-
tributed to the fantastic growth of the antlers of the male. Similarly the enor-
mous development of the upper canine teeth of the sabre-toothed cats,
Machairodus, is thought by some to have contributed to their eventual extinc-

tion, after they had been abundant for a very long time (even by geological
standards) over a large part of the world. It has been pointe'd out, however, that
the antlers o{ Megaceros may have enlarged through the action of sexual selec-
tion (that is, female preference), not orthogenesis, and as a matter of fact no
one knows the cause of its extinction; and as for Machairodus, there was no in-

crease in the size of the canine teeth, in proportion to that of the skull, after the
end of the Oligocene, though these strange animals did not finally die out until
the Pleistocene, nearly 30 million years later. 1552. 9711
At the outset of any attempt to evaluate orthogenetic theories, it is important
to realize how insecure these must be if they are based on belief in the fun-
damental similarity between individual development on one hand and evolution
on the other. It is obvious that internal causes (die inueren Ursachen of Nageli)
are concerned in the development of an embryo, and it is not absurdly far-
fetched to postulate that a perfecting principle (Nageli's VervoUkomnungsphn-
cip) is at work during the process. But modern studies in the field of experiment-
tal embryology and genetics have enabled us to get away from vague terms like
these;and although much remains to be discovered, there exists today a wealth
of information about the factors that control the course of development.* It
must be emphasized that in all this mass of knowledge there is nothing that
would suggest the possibility that comparable processes control the course of
evolution.
The palaeontological evidence for the reality of orthogenesis is much
stronger than the embryological, because cases can be quoted in which, over a
limited period of time (seldom exceeding a million yearsl97ii), particular stocks
seem to have exhibited rectilinear evolution, as we have seen (pp. 139-40). But
under nearly uniform conditions of life, natural selection might well be expected
to produce something of the sort. The term 'Orthoselection was coined by L.
Plate, Professor of Zoology at Berlin University, to describe this process. His
introduction of the term was rather strangely worded: he defined it as 'Evolu-
tion in the sense of the selection theory, foccurringl because the external fac-
tors act very unequally on the members of a species, so that selection deter-
mines the direction of evolution'. 18471 He used these words because he thought
that rectilinear evolution resulted not only from orthoselection but also, in

* Readers who are unfamiliar with this subject may like to consult a useful paperback booklet
bv J. D. Ebert.i:'i7i
144 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
some cases,from the action of the environment, without any important con-
tributionfrom selection; for this he adopted Haacke's term 'Orthogenesis'. He
thought, however, that orthoselection and orthogenesis should not be separated
too sharply, since both might act simultaneously. Nowadays, those who use
the term 'orthoselection' are probably unanimous in rejecting orthogenesis.
The accumulation of an immense store of new factual knowledge in palaeon-
tology has undermined the credibility of much that was previously accepted,
and the attack on orthogenesis has come largely from this direction. Thus the
branch of knowledge that had been thought to provide its strongest support has
turned against it. Important contributions to this subject have been made by

G. L. Jepsen, Professor of Geology at Princeton University, 15521 and by G. G.

Simpson of the American Museum of Natural History, 197 ii among others. It is
easy in many cases to find evidences of continuous evolution if one works
backwards from particular species existing at a particular time, but if one starts
in remote antiquity and attempts to follow the divergent progeny of ancient
forms, a very different picture is presented. Wrong ideas have spread from
oversimplified accounts of certain evolutionary histories that happen to be par-
ticularly familiar.
Almost every elementary introduction to the subject of evolution includes an
account of the ancestry of the horse. The student learns about the gradual in-
crease in size, the reduction in number of digits in fore and hind limbs, the
lengthening of the face, the adaptation of the teeth and neck to grazing, and so
on. Looking at the pictures and reading the text, he might well invent
orthogenesis without ever having heard of it. When, however, one looks in
some detail at what is known about the past history of the whole group to
which the horses belong, one sees a very different picture. If one were to draw
an ancestral 'tree', it would not consist of a stem like that of a palm, beginning
with Hyracothehum at the base in the Lower Eocene and passing at ascending
levels through Orohippus, Miohippus, Menrhippus, Protohippus, and Pliohip-
pus, to burst forth at last into the group of leaves at the top, representing the
Equidae of the present day (zebras, asses, and horses). On the contrary, the
genealogical diagram would not be a tree at all, but a bush, from one side of
which a branch would extend sideways at a level representing the Upper
Miocene, divide repeatedly at Pliocene and Pleistocene heights, and leave one
twig to straggle upwards to the highest level of all (cf. Simpsonl970l).
Detailed study of the ancestors, direct and collateral, at any one geological
level, reveals strange modifications that simply will not fit into any orthogenetic
scheme. A single example may be quoted to illustrate this fact.
During the Upper Miocene, base of the 'side-branch' that led on eventually to
at the

the horses of the present day, a curious structure developed on the face in the genus
Merychippus and related forms. This is seen on each side of the skull as two
depressions or fossae, situated in front of the eye. Their size and position in relation to

one another varied considerably from one species to another; in one species the larger
was 9 cm long. There has been dispute about the significance of these pre-orbital
fossae, which have been carefully investigated. 11023. 432. [Link] It would appear that
they did not house scent-glands, like the rather similar depressions on the faces of
gazelles (pp. 86-7) and sheep (p. 94). The evidence suggests that the lower of the two
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 145

fossae served for the posterior attachment of a muscle {levator labii superioris) from
which a tendon passed forward, joined with the corresponding one of the other side,
and then descended from above the nostrils to attach itself to the upper lip. A similar
muscle exists in the tapirs, which are remote relatives of horses. The facts suggest that

in Merychippus the upper lip was prolonged into a snout or short trunk, like that of the
tapir. Faint indications of a fossa corresponding to this one can just be detected in the

remote ancestors of horses that lived right back in Eocene times, 1 10231 but there are
none in the modern horse. The upper fossa, not represented in earlier members of the
stock, probably held a greatly enlarged diverticulum of the nasal cavity. This organ still

exists in the modern horse, as a blindpouch opening into the nostril, I974ibut it is not
large enough to require a special depression to lodge it. The significance of the diver-
ticulum nasi is obscure. It is large in the tapirs, and the fossa in which it is situated is a
striking feature of the skull (especially in the Malayan species, Tapirus indicus I49|).*

Detailed studies, such as those briefly described in the preceding paragraph,

reveal no organs enlarge, become variously modified in
rectilinear trends;
different species and genera, and then dwindle or disappear in some of their

descendants. In the ancestry of the horses there has been no constantly

prevailing trend in size of body, in length of tibia in relation to femur or of
radius in relation to humerus, or in the structure of the teeth. I97ii
In rejecting orthogenesis (in its widest sense) as a cause of evolution, one is
saying that there is no known automatic, internal mechanism in organisms that
will cause variations to appear in determinate order, generation after genera-
tion, so as to result necessarily in step-by-step rectilinear progress. Mutation is
regarded as a 'random' process in the sense that the modifications that result
from it may be harmful, neutral, or beneficial, in association with the particular
gene-complex in which they first make their eff'ects apparent or with other
gene-complexes with which they may be associated in subsequent generations
through sexual reproduction. Selection then plays its role, in the way that
Darwin described. 'As many more individuals of each species are born than
can possibly survive; and as, consequently, there is a frequently recurring
struggle for existence, it follows that any being, if it vary however slightly in
any manner profitable to itself, under the complex and sometimes varying con-
ditions of life, will have a better chance of surviving, and thus be naturally
selected.' \254\ Later. Darwin himself freely admitted that his expression 'natural
selection' was metaphorical 12561. but it is unlikely to be misunderstood today,
as it was when his first edition was published.
Selection may
be 'natural', that is to say, operative under the conditions of
wild life. or. in the circumstances of domestication, it may be either 'metho-
dical' or 'unconscious',12571 according to whether man improves his domestic
animals by deliberate selection of his breeding stocks, or merely as an un-
planned consequence of his desire to possess the best specimens of a breed.
The only domesticated animal to which man does not apply selection, either
methodical or unconscious, is man himself. It follows that we cannot look for
any advance in inborn intelligence, except in so far as talented people may tend
* According to Matthew. ni4i this fossa in tapirs serves as the base of attachment of the
muscles that move the proboscis, but this appears to be incorrect; cf. Flower \w\ and
Gregory. I4«i
146 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
to intermarry and thus give rise to an intellectual aristocracy; and any ethnic
taxon that maybe backward in the sense that it possesses a lower proportion of
innately gifted persons than certain other groups, will remain so unless it
adopts eugenic methods.

NON ADAPTIVE EVOLUTION

Nearly a century ago a British clergyman pointed out that selection need not in
every case be responsible for evolutionary change. The Revd. John Gulick had
been struck by the extraordinary profusion of species and 'varieties' of land
snails belonging to the pulmonate family Achatinellidae in Oahu, one of the
Hawaiian Islands. Sharp ridges radiate from the main mountain range of
14421

this island, dividing it into valleys. The climate and vegetation of these secluded
areas are all closely similar, yet in many cases only a single form (either species
or "variety') is found in a particular valley. Gulick considered that in this case
selection had played no part in evolution. Immigration and variation had taken
place at random. A bird might have chanced to carry a leaf bearing only two
individuals to a previously untenanted valley, and these had become the
ancestors of nearly all the individuals that eventually populated it. There was
no mechanism to ensure that small groups of snails in newly occupied valleys
would vary in exactly the same way as those in the valleys from which they
had come. If selection had been the cause of evolution, it would have resulted in
uniformity throughout the island. Gulick makes the interesting comment that
'Natural selection is as efficient in producing permanence of type in some cases
as in accelerating variations in other cases'.
In the present century there has been much controversy among biologists
about the way in gene-frequency may have arisen. The
which differences in
random drifting of these frequencies may indeed be responsible for cases such
as those described by Gulick. but there is rather general agreement nowadays
that non-adaptive variation, without any influence from selection, has played
only a minor role in evolution. Indeed, there are those who would deny that it
has played any part at all. Opinion has been affected by an important study of
evolution in action by the British geneticists R. A. Fisher and E. B. Ford. The
investigation in question was concerned with the frequency of a gene affecting
wing colour in an isolated colony of the moth Panaxia dominula. Fisher and
Ford followed the evolutionary change in this frequency over a long period of
years, and obtained strong evidence that in this particular case natural selec-
tion was the sole cause of the change. 1338
There is reason to believe, however, that what is here called the Gulick effect
may play a part in evolution, in collaboration with other factors. This idea has
been put forward particularly by Sewall Wright. Professor of Genetics at
Wisconsin University. Wright lays stress on the necessity to consider not only
natural selection and the Gulick effect (or 'drift', as he calls it), but also
recurrent mutation, the action of modifying genes, and the movement of genes
from one population to another through migration. Modifying genes are those
that are without significant influence on the individual in which they occur un-
 TAXONOMIC AND EVOLUTIONARY THEORIES 147

less that individual happens to possess in addition a major gene the effect of
which they are able to modify. Sewall Wright's views cannot be adequately
expressed in a short statement, but the following paragraph will give an impres-
sion of them.
In Wright's opinion, evolution tends to occur most rapidly in a large popula-
tion of a species, dispersed in a number of semi-isolated populations. The
Gulick effect appears in the existence of differences between these populations
in the frequency of genes that are capable of modifying a particular major
gene which does not occur initially, however, in any of them. If, in one of these
semi-isolated populations, there happens to be a very high frequency of genes
that are able to modify this major gene in such a way as to favour the natural
selection of individuals that possess it, and if this major gene arrives in that
population (either by mutation or by immigration of an individual that carries
it), it will spread rapidly as a result of the advantage conferred by the new gene

complex in the struggle for existence. Increase in the population may result in
emigration and the spread of the new gene complex to other semi-isolated pop-
ulations, and [Link] i59. 116O. 116I. 11621

The Gulick effect may have played a part in human evolution in Palaeolithic
times, when man appears to have lived to a large extent in isolated com-
munities. Genes controlling blood-groups may have established themselves in
different frequencies in some of these, without direct control by selection. At
any time in human history the isolation of a small community (e.g. the Todas,
pp. 221-3) might result in unusual gene-frequencies. It is characteristic of the
Indianids (American 'Indians') that the great majority of them (in many cases
more than 90%, in some cases whole tribes) are members of blood-group 'O';
yet less than half the population of the Blackfoot tribe of central North
Americali3531 —
perhaps only about one-quarter of itl3831 —
belong to 'O*. One
istempted to suggest that at some time in the past a particular group of per-
sons, who happened to be unrepresentative of Indianids as a whole in their
blood-group frequencies, somehow became isolated. The Blackfeet, however,
are in other respects rather typical members of the Silvid subrace. It is unlikely
that a group of people differing from their relatives in a multitude of genes
affecting the structure of various parts of the body happened to become
isolated and thus gave rise to a new race
or subrace of man, without the direc-
tive pressure of selection. Partial isolation combined with selection, in accor-
dance with Sewall Wright's theory, may, however, have played a part in human
evolution.
 9 Colour

Colour is generally esteemed by the systematic naturalist as unimportant.

Darwinl257l

The emphasis placed on the colour of the skin in popular speech and
writing, and the genuine significance of pigmentation as one among very many
factors that must properly be considered in the classification of man, make it
necessary to describe in some detail what this colour actually is, how its inten-
sity is controlled, and what its biological significance may be. These are sub-
jects of considerable complexity, and they require some understanding of the
structure of human skin. It will be helpful to readers who have not studied
histology to be provided with a description of the minute anatomy of this part
of the body. Everything that is not necessary for an understanding of skin
colour will be omitted from the brief remarks that now follow.
If, in imagination, one takes a large number of microscopic bundles of

parallel threads and arranges these bundles in a criss-cross manner so as to

form a layer, one will have a rough impression of the sheet of connective tissue
that forms the dermis or internal part of the skin, and attaches it everywhere to
what lies beneath. The threads may be taken to represent the fibres of the pro-
tein called collagen that are the most important constituents of the layer.
Between the bundles one may imagine branching and anastomosing tubules,
representing the little blood vessels of the skin, which are confined to the der-
mis.
The bloodless external cellular layer or epidermis is situated, as its name im-
plies,on the dermis. A vertical section through this layer in a region of the body
in which it is particularly thick is shown in Fig. 22a. The specimen was taken

from the sole of the cat's foot, but human skin is very similar. A sheet of cells,
one cell thick, constitutes the basal layer {Ba. Schi). which is attached to the
surface of the dermis. The cells of this layer have some resemblance to bricks in
shape; they stand upright on the dermis (which is not shown in the figure).
Above this sheet comes a thick mass of cells, which receives the name of the
Malpighian layer {Ml. La) because it was first described by the Italian
biologist, Marcello Malpighi, who distinguished it from the overlying layer in
two short papers published in 1665.
The first of these dealt with the skin of the tongue, I699i the second with that of the
surface of the body.l698| He remarked that this lower layer was 'mucosum\ By this he
meant only that it was soft and sticky, unlike the dry external 'cuticida\ he did not
mean that it contained what we now call mucus. He also gave it the unsuitable name
 ^*i/#<

Ml. La -{

'
CI
1

oog

5^
CsJ
^:

D \
.*s\.

22 r/ze 5A:?>z and its pigment cells

A, the structure of thick mammalian skin (sole of cat's foot), as seen in a vertical section. Ba. Schi. basal
layer; Hor. La. stratum corneum; in. Iti, artificial space between cells: ker. k. interstitial cells; Ml. La.
Malpighian layer; Pa. space occupied in life by connective tissue.
B, transverse section through the superficial epithelium (skin) and underlying layers of the freshwater
leech Piscicola geometra. to show p. the branched pigment-cell lying in the epithelium; cm. circular muscle
layer: e. external and internal limits of the epithelium: Im. longitudinal muscle.
C, the same branched pigment-cell as in B. at higher magnification.
D, E, branched cells (melanocytes) in the skin of man. D is a horizontal section through the skin of the
finger; E. a vertical section through that of the forearm, h. stratum corneum :p, space occupied in life by con-
nective tissue: r. cells of the Malpighian layer. The melanocytes have been treated with a solution of a gold
salt to blacken them.
A. highly magnified drawing from Schneider; \mM B and C. photomicrographs by the author (not
previously published); D and E. highly magnifiedfigures from Langerhans. 16291
150 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
of 'rete or net. by which it is often known at the present day; but it is better to call it

simply the Malpighian layer. The cells that compose it press against one another and
their apposed surfaces are thus flattened, so that the cells appear polygonal in thin sec-

tions; but they are usually slightly separated from one another in permanent
preparations, with artificial spaces {in. lii) in between.
A large number of flattened, roughly circular cells are piled on one another
externally to the Malpighian layer. The name of cuticula was given by Malpighi
to this layer of dying, horny cells {Hor. La), but nowadays it receives the name
of stratum corneum. The cells of this layer that are in apposition to the
Malpighian layer are not so much flattened as the external ones, which are thin,
hard, dead scales; these fall off and are replaced from below.
Between the typical cells of the Malpighian layer and the stratum corneum there is a
thinner layer of cells {ker. k) that are in some respects intermediate in character
between those of the two main layers. These cells may be called interstitial.
Of the various kinds of epidermal cells that have been mentioned, only the
basal cells are capable of multiplication by division. Some of the products of
this process pass towards the surface to become first of all cells of the
Malpighian layer, then interstitial cells, and then horny cells, till finally they are
cast off from the surface. Other products of the multiplication of the basal cells
remain attached to the dermis as new basal cells. Thus all these layers of the
epidermis are ultimately derived from the basal cells.
The colour of the skin is partly due to the blood in the vessels of the dermis.
It is also affected by the presence of a small amount of a yellowish pigment

{carotene) dissolved in the lipid (fatty) material of the dead cells that compose
the stratum corneum, and also in the fat-globules of the dermis. 1921 These
colours, however, are not distinctive of particular ethnic taxa. The colour that
plays such an important part in popular discussions of the ethnic problem is
melanin.
Although, in dark-skinned persons, nearly every cell of the epidermis may
contain pigment, none of the cells that have been mentioned has the capacity to
synthesize it. These cells, whether (in crude terms) brick-shaped, polygonal, or
scale-like, are typical epithelial cells; that is to say, cells of the kinds usually
found in epithelia, or membranes that bound a surface (whether external, as
here, or internal). Now cells that produce pigment in animals are commonly of
quite a different kind. They are usually spheroidal or ovoid, with long,
branched processes extending from them, and they are usually situated not in
an epithelium but in connective tissue.
Up to the 1850s, no one had ever seen a branched pigment-cell in the skin
epithelium of man or any other animal. Then in 1857 a German histologist,
Franz Leydig, described (but did not figure) typical branched pigment-cells in
the superficial epithelium (skin) of the little freshwater leech Piscicola
geometra, which feeds on the blood of fishes. 6641 The photomicrographs 1

reproduced in Fig. 22b and C are possibly the first that have been published of
these interesting cells in the skin of Piscicola. It willbe noticed that these cells,
with their curious branched processes, lie wholly within the superficial
epithelium, which is very simple in structure in comparison with the elaborate
skin of man and many other animals. The pigment (which is not melanin) oc-
 COLOUR 151

curs in the form of tiny spheres (just visible in Fig. 22c) within the cells. Under
the microscope the individual granules appear brownish-yellow. Leydig. who
had no means of identifying the pigment, called the cells 'die verzweigten
Pigmeutfigiiren\ He also described branched pigment figures in the Ibwer
layers of the skin of the frog {Rana) and lizard {Lacerta agilis).\(^M\
The cells that produce pigment in the skin of mammals are called
melanocytes because the pigment is the substance called melanin. They were
first seen in human skin by the Swiss zoologist Kolliker in 1867.16031 He found

them interposed among the cells of the basal layer of the epidermis. He called
them 'sternformige Kdrper\ He remarked that they resembled spots of pig-
ment, but he misunderstood their nature, regarding them as nerve endings.
Next year they were described by a medical student in Berlin, Paul
Langerhans, 16291 who was the first to recognize the melanocytes of the epider-
mis as cells (Fig. 22d and E). He noted their resemblance to the kinds of
pigment-cells with which he was familiar, because they had the same branching
form, but he did not notice the pigment-granules in them.
It has been suggested that the cells he saw were actually effete melanocytes, on their

way to be ejected on the surface of the body. I87i Langerhans was the same young man
who, in the following year, in his Dissertation for a degree at Berlin University,
described for the first time the little heaps of cells {'Zellhdujlein) in the pancreas that
are to this day known to every histologist and medical man as the islets of
Langerhans. 16301
Melanocytes were first recognized as pigment-cells in the superficial
epithelium of a mammal by Heinrich Miiller, who described them in 1860 un-
der the name of 'ramificirte PigmentzeUen"
conjunctiva of the rat, near
in the
the edge of the cornea or white of the eye. He
claimed in two separate papers
that he saw similar cells in the epidermis of the sturgeon before Leydig first
described them, but he does not appear to have published this observation at
the time.(777. 7781

The melanin granules of human skin vary in diameter from 0-1 to 0-4 //m
(that is from one-tenth to two-fifths of a thousandth of a millimetre).1285l
to say,
Even in the Negrid each single granule is deep golden, not black. It is
the piling up of many such granules that results in the absorption of most of the
incident light of all colours, and the consequent appearance of dark brown or
an approximation to black.
The melanocytes of vertebrates have a very curious origin, quite different
from that of the epithelial cells of the epidermis. They originate as part of the
nervous system, from the left and right ridges (neural 'crests') that project from
the sides of the embryonic spinal cord. 1296. 880l The cells leave these ridges and
migrate to the dermis of the whole body. Some of them pass from
the dermis to the basal layer of the epidermis, where they insinuate themselves
between the basal cells. They now undergo a peculiar metamorphosis. Their
branching processes grow out and make contact with the external ends of the
basal cells, so that there is continuity between the protoplasms of these two
very different cells. This continuity has been definitely established by electron
microscopy. 12861 The melanocytes secrete granules of melanin and pass them
along their processes to the tips, and thence into the basal cells. Here they
152 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
collect, on the side of the nucleus that faces the surface of the skin. In
Europeans the melanocytes do not make many granules, and only a few pass
into the basal cells; but in persons of dark-skinned races and subraces they are
very active, and granules continue to pass through the tips of the processes un-
til they have spread to all parts of the basal cells except the nuclei.187, 88. 89] In

the Negrid embryo, melanin granules are present in the melanocytes of the skin
late in the fourth or early in the fifth month of pregnancy, and transfer to the
basal cells begins late in the latter [Link] More than three centuries ago
Thomas Browne knew that the skin of Negrids darkens long before any ray of
light has touched it. In his work generally known as Vulgar errors, which he
himself called by the grander title of Pseudodoxia epidemica, he remarked of
Negroes that 'not onely their legitimate and timely births, but their abortions
are also duskie, before they have felt the scortch and fervor of the Sun'. sol 1 1

The melanocytes, like the basal cells, are capable of multiplication by

dividing in two. It would appear that some of the products of their division pdss
towards the surface as effete cells. Presumably they are sloughed off with the
scales of the stratum corneum.
Melanocytes are not easily seen in routine microscopical preparations. It is
for this reason that they are not usually shown in drawings intended to reveal
the structure of skin. This applies to Fig. 22 a.

Melanin is complex substance that occurs commonly among very diverse groups
a
of animals. 1619. Plants do not produce it, but they produce a familiar substance
656. 7101

of rather similar composition. Everyone has seen how an apple, if cut across and left
exposed to the air. becomes brown on the new surfaces. The formation of the brown
pigment provides a simplified illustration of the way in which melanin is produced in
the bodies of men and other animals. The precursor of the brown substance in the cells
of the apple is a phenol. The reaction by which this colourless substance becomes
coloured is caused by an enzyme, polyphenol oxidase, in the presence of the oxygen of
the air. The monophenol is first oxidized to a diphenol. and this to a quinone. It is
characteristic of quinones that they are coloured. In the structural formulae shown
here, the symbol 'R' is used to represent any of several possible groups of atoms.

OH

monophenol diphenol quinone

In animals, including man, melanin is produced from the amino-acid tyrosine

(hydroxy-phenyl-alanine), which is abundantly present in the body as a constituent of
most proteins. It is monophenol. Under the influence of the enzyme
a colourless
tyrosinase it is oxidized first to a diphenol and then to a quinone. The diphenol is
DihydrOxy-Phenyl-Alanine. commonly shortened to dopa, and the coloured quinone is
called dopaquinone. During these changes the basic structure of the amino-acid
(shown in the diagrams by the chain of atoms orientated at 45° to the sides of the page)
remains unchanged. Further changes (not involving tyrosinase) result in the elimination
 COLOUR 153

OH OH
OH
OH
tyrosine dopa
(hydroxy-phenyl- (dihydroxy-
alanine) phenyl-alanine)

dopa-quinone

of the acidic 0=C^^ group from this basic structure, and the linking up of the
oh"
nitrogen atom to the phenyl ring. This produces the dark-coloured substance, indole-
quinone, which is chemically related to the familiar coloured plant-product, indigo
(nowadays also manufactured synthetically).

indole-quinone, the indigo (indigotin)

basis of melanin

Indole-quinone polymerizes (that is, the molecules associate together in

groups to form larger molecules), and the polymer attaches itself to protein.
The final result is the familiar pigment melanin, the 'colour' referred to by
writers on the ethnic problem. Melanin is not exactly a single chemical sub-
stance, because the degree of polymerization and the protein-content may
vary; but so far as is known, all races have essentially the same melanin in the
[Link] colour depends on the amount present. 16571
Melanin gives colour not only to skin but also to hair. The clump of cells
from which a hair grows out contains melanocytes that are very similar to
those of the skin. They pass melanin granules into the cells that will be
transformed into the dead cells of hair. The coloured substance of hair, whether
golden, auburn, 'mousy', brown, or nearly black, is melanin, the shade depen-
ding on the amount of pigment present. The only exception is so-called 'red'
hair, which owes its colour to a slightly different substance called
154 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
phaeomelanin. Unfortunately the extraction of this pigment for chemical
analysis is liable to cause change in its composition. 17991 The amino-acid
tryptophane appears to replace tyrosine as the starting-point for the production
of phaeomelanin.13411 Ordinary melanin is sometimes called dopa-melanin to
distinguish it. Phaeomelanin is not important in the study of the ethnic
problem, because red hair is not characteristic of any ethnic group. It occurs
among particular individuals of various subraces.
It might be supposed that the pale-skinned subraces of man have fewer

melanocytes in the epidermis than the dark races^ but this is not so. Even
albinos have the same number of melanocytes as dark-skinned people. 1661 The
differences depend on the activity of the melanocytes, not on their number.
It has been shown that the melanocytes in the skin of the pale subraces of

man contain the whole system for the production of melanin; it is not lack of
tyrosine or of tyrosinase that causes the amount of melanin to be so small. 133.
192.88.6191 The tyrosinase system is somehow inhibited and dormant in most
parts of the body, though less so in the skin of the nipples and certain other
areas.
It has been proved by experiment that pale human skin contains a substance (or sub-
stances) that reduces the rate of formation of melanin. The mechanism of inhibition
does not appear to be fully understood, but there is evidence that the sulphydryl groups
( — SH) of proteins may possibly be involved. Experiments performed outside the body
have shown that substances which interfere with the reactions of sulphydryl groups in-

crease the amount of melanin formed when tyrosinase acts on tyrosine. I9i7i

The lack of colour in the skin, hair, and other parts of human albinos appears to be
due to the complete inhibition of tyrosinase, but it is the absence of this enzyme that
causes the white patches on black-and-white guinea-pigs. 187. 56i

A hormone called MSH (the melanocyte-stimulating hormone), produced by

the pituitary gland below the brain, in some way increases the amount of
melanin of both pale and dark-skinned human beings. Its release
in the skin
from the pituitary gland is inhibited by a hormone secreted by the cortex or
outer part of the adrenal gland (situated, as its name conveys, beside the
kidney). If this cortex is damaged by disease, the pale skin of a European may
become dark. The connection between disease of the adrenal glands and
darkening of the human skin was first suggested by Thomas Addison, a Lon-
don doctor, in 1849.181 In his very brief and tentative remark on the subject,
amounting in all to 39 words, he made the mistake of supposing that the dis-
coloration of his patients was caused by escape of blood from the vessels of the
dermis ('purpura' is the medical name for this condition). He corrected his mis-
take six years later, in a book devoted to disease of the adrenal glands. He now
realized that the 'dingy', 'smoky', 'amber', or 'chestnut-brown' colour was due
to pigmentation of the skin itself, not to darkening by escaped blood. His
book is illustrated by large coloured portraits. 191
The intramuscular injection of MSH darkens the human skin. Experiments were per-
formed on so-called American 'Negroes', but it is evident from the published pictures
that the subjects were partly of European ancestry. The skin began to darken after a
day or two from the first injecfion; it returned to its original colour some weeks after
the last. The evidence suggested that persons whose skin was particularly dark before
 COLOUR 155

the injections started, showed the strongest response. 16581 There does not appear to be
any conclusive evidence as to whether MSH or the inhibiting hormone of the adrenal
cortex may play a part in determining the normal skin-colour of the races and sub-
races of man.
It has been proved by direct experiment that the pigment in the epidermis of
man reduces the amount of ultraviolet light that passes through. i049t The skin I

of Europeans and Negroes was blistered by the action of cantharidin (a vesi-

cant material obtained from the blood and accessory reproductive organs of
certain beetles). This substance causes the stratum corneum to separate from
the Malpighian layer of the skin as a blister, and
can then be painlessly cut off
it

with scissors. It was shown that there is no between

significant difference
Europeans and Negroes in the thickness of the stratum corneum. but this layer
taken from Europeans transmits Sj- times as much ultraviolet light as the cor-
responding layer taken from Negroes. Pieces of the stratum corneum of Euro-
pean and Negro skin were placed over living pale human skin and exposed to
the Nigerian sun. It was found that the dark stratum corneum of Negro skin
gave better protection than the other against the erythema of sunburn (that is
to say, against the reddening due to the congestion of the blood-vessels in the
superficial part of the dermis). The difference is caused by the presence of
melanin granules in the dead cells of this layer in the Negro's skin. The melanin
granules absorb the ultraviolet rays and also scatter them, so that further ab-
sorption occurs by other melanin granules, and also by the proteins of these
cells.11051 No doubt the abundant melanin of the Malpighian layer and basal
cells of Negroes acts in the same way, and greatly reduces the transmission of
ultraviolet light.

The darkening of a pale skin in sunlight is a protective response against the

effect of too much ultraviolet light, which not only causes an inflammatory
condition in the superficial layer of the dermis, but also damages the living cells
of the epidermis. It is often mistakenly supposed that this darkening is a sign of
health. Indeed, persons with pale skins are sometimes said to be 'etiolated'. The
word is taken from botany, where it is used to mean the state of a plant that
has failed to produce the green pigment of leaves because it is grown in
darkness. The cases, however, are fundamentally dissimilar. The green pigment
(chlorophyll) is absolutely necessary for the normal life of the plant, and the
plant can only produce it in the presence of light. The melanin of skin, on the
contrary, only plays a defensive role in protecting the skin from the damaging
effect of ultraviolet light.
The chief danger of overexposure to the ultraviolet light of the sun is the
production of cancers (carcinomas) of the epidermal [Link] In the temperate
zones the light from the sun has to traverse a longer course through the ozone
of the upper atmosphere than in those regions in which the sun is more nearly
overhead. Ozone absorbs ultraviolet light strongly. Skin-cancers occur very
much more frequently among European residents in subtropical countries than
among the dark-skinned inhabitants. losi They occur especially on the face and
I

other exposed parts. A curious case is that of long-sighted people who wear
bifocal spectacles outdoors in parts of the world where the sunshine is intense.
156 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
The carcinogenic rays are unfortunately able to penetrate the glass, and the
lower lens concentrates them on a particular area of skin below the eye; cancer
not infrequently results. 1 1 1 8 1

It is well known is absorbed by nucleic acids and can

that ultraviolet light
cause mutations seems highly significant that melanin granules
in the genes. It
are directed by the ultimate branches of the melanocyte to the side of the
nucleus of the basal cell that is nearest to the surface of the skin — the side, in
fact, from which the comes: for the nucleus contains the deoxyribonucleic
light
acid (DNA) of the genes. A little pile of melanin is built up here to form a
cap over the illuminated side of the nucleus. The nuclei of the basal cells con-
stitute the source of all the nuclei of the epidermal layer, except those
of the melanocytes themselves. In dark-skinned persons so many melanin
granules enter the basal cells that eventually the nucleus may be surrounded
by them.
The basal cells of the epidermis are not the only cells that are protected by
melanin from damage caused by excess of ultraviolet light. The fibroblasts, or
cells of the dermis that produce the connective-tissue fibres of that layer, are
also liable to be harmed by intense sunlight. They contain no melanin; but if
there are enough granules in the basal layer of the epidermis, and in the more
superficial layers, they are protected. This probably explains the crowding of
melanin granules in the basal cells in members of those ethnic taxa that are
adapted to subtropical and tropical environments. The bases (basic chemical
groups) that form an important constituent part of the genetic material (DNA)
are subject to transformation by ultraviolet light. The fibroblasts contain a
system of enzymes that have the remarkable capacity to extract the altered
bases and replace them by the correct ones, so that the proper genetic material
is maintained. Some persons, however, are very sensitive to ultraviolet light.

They lack a part of the genetic replacement system, and the damage caused by
light is not put right.12121 Such persons are said to suflTer from xeroderma
pigmentosum. The damaged cells proliferate and spread to various parts of the
body, where they continue to multiply and produce malignant tumours.
Experiments carried out in Germany just after the First World War proved
that in certain circumstances ultraviolet light was by no means necessarily
harmful to human [Link] It was shown that exposure to this light would
prevent the development of rickets in children. Soon afterwards a surprising
discovery was made. Certain oils, linseed among them, have no capacity to
protect against rickets when taken into the body as food, but they develop this
capacity if exposed to ultraviolet light, and indeed develop as powerful an anti-
rachitic property as that of cod-liver oil itself. Finally it was shown that the
substance in these oils that became antirachitic when irradiated was ergosterol,
which became converted to vitamin D, the antirachitic vitamin. It was con-
cluded that ultraviolet light prevents rickets when it shines upon the skin by
converting the ergosterol, already present in the body, to vitamin D.
The following hypothesis seems to account rather satisfactorily for the
varying degrees of pigmentation of the skin among the races and subraces of
man in different latitudes. It is thought likely that man evolved in the warm
regions of the globe. As the hair coat inherited from his ancestors gradually
 COLOUR 157

became reduced, would presumably be retained or

the pigmentation of his skin
increased, by the natural selection of those persons who were best protected
from the ultraviolet rays of the intense sunshine. When, on the retreat of the
ice, huge new areas of fertile land were exposed for human habitation, natural
selection would act in a different way. The filtering off of the ultraviolet light
from the slanting rays of the sun would make protection less necessary:
meanwhile it would become more and more valuable to catch some remnant of
this light, to provide a source of vitamin D. Selection would now act in the
opposite direction, tending to favour persons in whom the melanin-inhibiting
factors chanced to be strongly developed. Paleness of skin would result in
those subraces, especially the Osteuropid and Nordid, that penetrated far
towards the north.
This hypothesis is supported by evidence that there is a tendency to rickets
among the children of immigrants from the West Indies to Great Britain, where
the disease has almost disappeared among the fair-skinned native
population. 18591 It seems that in the tropical environment there is sufficient
sunlight to penetrate the Negrid skin and act upon ergosterol, or enough
vitamin D in the food; butEngland the sunlight does not always suffice, and
in

if the diet is deficient in the vitamin, rickets results. The evidence would only be

conclusive, however, if the two groups of children —

dark-skinned and
—
fair were known to have similar diets and to expose the same area of skin to
the light.
Since pigmentation of the hair is controlled in essentially the same way as
that of the skin, there would be some tendency for those who became very pale-
skinned in the course of evolution to become fair-haired at the same time, even
though those with fair hair might gain no practical advantage from the posses-
sion of this particular character. Fair hair reached its extreme (apart from
sporadic albinism) in the Osteuropid subrace, seen today in parts of Poland
and north Russia.

The eye-colour of man is due to melanocytes in the stroma or connective-

tissue layer of the These have the same origin as the melanocytes of the
iris.

skin, but do not act in quite the same way. They are 'continent'; that is to say,
they do not extrude their melanin granules into other cells, as those of the skin
and hair do, but retain them within themselves. If they produce abundant
melanin granules, they give a brown or almost black colour, just as they do in
the skin. If the granules are sparse, they act in quite a different way. The red
light (and light of long wavelengths in general) passes through with little
scattering, and is absorbed at the back of the iris. The light of shorter wave-
lengths is selectively scattered (diffracted) by the melanin granules and thus
passes from one to another, and some of it forward, out of the eye. The light
that emerges is therefore blue or bluish, though no blue pigment is
present. 1091 The pure blue eyes of the Osteuropids and many Nordids is
1 1

due to this 'Tyndall effect'. The blue skin on the muzzle of the male mandrill
{Mandrillus sphinx) is also due to a Tyndall effect produced by sparse melanin
granules.
Not all the melanocytes derived from the neural crests reach the epidermis.
158 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
Every biological student has seen them in the connective tissue surrounding the
nerves and blood-vessels of the frog. They occur in many animals in the con-
nective tissue of the [Link] is stated that in the baboons {Cynocephalus) and

macaques (Macacus) the colour of the skin is entirely due to dermal

melanocytes, but in the chimpanzee (Pan satyrus) and orang-utan [Pongo
pygmaeus) melanocytes occur in both dermis and epidermis. I4l Dermal
melanocytes occur also in man. especially in the lumbar region and on the but-
tocks in late embryonic life and in the early years after birth. Here the melanin
granules are often abundant enough to produce visible spots, sometimes an
inch or more across. There is usually not enough melanin to produce a dark
brown or black colour, and a bluish Tyndall effect may result from sparse dis-
tribution of the granules. The melanocytes of the dermis are always continent,
like those of the iris.

When the attention of the scientific world was first called in the 1880s to the
existence of these marks, it was supposed that they constituted a diagnostic
feature of the Mongolid racel7i3l, but in fact they occur fairly commonly in
most races and subraces, so far as is known. 1217. 3901 In the pale-skinned
subraces of the Europid race they only appear sporadically. I6l though it seems
that dermal melanocytes are always present at a late stage of embryonic life. It
has been claimed that these marks never occur among the Ainuids of
Japan, 1041 but it is questionable whether a sufficient number of babies has been
1

examined to prove that this rather isolated Europid subrace is exceptional in

this respect.
The marks are presumably to be regarded as an archaic feature inherited
from ancestors that had abundant dermal melanin, like the chimpanzee and
orang-utan.
The inheritance of skin-colour is complex. Albinism is very simple genetical-
ly, but it is not relevant here, because no ethnic taxon consists of albinos. There
are people of blond subraces who are scarcely able to respond to ultraviolet
light by the development of melanin in the skin, while those of certain other
subraces (for instance, the Mediterranids and Nordindids) are able to become
noticeably dark in the exposed regions of their bodies, though rather pale-
skinned in parts that are protected from the sun. The skin of Negrids is dark in
certain protected parts, though may
be capable of further darkening by
it

ultraviolet light. These and potentialities are presumably

different characters
under separate genetic control. As always in the study of human heredity,
progress is retarded by the impossibility of making the crosses that reason
would suggest, and by the long intervals between generations.
The evidence suggests that the colour of human skin is controlled by
polygenes; that is to say, by many genes, having additive effects. Studies of
this problem have been made on American 'Negroes', who are in fact a hybrid
population, descended mainly from Negrid and Europid ancestors. There is a
very wide range in skin-colour among them. If intermarriage occurs between
two of them, different but not extremely so in colour, the offspring are com-
monly intermediate in colour, and if these offspring intermarry with persons
differing somewhat in colour, once again the offspring are commonly inter-
mediate. (Studies of Negrid-Europid hybrids in Liverpool suggest that there
 COLOUR 159

may be a slight tendency towards dominance of a pale skin, if the parents are
very different in colour. [474]) The production of intermediates, generation after
generation, is strongly suggestive of the action of polygenes. In such cases the
genetical interpretation must rest on a special type of statistical analysis. It
appears that about five pairs of genes, all additive and nearly equal in effect,
must be concerned. 1007. 1008) At each of the five loci on the chromosomes, both
1

of the genes might be for pale skin, or one for pale and one for dark, or both for
dark. Europeans would not necessarily possess exclusively the 'pale' genes:
one, two, or three might be 'dark'. Unfortunately a statistical analysis of this
sort cannot take account of complications such as ability to respond to
ultraviolet light.
There is no evidence that any gene concerned in the control of skin-colour
has any effect on the mental capacity of human beings. In the course of evolu-
tion particular races or subraces might evolve to higher average levels of
intelligence than others; but if so, there would be no necessary correlation with
the colour of the skin. It might happen, nevertheless, that selective influences
would result in the production of a particular skin-colour (whether dark or
pale) in a certain race or subrace, and that selective influences of another kind
would independently result in the acquisition by this race or subrace of a high
average of intelligence (or of a high proportion of persons of exceptional
level
intelligence). Thiswould be an example of the coexistence in a particular race
or subrace of two or more characters controlled by two independent sets of
genes (for instance, brachycephaly and the rather broad, slightly concave nose
in the Alpinid subrace).

In the classification of animals, zoologists lay little emphasis on differences

of colour, which are commonly caused by the accumulation of coloured
granules within cells, or by the existence of extremely fine parallel striations on
[Link] pay far more attention to differences in grosser structure. Such
differences result when particular cells in two or more taxa of animals arrange
themselves in different ways, so as to form aggregates that are markedly
different, or when the cells produce skeletal matter (bones, for instance, or the
external skeletons of insects) that are obviously different in shape. It is
therefore surprising to a zoologist that such very great emphasis should be laid
on colour in popular discussions of ethnic problems.
There are marked differences of a structural or 'morphological' kind between
the races, and to a less extent between the subraces of man. Some of these will
be described in considerable detail in Part 3 of this book. Here it need only be
remarked that there are races of man so different from the Europid (for in-
stance in the breadth of the nose, the thickness of the lips, the degree of projec-
tion of the jaws, and the length and texture of the hair), that it must seem
strange indeed any zoologist or physical anthropologist that a mere
to
difference of colour should be the feature that seems most important to anyone.
Nevertheless, people do commonly make remarks about those non-white
races that are in fact very different in morphological characters, to the effect
that 'the only thing that distinguishes them is the colour of their skin'. It scarce-
ly seems possible to believe that anyone who has seen an Australian aborigine.
160 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
a Melanesian, a Bushman, or a Negro could accept such words as true. They
are directly contrary not only to the established facts of physical anthropology,
but also to ordinary observation.
An albino Melanesid (Melanesian) or Negrid, who is fairer than any non-
albino European, appears even more unlike a European than a normal
Melanesid or Negrid. This fact was pointed out (with reference to
Negrids) by the French mathematician Maupertuis more than two centuries
ago.l7i5l The association of a pale face and straw-coloured hair with the
features of a non-Europid race brings out strongly the great differences that in
fact exist. This is perhaps partly because darkness of the skin interferes with
clear vision of the face. Indeed, if the skin were actually black (which it never
is), it would be impossible to see any features, apart from the lips, gums, teeth,

and whites of the eyes, except in profiile.

The relative unimportance of colour in comparison with morphological
features is witnessed by the fact that there is no race of man, in the sense of the
word adopted in this book (pp. 99 ff.), that is characterized by the possession of
a pale skin. Most of the subraces of the Europid race have pale skins, but the
Nordindids (Indo-Afghans) and Aethiopids have not. The Sikhs and other Nor-
dindids become pale brown in the exposed parts of the body, and members of
the Aethiopid subrace are very dark — darker, in fact, than certain Negrid
tribes. If a Nordindid were slightly paler, it would not be easy to distinguish
him from a Mediterranid. Indeed, some authorities regard the Nordindids as
constituting a local form of the Mediterranid subrace.l i085l
In view of these facts, it is surprising that unrelated groups of persons are
often classified together in common speech as 'coloured', as though this implied
genetic affinity. It results that an Indian, who may show close resemblance to
many Europeans in every structural feature of his body, and whose ancestors
established a civilization long before the inhabitants of the British Isles did so,
is grouped as 'coloured' with persons who are very different morphologically
from any European or Indian, and whose ancestors never developed a civiliza-
tion of their own. Those who group human beings in this unscientific way
would not think of applying the same classificatory principle to animals. They
would not predicate anything about the virtues or defects of the ordinary types
of Labrador retrievers, Scottish terriers, and schipperkes merely on the basis of
their black pigmentation, and they would be well aware that a golden Labrador
retriever is very similar in most respects to a black one.
 10 Odour

'Those WHO have travelled in foreign lands must readily have noticed that
all peoples have an odour that is peculiar to them. Thus one distinguishes
without difficulty the Negroes, Malays, Chinese, Tatars, Tibetans, Indians, and
Arabs.' Thus wrote the French missionary and explorer Evariste Hue, more
than a century ago.l520l The present chapter is concerned with this curious and
difficult subject.

TYPES OF SCENT ORGANS

Many animals have special glands for the production of substances that can be
detected by other animals through the organs called chemo-receptors that
detect and discriminate between chemically different substances. The secre-
tions produced by the special glands have varied functions. Some, such as
those produced by the stink-glands below the tail of the skunk {Mephitis

mephitis) and by the wax-glands {ceruminous glands) of the human ear, act as
repulsive agents against intruders, but most of them are attractive towards
members of the same species.
The attractive scents fall into two main categories: those that tend to keep
members of a herd together, and those that are specially related to the sexual
function. The scents that belong to the former group (the species- or herd-
recognition scents) are produced by similar organs in both sexes. There are not
many different kinds of organs of this sort that can be quoted as perfectly
typical examples, but the metatarsal brushes of certain species of deer will
serve as well as any other. These are areas of skin provided with special glands
and stiffly projecting tufts of hair, in some cases of a distinctive colour, situated
on the outer sides of the lower parts of the hind limbs. They brush against the
undergrowth through which the deer passes and leave a scent that is
recognizable by members of the species.! 1122) There is reason to believe that
metatarsal brushes occur most commonly in gregarious species of deer. 1689]
The scents produced by the metatarsal glands of certain species of deer are
examples of what are called pheromones\ that is to say, substances secreted
by one individual that pass to another individual (commonly through the air)
and elicit in it responses of an adaptive nature.
It often happens in the most diverse animals that hairs or hairlike structures

are associated with scent-organs. They distribute the scent, either by acting
mechanically as brushes, or else by increasing the area from which the smelly
substance may volatilize.
162 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
The pre-orbital glands of many
of the Bovidae, especially certain species of
antelopes, goats, and sheep, seem to fall into the same group of scent-

producing organs as the metatarsal brushes of deer; that is to say, the group
that produces species-recognition scents. These organs of the Bovidae are
elongated patches of skin in front of the eyes, bearing the openings of many
small glands. The patches are sunk into depressions of the lacrimal bone, easily
visible on inspection of the skull. In some cases they can be everted, so as to
volatilize the scent more readily. They occur in both sexes, like typical scent-
organs adapted for species-recognition; but they seem not to belong wholly to
this category, for they are more active in the sexual season and as a general
rule are better developed in the male sex. In the duikerbok {Cephalopus spp.)
of tropical and southern Africa the secretion of the male is highly scented; that
of the female cannot be detected by the human nose, and. unlike that of the
male, is coloured blue. It is clear that the pre-orbital glands of the Bovidae, or
at any rate some of them, merge into the second category of sexually alluring
scent-organs.
The sexually alluring smells are usually different, and produced by quite
different organs, in the two may be produced by members of one
sexes, or they
sex only. The scents produced
by female animals are often directive rather than
immediately stimulating; that is to say, they lead the male to where the female
is, but are not an immediate stimulus to copulation. The most astonishing

examples for directive scents are provided by certain moths. It has been proved
that the males of certain species belonging to two different families (Lasiocam-
pidae and Lymantriidae) are capable of being attracted towards a female
situated a mile or more away. 13521 It is a strange fact that none of the directive
scents produced by female Lepidoptera can be detected by man. 35 1 1

The scents produced by male Lepidoptera do not direct a female towards

him, but stimulate her to copulate. These stimulating scents can be detected by
human beings, and almost all of them are pleasant to our sense of smell. I35il
The scent-organs of male Lepidoptera occur on various parts of the body in
different species —
on particular parts of the wings, on the front (prothoracic)
or hind (metathoracic) legs, or at the base or top of the abdomen. They are
often accompanied by hairlike structures, reminiscent of the metatarsal brushes
of deer. In some cases there are elaborate arrangements for the conservation of
the scent in repose, and its dispersion when the occasion arises.
The common fan-foot moth {Herminia barbalis) may be cited as an example. 15431
In this species, which occurs in southern England and in parts of Europe and Asia,
the scent-hairs of the male are borne on the joints called tibia (tb) and femur (fe) of
the prothoracic legs (Fig. 23a). There are two tufts of scent-hairs (tbl and tbk) on the
tibia and one (Jb) on the femur. These long hairs give the moth its vernacular name,

though 'brush-leg' would be more appropriate. Organs of this kind ensure that
females copulate with males of their own species, even when, as in this case, I769ithere
are several closely related species occupying similar ecological niches in the same dis-
tricts.

Sexually alluring odours are produced by certain female Primates. This has
been shown experimentally by a small-scale experiment with the rhesus
monkey, Macaca mulatta.\i40\ A male was placed in a cage, so arranged that
 23 Scent-organs of animals and man
A, an anterior (prothoracic) leg of the moth Herminia barbalis. to show the large scent-
on the joint called the femur [fe) and the two smaller tufts (thk and tb!) on the tibia
tuft (fb)
'

Ub).
through the skin of a pig, to show the place (marked by an arrow)
B, vertical section
where an a-gland opens into the upper part of a hair-follicle (hf).
{a)
C, longitudinal section through the secretory part of an o gland in the armpit of a Europid
woman. Some of the cells contain spherical masses of granules at the ends directed towards
the cavity of the tubule; others are vacuolated in this region. Several show projections into
the cavity, and an ovoid body near the lower right-hand corner of the figure gives the impres-
sion that a projection has been separated from a cell.

D, vertical section through the skin of an Australid. from the cheek near the ear. The a-
gland (a) opens (not in this section) into the hair-follicle (hf) above the sebaceous gland {sg).
e. e-gland.
A, magnified drawing from Illig; \54i] B, C, and D, highly magnified drawings from
Schiejferdecker; 941 : 1 with scales and lettering added by the present author.
164 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
by pressing repeatedly on a lever he could gain access to a female, by the
automatic opening of an intervening door. When he had discovered this fact,
his nasal olfactory area was plugged with gauze impregnated with a special
paste that rendered him incapable of smelling. He now no longer worked the
lever, but resumed the habit when the gauze had been removed. Only two
males were used in this study, and the evidence would have been more con-
clusive if control experiments had been carried out with omission of the anti-
olfactory substances from the paste; but there seems to be little doubt that the
sex instinct of the males was in abeyance if they could not smell their females.
The source of the sexually alluring substances was not determined.

MUSK
A familiar example of a sexually alluring odour is the musk produced by the
male musk-deer (Moschus moschiferus). which inhabits mountainous districts
in Asia. The musk is secreted by a large gland that opens in the middle line of
the belly, in front of the preputial opening. 1299. 11221 (It does not open into the
preputial cavity, as is often stated in writings on the subject.) There is no trace
of a corresponding organ in the doe. [348] The gland consists of a pouch of
inturned skin. The secreted product constitutes the musk of commerce, from
which the cosmetic scent is prepared. More than one scented substance exists
in the contents of the pouch, but the principal one, to which the odour is mainly

due, is muscone. This was first isolated as a chemical individual at the begin-
ning of the present century, but its exact composition was not determined until
1934, when the identical substance was synthesized in the laboratory. (9231
Muscone may be regarded as based on a molecule that is a paraffin chain joined
end-to-end to form a ring. The ring contains fifteen carbon atoms and is called cvclo-
pentadecane. The synthesis started from the closely related substance cyclo-
pentadecene. It will be noticed that the muscone is a ketone: that is. it contains the group
0=C-— R. where R and R' are radicles such as — CH3 — C^Hj.
or or derivatives of

R'
these.

H,C CH, HX CH o=c -CH,

(H.C)p— CH- (H.C),,— CH (H.C),.— CH

I

CH3
cyclo-pentadecane cyclo-pentadecene muscone

Several ketones related to the cyclic paraffins, and therefore closely similar to
muscone. are used as scents in the cosmetic industry. ivoiThey are of animal origin. It is

a most remarkable fact that these substances, so similar in chemical composition, are
produced by different organs belonging to particular species of different orders of mam-
mals. The scent-gland of the civet-cats (Viverra spp.) resembles that of the musk-deer
 ODOUR 165

in opening by a longitudinal slit in the middle line of the body, but it occurs in both
sexes and opens in a different place: in the male between the testes and the penis, and in
the female between the anus and the vulva (that is to say, behind the genital opening in
each case). 14281 The musk-rat {Ondatra zibethica) produces a similar scent, but by a
large organ that surrounds the anus in both sexes. 14291 The evidence suggests that this
organ is not homologous with the circumanal glands of man. In all these cases the prin-
cipal scents are cyclic ketones (or in the case of the musk-rat, two such ketones and
also the alcohols related to them).
Nearrelatives of these animals have similar glands and a similar smell, and it
is very probable that the scented substance is chemically similar. It would
appear that the capacity to produce scented cyclic ketones from diverse organs
is widely spread among mammals.

It may
be mentioned that several synthetic substances, chemically unrelated
to musk andnot known to be secreted by any animal, have a remarkably
similar smell and are used in the cosmetic industry. I822I

GLANDS OF THE AXILLARY TYPE (/l-GLANDS)

In the skin of the axilla of men and women there is a flat, oval organ,
commonly some cm
long and about 3 to 5
5 mm
thick, which produces a smel-
ly sweat. This axillary organ consists of very numerous, separate, but con-
tiguous glands. Each separate gland(cf. Fig. 23b) is a little tube, rolled up in an

one end. so as to form a little rounded object. The end of

irregular fashion at
the tube within the rounded part is closed off. In this part there are short
branches from the tube, some of which join the main tube, so as to produce a
loose meshwork. The part that has been described is that which produces the
odorous secretion. The other end of the tube is a duct, leading towards the
exterior. The (unbranched) sweat-glands of the general surface of the body
open directly by spirally wound (corkscrewlike) ducts on the surface of the
epidermis; but each of the nearly straight ducts of the axillary glands opens, as
a rule, into the little pit or fo licle from which a hair grows out. The rounded,
secretory parts of two or more glands are in many
crowded together
places so
as to form apparently composite glands, big enough to be visible to the naked
eye, but their ducts open into separate hair-follicles. The axillary glands
originate in the embryo from the linings of the hair-follicles, and most of them
retain this association. Thus the axillary sweat pours on to the hairs of the arm-
pit.

The restriction of the body-hair in man to particular areas, and its abun-
dance in these regions, are significant. The hairiness and warmth of the armpit
are both conducive to the evaporation of the smelly substance when the arm is

raised, yet the organ is almost closed off when the upper arm is held beside the
body. The whole arrangement is similar in principle to the male scent-organ of
the fan-foot moth, though each constituent part is fundamentally different. The
hairs of man. for instance, consist of horny (keratinous). dead cells, while the
hairlike structures of the moth consist of a hard substance that is not keratin (a
protein), but chitin, a complex substance (mucopolysaccharide) related to the
166 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
sugars. The 'hairs' of insects do not consist of dead cells, but of chitinous
material extruded from the surfaces of cells.

The liquid substance produced by the axillary gland of man is regarded as a

form of sweat, because it exudes on the surface of the skin, but the glands that
produce it are different from those that produce the sweat of the greater part of
the body. It was a German anatomist, Krause, who first drew a distinction, in
1844, by remarking on the very large size of the axillary sweat-glands in com-
parison with those of the rest of the body.[6ioi A much more precise distinction
was drawn the following year by a French histologist, Robin, who remarked
that whereas the sweat-glands of the of the body are clearly separate, the
rest
secretory parts of the axillary glands are often associated to form the visible
groups that have already been mentioned. He also remarked that whereas the
ducts of the other sweat-glands are coiled like a corkscrew, those of the axillary
glands are nearly straight. Robin realized clearly that the axillary glands are
the ones that produce the odour of the human body. He did not name them, but
simply remarked that they were sweat-glands '^'wa7 espece particuliere\\908\
Sweat-glands of this special type were studied in detail by Schiefferdecker, 940.9411 1

who discovered a great deal about them, but was mistaken about the way in which the
glandular cells secrete. Unfortunately he called them 'die apokrinen Drusen. to
emphasize hiserroneous belief. He knew that certain gland-cells, ordinary human
sweat-glands among them, produced their secretion in the form of a fluid that oozed
through the intact cell-membrane into the cavity or lumen of the gland and thence to
the exterior. He designated such glands 'die ekkrinen Drusen . He thought that Robin's
glands produced their secretion in a different way, by the nipping-off of the ends of the
cells into the lumen, and he gave the general name of die apokrinen Drusen to all
glands any part of the body that produced their secretion in this way (Fig. 23c). The
in

usual spelling of the two adjectives in English is 'eccrine' and 'apocrine'.

The cells of the axillary glands of man differ sharply from those of the sweat-glands
of the general surface of the body in containing large, brownish-yellow, globular
secretion-products.l754. 513.205.7531 These contain lipid (fatty) material (phospholipids

and cholesteryl esters). I787i Thiscan also be demonstrated in the duct of

lipid material

the glandi787i. but the evidence seems conclusive that the globules themselves are not
cast out as such into the duct. The free end of the cell is devoid of globules at all times.
Apparently the secreted material passes out in solution through the intact cell-

membrane. 1 754. 7531 It is therefore unfortunate that the adjective 'apocrine' has stuck so
obstinately to sweat-glands of the axillary type. Certain gland-cells (such as those of
the pancreas that produce digestive enzymes) are in fact apocrine, but the cells of
Robin's glands are not.
Schiefferdecker himself 1940. 9411 suggested that the two kinds of glands should be
called 'a-Drusen\ and 'e-Drusen\ and these names (or the English equivalents) are con-
venient if new meanings are attached to 'a' and 'e'. The 'a' may well stand for glands of
the axillary type, the 'e' for those that open directly on the general surface of the
epidermis, and have no connection at any stage with hair-follicles.
There are e-glands among the o-glands in the axillary organ of man, but it is
very improbable that they contribute to the odour of the secretion.
Since the sweat of the axillary glands is yellowish, one would naturally and
perhaps correctly attribute the colour to the material in the large globules, but
 ODOUR 167

the suggestion has been made that it may be due to the action of bacteria in the

exuded sweat.
Sweat-glands of the characteristic 'a' type are not confined in man to the
axillary organ. Robin reported their existence 'au creux de I'aisselle' in his
paper of 1845. iwsi In 1867 the presence of glands of this type in the anal and
genital region was very briefly mentioned by Kolliker.l603l An excellent account
of the fl-glands that surround the anus was given four years later by Gay. a
physiologist of Vienna University, who named them the Circumanal-
drusen.\?'')4] He stated that they were situated in a ring round the anus, the
inner limit being 1to Ijcm from the latter. Neither he nor Kolliker realized
that these glands are outgrowths from hair-follicles. Schieflrerdecker|94ii
considered that the a-glands of this region were sufficiently aggregated to con-
stitute a Circumanalorgan. It must be mentioned that since Gay's time cir-
cumanal glands and organs have been described in very many different kinds of
mammals, but the great majority of these are not homologous with those of
man, because their histological structure is quite different. 1935
Certain other glands of the genito-anal region of man (scrotum and root of
the penis in the male, and labia majora and mons veneris in the female) are of
the fl-gland type. They were mentioned by Kolliker in his century-old
paper. [60?l They combine with the circumanal, so far as is known, to produce
the odour of this part of the body. Kdlliker also noticed similar glands in the
skin of the nipples and surrounding areas. There are certain regions of the body
in which a-glands occur in some races of man but not in others (pp. 170-71),
but the principal odour-producing parts of the human body are the o-glands of
the genito-anal region and of the axillary organs, especially the Iatter.l5l
There are also two highly modified types of a-glands that occur in all races, so far as
is known. These are certain glands in the eyelids, called Moll's glands after their
discoverer, 17501 and the ceruminous glands that produce ear-wax. The latter is said to
be sometimes smelly, I5i but its function is to repel insects by action on their taste-
receptors. (Certain mites (Acarina) specialize in this habitat and are not repelled. I94i i)

Non-functional vestiges of a-glands occur in the embryo in parts of the body where
they no longer exist in the adult. 15

In most mammals the e-glands are restricted to the parts of the body that are
devoid of hair, such as the foot-pads of dogs and cats. The a-glands commonly
occur wherever there is hairl940. 94ii, but the smell they produce is generally not
so strong as that which comes from localized scent-organs. Since most mam-
mals are hairy over the greater part of the body, the sweat is usually produced
mainly by a-glands. In horses and certain other animals these glands seem to
play a part in the control of body-temperature, like the e-glands of man.l94il
The tufted scent-organs of many species of deer and antelopes contain both a-
ande-glands.15131
Monkeys {Cynocephalus and Cercopithecus spp.) differ from other
mammals in the distribution of e-glands, for these are not confined to the bare
areas, but occur over a large part of the surface of the body, as in man.l940, 94i|
Hairy axillary organs occur in the chimpanzee {Pan satyrus). Each consists
of a glandular area, with a tuft of hair, situated in the deepest part of the arm-
168 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
pit;it is surrounded by an almost hairless zone of skin.n36l The organ occurs in

both sexes, and no sexual difference has been reported. A similar organ occurs
in the gorilla {Gorilla gorilla), but there is not a bare area round it. There are

no e-glands in the axillary organs of the chimpanzee or gorilla. 194 In the 1 1

orang-utan {Pongo pygmaeus) and gibbon {Hylobates leuciscus) there is no

gland in the axilla, and in the former this part of the body is almost hairless, n 361
In the evolution of man, the reduction in body-hair has resulted in the
restriction of a-glands to a few special regions. As Schiefferdecker has
remarked, most mammals are 'a-gland [Link]'. monkeys are 'mixed-gland
animals', and man is essentially an 'e-gland animaP, with the a-glands restricted
to a few small areas. I940. 94 1

THE SECRETORY PRODUCT OF THE .4 GLANDS

The sweat produced by the a-glands of man is 'oily'. It has already been
mentioned that the secretory products in the ducts of the a-glands contain lipid
(fatty) material. This has been proved by histochemical tests. 1787] There is here
a strong contrast with the e-glands. It is commonly believed that the general
sweat of the body is fatty, but this is not so. More than 99% of the sweat
produced by the ^'-glands is water. Of the other constituents, only sodium
chloride, urea, and lactic acid are present in more than very minute amounts.
The chemical identity of the smelly substances in the secretion of the a-
glands of man is not known. This
is unfortunate, but perhaps should not cause

surprise. Despite the fact that man's sense of smell is very much weaker than
that of many animals, his nose is able to detect the presence of one ten-
millionth of a gram of certain substances. It often happens that a substance can
be detected by smell when the most sensitive instruments cannot analyse and
thus identify it. or indeed even record its presence. 1 17| The axillary secretion is

available only in minute quantities, and is difficult to collect.19621 One may hope
that greatly improved methods for the isolation, recognition, and assay of the
odorous components of the secretion will eventually be devised.
It has been suggested that there is a constituent in the a-gland sweat of man

that has some resemblance in smell to musk. Muscone and related scents are
soluble in lipids, and it is possible that the lipids secreted by the a-glands of man
serve as vehicles for a related scent —if indeed one of these ketones is present in

the axillary sweat. It is obvious that the odour is not simply that of musk in
most cases, since there is a component that can be described as fetid, which
musk is not. When first exuded on the surface of the skin, the secretion of the
gland is sterile and whitish, grey, or tinged with yellow. 19621 After a time
bacteria multiply in it. and it becomes distinctly yellowish. Both the colour and
the odour have been attributed to the action of bacteria. 1843. 753I If the odour is
really due to the bacteria, it must be supposed that the function of the a-glands
is to provide a nutrient material for them, and also a precursor or

'Odorigen'\54i\ for the odoriferous substance or substances. A special scent

may, however, be present from the start, the fetid component being merely a
contaminant originating by bacterial action. In a remarkable book on the ner-
vous diseases of women, written more than a century and a quarter ago, an
 ODOUR 169

English doctor named Thomas Laycock made a very similar suggestion. He

noted that the odour 'in some is very pleasant; perhaps it would seldom have
that disgusting suffocative effect peculiar to it, if due attention were paid to
cleanliness'. (6441 One has, indeed, the subjective impression that two separate
odours are present (at any rate among Europids), one fetid and the other
fragrant. The existence of the former is hard to explain. The early hominids
were almost certainly more sensitive to smell than modern man is, since their
nasal cavities were larger, and there has no doubt been a progressive diminu-
tion in the relative size of the olfactory regions of the brain since man branched
off from his pongid ancestors. We can have no certainty that the particular
strain of bacteria that produces the fetid smell was in existence when the sense
of smell was more effective in sexual selection than it is today. In the evolution
of man, sight has become increasingly important, and this must have affected
the process of sexual selection. In modern civilized life the axillary odour has
tended to become repulsive, or perhaps only attractive when sexual desire has
been aroused in other ways. 13091
It seems certain that in some cases at least, or under certain conditions, there
is in fact a sexually alluring component in the axillary secretion. The retention
of a strong growth of hair in the armpit, when such a large part of the body has
become nearly hairless, suggests that the axillary organ is a scent-gland that
has a functional significance, or was of functional significance to man's
ancestors. It has already been mentioned (p. 165) that the hairiness and
warmth of this region, combined with the protection from useless evaporation
of the sweat unless the upper arm is held away from the body, would seem to
be adaptations to the function of a scent-organ.
It is regarded as significant that an important scent-organ of man is situated

at a level above the ground not far from that of the nose of other members of
the species. 19401 A scent-organ in the metatarsal region, like that of deer, would
be ill-adapted to a tall, upright animal, that never holds its head near the
ground when approaching another member of its kind, or following a trail.

It is also regarded as significant that the o-glands of the axillae and genito-
anal region only become functional at puberty. 17331 In his important work
Geschlecht und Geschlechter im Tierreiche, Meisenheimerl733l says that the
characteristic smell produced by the axillary organ of man has an influence on
the sexual life that is 'absolutely indisputable'. He remarks that human beings
"have 'mutually alluring' scent-organs. SchieflTerdecker also considered that the
odour produced by these glands in the axillae and genito-anal regions appeared
to act as a strong sexual stimulant; their scent, he said, is a
'Geschlechtsgeruch\\940.94\\ Adachi stated that the axillary gland is a sex-
organ, producing an odour that is sexually stimulating to persons of the same
race. 151 If all this is true, the stimulus must be of the intermediate kind, for it is not
nearly powerful enough to be 'directive' in the sense defined on p. 162.
In discussions on this subject, stress is sometimes laid on the musklike con-
stituent of the axillary odour, and on the sex-stimulant of musk. 'The
effect

musk odour', wrote Laycock, 1644] 'is certainly the sexual odour of man.' 'The
perfume which is of all perfumes the most interesting from the present point of
view', wrote Havelock Ellis in his Sexual selection in m<7/7, 13091 'is certainly
170 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
musk. [it] is a very frequent personal odor in man.
. . . Musk is the odor
. . .

which not only in the animals to which it has given a name, but in many others,
is a specifically sexual odor.'
A very curious and significant sidelight is thrown on the relation between sex
and smell in human beings by experiments carried out with a substance
nicknamed 'exaltolide'. When the chemical structure of muscone had been
established, 19231 a considerable number of synthetic substances were produced,
roughly similar to the natural product in composition and odour. Exaltolide is
one of these. Men were found to be incapable or scarcely capable of smelling it,
and so were girls before puberty; but women varied in their response, some
saying that they found the the smell feeble, while others described it as intense or
even 'violent'. It appeared that this depended on the stage of the menstrual cy-
cle at which the test was made. Women who had found the smell feeble during
menstruation became more sensitive to it in the course of the following days,
their response reaching a maximum 7-9 days before the next menstruation;
that is to say, at about the time of ovulation. 16961 When a female sex-hormone
(oestradiol benzoate) was injected into a man, his sensitivity to exaltolide was
markedly increased. 16971 It is to be hoped that these experiments, performed on
a small number of persons, will be repeated on a larger scale, and with other
substances related to muscone.

RACIAL DIFFERENCES IN THE DISTRIBUTION OF 4 GLANDS

The account that has been given in this chapter of the distribution of a-glands
over the surface of man's body refers to their situation in Europids, who
provided the material for all early studies of the subject. Further research has
shown that they are not developed to the same extent in all the races of man.
In some Negrids (and probably Europid-Negrid hybrids) a-glands are pre-
sent in the skin of the chest (away from the nipples). 509i They do not appear to
1

have been reported in this situation in Europids. They have also been found in
the skin of the abdomen of several Negroes, among the few who have been
examined for this peculiarity; they occur both above and below the navel. 1940.
5091 The abdominal skin of a very large number of Europids has been examined

microscopically with this subject in view,l51 but a-glands have been reported in
only three, in each case below the navel. 1509. 940l
Schiefferdecker reported the presence of o-glands in front of the ear of an
Australian aborigine (Fig. 23d).1940. 94ii They occur in this region in the
monkeys Cercopithecus and CynocephalusA^AQ.^AWhui have never been found
there in any other adult human being. Reports have been made on the a-glands
of the anal region in only two Australids, in both of whom they were power-
fully developed and constituted an 'anal organ', comparable with the axillary
organ.l 11561 It has been claimed that the a-glands of these two Australids were
similar to those of Europids described by Krause in 1 876,161 but actually the 1 1

latter devoted less than three lines to this subject, and his description is not
sufficiently detailed to act as a basis for interracial comparison. The fl-glands of
the mons pubis and nipple area are normal in the Australid.l i56i Further study i

will be necessary to establish whether differences occur regularly between

 ODOUR 171

Australids and Europids in the distribution and degree of development of the a-

glands.
From the racial point of view the most striking fact about the a-glands is
their weak development Mongolids. There is not necessarily a correlation
in the
here with the partial suppression of body-hair in Mongolids, for Negrids have
little of it, yet their a-glands are well developed. In the weak development of

both body-hair and a-glands the Mongolids have advanced furthest from the
ancestral prehuman condition, represented today (in much modified form) by
the apes and monkeys. The subject has been very thoroughly investigated by
Japanese workers, especially Adachi.[51 They have naturally carried out their
most extensive investigations on their fellow-countrymen, and this is rather un-
fortunate, because the Japanese are a somewhat heterogeneous and partly
hybrid people, who cannot be neatly assigned to a single subrace. Fundamen-
tally the type is Palaemongolid (the southern subrace of the Mongolids), but
there has been intermarriage with immigrants from Korea and elsewhere, and
in particular with the indigenous population of Ainuids. who are an offshoot of

the Europid race. Among the Koreans, who are chiefly Sinids of the local form
called by Liul675l 'Huanghoid' (see Appendix 1. p. 538), the reduction of the a-
glands has gone further than in any other people, so far as is known. In the
axilla of the Koreans the glands do not touch one another so as to make a com-
posite organ; indeed, it appears that in about half the population there are no a-
glands in the armpit at all. 151 Among the Japanese the o-glands are more
numerous in this situation than they are in the Koreans, but they are usually
too sparse to touch one another, and there is no axillary 'organ' visible to the
naked eye when the skin is viewed from the inner side. The glands are rarely
present on the mons pubis and labia maJora.\5] In these characters there is a
striking difference between Mongolid and Europid. There is, however, no sharp
difference in the development of the circumanal glands. There are no glands on
the chest (apart from the nipples) in the Japanese.151
The presence of a-glands has been reported in the skin of the mons pubis,
chest, and abdomen of a Chinese (presumably Sinid).l940i As in the Europids,
non-functional vestiges of a-glands are found in Mongolid embryos in
situations where they do not occur in the adult. 151

There is a remarkable correlation between the degree of development of the

axillary organ and the type of wax produced by the ceruminous glands. In
those races, such as the Negrid and Europid, in which the axillary organ is well
developed, the ear-wax is generally soft and sticky ("klebrig") (though dry ear-
wax does occur in some Europids). In the Mongolid race, in which the organ is
scarcely or not at all developed, the ear-wax is dry.l5l It will be remembered
that the wax is produced by modified a-glands (p. 167).

RACIAL DIFFERENCES IN BODY ODOUR

—
Only the endogenous odour that produced (directly or indirectly) by the
secretory processes of the body itself —
is considered here. The smell in ques-

tion is that which originates from the o-glands of the axillary organ and the
172 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
genito-anal region. The odour of semen is also endogenous, but there does not
appear to be any information about racial differences in it in the scientific
literature. The exogenous smells are not pertinent here. Their causes are
manifold, and the different customs of people in various parts of the world
result in diversity. Food decays between the teeth or in carious cavities in them,
and the smell of the breath is also affected by excretion through the lungs of
products of decay in the alimentary canal. Opium and tobacco have their dis-
tinctive effects, and so do external objects adhering as 'dirt' to the surface of
the body or to clothes. Beyond these are the innumerable substances deliber-
ately applied to the body for the sake of their odour. All these are irrelevant to
the subject under discussion, because they are not caused by genetic differences
between races (or if it is conceivable that in the case of some of them there may
be a genetic cause, it must be so indirect in action that no one could be sure of
its reality).

The distinction between endogenous and exogenous personal odours is

usually not [Link] exogenous ones, such as those of tobacco or opium,
are so familiar in the parts of the world where they are used that no one would
make the mistake of attributing to them an endogenous origin. The wood-
smoke of native huts, adhering to hair or clothing, cannot be mistaken for
body-odour. The various smells that contaminate the breath may vary with the
customs of different peoples, but one cannot fail to note that they emerge from
the mouth. Decaying skin between the toes announces the place of its origin,
far from any o-gland. Conversely, the location of axillary odours in the armpit
region of discarded clothing can be detected easily enough. The fact that
axillary secretion is usually poured out most freely in circumstances that
promote the secretion of ordinary sweat (from e-glands) also helps to confirm
that the source is endogenous. Doctors who concern themselves with the
elimination of body-odour (p. 173) can determine the place of origin of the
axillary secretion with certainty, by bringing the nose near the surface of the
bare body.
Most cosmetic scents, especially those that smell like flowers, could not be
confused with endogenous products. The only exceptions that might mislead
are scents that contain musk or substances with similar fragrance; but males
seldom anoint themselves with these, and the axillary secretion usually has
additional components that are not included in cosmetic preparations. There
are many remote parts of the world, too, where endogenous body-odour exists,
but the cosmetic scents of commerce do not.
The subject of ethnic differences in endogenous body-odour is necessarily
subjective, in view of our ignorance of the actual substances that produce the
smell. Nevertheless, despite the fact that the nose cannot undertake reliable
chemical identifications, it can often discriminate with extraordinary accuracy
(p. 168). This is a faculty in which people differ greatly. There are those whose
sense of smell has always been poor, while others who could at one time smell
acutely have damaged their olfactory receptors by smoking. If they give up this
habit and the organ recovers its original sensitivity, they may re-enter an
almost forgotten world of experience — not a very pleasant one on all oc-
casions.
 ODOUR 173

Persons whose sense of smell is acute are aware of axillary odour, and of
differences in its quality and intensity in different persons (and indeed in the
same person menstrual cycle). In
at different times, especially in relation to the
a few persons the acuity is astonishing, though probably
never approaches
it

that of the dog. A case was reported long ago of a monk at Prague who could
recognize people by smell as others do by sight. 1231 An ornithologist. Dr. Julius
Hoff'mann. is said to have demonstrated his ability to distinguish by smell alone
between carrion and hooded crows, which are commonly regarded as races of
a single species (see pp. 89-90).l547i
There are certain points that should be borne in mind
any consideration of
in
ethnic differences in odour. Since the a-glands respond to warmth by pouring
out their secretion, the native inhabitants of a tropical country might give the
impression of being exceptionally smelly, although the same persons, if living in
a cool climate, would not call attention to themselves in this way. Also, no one
can give off" an axillary smell the instant after he has washed off" the secretion of
the (7-glands with a suitable detergent, such as soap; but the inhabitant of a
tropical country, however cleanly in his habits, would begin to become smelly
more quickly after washing than a person living in a cool climate, if the odour
of the axillary secretion were equally strong in both cases. These remarks,
however, refer only to the intensity, not to the distinctive characters of the
smells.
There is. naturally enough, a correlation between the development of the

axillary organ and the smelliness of the secretion of this gland (and probably
this applies also to the a-glands of the genito-anal region). Briefly, the Europids
and Negrids are smelly, the Mongolids scarcely or not at all, so far as the
axillary secretion is concerned. Adachi. who has devoted more study to this
subject than anyone else, has summed up his findings in a single, short
sentence: 'The Mongolids are essentially an odourless or very slightly smelly
race with dry ear-wax. '15 Since most of the Japanese are free or almost free
1

from axillary smell, they are very sensitive to its presence, of which they seem
to have a horror. About 10% of Japanese have smelly axillae. This is attributed
to remote Ainuid ancestry, since the Ainu are invariably smelly, like most other
Europids, and a tendency to smelliness is known to be inherited among the
Japanese. 15 The existence of the odour is regarded among Japanese as a
1

disease, osmidrosis [Link].\^\}\ which warrants (or used to warrant) exemption

from military service. Certain doctors specialize in its treatment, and sufferers
are accustomed to enter hospital.
It might be supposed that Adachi and other Japanese scientists who have

written about the absence or feebleness of axillary smell in the Mongolid race
might have deceived themselves by possessing the particular odour themselves,
and thus tending to notice it less in others of their own race. The finding is con-
firmed, however, by Europids who have lived among them. For instance, a
lecturer in Japanese at Cambridge University, a Europid of British nationality,
writes as follows: 'An example of how little the Japanese smell is that when I
underwent a week's initiation in a mountain sect in which one of the austerities
was not washing, I experienced no discomfort although I was sleeping in a
room with seven [Japanesel men.'lii76l
174 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
The Tungus and Kalmuks (Tungid subrace of Mongolids) are said to be
devoid of axillary smell, almost without exception. I5| The lack of axillary smell
in the Tungus is all the more remarkable since they are said to be very careless
about cleanliness;l5l the same has been said of the Koreans. 1275I
There do not appear to be many records in the scientific literature about the
axillary smell, if any. of the 'typical' Chinese CChangkiangids' of Liu;l675l see
Appendix 1. p. 538). Adachi claims that only 2% or 3% of 'Chinese' have any
axillary smell. 151 Hue states that they have a distinctive odour of musk. 15201 This
is accepted by certain authorities. 1268. 3091 Musk, if unaccompanied by any
other odour, would be agreeable to Europids. Havelock Ellis quotes a Chinese
drama in which a young lover addresses a poem specifically to the odour of his
betrothed's armpits. 1309i
The lack or feebleness of axillary smell among the Tungus. Kalmuks,
Koreans, and Japanese seems to be shared by the Sibirids (northern
Mongolids). Georg Steller, the naturalist who accompanied Bering in the
exploration of the Straits that bear the latter's name, remarked on the freedom
from smell of the inhabitants of Kamchatka (Itelmes or Kamchadales), who
belong to the Sibirid subrace. In his book published in 1774, Steller wrote of
them, 'They are not disposed to perspiration, and consequently are without any
of the usual smell of sweat.'l 1006I

There can be no doubt that to persons of certain other races, the axillary
smell of Europids is strong and unpleasant. Adachi has written, 'Vor allem

riecht der Korper der weissen Rasse,^\5\ but it must be mentioned that he did
not himself study all the major races of man. In the New Hebrides, the native
inhabitants (Melanesids) had no inhibition about speaking to me of 'smell
belong white man'. There is a curious statement by Le Cat, the French
physiologist of the eighteenth century, to the effect that the Negroes
(presumably slaves) living in the Antilles could distinguish the smell left behind
by a Frenchman from that left by Negroes, and could thus determine whether a
Frenchman or a Negro had passed by. 1921 There would not appear to be any
information in the scientific literature about the repulsiveness or attractiveness
of the Europid axillary odour to Negrids.
Hue says that the Chinese detect a special odour in Europeans, but that this
is less noticeable to them than that of other peoples with whom they come in

contact. When remote parts of their country in Chinese disguise he

travelling in
himself was never recognized as a foreigner except by dogs, which must have
been aware of the strangeness of his smell, for they barked at him in-
cessantly. I5201 The native inhabitants of Peru (Andid subrace of South
American 'Indians') are said to distinguish the odour of Europeans from that of
Negroes and from their own. and to have a special word for each of the three
smells. 1221
The German anthropologist von Eickstedt considered that the Europid smell
was particularly strong in people of the Nordid subrace and other subraces of
northern and central Europe. He remarked that the smell was pleasant to per-
sons of the same race, but that to the Japanese it seemed 'pungent and
rancid'. 3021
1
 ODOUR 175

It has already been mentioned that all persons of unmixed Ainuid stock have
axillary [Link] The Galla, dark-skinned Europids of the Aethiopid subrace
(pp. 225-6), have no trace of the special smell of the Negrid. 15791

There seems to be general agreement that Europids find the smell of Negrids
strong and markedly different from their own. The authors of earlier centuries
remarked on this subject with greater freedom than those of the present day.
Thus Henry Home, in his Sketches of the histon of man, refers to the 'rank
smeir of Negroes. 15081 In a work published in the same year (1 774), The history
of Jamaica, Long says that the Negroes are distinguished by their 'bestial or
fetid smell, which they all have to a greater or lesser degree. This scent in. . .

some of them is so excessively strong that it continues in places where they

. . .

have been near a quarter of an hour.'l678l A doctor named Schotte. living on an

island near the mouth of the River Senegal in West Africa to attend to the
soldiers of a French garrison, wrote at some length on the same subject. He
describes the sweat of the native inhabitants during the rainy season as
'remarkably fetid', and mentions also the 'foul and nasty vapours' arising from
the skin of most of them. He notes that they were continually washing
themselves, and that the smell could only be due to the sweat itself. The 'fetor'
of the Europeans on the island was 'not to be compared to that of the
blacks'. 1946]

Sir Harry Johnston, traveller and colonial administrator, remarks that the
smell of the Negro 'is sometimes offensive to an appalling degree, rendering it
well nigh impossible to remain in a closed room with him'. He notes that the
smelly secretion comes from the armpits and is more oily than ordinary
sweat.15551 Similarly the explorer Du Chaillu writes of certain villagers
(Palaenegrids) in Gabon, 'Almost every day a party of men and women crowd
into my hut to see my stuffing operations, and scarcely are they there than I
have to leave it, the odour is so unsufferably sickening.'! 2001
Havelock Ellis, in The psychology of sex, says that the powerful odour of
Negroes is well known, and has been described as 'ammoniacal and rancid; it is
like the odour of the he-goat'. I309l It is stated by Adachi that all Negroes are
smelly to the Japanese, and that the smell is very repulsive to them.151
Certain anthropologists have made similar observations. Deniker simply
remarks that Negroes have their 'specific odour', which is not abolished, so he
says, even by scrupulous cleanliness. 12681 Professor W. Joest studied the so-
called 'Buschneger' of Guiana; that is to say, the descendants of imported
Negro slaves, living in freedom in the primeval forest. He commends them
highly, remarking that the worst evil with which he could reproach them '. ist . .

ihr Geruch: sie stinken furchtbarl'lssM He lays emphasis on their cleanliness.

The smell, he says more mildly, is 'not congenial' to Europeans. Joest mentions
that Negroes (some of them presumably hybrids) living in Haiti, Washington,
and Berlin smell to him like those of Guiana. Many records of the strong smell
of Negroes to persons of other races are quoted by the German anthropologist
Andree.1221 He mentions that the Masai of East Africa, who belong to the
Aethiopid subrace of the Europids and are thus quite distinct from typical
Negroes, find the smell of the coastal natives 'verhaszt' (odious).
176 THE BIOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
1 nere information about the differences between the axillary smells of
is little

the various subraces of Negrids. The natives of Angola (Palaenegrid subrace)

have been stated to have a particularly strong smell, while those of Senegal
(Sudanid subrace) have been described as less smelly to Europeans than other
Negroes. 16781 This seems to conflict with the evidence of Schotte,l946l unless the
latter was referring to labourers imported to his island from other parts of
Africa. Emin Pasha claimed to be able to distinguish different Negro tribes by
smell. 13091
One must remember that all these comments on the axillary odour of
Negroes are subjective and were made by persons belonging to other races.
There can, however, be scarcely any doubt that the characteristic odour of
Negrids is different from that of Europids. Even Ludwig Wolf, who denies that
the natives of Angola emit an unpleasant smell, allows that Negroes in general
have a particular odour that differs from that of Europeans and also from that
of Indianids (American 'Indians').! i46l i

The smell of the Australids (Australian aborigines) is said not to be very

strong (see, however, p. 296). Horses, cattle, and dogs appear to distinguish it

from that of Europeans. If unaccustomed to it, they are reported to show signs
of restlessness when approached by an unseen aborigine.l22l

When all this has been said, there remain certain unresolved problems about

the endogenous odours of man. Further research is needed, especially on the

differences in the distribution of a-glands, and in the chemical composition of
the scented substances they produce, in the various ethnic taxa of man. It
might be possible, by the use of bacteriostatic agents, to find out whether the
non-fetid component of the scent differs in chemical composition in the several
races and subraces. These are matters for the future; but it may not be un-
profitable to suggest the direction in which the evidence at present available
points.
seems strange that the odour produced by men and women of the same
It

ethnic taxon should be the same and that it should have a sexually alluring
effect. One might, indeed, think it an analogous case, if men were attracted by
bearded women; but one must remember the strong evidence that musk
possesses a general property of stimulating sexual instincts, and that the non-
fetid component of the axillary scent of man is thought by many to smell like
musk. Civet-cats of both sexes produce the smell; so do musk-rats; so
(more or less) do men and women of the same ethnic taxon (except that there is
in some cases a special smell in women at the menstrual period, not necessarily
originating from the a-glands). The facts suggest that in all three cases
something in addition to sexual allurement may be involved. The axillary odour
may perhaps act rather like the substances produced by the metatarsal glands
of deer, as ancillary guides to the recognition of 'own kind'.
I have already mentioned some of the reasons for supposing that the axillary

odour of man was formerly much more noticeable than it is today. Not only
were facilities for personal cleanliness less readily available than they are now,
but sensitivity to smell must have been more widespread when the smoking of
 ODOUR 177

tobacco had not yet been introduced. One must also remember that the skulls
of fossil hominids show that there has been progressive diminution in the
capacity of the nasal cavities and in the size of the olfactory centres of the
[Link] considerations make it likely that the axillary odour was more im-
portant in the sexual and social lives of our remote ancestors than it is today;
and differences in the odour between one group of mankind and another may
have played a part in the avoidance of miscegenation and therefore in the
evolution of the ethnic taxa.
PART THREE

Studies of Selected
Human Groups
 11 Introduction to Part 3

Several GROUPS of human beings have been selected for special

consideration in this Part of the book, each to illustrate a different aspect of the
ethnic problem. A certain amount of physical anthropology will enter into most
of the chapters of this Part, and some of them will be concerned with nothing
else. It is necessary to consider here the relevance of this branch of
anthropology to the ethnic problem.
There has unfortunately been a tendency for physical and social
anthropologists to draw somewhat apart, as though the interests of one set of
students did not impinge directly on those of the other. This tendency has in-
creased inrecent years, but it is by no means new. It was recognized and
regretted by T. H. Huxley long ago. He complained that those ethnologists
who have been least naturalists have most neglected the zoological
. . .

method, the neglect culminating in those who have been altogether devoid of
acquaintance with anatomy. ... it is plain that the zoological court of appeal
is the highest for the ethnologist, and that no evidence can be set against that

derived from physical characters. 1536]

In Chapter 9 emphasis was laid on the relative unimportance of skin colour
in the distinction of human taxa (pp. 159—60). The subject needs re-emphasis
at this point, one repeatedly finds mankind divided into 'white' and
for
'coloured' in popular speech and writing, and sometimes it is actually stated
that there is no difference between races except in the colour of the skin.
Nevertheless, it is obvious that such statements are untrue. Novelists, untrained
in physical anthropology, often provide vivid thumbnail sketches that pick out
some of the characters, apart from the colour of the skin, that distinguish per-
sons belonging to particular subraces. For instance, in his novel A nest of
gentlefolk, Turgenev gives a description that leaves one in no doubt that
Lavretsky bore the essential physical features of an Osteuropid. The novelist
evidently considered this subrace as especially characteristic of Russia (as in-
deed it is, over a considerable part of the country), for he writes of Lavretsky's
'red-cheeked, typically Russian face, with large, white forehead, rather fat nose,
and wide, straight lips. ... He was splendidly built and his blond hair curled on
his head as on a youth.'li07i] Turgenev mentions also that his eyes were blue.
Lavretsky was born on his family's estate in Byezhetsk, in the typically
Osteuropid region, and both his mother and his paternal grandmother were
local women. [1071. i070i
Lermontov was as perceptive as Turgenev of the physical features that most
evidently characterize certain subraces of the Europid race. In his semi-
autobiographical novel A hero of our time he gives a brief physical description
182 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
of Lieutenant Vulich, the fatalist who risked his life for a bet in a variant form
of 'Russian roulette'. His words strongly suggest a Dinarid, for he remarks on
Vulich's 'tall stature and the swarthy complexion of his face, his black hair,
black piercing eyes, and large but straight nose, typical of his nation'.l655,654l
Serbia is populated principally by Dinarids, and the physical anthropologist is
not surprised to read that the gambler was a Serb.
The question arises, why so many people say or imply that the races differ
only in skin-colour, when this is obviously untrue. Those who minimize racial
differences, by speaking as though the only distinction between a European
and (for instance) a Chinese or a Negro were one of skin-colour, appear unwit-
tingly to admit that recognition of the more fundamental differences that
actually exist might affect people's views on the ethnic problem; for it might be
regarded as unlikely that such differences could coexist with exact similarity in
the parts of the body concerned with thought and feeling.
This idea would be strengthened by the well-known fact that 'identical'
twins —
those who develop from the same fertilized ovum and therefore carry
the same set of genes —
usually show marked resemblances to one another not
only in physical but also in mental characters. This subject has been studied in
great detail in the U.S.A. by H. H. Newman and his colleagues, who made a
statistical investigation of the resemblances and differences between members
of pairs of identical twins, in comparison with the resemblances and differences
between members of those pairs of twins, called 'fraternal', who originate from
separate ova and therefore do not resemble one another more closely than
ordinary brothers or sisters, except in age. This study was carried out on fifty
pairs of fraternal twins (each member of a pair being in every case of the same
sex) and fifty pairs of identical twins. The members of each pair had been
brought up together in the same environment. It was found that identical twins
often differ from one another in the rather ill-defined character called 'per-
sonality'. For instance, it was found quite usual for one of the pair to show
more initiative than the other in dealing with strangers. In intelligence and
educational achievement, however, identical twins were found to be much more
one another than fraternal ones. In these and certain other respects (such
like
as quality and speed of handwriting)'it is obvious that the twins who have the

same inheritance are the more alike. This conclusion seems clearly
. . .

warranted. '17981 It follows that the physical similarity of the identical twins
(established by elaborate criteria) was correlated with similarity in important
mental attributes. It is particularly to be noted that Newman and his colleagues
were studying variations within families. Fraternal twins, like ordinary brothers
and sisters, inherit many of the same genes from their parents, and therefore
tend to be more like one another than unrelated persons. If the resemblances
and differences between members of pairs of identical twins had been com-
pared with those between unrelated persons, the tendency towards mental
similarity, resulting from the possession of the same genes, would have revealed
itself even more clearly. The reader is referred to Chapter 24 (pp. 459-67) for a
much closer study of the role of the genetic element in determining mental
characters.
The idea that the existence of manifold physical differences between certain
 INTRODUCTION TO PART 3 183

ethnic taxa makes it probable that there are also inborn differences of mental
potentiality, is by no means confined to persons untrained in biological science.
As Professor H. Muller has written, 'To the great majority of geneticists it
J.

seems absurd to suppose that psychological characteristics are subject to en-

tirely different laws of heredity or development than other biological
characteristics. Psychological comparisons of fraternal and identical twins
. . .

have provided one type of empirical evidence in support of this conclusion. '|7791
Very similar ideas have been expressed by Professor Sir Ronald Fisher:
It appears to me unmistakable that gene differences which influence the

growth or physiological development of an organism will ordinarily pari

passu influence the congenital inclinations and capacities of the mind. In
fact, I should say that 'Available scientific knowledge provides a firm
. . .

basis for believing that the groups of mankind differ in their innate capacity
for intellectual and emotional development,' seeing that such groups do differ
undoubtedly in a very large number of these genes. 13371
It is, indeed, scarcely possible to believe that two ethnic taxa, differing from

one another in many genes affecting various parts of the body, could be iden-
tically similar in all those genes that affect the development and function of the
nervous and sensory systems. For this reason it is relevant to the ethnic
problem to consider the extent to which the taxa of man differ in their physical
characters. Some general indications of the nature and extent of the physical
differences between the taxa of man are therefore provided in Chapter 12.
As a concrete example of the physical characters that distinguish a human
race, the Europids are considered in some detail in Chapter 13. Two of the
Europid subraces are also compared, to give an impression of the extent of sub-
racial differences. Hybridity between the subraces, and between the Europid
and other races, is also discussed.
To clarify more exactly what is and what is not an ethnic taxon of man,
attention is next turned to group-names that are often used but do not qualify
as names of taxa. Certain categories of human beings are named in common
speech, and even described under terms — such as 'race' — that would suggest a
taxon, when in fact they are nothing of the sort, but only groups of people
associated by nationality, territory, language, religion, or customs.* To make
this clear, the Jews are studied in Chapter 14. It is shown that although some
Jews belong to various ethnic taxa, a large proportion of them have many
physical characters in common that place them in a particular taxon that also
includes many who are not Jews.
The same theme pursued in Chapter 15. It is shown that the word 'Celt'
is

has been used with several different meanings. The 'Celtae'' of Julius Caesar
can indeed be referred to a particular subrace, but the name of Celt has also
been used to mean those who practised a particular culture in past times, or oc-
cupied a particular territory, or speak a particular language (or formerly spoke
it). Emphasis is placed on the fact that groups of human beings throw no light

* It is true that certain named territories are inhabited principally by people of a particular
ethnic taxon (for instance, Serbia by Dinarids, or the New Hebrides by Melanesids); but it
seldom happens that the taxa in question are restricted to such territories.
184 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
on the ethnic problem unless they constitute ethnic taxa recognizable by the
criteria of physical anthropology.
In Chapter 16 the Australids (Australian aborigines) are subjected to rather
close scrutiny for the light they may throw on the question whether any human
taxon, still surviving at the present day, shows in its physical characters any
traces that would indicate closer links with man's remote, semi-human
ancestors than those shown by other taxa.
The subject of paedomorphosis has already been introduced in Chapter 8 in
preparation for a discussion of its relevance to man in Chapter 17, in which the
very remarkable anatomical peculiarities of the Bushmen, and especially of the
Bushwomen, are described and illustrated.
The physical characters of the Negrids are mentioned only briefly. Members
of this race are studied in Chapters 18-21 mainly from the point of view of the
social anthropologist interested in their progress towards civilization at a time
when they were still scarcely influenced, over a large part of their territory, by
direct contact with members of more advanced ethnic taxa.
 12 Physical differences between
the ethnic taxa of man:
Introductory remarks

PRIMARY AND SECONDARY CHARACTERS

A CONSIDERABLE section of Chapter 8 of this book was devoted to the
meaning of the expression 'typical forms', used in descriptions of the taxa of
animals. It was pointed out that the almost infinite diversity of form en-
countered in animals makes definitions of taxa vague and useless if they cover
every individual but that the process of induction makes it possible to
recognize the more typical forms of each taxon. and then to appreciate the
smaller and greater deviations from the typical.
There are. however, also certain characters in which the ethnic taxa exhibit
dimorphism; that is to say, some members of a particular taxon show a certain
character that is lacking, and replaced by another, in other members of the
same taxon. The dimorphic forms live and breed together in the same area. In a
sense, the two sexes might be regarded as dimorphic forms, but it is not
customary to extend the meaning of the word to cover this very special case.
There are often several characteristic forms of the same ethnic taxon; if so, one
speaks of polymorphism. In certain species of butterflies the males all resemble
one another, while the females are polymorphic, showing characteristic
differences in the shapes of their wings and in the patterns on them. In man.
however, the same polymorphic forms occur in both sexes.
Polymorphism often exhibits itself not in externally visible characters, but in
the chemical properties of the blood and other body-fluids. An example from
man, concerned with racial differences,may be quoted by way of introduction
to thisimportant subject.
The fluid part (plasma) of human blood contains substances called hap-
toglobins that have the capacity to combine chemically with haemoglobin, the
substance inside the red corpuscles that gives the colour to blood and carries
oxygen from the lungs to all parts of the body. The haptoglobins may be ob-
tained from the serum when blood has been allowed to clot. The significance of
the haptoglobins is rather obscure. They cannot ordinarily come in direct con-
tact with haemoglobin; but if a red blood-corpuscle is damaged or decays, the
haemoglobin will escape into the plasma and the haptoglobin will combine with
it and prevent it from being excreted by the kidneys. There are two chemically

distinct typesof haptoglobin in human blood, called Hp and Hp 2. The

1

former due to the possession of the gene Hp'. the latter to Hp-. Each human
is

being may possess Hp' in double dose, or Hp^ in double dose, or single doses
of Hp' and Hp^. Some people have no haptoglobin in their blood, apparently as
186 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
a result of the presence in double dose of a recessive suppressor gene, which
prevents the synthesis of both types of haptoglobin. Thus there are four types
of persons as regards the presence of haptoglobin in the plasma of their blood.
Some have Hp 1 only, some Hp 2 only, others both Hp 1 and Hp 2, yet others
have neither.
The percentage of people of these four types differs significantly in different
races. A group of Europids (British), for instance, was compared in this respect
with a group of Nigerian Negrids of the Yoruba tribe (Pan 2 —
see pp. 328-9
and 33 1-3 — modified by hybridization with Hausa).l i3l The percentage in each
category is expressed (to the nearest unit) in the table shown here.
 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES 187

Each reproductive cell (spermatozoon or ovum) can only carry one of these genes: a
gene making for 'A' or one for 'B' or one for 'O'. It will be understood that a person
belonging to group 'AB' has received the gene for 'A' from one parent and that for 'B'
from the other. One might express the facts by the percentages of the reproductive cells
carrying each gene, but it is customary to state the 'gene-frequencies' in figures adding
up to 1-0 instead of 100. These frequencies can by the application
easily be calculated

of simple algebraical equations, if the percentages of persons belonging to each of the

four blood-groups is known. [870, 4721 The frequency of the gene for 'A' is represented by
the symbol p\ for 'B' by q\ and for 'O' by r. Gene-frequencies will be quoted here and
there in this book.
The frequencies of the genes responsible for the ABO blood-groups of the Ecuador
Andids studied by Santiana worked out at these very unusual figures: p, 0-019; q,
0-007; r, 0-974. The case is remarkable, even for a subrace of Indianids, among whom
a high percentage of persons belonging to group 'O' is quite usual.
The very strange gene-frequency in the ABO
blood-groups of Andids almost
persuades one to regard group 'O' as a primary character of the subrace. One
cannot fail to notice the striking difference in this respect from most other
ethnic taxa. in which there is no question of any particular blood-group being
a primary character. For instance, among the Sikhs (Nordindid subrace of
Europids). the following percentages of persons belonging to groups in the
ABO series have been reported: 'A'. 25-2; 'B', 30-6; 'AB\ 8; 'O', 35-3.19531 It is
obviously impossible to say to which group a typical Nordindid belongs, or to
use the blood-group of an individual as evidence of his subrace. As soon,
however, as the gene-frequencies of Nordindids have been determined, by study
of many individuals referred to this subrace on the evidence of morphological
characters, they may be recognized as a significant secondary character of the
subrace (of which most Sikhs are particularly typical examples).
Blood-grouping can be used negatively in some cases to make it practically certain

than an individual does not belong to a particular ethnic group. If, for example, one
knew nothing about someone except that he (or she) belonged to the group 'A2' in the

ABO series and to V (=cde/cde) in the Rhesus, one could exclude the possibility that
he was an Andid. (He might well be a Laplander, for these rather unusual blood-groups
occur fairly commonly among the Lappids.)

Some of the human blood-groups are found in apes; and as J. B. S. Haldane

remarked many years ago, 'Hence comes the paradoxical fact that it may be
no more dangerous to have a transfusion of blood from a chimpanzee than
from your own brother.'l4591 Another very curious similarity between particular
human beings and particular chimpanzees may be quoted. It concerns the
sense of taste.
Dr. A. L. Fox, working in an industrial chemical laboratory in Wilmington.
Delaware, had occasion to prepare a quantity of phenyl-thio-urea. This is a
colourless substance, crystallizing from hot water in the form of needles. A
colleague working in the same laboratory complained of the bitter taste of the
dust. Dr. Fox repudiated the complaint; he found the crystals of his prepara-
tion tasteless. His colleague tasted them and found them 'extremely bitter'.

Many peoples of both sexes, various ages, and different races were then tested.
188 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Some of them were found to be 'tasters' of phenyl-thiourea, others 'non-
tasters' — the latter being persons unaware of the presence of the substance
when dissolved at concentrations that produced unpleasant bitterness for the
'tasters'. 13551 (It is a remarkable fact that the substance is chemically related to
another used as a commercial sweetening agent.)
In the same year (1932) in which Dr. Fox published his results, two indepen-
dent papers appeared, reporting on the genetics of the capacity to taste phenyl-
thio-urea. 1986. 1021 The deficiency of taste appeared to be a simple recessive
character, though there were certain minor complications due to the age and
sex of the subjects tested and the range of concentrations at which the tests
were performed. These early reports were substantially correct. Inability to
taste phenyl-thio-urea, when dissolved at a carefully selected concentration, is

in fact a simple recessive character. 17361 In countries where Europids

predominate, 30% or more of the population are commonly non-tasters. 1736, 9531
It was discovered by experiments carried out in zoological collections at

Edinburgh, London, and Whipsnade, that chimpanzees (probably of the race

Pan satyrus verus) are also divisible into tasters and non-tasters. 13391 Of the 27
specimens of both sexes that were tested, seven (26%) were non-tasters. It is
presumed that the gene concerned is the same as that which controls the tasting
of the substance by man.
The ease with which the test can be applied has resulted in the supply of
information on the subject from almost every part of the world. Among Sinids
(Chinese), examined in their own country and in various parts of the world, the
proportion of non-tasters is usually less than 10%. Among the Chinese of
Taiwan (Formosa), for instance, only about 6 4% are non-tasters.li97| Some of
the aboriginal tribes of the same island, who appear to belong to the
Palaemongolid subrace, show an even lower percentage of non-tasters. In the
Paiwan tribe they amount to only 2% (ten persons among 300 women and 199
men). 1197] It is obvious that in respect of taste-deficiency, the Europids are
much closer to the chimpanzee than to the Sinids and Paiwan people; yet no
one would claim that this resemblance gives a true representation of
relationship. The morphological resemblances between human beings of
diverse groups altogether outweigh the trivial evidence provided by the frequen-
cies of a pair of allelomorphic genes controlling a polymorphic character.
The Paiwan tribe occupies the southernmost part of the island. It is a curious but un-
explained fact that as one goes north in the island, one finds in general a higher and
among the aboriginal tribes.
higher proportion of non-tasters
The subject of dimorphism and polymorphism involving pairs or larger
groups of allelomorphic genes is so important that yet another example will be
It is well known that a disease called 'sickle-cell anaemia' is common
given.
among Negrids over a wide tract of tropical Africa. 19731 It is characterized by a
tendency of the red blood-corpuscles to assume a crescentic shape, and the red
colouring matter in them is very slightly different from the normal in chemical
composition. The condition is determined by a gene which may be present in
single or double dose. If the latter, the person usually dies in childhood, but in
single dose (that is, if both the normal and abnormal genes are present) a
certain degree of resistance to malaria results. In 1952 sickle-cell anaemia was
 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES 189

reported from southern India among a tribe known as the Irula, a jungle people
practising a simple culture. Thewas observed in no fewer than 30% of
trait

those whose blood was examined. [6491 The Irula are Weddids: that is to say,
they are of the same taxon as the Veddahs of Ceylon. To account for the
presence of this peculiarity among a very different people, it has been suggested
that this stock spread in ancient days to Africa, and that it was they who in-
troduced the sickle gene into the Negrid population of that continent, by
intermarriage. 16491 Singer, who has made a comprehensive study of the
distribution of the sickle-cell trait, thinks it just as likely that the Negrids
brought it to India; but he allows that it may have arisen independently in more
than one place. 19731 This, indeed, seems the most likely explanation. One must
always be on the look-out for the possibility of independent mutation,
whenever two apparently unrelated ethnic taxa resemble one another by the
fact that some individuals in both groups reveal the presence of the same gene.
It is quite possible that the sickle gene appeared by mutation in Africa and

independently in southern India, and was maintained by natural selection in

certain malarious districts. The Weddids are very different morphologically
from Negrids. The nose is wide, but this is so in various unrelated ethnic taxa
of man.
Evidence from blood-groups does not support the suggestion of genetic relationship
between Weddids and Negrids. The gene-complex cDe of the Rhesus system is
frequent among Negrids. but did not occur at all in the Weddid populations studied by
Lehmann and Cutbush, who included 100 Irulas in their investigation. 19491 CDE, on the
contrary, unknown among Negrids. but was found in five of the Irulas.
is

There no doubt that a gene can spread widely through a population, even
is

if actually harmful. That which causes the disease known as hereditary

variegate porphyria provides a striking example. It produces an inborn error of
metabolism.
A substance called uroporphyrin III plays an essential role in the synthesis
of haemoglobin in the normal human body. A very small amount of a closely
related substance called uroporphyrin I is present as well, but plays no part in
the process. In some persons, however, this type of uroporphyrin is formed in
large amounts. Unable to participate in the synthesis of haemoglobin, it is
excreted by the kidneys and gives rise to coloured substances that make the
urine look like port wine.1265. i044|

Hereditary variegate porphyria occurs among the Europid population of

South Africa. Patients commonly suffer from severe colic and sensitivity of the
skin to light; they tend to become acutely anxious. Paralysis may supervene,
resulting in some cases in death.
Thousands of people have inherited this disease from a single common
ancestor who
married at the Cape in 1688. The gene expresses itself as a
Mendelian dominant. The facts have been established by the painstaking
medical and genealogical studies of Dr. G. Dean. 265 If mutation were to
1 1

produce the same gene in some other ethnic taxon, it might give rise to a mis-
leading impression that the two taxa were closely related, since they possessed
this secondary character in common. Care must be taken in human taxonomy
to avoid errors arising from independent mutation.
190 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
When once a taxon has been defined on the evidence of primary characters,
the frequency of the genes that control blood-groups, haptoglobins, and other
biochemical properties of individuals may be stated as secondary characters of
that taxon; but one does not know among which people to count the genes, un-
til the taxon has been defined. For instance, one might count the genes among

'Russians', and this has indeed been done; but the count would not serve to
define any taxon. The peoples of Russia are very diverse, including as they do
not only several subraces of Europids (Osteuropids, Alpinids, Dinarids,
Armenids, and others), but also two subraces of Mongolids (Sibirids and
Tungids). It is true, of course, that since few representatives of these taxa exist
in Holland (for instance), one finds a sharp difference between the frequencies
of blood-group genes in Holland and Russia (see p. 243); but one cannot
reasonably lump together all the diverse peoples of Russia, simply because they
all happen to live in the same country. It has been claimed that 'To the

geneticist, a race is a population which differs from other populations in the

frequency of its genes. '[291 If this were so, the Russians would be one race, the
Dutch another, despite the fact that the Europid Russians are obviously much
more closely allied to the Dutch than they are to the Mongolids of Russia. The
mistake would be comparable to the one mentioned in Chapter 7, of lumping
together all the crested newts of Romania and taking the average of their
characters, when in fact three subraces exist in that country, and two of them
extend widely outside it.
Each of the differences that enable one to distinguish all the most typical
individuals of any one taxon from those of another is due, as a general rule, to
the action of polygenes; that is to say, to the action of numerous genes, having
small cumulative effects. If members of two ethnic taxa are mated together, and
the offspring again mated, it is usual to find that the distinguishing primary
characters of the parental types do not 'segregate' or reappear separately
among the progeny, but that intermediates are produced, generation after
generation. Whenever this occurs, one may suspect that polygenes control the
distinctive characters of the parental taxa. The genes that control the blood-
groups and other polymorphic characters are readily analysed by the conven-
tional techniques of genetics, but polygenes present great difficulties. I have
remarked elsewhere on this unfortunate paradox, that the better the evidence of
relationship or distinction between ethnic taxa, the less susceptible are the facts
to genetic analysis. |47| In animals, where appropriate matings can be made,
genetic and chromosomal analysis of polygenes is in some cases a
possibility, 17121 but in man the difficulties are very great and can rarely be sur-
mounted, and then only by unusual genetical techniques.! ioo7. loosi (See pp.
158-9.)
Because polymorphism lends itself so readily to genetical analysis, the
geneticistis almost forced to concentrate his attention on genes that are shared

between different taxa, and differ from one taxon to another only by their
frequency. Thus by concentrating his attention on the genes of polymorphism,
he may tend to underestimate the differences between taxa. Polygenes, on the
contrary, affect morphological characters that distinguish the taxa, and are
only accessible to genetical analysis in particular cases and by special methods.
 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES 191

The whole taxonomy, from species upwards through

vast system of animal
genera, families, and so on till phylum is reached, is based mainly on
finally the
evidence derived from morphological studies. At present it is almost impossible
to institute a genetical analysis of the causes that underlie the differences
between the various higher taxa, because the necessary experiments would
require interfertility between members of these taxa. which generally does not
exist. This fact, however, does not invalidate the mainly morphological basis of
taxonomy. The principles on which the classification of animals has been built
up do not suddenly become invalid when one passes down from the species or
Formenkreis to the race. This would indeed be unthinkable, since, as we have
seen in Chapter 5-7, there is no sharp line of demarcation that distinguishes
the race from the next higher taxon.
Nothing that has been said here is intended to disparage the genetical
analysis of polymorphism. Where gene-frequencies have been studied in ethnic
taxa that have already been established on the basis of primary characters,
they have often added a wealth of valuable information. Damage is only done
when obviously heterogeneous populations are treated by geneticists as though
they were homogeneous. It is very much to be hoped that methods will be
devised to analyse genetically the polygenes that are the underlying cause of
the primary characters by which typical members of the various ethnic taxa are
distinguished. Indeed, one hopes that eventually it will be possible, through
some technique that cannot at present be imagined, to analyse the differences
between all the taxa of animals from the subrace to the phylum, in terms of the

genes that must constitute the underlying cause.

It is far from being true that the type of polymorphism studied by geneticists

is alone in providing the secondary characters of the various ethnic taxa of

man. Many characters, well known to physical anthropologists but not

analysed genetically, occur in a certain percentage of persons belonging to par-
ticular taxa, but are rare orunknown in other taxa. For instance, the arrange-
ment of the bones at the sides of the head in the region called the pterion in
some cases shows a resemblance to that characteristic of the gorilla and certain
other apes. This arrangement is much commoner among Australids
(Australian aborigines) than among Europids, but the majority of Australids
resemble the Europids in this respect. A tendency for the 'simian' or anthropoid
arrangement to present itself is thus a secondary character of the Australids
(see p. 298). Similarly, about 15% of Sinids (Chinese) have a bony swelling or
torus on the inner (lingual) side of the lower jaw (mandible), generally reaching
its largest size in the vicinity of the canine or 1st premolar tooth. 227] Since this
1

swelling is rare in several other ethnic taxa, the tendency to produce it is a

secondary character of the Sinids.
The torus is a secondary character in most of those ethnic taxa in which it
occurs, but we would perhaps be justified in saying that the typical Eskimid
has this peculiar bump on his mandible. If so, it would seem to be a primary
character of the taxon, and comparable, in a wide sense, with the blood-group
'O' among the Andids. It is to be noticed that the distinction between primary
and secondary characters, though valid in most cases, is not necessarily ab-
solute.
192 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

THE SKULL IN TAXONOMY

There are several reasons why the skull provides primary characters that are
particularly valuable to the taxonomist in his task of distinguishing the ethnic
taxa of man. The external features of the body do indeed supply useful
evidence, but they are subject to the disadvantage that the deposit of 'adipose
tissue, especially in the face, may hide distinctive characters that would
otherwise be obvious. All the soft parts of the body, being subject to decay,
require the permission of relatives and immediate skilful treatment, if they are
to be made available for study. Bones are much more readily obtainable, not
only from graves and ossuaries, but also, in fossil form, from more ancient
sources; and they provide the greater part of all the direct evidence we have of
man's evolution. Of the various parts of the skeleton, the skull is the most
valuable to the physical anthropologist, not only because it is more commonly
found and made available in museums than the rest, but also because it con-
sists of so many bones and teeth, many of which are of distinctive form in

different taxa. The only disadvantage of this part of the skeleton, from the point
of view of the taxonomist, is the fact that certain peoples are accustomed to
deform it artificially during childhood; but reasonable care should prevent the
possibility of error arising from this cause.
More than three centuries have elapsed since Dr. Thomas Browne, already
well-known as the author of Religio medici, remarked on the fact that one
could readily distinguish the skull of a Negro. He made this observation in a lit-
tle book, Hydriotaphia or urne-burialU published in 1658, in which he dis-

cussed the conclusions that may be drawn about the appearance of persons
when alive, from study of the skeletons found in their graves. 'A critical view of
bones', he wrote, 'makes a good distinction of sexes. Even colour is not beyond
conjecture; since it is hard to be deceived in the distinction of Negro's
sculls.'lisil Unfortunately Browne did not enumerate the criteria by which
he made the distinctions, nor did he in the second edition,! i52l nor in that of
1669.11531 In the Everyman edition of a selection of Browne's writings,! i54l a
footnote added, apparently attributed to Browne himself, to the effect that
is

the skulls of Negroes were distinguishable by the thickness of the bones; but
other differences are so much more obvious that this is perhaps an interpola-
tion by some other hand. In the next century Blumenbach made an observation
to the same effect as Browne's. 'It is so evident', he remarked, 'that an intimate
relation exists between the external face and its underlying bony structure, that
even a blind man, if only he had some notion of the very great difference by
which the Mongolian face is distinguished from the Ethiopian, would un-
doubtedly be able, by touch alone, to distinguish the skull of a Kalmuk from
that ofa Negro.'! 108!
Within any particular taxon there are naturally variations in the form of the
skull, but valuable generalizations can usually be made about the differences in
this respect between one taxon and another. It would scarcely be possible to
write better sense on this subject that did Blumenbach himself (though it might
be wished that he had composed this passage in less clumsy Latin, lending itself
more readily to literal translation into English):
 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES 193

It iscertainly obvious that the shapes of skulls, not less than the colours
. . .

of the skin and other variations of this sort in individual persons, are oc-
casionally deceptive, and one shape melts, as it were, with others through
gradations and by imperceptible transition; nevertheless, as a general rule
there exists in them an untainted and striking constancy of characters that
are very closely related to the features of the racial stock and correspond
exactly to the appearance[s] appropriate to the nations.l losi

There are several different ways in which skulls may be compared with one
another. First of is the classical method of human anatomy and
all there
physical anthropology, by which the individual bones and their positions in
relation to their neighbours are minutely described. Although this method does
not lend itself readily to the mathematical expression of resemblances and
differences, provides valuable information for the physical anthropologist.
it

Another method is to choose particular points on the skull and simply measure

their distances from one another. Sixty-nine such points are used in
craniometry. For instance, one may define the glabella as that point in the me-
dian sagittal* plane of the frontal bone that lies above the root of the nose,
between the eyebrow ridges, and projects furthest forward, while the
opisthocranion is the point in the median sagittal plane of the skull that is most
distant from the glabella. The length of the skull is defined as the distance in a
straight line between these two points. A measurement not involving defined
points is that which states the breadth of the skull. This is defined as the
greatest breadth at right angles to the median sagittal plane, wherever this may
be.f
When measurements have been obtained, indices may be derived from them
by expressing one as a percentage of another. Physical anthropologists
recognize no fewer than 173 indices, some of them further subdivided into
minor categories by the selection of slightly different points for one or both of
the measurements. The breadth of a skull, expressed as a percentage of the
length,is called the cranial index. Technical terms are widely used to give

general impressions of various indices, without the necessity to state the

percentages exactly on every occasion. Some of these terms are used so
frequendy in this book that readers who are unfamiliar with them would do
well to commit them to memory. A skull that is neither very broad nor very
narrow is called mesocranial. All skulls are included under this term if the
cranial index is 750% or more, but less than 800%. Skulls that are broader
than this (index 80 0% or more) are called brachycranial (short-skulled);
those that are narrower (index less than 75 0%) are dolichocranial (long-
skulled). Terms such as hyperbrachycranial and hyperdolichocranial have been
introduced to express more exactly the breadth of a skull in relation to its
length, but will seldom be used in this book. It is to be remarked that the sign
for percentages is usually omitted in the statement of indices.

* A sagittal plane is that which divides the body into right and left halves, or any plane parallel
with this.

t For the sake of accuracy it must be mentioned that if the greatest breadth happens to lie
between two ridges called the supramastoid crests, the distance between these ridges is dis-
regarded and the breadth is determined elsewhere (cf. Martin and Sailer i7osi).
194 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Two dissimilar skulls might have the same cranial index, because the glabella
of one and the occiput of the other happened to be particularly prominent, and
indices necessarily suffer from this type of defect; nevertheless they generally
give some idea of the shape of a skull or of a part of it. Their only major disad-
vantage is that they may cause certain anthropologists to overlook striking
differences between one skull and another, in features too elaborate in detail to
make measurement and mathematical expression a practical proposition. This
applies, for instance, to the structure of the anterior nasal aperture (apertura
pyriformis), the lower border of which shows marked differences in structure in
the various taxa (see pp. 282-6). These differences can be noticed at a glance,
and each main type expressed by a single word; but it would be such an
elaborate task to describe them in terms of three-dimensional geometry that no
one has ever attempted to do so.
The general form of the head can be measured on the living subject in such a
way as to provide an approximation to the cranial index. For this purpose the
length is taken as the distance from the most prominent point in the median
sagittal plane between the eyebrows to the most distant point in the same plane
at the back of the head, and the breadth as the greatest distance from one side
to the other above the ears, at right angles to the median sagittal plane. The
measurements are made to the surface of the skin, without depression of it by
the instrument used. The breadth, expressed as a percentage of the length, is

called the cephalic index. A

rough approximation to the cranial index can be
obtained by subtracting two units from the cephalic index. It is unfortunate
that confusion often results from the use of the term 'cephalic index' when
'cranial index' is meant. The habits of life (especially over- and under-
nourishment) naturally influence all such indices, but living human beings pre-
sent the advantages that they are much more numerous and much more readily
available than skeletons, and sex can be determined with certainty. X-rays can
be used effectively for taking several of the standard measurements of skulls
and thus obtaining indices; but in the more remote parts of the world, where
observations would be particularly interesting, facilities are not available.
In addition to measurements of distances and the indices derived from them,
angles are useful in the description of skulls. These may be measured between
two straight lines joining (or extending beyond) defined points, or between a
particular line and a defined plane. This method was used nearly two centuries
ago by the Dutch anatomist, Petrus Camper,! i86, i87| who set up the skulls of
men and apes in a defined position, and measured the angle subtended with the
horizontal by a line (his celebrated 'facial line') touching the front surface of a

first upper incisor tooth and the median plane of the forehead (see pp. 28-30
and Fig. 3). Modern
physical anthropologists use fourteen different angles in
their descriptions of skulls (one of them appearing in the literature in no fewer
than nine variant forms, in accordance with differences in the definitions of the
precise positions of the lines and planes).
Studies of skulls, by the methods briefly indicated above, probably provide
the most important of all the various kinds of evidence on which the tax-
onomy of man can be based, though it goes without saying that every avail-
able fact bearing on the subject should be considered. In studying the skull it
 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES 195

is important tosupplement the purely metrical techniques by those of

classicalmorphology. Particular skulls and the individual bones that com-
pose them must be examined in detail. Without this control, the statistical
treatment of measurements, indices, and angles may in certain circumstances
mislead.
Those who rely wholly on statistical methods for the distinction of ethnic
taxa have devised complicated mathematical formulae for determining so it —
has been supposed^the degree of resemblance or distinction between different
skulls. In these studies it is usual to pay no particular attention to the obvious
differences between one skull and another, but to pay just as much attention to
numerous features, arbitrarily chosen, in which they do not differ. Further,
they sometimes treat a heterogeneous set of skulls from a particular locality as
though they all belonged to a single taxon, when deciding whether a particular
skull should be regarded as belonging to it. For instance, it has been assumed
that all Upper Palaeolithic skulls of Europe form a natural group, and various
particular skulls are compared with the mathematically assessed characters of
the group. error involved in this procedure is of the same kind as that
17651 The
which invalidates the grouping of persons by nationality in studies of blood-
groups (p. 190). It is important to record that Morant. the statistician who
grouped together all the Upper Palaeolithic skulls of Europe for mathematical

treatment, himself recognized the possibility of this error. 'The treatment of the
series as a sample from a single homogeneous population', he wrote, 'may
obscure some ethnic relations of great evolutionary importance, but a treat-
ment of that kind appears to be the only statistical one which can usefully be
employed at present.' 765 For certain purposes in his statistical studies Morant
1 1

found itbest to use figures representing ten selected indices and angles. He
makes the astonishing admission that the 'brachycephalic European races are
not distinguished in this way from Negroes, Australians, and other primitive
types'. conceivable that he wrote 'brachycephalic' by mistake; but even if
It is

he meant 'dolichocephalic', or rather 'dolichocranial', the inadequacy of his

statistical method is shown by the fact that anyone trained in physical
anthropology could at once distinguish a typical Europid from a typical Negrid
or Australid skull.
Despite Blumenbach's remark, quoted above (p. 192), it might be thought
that detailed study would be necessary before anyone could recognize the
characteristic differences between one type of human skull and another by cur-
sory inspection. true that some of the features that are distinctive of par-
It is

ticular ethnic taxa need to be pointed out. The border of the anterior nasal
aperture is an example. Certain features of this sort, which may be called
'minor' because they do not affect the gross shape of the skull, are indeed of
particular interest, but the major differences are in many cases so obvious that
no one could fail to notice them. The skull of the Eskimid is strikingly different
from most others. A child of six years, provided with a number of Laplander
and Greenland Eskimo skulls of various sizes, could separate them correctly
into two groups without the necessity for any previous instruction (see Fig. 24,
p. 196). It is to be remarked that Laplanders, though of low stature, have quite
large skulls, only about one-tenth less in circumference, on the average, than
196 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
those of Other Europeans,[402l and the child would therefore not be guided
merely by size.
The skull of the Eskimid is and narrow (cranial index about 71),
high, very long,
while that of the Lappid is The former is described as
short and wide (index about 85).
'scaphoid', because the sides slope upwards like those of an upturned boat towards the
keel. The inward slope starts in the Eskimid skull not far above the external auditory

meatus, in a region where that of the Lappid bulges outwards. The brain-case of the
Lappid is rounded except posteriorly, where it descends abruptly to the occiput. In the
Eskimid the temporal lines on each side of the skull, marking the boundary of the area

B
24 Skulls of Eskimid (A) and Lappid (B)
From Quatrefages and Hamy. 18671

from which the temporalis masticatory muscle and its associated fasciae arise, curve
upwards so as to approximate more closely to the top of the skull than in any other
taxon of man surviving to the present day, and the area of insertion of the muscle is

very large. In the Lappid. on the contrary, this area is not particularly large.
The zygomatic bones of the Eskimid are very large, and their lower borders project
outwards to an exaggerated degree, thus greatly widening the face. The zygomatic
arches of the Lappid spread outwards to give a wide face, but they are rather slender.
The orbits are higher and closer together in the Eskimid than in the Lappid. The
whole face and jaws o^ the former project forward to the degree described as
mesognathous, while the Lappid is orthognathous. The nasal bones are reduced in the
Eskimid to narrow slips (not clearly outlined in Fig. 24). and their upper parts project
forward less than those of the Lappid. The anterior nasal aperture (apertura pyrifor-
mis) is probably narrower in relation to the length of the nose (from nasion to
nasospinale) than in any other taxon of man. That of the Lappid. on the contrary, is

rather wide in relation to the length of the nose.

One of the striking features of the Eskimid skull is the massive size of the maxilla. If
 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES 197

the two skulls are placed in frontal view, with the orbits at the same level, the rows of
teeth are seen to be far lower in the Eskimid. as a result of the great vertical depth of
this bone. Where it is hollowed out in other ethnic taxa to form the so-called 'canine
fossae', there is only a slight depression in the Eskimid.
The mandible of the Eskimid is powerful, with strong ascending rami, and the angles
(gonia) flare outwards. The areas on it for the insertion of the masticatory muscles are
strongly marked. In the Lappid, on the contrary, the mandible is notably small and the
gonia do not project laterally. 1263. 293. 402. 5 1 2. 895. 896. 897. 10621

Complicated mathematical methods, much more elaborate than Morant's

algebraical equations, are available to the investigator who wishes to compare
skulls with one another. These methods may be traced back to the German
painter and engraver Albrecht Durer,l2951 who in the sixteenth century
introduced a technique that subsequently became very much more exact. His
method was to inscribe many vertical and horizontal lines through particular
points on a drawing: for instance, in side-views, vertical lines through the back
of the head, the hinder edge of the ear. and the front surface of the eye;
horizontal lines through the top of the head and of the ear, and the lowest point
of the nose (to mention only a few). By changing the distances between the
lines, or drawing the lines so as to cut one another at angles other than a right
angle, or making one set of lines radiate from a distant point, and then filling in
the details of the head or other part with lines passing through the rectangles or
other shapes that corresponded to those imposed on the original drawing, he
was able to transform the face as he wished, so as to produce a wide variety of
appearances. Diirer himself made no study of the skeleton or any other internal
part of the body by this technique.
Well over a century ago it was proposed by G. T. Fechner, the German
author of works on physics, psychology, and philosophy, that mathematical
methods might be used to characterize the races of man. 324] He was 1

dissatisfied with the separate linear measurements used by physical

anthropologists, and suggested that mathematical approximations should be
found to the curves seen in transverse sections of human skulls. For instance,
an ellipse or an oval might serve for a particular part of a skull, and the equa-
tion that represented it might be used for comparison with another representing
the corresponding part in a skull from another race. He realized that an exact
mathematical description of every part of a skull was unthinkable, but he
remarked that geographers had had no hesitation in making a first approxima-
tion to the shape of the earth as a sphere, and then improving on this by
describing it as an elliptical spheroid, only capable of being expressed
mathematically by the use of a complicated formula; yet they recognized that a
mathematical account of every rock, and then of every roughness on the sur-
face of every rock, was unthinkable. 'So kommt man nie zu EndeS he wrote.
Nearly seven decades later D'Arcy Thompson hit on essentially the same
idea, without knowledge of Fechner's priority.l 1041, 10421 By an extraordinary
coincidence he used the same geographical simile as Fechner's, in claiming that
mathematical analysis of organic forms was desirable, even though it would
not be possible to achieve absolute exactitude in this way. He used what was
198 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
essentially Diirer's method, except that the vertical and horizontal lines im-
posed on the original drawing were always equally spaced so as to form a grid
of small squares. He next transformed the grid in a number of different ways.
For instance, the distance between the horizontal lines could be increased, so as
to transform the squares into rectangles of unequal sides; and the increase
might be uniform over the whole drawing, or might increase logarithmically
from the top to the bottom; or the co-ordinates might be made oblique instead
of forming right angles with one another, so that each element of the grid
became like a playing-card diamond; or one of the co-ordinates might radiate
from a focal point, or the straight lines might become logarithmic spirals or
more complex curves. In each case one could draw a skull or other part in such
a way that the lines of the drawing passed in comparable manner through the
corresponding elements of the grid. Thompson showed that in selected cases
the drawing of a skull of one animal was transformed into the likeness, more or
less exact, of another. Indeed, the side-view of a human skull (his drawing can-
not be referred with certainty to any particular taxon) could be transformed, by
the change of the straight lines of the grid into complicated curves, into that of
a chimpanzee. One must realize, however, that if an Alpinid skull (for instance)
had been used instead of the unspecified one illustrated by Thompson, quite a
different mathematical expression, and probably a much more complicated
one, would have been required for the conversion.
Thompson's results gave rise to the impression that the differences between
the skulls of different races of man might be due to minor causes, affecting the
growth-rates of the different parts in rather simple relation to one another, so
that the diversity of type was due to much fewer separate causes than the
physical anthropologist had supposed. It must be remarked that in the half cen-
tury since Thompson wrote, no one has ventured to express the mathematical
differences between the skulls of different races in terms of the precise genes
that cause each difference; nor have w^ any reason to believe that the genetic
basis would be a simple one, even so far as the appearance of the skull,
projected on a plane surface, is concerned. Thompson's drawings of skulls
show only features that are visible externally, and with one exception (the
extinct rhinoceroses) only a single view of the skull is considered. The
mathematical complications are greatly increased when account is taken of a
front and back view, as well as that from the side; and if the appearance from
above and below were also considered, the difficulties would be very great in-
deed, even though no attention were paid to any part not visible on the surface,
and all the minor external irregularities were disregarded. One would require
proof that the relationship between one ethnic taxon and another, established
by a study of side-views and expressed mathematically, could be confirmed by
views from front, back, above, and below.* It would be much safer, however,
to apply Fechner's method of sections through the skull, for the taxa differ in
the internal as well as the external parts. It must be remembered, too. that cer-
tain external features, not gross enough to be included in Thompson's

* It would be possible to record the whole surface of a skull, as seen from any selected point of
view, by the process known as 'photogrammetry'. Contours are automatically represented on
paper. See Jerie. 15531
 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES 199

drawings, are particularly important in the differentiation of one race from

another; for instance, the lower border of the anterior nasal aperture (pp.
282-6). Such evidence as is at present available suggests that the differences
between the skulls of the different races of man are due to very complex causes.
Thompson himself evidently realized that his own account of what he called
'deformation' by changes of co-ordinates was oversimplified, for he remarks,
'. . . we must be prepared for very much more recondite methods of com-
parison and analysis, leading doubtless to very much more complicated
results.'
The application of Thompson's method led him to certain strange conclusions, in

particular to a belief that the horses and their allies (Perissodactyla) are closely related

to the rabbits and hares (Lagomorpha); more closely, indeed, than they are to the even-
toed 'ungulates' (Artiodactyla), and also than the Lagomorpha are to the Rodentia. It

is true that the Perissodactyla and Artiodactyla are not nearly so closely allied as was
generally believed in Thompson's time, and the rabbits and hares, formerly regarded as
rodents, are now separated from that taxon; nevertheless, it is not likely that anyone

today would support his conclusions about the relationships of these animals (cf.

Simpsonl9(S8l).
The need much more recondite methods of comparison and
for 'very
analysis', recognized by D'Arcy Thompson, has been to some extent met by an
elaborate method devised by P. H. A. Sneath.[985l The fundamental difference
between the latter's method and Thompson's is that when two skulls are to be
compared, Sneath represents both of them on the same rectilinear grid, bearing
sets of equidistant lines placed at right angles to one another; in fact, on
ordinary graph paper. A general impression of Sneath's method, which he
explains in great detail, may be obtained from the following condensed
account.
In his example, Sneath selects particular points in the median sagittal plane of a skull
of modern man {Homo sapiens), and compares the relative positions of these with those
of corresponding points in the skull of a chimpanzee. He inscribes the selected points
on similar pieces of graph paper, and finds for each skull the point {'common mean
point') that is the mathematically exact middle point, as revealed by the situation of the
selected points. Next, he changes the size of the chimpanzee's skull (as represented by
the points) to that of the human skull, by measuring the distance from the common
mean point to each point in turn, and using mathematical calculation to find the uni-
form adjustment of all these distances necessary to make the chimpanzee's skull (as
represented by these points) of the same size as the human. He then superimposes the
two sets of points on the same piece of graph paper, with coincidence of the common
mean points. It then only remains to rotate the whole set of points representing the
chimpanzee's skull until the distances of these points from the corresponding ones in

the human These distances represent the differences

skull are as short as possible.
between the two skulls, as revealed by the selected points; and they are very much
easier to handle mathematically than the curved lines of Thompson's 'deformations'.
Sneath uses his method to obtain mathematically exact figures representing the degrees
of difference between the human skull and those of Pan satyrus C troglodytes').
Pithecanthropus erectus, and Australopithecus sp. (? africanus), as represented by the
selected points.
200 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Sneath's method is objective and valuable, but it serves only to compare
skulls or other parts of the body by reference to particular points, and these
may not be the ones that reveal most clearly
the degree of difference or
similarity between two organisms. Sneath freely allows that although the skull
of Australopithecus sp. is shown by his method to be very unlike that of Homo
sapiens, the difference between them would have appeared much less if he had
studied the pelvis or foot instead of certain points in the median sagittal plane
of the skull. The taxonomist must be willing to take into consideration every
part of the body that is available for study and can throw light on his problem.
Whether one is dealing with major taxa or with minor ones such as races and
subraces, classification can only be achieved satisfactorily by induction and the
recognition of typical forms, with subsequent extension of the taxa by the inclu-
sion of other forms that are obviously related. The subject has already been
treated rather fully in Chapter 8, and it is only necessary to re-emphasize here
the importance of this principle when concentrating the attention, in this part of
the book, on the ethnic taxa of man.

Ideally one would like to be able to subject the skull, in all its various forms,
to the usual processes of genetic analysis; and in certain cases there has, in-
deed, been some suggestion that a particular character is controlled by a single
pair of allelomorphic genes.
For instance, in certain ethnic taxa there is often a small conical projection of the
enamel on the lingual side of the first permanent upper molar teeth. This cusp, which
occurs occasionally on the second or third permanent molars and also in the milk den-
tition (see pp. 208 and 210). is called 'Carabelli's tubercle' from the name of its dis-
coverer. It is partly surrounded by a groove that makes the projection more noticeable.
The degree to which it projects varies considerably. In some cases the cone is quite
small, while in others it actually disappears and is represented by nothing more than a
little pit, the remnant of the groove. When present, the tubercle or pit is usually found
on both sides of the mouth, and nearly equally developed on both sides. It is always
either present or absent in both members of a pair of identical twins.
Studies pursued through four generations suggested that the development of
Carabelli's tubercle was controlled in a very simple way, by a pair of allelomorphic
genes. 16091 It appeared that double recessive (cc) there was no sign of the tubercle,
in the
while in the double dominant (CC) it was fully developed. Even this apparently
straightforward case, however, was not so simple as would appear at first sight. The
evidence suggested that there were modifying genes that caused the varying degree of
development of the structure, from well-formed cone to pit, in heterozygotes (Cc).
This, however, was not all. The tooth in question was examined in 100 nine-year-old
Europid children, all from a single locality in the U.S.A. They were selected at random
as healthy representatives of the Europid children of the district, not requiring dental
[Link] age of nine years was chosen because the first permanent upper molars
would not have been in use long enough to make it likely that the tubercle or pit would
have been effaced by abrasion. It is claimed by the investigators that every one of the
200 teeth showed the tubercle or pit. (7341 More than half of the children showed the
cusp or pit in the condition supposed to be heterozygous. If the 100 children were at all

representative of the Europid population of the locality where the observations were
 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES 201

made, the simple explanation given above is untenable; for intermarriage of

heterozygotes would necessarily have resulted in the production of homozygous
one of the children lacked the cusp or pit in some form or other.
recessives, yet not
Ifone looks closely at records of this sort, one receives the impression that
simple explanations do not cover all the facts. The genetic control of the struc-
ture of the skull seems to be complex, even in those cases in which the early
observations suggested that only a single pair of allelomorphic genes was con-
cerned in the production of a particular character. There is reason to believe
that in most cases polygenes play a part and that genetical analysis therefore
Not only is one faced by
presents difficulties that might be thought insuperable.
the problems inevitably involved in the genetic analysis of polygenes; there is
also the impossibility of arranging the matings one would like to make, and the
slowness of human reproduction is an added difficulty. The skull, moreover,
presents special barriers to analysis. The teeth of parents and their children
may indeed be studied, for the crowns are open to direct inspection, and extrac-
tion makes the whole object available (though often partly decayed); but with
this exception it is scarcely ever possible to obtain cranial material from a
succession of generations. The necessary information can only be obtained by
the use of X-rays, with the limitations thereby imposed.

Special methods must be adopted to determine the relative roles of nature

and nurture in the control of those physical characters that may legitimately be
supposed to develop under the influence of polygenes, and which therefore do
not lend themselves to the ordinary processes of genetical analysis. In the early
years of the present century the American anthropologist Franz Boas attacked
what was problem (though the term 'polygenes' was not in use
essentially this
at the time)by studying changes in the sizes of many parts of the body among
various peoples who had emigrated from Europe to the U.S.A. He divided
members of each immigrant people into two categories, 'foreign-born' and
'American-born', and obtained numerical data on their physique. A few
examples from his extensive studies, relating to the form oi the head, will
give an impression of his mode of attack on the problem.
Males born in the U.S.A. to Neapolitan parents showed, at nearly every age from
four years to eighteen, a mean cephalic index exceeding that of foreign-born
Neapolitans of the same ages by amounts varying from 0-1 to 1-8 units. Similarly,

male offspring born in the U.S.A. to Sicilian parents showed, at nearly every age from
five years to eighteen, a mean cephalic index exceeding that of foreign-born Sicilians of
thesame ages by amounts varying from 0-1 to 3-3 units. Data for East European
Hebrews appeared, however, to show an opposite effect of the American environment.
Their sons born in the U.S.A., at each age (with one exception) from five years to nine-
teen, showed a mean cephalic index less by 0-9 to 3-4 units than that shown by
foreign-born immigrants of the same ages. 1 1 i3i

Another American anthropologist, N. D. M. Hirsch, obtained data on immigrant

effects of the American en-
Russian Jews that supported Boas's conclusions about the
vironment on members of the same people who had immigrated from various countries
of Eastern Europe; but Hirsch's study of immigrant Swedes showed that in their case
the cephalic index was changed insignificantly or not at all by the new environment. 14931
202 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
It isnot easy to account for these conflicting data, which appear to show
that the environment may produce opposite effects, or none at all, in different
cases. Sufficient information for full analysis is not available. The possibility
must be borne in mind that the true parentage was not in all cases correcdy
stated. There is no proof that all the foreign-born and American-born persons
described by such names as 'Neapolitans' were closely similar in genetic make-
up. The East European Hebrews were probably a rather homogeneous group,
but careful statistical analysis would be necessary to establish the significance
of the differences between their foreign-born and American-born off'spring.
Boas himself allowed that the history of the British in America, the Dutch in
and the Spanish in South America favoured the assumption of
the East Indies,
'a strictly limited plasticity'.! 1 121

In more recent times the intensive study of twins has proved a much more
reliable method for solving problems of this sort. One may measure a par-
ticular feature in monozygotic (identical) and single-sexed dizygotic (fraternal)
pairs of twins, and note whether the members of the identical pairs resemble
one another in respect of this feature more closely than the members of the
fraternal pairs do, and if so to what extent. Statistical study of the data makes it
possible to determine the extent to which genetic as opposed to environmental
factors are involved in controlling the development of the feature.
Twin studies of this sort are almost necessarily carried out on living subjects,
because skeletal material is seldom available in sufficient quantity. It is here
that X-rays are of special value to the physical anthropologist. They were used
by Lundstrom in his study of the skulls of fifty pairs of monozygotic twins and
the same number of single-sexed fraternal pairs. 16831 In each case five
measurements were taken of the distances between points recognized in
classical craniometry, and records were also made of nine angles subtended
between lines joining these points. It was shown that in all these measurements
of distances and angles, the monozygotic twins resembled one another more
closely than the dizygotic. The results showed clearly that the proportions of
the skull are largely under genetic control.
A comparable study was published by Osborne and George in 1959. l8i3iThe twins
were adult American Europids. Many parts of the body were measured, but we are
concerned here only with the head. The work was done with calipers instead of X-rays,
and data on the skull itself were therefore not obtained; but many parts of the head owe
their form mainly to the shape of the skull. This study was of particular importance on
account of the rigorous statistical analysis to which the data were subjected. The
differences between the measurements of any particular feature in members of the two
sets of twins (monozygotic and single-sexed dizygotic) were expressed by comparing
the mean variance of one set with the mean variance of the other. The degree of
difference between the two variances was expressed by dividing the mean variance of
the dizygotic by the mean variance of the monozygotic pairs. The quotient provided a
convenient index of the relationship between the genetic and environmental con-
tributions to the measurement concerned. The breadth of the head in the region of the
vault was shown by this method to be predominantly under genetic control, since the
quotient obtained was no less than 18-22; the upper facial height and nasal height were
also shown to be litde affected by the environment. The length of the head in males.
 PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES 203

though not in females, was shown to be greatly affected by environmental influences.

This result was attributed by the authors to the sporadic growth of bony projections in

the region of the opisthocranium in males.

It remains for the geneticists of the future to evolve a technique that will dis-
entangle the individual polygenes that make the genetic contribution to the
manifold shapes of the human skull, and thus to provide an expression in
genetical terms of the differences between typical skulls of the various ethnic
taxa. Meanwhile the skull furnishes us with some of the best evidence for
taxonomic distinctions and some of the worst obstacles to ordinary genetical
analysis. Those features in man that are most readily available for such
analysis unfortunately give an inadequate impression of the diversity of the
ethnic taxa.
 13 The Europids

It IS likely that most of the readers of this book will be Europids, and it

therefore seems appropriate that this race should be chosen to provide a

general impression of the physical characters by which typical members of one
race may be distinguished from those of other races, and to give some idea of
the nature of subracial differences, by the use of selected examples. The
Europids also exemplify well the phenomena of hybridity, both subracial and
racial, and advantage will be taken of this fact in the present chapter.

THE NAME OF THE EUROPID RACE

What is here called the 'Europid' race, in conformity with the nomenclature of
von Eickstedtl3031 and Peters, 1836] was distinguished as the Varietas prima in
the second edition {Editio altera) of Blumenbach's De generis humani varietate
It was in the third edition of this book, published in 1795, that
nativa liber. \\qi\
he used for the first time the expression Varietas [Link]] He stated
clearly that he gave this name for two reasons: first, because the
neighbourhood of the Caucasus mountain range, especially its southern slopes,
was the home of what he regarded as the most beautiful stock (stirps) of human
beings; and secondly, because in his opinion mankind probably originated in
this region. He reached this conclusion about the original home of mankind
because he considered that the skull of the Georgians was of an intermediate
variety, from which other types diverged by gradations in two chief directions,
until the extremes —
Mongolian and 'Aethiopian' (by which he meant
Negrid) —
were reached. In forming this opinion he was also influenced by the
fact that the pale skin of persons of his 'Caucasian' variety readily became
brown, while brown skin was not easily transformed to white.
It has been stated repeatedly that Blumenbach gave the name 'Caucasian' to

the Europid race because he happened to possess a particularly beautiful skull

of a Georgian woman. Even such distinguished authorities as T. H. Huxley, 15361
W. Z. Ripley, 19051 F. H. Garrison, 13871 and E. von Eickstedtl302l have made this
remark, but it is not correct. Blumenbach did possess a female Georgian skull
and he did regard it as beautiful, but his naming of the race depended on much
wider considerations.
Blumenbach did not formally introduce Caucasia as a subspecific name of
the Linnaean species Homo sapiens. If he had wished to do so, he would simply
have added the masculine of his adjective to Linnaeus's name for the species.
 THE EUROPIDS 205

Instead he used the adjective Caucasia to qualify the noun Varietas. It follows
that under the International code of zoological nomenclature, \\o\M Homo
sapiens caucasius is not the name of any subspecies (race) of man. Curiously
enough, the correct name of the subspecies under the rules of nomenclature
seems to be uncertain. If it were accepted that the 'type-specimen' of man was
a Europid, the name of the subspecies would be Homo sapiens sapiens Lin-
naeus, 175 8; [669! but no one can point to the type-specimen in any museum.
Some authorities think that the name should be Homo sapiens europaeus Lin-
naeus, 1758,16691 but careful consideration of the arguments suggests that
Homo sapiens albus Gmelin, 1788l67i) is probably preferable. The reader is

reminded that the use of the adjective albus does not imply that all members of
the race have skin of the colour to which the description 'white' is applied in
common speech (see p. 68).
The Trivialnamen ('common' names) of the races of man are not subject to
any international code, and one is free to make one's choice. In his standard
work The races of Europe Ripley refers to the 'utter absurdity' of the misnomer
'Caucasian'. 'It isnot true', he remarks, 'that any of these Caucasians are even
"somewhat typical". ... It is all false: not only improbable, but absurd. '[9051 It
would, indeed, be hard to choose a less suitable name for the race; for the in-
habitants of the Caucasian region are very diverse, and few of them are typical
of any large section of Europids. If it were thought desirable to call the Europid
race by a name relating to any particular area in which some of its members
live, it would be better to call it the Punjabi than the Caucasian; for the majori-

ty of the inhabitants of East and West Punjab are indeed in many respects
rather typical of a considerable part of the Europid race. It is better, however,
by a wider variety of characteristic types. The
to choose a larger area inhabited
only complete and consistent system of Trivialnamen for the races and sub-
races of man is that which was proposed by von Eickstedt[303[ and adopted
with small modifications by Peters. [836[ This system has been adopted in the
present work, and in accordance with it the name 'Europid' has been and will
be used throughout. It is not intended to convey the idea that Europids are con-
fined to Europe, or that those who happen to live there are more significant
than other members of the same race whose ancestral home is elsewhere; for
the native inhabitants of large parts of Asia and Africa belong to this race. But
the name is as suitable as any other that can be suggested, since the great
majority of the inhabitants of Europe are Europids, and most of the subraces
are well represented in this so-called 'continent'. The suffix -id is to be regarded
as a contracted form of the Greek -('?//(;, meaning 'of the family of or
'associated with', so that a Europid receives this name because he resembles or
is a European (with the reservation that a small proportion of Europeans are
not Europids).

THE PHYSICAL CHARACTERS OF THE EUROPID RACE

The reader may remember that the idea of 'typical' forms has already been
considered at some length in Chapter 8 (pp. 1 18-24).The general idea of the
typical can scarcely be better expressed in a few words than it was by
206 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Helmholtz, course of his remarks on Goethe's contributions to natural
in the
science. It difficult, or probably impossible, to find another example
would be
of a genius in science assessing the work of an amateur, himself a genius in a
different field. Goethe did in fact make contributions to morphology— the very
—
word is his and Helmholtz's tribute is deserved, however mistaken the poet's
ideas on certain other branches of science unquestionably were. 'The special
character of the descriptive sciences —
botany, zoology, anatomy, and so on,'
wrote Helmholtz, Ms occasioned by the fact that they have to collect, sift, and
above all to bring into a logical arrangement or system, an enormous stock of
separate facts.' (Writing in 1853. himself a physiologist and physicist,
Helmholtz can almost be forgiven for calling these sciences 'descriptive',
without qualification.)
So far, their work is only the dull one of a lexicographer; their system is a
bookshelf on which the mass of records is so arranged that anyone can find
what he wants in an instant. The intellectual part of their work and their
proper interests begins when they try to trace out the scattered features of
order (Gesetzmassigkeit) in the disconnected mass and from these to
produce a synoptic general picture, in which each separate object retains its
place and its right, and gains in interest through the connection with the
whole. 14851
He attributes to Goethe the idea 'that the diversities in the anatomical struc-
ture of different animals were to be interpreted as modifications of a common
structural plan or type'. From the 'enormous stock of separate facts' that con-
stitutesour knowledge of Europid physique, the attempt is made in this chapter
to induce what Helmholtz would have called a 'Bauplan oder Typus' of the
race. The 'bookshelf —
to use his simile —
must be a considerable one.l30. 4i, 237.
238. 245. 281.293.405. 512.519.573,609.614,660, 734,801.827,832,862,909,953,980, 1061. 1062,

1065, 1073. 1074. 1075]

All the primary characters listed below are ones that distinguish typical
Europids from typical members of certain other ethnic taxa. Any person who
exhibits a high proportion of the listed primary characters is a Europid, but
reliance must not be placed on the possession of any one of them, taken by
itself. To prevent the necessity for repetition, the reader is asked to take for

granted the phrase 'in comparison with the corresponding part in other ethnic
taxa', wherever these words are clearly required. For instance, when it is said
that the mandibular fossa is deep in typical Europids, the words must be un-

derstood to mean that it is shallower in typical members of certain other ethnic

taxa. The statement that 'The percentage of persons belonging to blood-group
"A" is rather high' means that it is rather high in relation to the percentage of
this group in other taxa {not that it is high in relation to the percentage of per-
sons belonging to group 'O'); and the principle implied in this example should
be applied wherever it is applicable.
Emphasis throughout mainly on the skeleton and external characters,
is laid
because these are so very much more readily available for study than the soft
internal parts.
The reader who prefers not to study in detail the list given below of the
primary and secondary characters of the Europids may nevertheless care to
 THE EUROPIDS 207

cast a glance over it, so as to gain (if he does not already possess) some impres-
sion of the characters by which typical members of one race may be dis-

tinguished from those of other ethnic taxa. He may also find it helpful to turn
back to these pages from time to time for comparison, when studying the
chapter (16) concerned with the physical anthropology of the Australids.

PRIMARY CHARACTERS
Skull. —
The brain-case is large and 'well-filled'; that is to say, it is smoothly
rounded on top and at the sides, without markedly flattened or sunken areas.
Viewed from above it presents the shape known in craniology as 'ovoid',
though the shape of the frontal bone makes the 'egg' much blunter at the
narrow end than most birds' eggs are (those of the osprey and golden eagle
represent it fairly well). The forehead is not bulbous, nor does it recede strong-
ly. The brow-ridges are not very strongly developed. The temporal lines are

widely separated from the median sagittal plane, and not strongly marked. The
mastoid apophyses are large. The plane of the occipital foramen (foramen
magnum), prolonged forward, meets the face about the middle of the nasal
aperture (apertura pyriformis).
The facial skeleton is small in relation to the brain-case, but long in propor-
tion to its breadth. The zygomatic bones are rather small; and when the skull is

viewed from above, the arches of which they form a part are only just seen, or
are not seen at all.

The outer edges of the orbits are not bevelled off by curves of large radius,
but are rather sharply demarcated. Within the orbit the lacrimal bone has a
long suture with the lamina papyracea of the ethmoid. The apertura pyriformis
is narrow or of moderate width (leptorrhine or mesorrhine); it is shaped like a

narrow ace of hearts, turned upside down. It has a simple, sharp border. This is
a particularly important character of the Europids, fully discussed on pp.
282-6. The anterior nasal spine is well developed. The nasal bones are long
and wide, but narrower above than below; they are sharply inclined to one
another (except towards their junction in the middle line). The 'total profile-
angle' (Ganzprqfilwinkel) is high and the skull is therefore orthognathous.
The mandibular fossa of the temporal bone is deep.
The ascending rami of the lower jaw are well developed, with deep sigmoid
notches; the chin does not recede.
The styloid process is long.
The teeth are of moderate size. The incisors project forward only slightly or
not at all; The crowns of the upper incisors
the upper ones overlap the lower.
continue the direction of their roots (instead of being bent slightly backwards).
The outer (lateral) and inner edges of these teeth are not reflected backwards
(towards the cavity of the mouth) in such a way as to give the whole tooth the
form of a scoop or shovel. The roots of the permanent upper molar teeth are
long and tend to be somewhat splayed outwards rather than convergent; the
'body' of these teeth (the region between the cemento-enamel junction and the
level at which the roots diverge) is short (in other words, there is no tendency to
208 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
taurodontism). The permanent upper first molar tooth of one side or both,
when first erupted, bears at least some vestige of Carabelli's cusp (see p. 200).
Skeleton apart from the skull. —
The curves of the spine are strongly marked. It is
particularly noteworthy that the bony centra of lumbar vertebrae are so shaped as
the
to accentuate the forward convexity of this region, which is due primarily to the wedge

shape of the intervertebral disks (see pp. 290-91). The sacrum of the male is decidedly
wide in relation to its length; this is pardy due to reduction of the length by strong cur-
vature. The scapula is rather narrow in proportion to its length. The distance from the
anterior to the posterior spine of the ilium, expressed as a percentage of the total length
of the innominate bone, gives a low figure. The combined length of the humerus and
radius, expressed as a percentage of the combined length of the femur and tibia, gives

rather a high figure, but the radius is comparatively short.

Internal organs other than skeleton. —
The ceruminous glands of the exter-
nal auditory meatus generally produce a soft ear-wax (p. 171). The axillary
glands are well developed and their secretion gives a rather strong odour (pp.
173^). There is no cartilage in the plica semilunaris of the eye (Fig. 26).
The brain is large, averaging about 1,410 g in adult male European members
of the subrace.110621 The convolutions (gyri) of the cerebral hemispheres are
very tortuous. At the occipital pole of each hemisphere the visual area striata
does not push round from the medially facing to the external surface in such a
way as to produce on that surface a large, operculate sulcus lunatus (pp.
292-5).
External characters. —
The typical Europid is rather tall. The shoulders are
wide. The 'calf is prominent and reaches below the middle of the lower leg. The
buttocks of the female are prominent, but not excessively so.
Axillary and pubic hair is well developed in both sexes. In the male, facial
hair is abundant and general body-hair moderately or strongly developed. The
Hmit of insertion of the scalp-hair sweeps backwards on each side of the middle
line more markedly than in certain other races. The scalp-hair is wavy and
when uncut, differs in the sexes, seldom exceeding 40 cm in
flexible. Its length,
the male but averaging about 70 cm in the female. In transverse section each
hair is oval or rather widely elliptic; the follicle from which it grows is straight
and oblique to the surface of the head.
The skin of young children is pale.
Below the eyebrow the skin is tucked backwards and then folded forwards
over the eyeball to form the upper eyelid, instead of descending almost vertical-
ly, without a distinct fold (Fig. 25a and B). The upper and lower lids meet at an

acute angle at the inner (nasal) as well as at the outer side of the eye; that is to
say, the inner corner of the eye is not rounded off by a Mongolenfalte or plica
naso-palpebralis superior (for an illustration of which see Fig. 25c). The space
between the lids is approximately horizontal. When a Europid looks straight
forward, the white of the eye is symmetrically disposed on both sides of the iris.
The eyelashes are long and divergent (compare A and B in Fig. 25). The plica

semilunaris (Fig. 26) is small.

The nose projects rather strongly, its right and left sides tending to form an
acute angle with one another (except where they converge to meet at the middle
line). The nostrils are narrow laterally and elongated in the antero-posterior
 A B C
25 Europid and Mongolid eyes
A. diagrammatic view of Europid eye; B, ditto, of Mongolid eye; C,
Mongolid eyes in front view. From Baelz. |4il

rod

car

26 A right human eye, to show the 'third eyelid'

(plica semilunaris)

car. caruncle; ps. plica semilunaris; rod. rod holding the upper eyelid
aside to reveal the plica.
From Demours;\2hi\ lettering by the author.

direction (Fig. 27a, p. 210), though they may tend towards a kidney-shape,
with the posterior ends turned laterally (Fig. 27b). The lips are moderately or
very thin, with little eversion. The ear is large, and long in relation to its

breadth; the helix is a well-formed fold; the lobule is large.

SECONDARY CHARACTERS
The frontal bone seldom articulates with the squamous part of the temporal at

the pterion (perhaps only in 1% of all persons: 28c and pp. 298-300).
see Fig.
Congenital absence of the lower permanent first or second incisor teeth is
 B

27 Europid and Negrid noses, viewed from

below to show the shapes of the nostrils
A, B, types of noses found among Europids. The nostrils of
most Europids are intermediate in shape between those
shown in the two drawings. C, D, types of noses found
among Negrid s. From Topinard. 106
1 1

very rare. It is a strange fact that Carabelli's tubercle occurs much less

frequently on the second upper molar of the milk (deciduous) dentition than in
certain other taxa in which its presence on the permanent upper first molar is
rare. (These are the two chief sites of the tubercle.)
There is a third trochanter on the femur of about 30% of all persons (that is to say,
much more commonly than in certain other races). The hepatic and pancreatic ducts
open separately into the duodenum only in about 35% of all persons. (In certain taxa
the ducts open separately in the majority.)
Full sets of finger-prints show, on the average, about 62% of 'loops', 33% of
'whorls', and 5% of 'arches', though variation is considerable. (The Europids show an
intermediate condition in this respect, for higher and lower percentages of all three
types of prints occur in other ethnic taxa.)
The Europids are exceptional in the fact that blond hair, pale skin, and blue
eyes occur commonly among the adults (as well as children) of certain sub-
races.
About 30% of all Europids are unable to taste phenyl-thiourea in concen-

trations at which the remaining 70% find it very bitter. (The number of non-
tasters is very high in comparison with the number in certain other races.) The
percentage of persons with both haptoglobins (Hp 1 and Hp 2) in their blood
plasma is very high (commonly 45-50% in most Europid subraces). As in
most (but not all) other ethnic taxa, very few (3% or less) have neither Hp 1 nor
Hp2.
The percentage of persons belonging to blood-group 'A' is rather high
 THE EUROPIDS 211

(generally 32-48% in most subraces). In comparison with most other races the
percentage belonging to group 'B' is high, but it varies widely (commonly
8-24%; higher among Nordindids). In the Rhesus series of blood-groups the
frequency of the gene-complex CDe (=/?,) is moderately high, of cde (=r)
very high, in comparison with most other ethnic taxa.

EUROPID SUBRACES
More than a dozen subraces of Europids are recognized by some authorities,
but nothing would be gained by reciting the characters of each here. A list of
the ones mentioned in this book will be found at the end of it. It is important,
however, to provide some idea of the extent to which subraces may differ from
one another, and for this reason two —the Alpinids and Nordids — have been
chosen for rather detailed study, and a brief description of the Mediterranids is
also given. The reader will find a fairly full account of the Armenids in Chapter
14 (pp. 238^3). Various other Europid subraces have been and will be men-
tioned here and there.
It will be remembered that the existence of hybrid intermediates is one of the

characters of a race, and subraces merge into one another even more extensive-
ly than races; so much so, indeed, that there has been a tendency to doubt the
reality of the subrace. It is said that many anthropologists have discarded the
idea of the subrace partly because it is reminiscent of Hitler's activities, and
partly because it has been used to designate selected individuals of extreme
types rather than populations. 12281 These reasons, however, should not cause us
to close our eyes to a reality. Scientists should not be affected in their opinions
by the activities of politicians; and any undue emphasis on extreme types can
be corrected without disregard for the fact that less extreme but nevertheless
recognizable types do exist. It is true that one member of a family of subracial
hybrids may show a somewhat closer resemblance to a typical specimen of a
particular subrace than his brother does; but when it is claimed that a typical
Mediterranid, a typical Nordid, and a typical Alpinid may be the progeny of
one man and his wife,l383l it is necessary to say clearly that no evidence of such
an extremely unlikely occurrence has ever been verified, so far as I am aware.
It may be remarked that those who lay stress on the supposed appearance of

'types' by chance re-assortment of genes, are among those who use the genes of
polymorphism as the main basis for the classification of man; yet it is precisely
the polymorphic phenotypes that do in fact occur very frequently among
members of the same family of brothers and sisters.
Hybrid intermediates do indeed exist, and a section of this chapter is devoted
to them (pp. 223-31); but this fact no more extinguishes the reality of the sub-
race than the existence of mongrels makes the various breeds of dogs unreal. It
has already been pointed out as a general principle that the existence of con-
necting links does not necessarily cause real entities to vanish (p. 100). In
many parts of the world where there have not been any large movements of
population over a long period, the reality of subraces is evident enough.
Anyone who doubts this should spend a week among the indigenous popula-
212 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
tion of central Sweden, then move on for a brief sojourn in the valley of the
Rhine, near source (W.S.W. of Chur); and end up with a visit to Sardinia
its

(avoiding the tourist centres). He will not go home with the impression that the
populations of the three districts were indistinguishable from one another,
every person the result of a random assortment of genes. If he has any
knowledge of human osteology, let him enter the Beinhaus beside the Catholic
church in Hallstatt, Austria, and examine the remarkable collection of skulls
taken from local graveyards, century after century, to leave room there for the
newly dead. He cannot fail to recognize that the physical types represented
there in such profusion could not be paralleled if any comparable collection
had been made in Sweden or Great Britain. If circumstances do not permit
such a visit, he may peruse Sauser's book on the similar ossuaries of the Otz
would scarcely be possible to read this scholarly
valley, near Innsbruck. 19321 It
and detailed work, yet retain the impression that the population of this valley
has been and is a random collection of Europids.
The fact that subraces do exist is perhaps most forcibly brought home to
people of a pragmatic turn of mind by the need that has been felt, even in such
an ethnically mixed population as that of the U.S.A., to take note of it in the
practical affairs of everyday life. It was found desirable in American colleges,
schools, and associations of young people, to obtain information about the
average measurements of Europeans of various ages, so that remedial exercises
might be introduced into gymnasia to improve the physique of those who did
not conform to the average type. This action on the part of the educational
authorities was opposed by an anthropologist. 'If we happen to measure an in-
dividual belonging to the Central European [i.e. Alpinid] type,' he wrote, 'we
must compare measurements with the ideal Central European type. It
his
would, evidently, be wrong to compare him with the standard obtained from
measurements of North Europeans [i.e. Nordidsl.' It will probably surprise
many readers to learn that the author of these words was none other than
Franz [Link] It follows necessarily from what he wrote that in his opinion
the subrace was not a mere figment in the minds of certain anthropologists, as
so many who quote certain other passages from Boas's writings would have us
believe.
Examples of particularly uniform populations are given later in this chapter
(pp. 221-3).

THE ALPINID SUBRACE

The Alpinid subrace has received many names. Most of them refer to districts
inwhich this ethnic taxon is particularly well represented. The following have
been used: la race cevenole or auvergnate, Celtic, Celto-Ligurian, Ligurian,
'Homo alpinus\m6] Rhaetian, Alpo-Carpathian, Celto-Slav, and Slav. The
confusion caused by the application of the name 'Celtic' to this subrace will be
mentioned in Chapter 15 (p. 269). In its most characteristic form the subrace
extends from the Cevennes Mountains and central massif of France through
Switzerland, Bavaria, Austria, Slovakia, and southern Poland into Ukraine and
 THE EUROPIDS 213

Other parts of Russia. It has been claimed that the most typical examples of all
are to be found in Switzerland, in the valley of the Rhine near its source (the
'Disentistypus' o{ReicheT\ss9]).
The following are the characters by which the typical Alpinid may be
recognized. 1 1 28. 269. 450. 503. 5 1 2. 636. 682. 889. 890. 905. 932. 953. 10851

PRIMARY CHARACTERS
Skull. —
(See Fig. 28a and B, p. 214.) The typical Alpinid skull is markedly
brachycranial, the average cranial index being about 85. The maximum
breadth is far back on the parietals. The whole brain-case is well rounded apart
from a small flattened area immediately behind the obelion, which is the region
where the descent towards the occiput begins in this subrace. The brow-ridges
are scarcely marked. The forehead rises steeply above the orbits. Even in its
narrowest part it is remarkedly wide in relation to the greatest breadth of the
whole skull, and also in relation to the greatest distance between the outer
margins of the orbits (i.e. the fronto-biorbital index is very high).
The height of the bregma) varies. In general, it is less high in
skull (basion to
the western part of the Alpinid range, and higher in the eastern and more
northerly part, beyond the River Danube. The high skull seen in Fig. 28a is
from Bohemia.
The bizygomatic breadth (the extreme distance between the zygomatic
arches) is great, giving a wide face. The height of the face (from prosthion to
nasion) is not low, but it is low in relation to the bizygomatic breadth.
The upper edge of the orbit projects somewhat further forward than the lower, when
the skull is placed in the standard horizontal position. (This character is weakly
developed in the skull shown in Fig. 28a, which is typical in most respects.) The orbits are
widely separated.
The nose is rather wide in comparison with that of most Europids (com-
monly in the mesorrhine range, though tending to leptorrhiny). The nasal bones
project strongly.
The face as a whole is orthognathous, but there is a slight tendency to
prognathy below the nose (alveolar prognathy). This is well seen by comparing
A and c in Fig. 28. The Nordid skull (C) shows no alveolar prognathy.
The palate is moderately wide. The gonial angles of the lower Jaw project
laterally.
Internal organs other than skeleton. —
See comparison with Nordid on pp.
217-18.
External characters. —
The stature of the typical Alpinid is medium or
rather short, adult males averaging about 164 or 165 cm. The body-build is
thickset, with short, thick neck, broad shoulders, deep chest, and short limbs.
The characteristic appearance of the Alpinid head is well shown in Fig. 29a
(p. 215), which represents Nikita Krushchev. Marshal Zakharov, seen in Fig.
29b, is a more extreme example of the subrace. The general form of the head
follows from that of the skull. Fig. 29a shows well the high head, typical of
eastern members of the subrace. The great breadth of the brain-case and face is
214 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
particularly apparent in Fig. 29b. The face is low in relation to its width, and is

surmounted by a steep, wide, high forehead, without noticeable brow-ridges.

The chin, too, is The nasal profile of Alpinids tends to be slightly con-
wide.
cave, especially in women; the nose widens markedly below, and the tip, often
upturned, is fleshy. The shape of the nostrils tends towards that shown in Fig.
27B(p.210).

28 A Ipinid and Nordid skulls

A and B. lateral and vertical views of an Alpinid (Bohemian) skull (cranial index 86-4); C and D, skulls of
Nordid form (cranial indices 72-4 and 72-3 respectively). The scales represent 50 mm./, frontal bone; p.
parietal; s, sphenoid; /. temporal (see p. 209).

The skulls are in the Oxford University Museum with these markings: A and B. 980: C, 'X': D. 'Z'. A shows
the right side of the skull; the photograph has been reversed for easy comparison with C.
 29 A Ipinid and Nordid heads
A. a normal Alpinid (Nikita Krushchev); B. an extreme Alpinid (Marshal Zakharov); C, a normal Nordid
(Lord Kitchener): D, another Nordid (a sculpture of the third century B.C.. representing a 'German'
warrior).
A. Press Association: B. Associated Press; C, Bassano and Vandyke Studios: D. Les Musees rovaux d'Art
et d'Histoire. Brussels.
216 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
The complexion is somewhat tawny.
The scalp-hair varies from dark to pale brown. The iris is brown, often with
a greyish tinge. Facial and body-hair are strongly developed in the male.
(Clean-shaven subjects have been chosen for the photographs, to show more
clearly the form of the face.)

SECONDARY CHARACTERS
There is conflicting evidence about the frequency of variations in the structure of the
lower border of the nasal aperture (apertura pyriformis) in the Alpinid skull. The types
of structure found in this part of the various ethnic taxa of man will be described in the
chapter on Australids (pp. 282-6). It must suffice here to say that the types called
amblycraspedote and bothrocraspedote are unusual most Europid subraces. In his
in

detailed report on the apertura pyriformis in 52 skulls from Tyrol and the adjoining
province of Carinthia, Holll503i stated that in no fewer than 28 of them there were sulci
praenasales or fossae praenasales, and only 16 showed the usual Europid structure
(oxycraspedote). The 28 were what are now called ambly- or bothrocraspedote.
Sauser's study of well over a thousand skulls from the ossuaries of the Otz valley in
Tyrol gave results in marked contrast to Holl's. The skulls were mostly those of
Dinarids, Alpinids, and Dinarid-Alpinid intermediates. Well over half of them were
complete apart from the lower jaw, but among all his specimens only nineteen were
ambly- or bothrocraspedote. (9321 It is desirable that more information should be
obtained about the lower border of the apertura pyriformis in skulls separately deter-
mined as Alpinid.
It seems that no attempts have been made to determine the blood-groups of

persons classified as Alpinids on the evidence of their primary characters.

Huge numbers of blood-group tests have been carried out on the populations of
particular nations; but since the boundaries between states are determined by
political, not ethnic considerations, the data obtained are not very helpful in
taxonomic studies. If a physical anthropologist were to designate a group of
villages and the surrounding countryside as inhabited predominantly by
Alpinids, and if the blood-groups of as many as possible of the inhabitants were
then determined, information of great taxonomic value would be obtained far —
more than could be derived from similar studies carried out on many tens of
thousands of persons distinguished only by their nationality. So far as one can
judge from the available evidence, one can only say that rather a low propor-
tion of western Alpinids belong to group 'B', in comparison with the Europid
race as a whole, but among the eastern group the proportion is considerably
higher. There would not appear to be any clear distinction between western and
eastern Alpinids in the proportion of people carrying the various gene-
complexes of the Rhesus group.

THE NORDID SUBRACE

The Nordid subrace, like the Alpinid, has received many names 'Homo
Europaeus\\6i6] la race germanique, kymrique, galatique, aryenne, nordique,
die Germanen, die teutonische Rasse, die Nordrasse, and the English
 THE EUROPIDS 217

equivalents of some of these, such as Nordic. It is to be noted that some French

and German authors use the words for 'race' when what is here called
'subrace' is intended. The names la race germanique and die Germanen must
not be confused with the English word 'Germans'. The latter is a political term
meaning the inhabitants of Germany, most of whom do not belong to the Nor-
did subrace.
The most typical Nordids live in the part of the Netherlands north of the
Rhine, in Germany along the north coast from East Friesland to Schleswig-
Holstein and beyond the Elbe to Mecklenburg, in Denmark, Norway (except
the south and south-western coastal districts), Sweden, the Aland Islands, and
the coast of Finland; also in the Faroe Islands and Iceland. The population of
Great Britain is largely of Nordid origin, but there was considerable admixture
of Mediterranid (or possibly Mediterranid-Aethiopid) stock in ancient times,
and the proportion of quite typical Nordids is not very high (see pp. 264-9).
In the following account of the physical characters presented by typical
members of the Nordid subrace, attention will be focused chiefly on those that
distinguish Nordids from Alpinids.

PRIMARY CHARACTERS
Skull. —
The brain-case is typically either dolichocranial or just within the
mesocranial range. The striking difference between many Nordid and Alpinid
skulls in this respect may be realized by comparing D with B in Fig. 28. The
skull shown in D has a cranial index of 72-3. The parietal eminence is not
strongly marked in Nordids, and the skull appears well-filled and smoothly
arched above, whether viewed from the side or in front. The occiput projects,
and the inion is a distinct eminence.
The zygomatic bones tend to bend inwards from the places of their articula-
tion with the processes of the temporals, so that the front of the face is narrow;
narrower, in fact, than in any other Europid subrace except the Dinarids. The
facial skeleton as a whole is high in relation to its width. The orbits are large,
well-rounded above and at the corners, and high in relation to their width; the
interorbital distance is moderate.
The nose is leptorrhine, with strongly projecting nasal bones.
Modern Nordids are orthognathous, both as regards the facial skeleton as a
whole and in the alveolar region (cf. Fig. 28c), but there was a tendency
towards prognathy (especially in the alveolar region) in some of the ancient
^Germanen\
The chin projects forwards. The gonia of the lower jaw do not flare out-

wards.
Internal organs other than skeleton. —The general form of the human brain and its

lobes is adapted to that of the skull, although the correspondence is not exact. It

follows that the brain of a Nordid has not the same shape as that of an Alpinid. The
gyri and sulci are stated to be somewhat differently placed in dolichocranial and
brachycranial persons. The position of the upper end of the central sulcus (Rolando's)
in relation to the form of the skull can be determined as follows. A mark may be made

on the scalp of a corpse over the glabella and another over the inion (in the occipital
218 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
region), and a line may then be drawn on the skin over the top of the head, in the
median sagittal plane, to connect the two. This line may then be divided into 100 equal
parts, numbered from the glabella. If the skull is then dissected to reveal the position of
the sulcus in question, the position of the upper end of the latter can be expressed
numerically by reference to the subdivisions of the line joining glabella and inion. 14701 It

is stated that the number of subdivisions of this line representing the position of the
upper end of the sulcus is less in dolichocranial than in brachycranial persons, and
indeed — rather surprisingly — that the distance is absolutely less in dolichocranials. I354|

Unfortunately these results do not seem to have been established by studies of persons
positively identified as Nordid and Alpinid.
It is and cervix of Nordid women are longer than those of
stated that the vagina
Alpinids. 16361 Further evidence is necessary before these statements can be accepted.
External characters. —
The typical Nordid is considerably taller than the
Alpinid, the average height of the adult male being about 1 73 cm, or perhaps
more; many men greatly exceed this figure. The limbs, especially the legs, are
long. The body tends to be slim, and here again there is a contrast with the
stocky Alpinid.
Typical examples of the Nordid head are shown in Fig. 29c and D. The
upper picture represents Lord Kitchener, one of those Englishmen who happen
to show the unexaggerated Nordid features particularly well. The lower picture
represents a statue of the third century B.C., in the Musees d'Art et d'Histoire,
Brussels. It has been partly restored, but the restorer is thought to have been
guided by broken parts of the original during the process. In describing it,
Cumont remarks that anthropological exactitude was one of the characters of
the art of the period. [236] It represents a Nordid warrior, probably dying or
dead in batde. The arrangement of the hair suggests that the man was one of
the Bastarnae, a tribe of Germanen that occupied the region between the Car-
pathians and the Black Sea at the time in question. 15731 The Nordid type seen in
this statue is more extreme than that represented by Lord Kitchener, but unfor-
tunately the shape of the back of the head hidden by the long hair. The
is

projecting occiput of Nordids is one of the most obvious differences from

Alpinids.
The brow-ridges and somewhat sloping forehead: the narrow front of the
face; the straight or slightly convex nose, with compressed alae and narrow
tip — all these characteristic Nordid features are seen clearly in the two
illustrations.
The complexion tends to be florid and easily freckled by bright sunlight.
The eyes are not set very far apart. In advanced age there is a curious
tendency for the upper eyelid to sink at its outer side. Characteristically the iris
is blue or pale grey, but sometimes pale brown. (Kitchener's were described as

'blue as ice',l3i4i and are pale blue in the painting by Herkomer in the National
Portrait Gallery.) The scalp-hair of Nordids is not very abundant, and there is
a tendency to baldness in males. The hairs are fine and flexible. Too much
stress has been laid by some authors on the colour of the scalp-hair in Nordids.
It is commonly ash-blond (the 'platinum blonde' of women), golden, golden

brown, pale brown, or reddish-brown. Many adult Nordids whose hair is

darker than any of these colours had golden locks when they were children.
 THE EUROPIDS 219

Gradual darkening is quite usual. (For instance, Kitchener's scalp-hair is light

brown in the portrait mentioned above, painted when he was 40; his moustache
was honey-coloured. Both scalp-hair and moustache were considerably darker
when another portrait (in the same gallery) was painted by C. M. Horsfall nine
years later.)
It is often supposed that blondness
is an indication of Nordid ancestry.

Taken by nothing of the kind. The Dalofalids, for instance, who in-
itself, it is

habit Westphalia and the province of Kopparberg in Sweden, are as blond as

the most typical Nordids; so are the Osteuropids of north-eastern Europe, who
are very unlike Nordids in appearance, and seem to be an offshoot of the
Alpinids, adapted to a more northerly habitat by greater body-size and reduc-
tion in pigmentation of the skin (pp. 156-7), with consequent paleness of the
hair. The suggestion is sometimes made that the Osteuropids are Alpinid-
Nordid hybrids, but there is no convincing evidence of Nordid ancestry. Fair
hair and blue eyes also occur sporadically among the Kabyles of northern
Algeria and the Kurds of northern Iraq and the adjacent parts of Turkey and
Iran. The original inhabitants of the Canary Islands, the Guanches, were fair-
haired and blue-eyed. 1092. i093l
1

The hair in the armpits of Nordids is generally from ash-blond to reddish-

brown; it is fairly abundant. Pubic hair (somewhat scanty in the female) is of
the same colour as the axillary.
The claim has been made that typical Nordids and Alpinids differ as much
from one another in the external genital organs of the female as in the skull. I636I
It is stated that these organs are situated lower and more posteriorly in Nordids

than in Alpinids, and that the labia —

both majora and minora —
are larger. It is
also stated that the male Nordid has a larger penis with a particularly long
prepuce.16361 It is difficult to obtain reliable measurements of these parts of the
body, and statements about subracial differences in them must not be accepted
without confirmation. (The undoubted peculiarities in the external genital
organs of Khoisanids will be described and illustrated in Chapter 17 (pp.
313-19).
The ease with which Nordids pronounce the th sounds has already been
mentioned on p. 117.

SECONDARY CHARACTERS
The Nordids do not appear to possess any special characters falling clearly
into this category. The lower border of the apertura pyriformis is always or
nearly always oxycraspedote, and the blood-groups resemble those of western
Alpinids. For remarks on the lack of precise information about the blood-
groups of the latter subrace, see p. 216.

The various subraces of the Europid race, in their typical forms, are not
equally different from one another. For instance, the Nordid and Mediterranid
subraces are close to one another in morphological characters, 1343. 302i much
more so than either is to the Alpinid. It is not always very easy to distinguish a
220 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Nordid skull from a Mediterranid, though anyone could distinguish it from an
Alpinid.
In external characters, however, the typical Mediterranid of southern Italy
and the western Mediterranean islands differs from the Nordid in several
respects. He is much mean stature of adult males is said to
shorter; indeed, the
be only about 161 162 cm. [269, 331,4501 He is perhaps slightly more
or
dolichocephalic, on the average, than the modern Nordid; the forehead is
slightly steeper, and tends to run with less interruption into the slope of the
nose, which does not project quite so much, and is somewhat wider (though
still leptorrhine). The continuity of the forehead with the nose was much ad-

mired by the classical sculptors, who exaggerated it to produce the so-called

'Greek profile'. In actual fact, continuity of the two slopes, with no alteration of
slope or sunken region in the vicinity of the nasion, is unknown in any ethnic
taxon of man (though well exhibited, for instance, by the Bornean leaf-monkey,
Presbytis rubicundus rubidus\49\). The face of the Mediterranid is oval, perhaps
tapering below more than that of the Nordid. The ears tend to be smaller, the
lips somewhat thicker. The differences between the sexes are more marked, the

hips of Mediterranid women being relatively wider. Apart from these

morphological differences, the scalp-hair is very dark brown (commonly called
black), and the iris also very dark.

From the very short descriptions of ethnic taxa that are given in some
anthropological text-books, one might well imagine that something of very
special importance has been said about a skull when it has been described as
brachycranial —
as though all brachycranial skulls were similar. This is far
from being true. There are brachycranial Europids and brachycranial
Mongolids, and the two types of skull are in fact very different. This subject
was studied especially carefully by the Swiss anthropologist M. Reicher, who
made a detailed comparison of the skulls of Alpinids and Tungids.l889.890l The
latter, often called 'Mongols', are perhaps to be regarded as the most typical
representatives of the Mongolid race. They occupy (though not to the complete
exclusion of others) a huge area extending from the Arctic coastline to about
40°N. latitude, where they abut on the Sinids (Chinese), and from 80°E. or
thereabouts at the westernmost Hmit of their main range to the seas of Okhotsk
and Japan. There is an isolated group of them on the north-western shore of the
Caspian Sea, and many other small ones in various places west of the main
range. Reicher's studies were carried out on the skulls of Buriats, Kalmuks,
Torguts, and Telengets. His Alpinid skulls were obtained in Bavaria,
Switzerland, and Tyrol. In his investigation he concentrated his attention
entirely on lengths, indices, and angles. The differences between the two sets of
skulls would have appeared even greater if he had also examined the characters
that do not lend themselves readily to measurement and statistical analysis (for
instance, the structure of the lower border of the apertura pyriformis).
Although the cranial indices of the two taxa do not differ significantly, the part of the
skull where the greatest breadth occurs is not the same. In Alpinids the most distant
points are almost always on the parietal bones, in Tungids on the squamous part of the
temporals The Alpinids (even the western ones, studied by Reicher) have skulls that
 THE EUROPIDS 221

are considerably higher, and wider in the frontal region. In this taxon the inion (the
most prominent point on the external occipital protuberance) is situated higher up on
the occiput.
It is in the facial region, however, that the chief differences occur. The zygomatic
bones are less powerfully developed in the Alpinids. and do not project so far forward.
The bizygomatic breadth is also less in this taxon. The face is less high (both absolutely
and relatively to other parts). Both taxa are orthognathous as regards the face as a
whole, but the Alpinids tend to alveolar orthognathy (though not so much as the Nor-
dids), while the Tungids tend to be prognathous in the subnasal region. The Alpinids
have narrower aperturae pyriformes, tending towards leptorrhiny. while the noses of
Tungids are considerably wider, tending towards chamaerrhiny; and in Alpinids the
nasal bones project forwards very much
The palate is narrower in Alpinids.
further.
The orbits are much further apart in Alpinids. The entrances to the orbits slope
downwards and backwards towards their outer edges much more than in the Tungids.
in whom they are almost horizontal and scarcely slope backwards laterally. It has

already been mentioned (p. 213) that in typical Alpinids the upper borders of the orbits
overhang the lower considerably, while in Tungids they are almost directly above.
These differences impress on the mind how misleading the description of a
skull as brachycranial may be, if it gives the impression that fundamental
similarity is necessarily implied. The cranial index is useful only if its

limitations are recognized. It is scarcely necessary to add that the differences

between Alpinids and Tungids are very evident when characters apart from the
cranium are taken into consideration.

ISOLATION AND UNIFORMITY

When members of one of the minor ethnic taxa (subraces or local forms) have
lived for a long time inmore or less complete isolation, the population may
exhibit remarkable uniformity in physical characters (apart from differences
between the sexes). The isolation may be due to physical causes, such as the
sea that surrounds an oceanic island, or to the unwillingness of the people con-
cerned to hybridize with members of other ethnic taxa (or to the converse of
this). The celebrated French anthropologist, Paul Topinard, regarded the
Negritids of the Andaman Islands as the extreme example of uniformity among
human populations.! i062l These little people, the Minkopis or Andamanids,
owed surrounding ocean, which enabled them
their uniformity primarily to the
to live in isolation. Their pygmy stature and unusual appearance may have
exerted an additional isolating effect when people of other taxa came to live on
their islands.
The Todas of the Nilgiri Hills in southern India provide an example of a
Europid stock that has avoided miscegenation and remained very uniform in
physique as a result. Their existence was first made known to Europeans by a
Portuguese missionary who penetrated their territory in 1602 and spent two
days among them, but more than two centuries elapsed before they were seen
again by any European. |906| The lofty plateaux that constitute their homeland
are indeed somewhat inaccessible and uninviting to the lowlanders of the sur-
222 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
rounding country, but the physical uniformity of the Todas is not due solely to
geographical isolation. There are several other tribes in the Nilgiri Hills, but
miscegenation does not occur. Major Ross King, who lived for three years in
these hills, wrote of the Todas in 1870:
Totally distinct in aspect, mould and bearing from any of the various races
of the low country, and as markedly different from the rest of the tribes im-
mediately around them, their exceptional and striking appearance at once
arrests the eye of the most unobservant. . the Todas never contract
. .

marriages with the other tribes, though living together on most friendly
terms. That there never has been any mixture of the races, is sufficiently evi-
dent from the strongly marked distinctions that continue to exist between
them. 15811
Syphilis was introduced by Europeans and has spread among the Todas,! i052l
but the presence of hybrids has not been reported. The avoidance of hybridiza-
tion is all the more remarkable since they shared the Nilgiri Hills with no fewer
than four other tribes — the Badaga, Kota, and two Weddid groups (Kurumba
and Irula). When they were first discovered by the Portuguese missionary in
1602, the Todas were already in touch with the Badagas.|906l They developed a
special mode of salutation for members of the Weddid groups, and a more
elaborate one for Badaga headmen. [906l
Lieut. -Col. W. E. Marshall, in describing their physical appearance in 1873,
emphasized their similarity to one another in appearance, and mentioned 'the
remarkable uniformity of cranial development'. 7031 'Whoever has seen one
1

—
Toda has seen the whole race,' he remarkedl704| though it must be admitted
that it would be advantageous to have seen two Todas, one of each sex.
Thurston, the authority on Indian anthropology, is quoted as having said that
the Todas 'are so inbred that they look like members of one family'.li053l The
geneticist and anthropologist R. Ruggles Gates, who visited them in 1959,
confirms this statement.[392l
The Todas are to be regarded as what would be called in zoological
literature a 'relict fauna' —
-a group left behind and isolated on the retreat (or in
some cases the partial extinction) of a taxon that had been more widely dis-
tributed in earlier times. Their physical characters show them to be Nordindids
(Indo-Afghans).l268. 3021 Indeed, when von Eickstedt first saw a Toda, he
actually thought he was looking at a Sikh. (The absence of a turban must surely
have surprised him, for the Sikhs are as rigorous about wearing their head-
dress as the Todas are about leaving their scalp-hair uncovered.) Rivers's very
tentative suggestion that the Todas may be related to the Nambutiris of
Malabar 9061 cannot be substantiated.
1

Two separate studies of Toda blood-groups have been made, involving

altogether 282 persons. I8i6.650l The two sets of figures are somewhat
discordant, but if one adds them together and calculates the frequency of the
genes responsible for the ABO groups, the following results emerge: p (frequen-
cy of gene for 'A' group), 0-179; q (ditto, for 'B' group), 0-347. /? is close to the
figure for the Sikhs (typical Nordindids), but q is considerably higher — in
fact, one of the highest ever recorded. The blood-groups of 86 Kotas were also
studied. 16501 These people are the closest neighbours of the Todas. Not a single
 THE EUROPIDS 223

person belonging to groups 'A' or 'AB' was found among the 86. This confirms
Todas have avoided miscegenation.
the strong evidence that the
Another example of isolation may be quoted. In 1929 there occurred an
'Armenian Diaspora' from Turkey. Some 10,000 of the emigrants settled in
Marseilles and adjacent parts of Provence, adding themselves to the small
group of Armenians already present in the district. A study has recently been
made of the ABO blood-groups of 7,943 persons belonging to this Armenian
community. 18001 The numbers in each blood-group, expressed as percentages of
all who were tested, are shown in the accompanying table, with figures for

3,816 Armenians of Tiflis (Georgia) for comparison. (The figures for Tiflis are
from Martin and Sailer. [708l)
224 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
From the flux and reflux of so many tribes . there could only result a
. .

mixture of blood, which, blending more and more the characters of each of
the types that had become mixed together, produced those particular
varieties of which the western population is today composed — a population
in which the traits of the typical forms, transmitted through one another,
reappear here and there on our faces, but blend on them insensibly. 281
1 1

This fusion has indeed occurred on a large scale in France, for a con-
siderable part of the population is composed of Nordid-Alpinid hybrids, with
Mediterranid elements added in certain localities. It has already been men-
tioned (p. 84) that Beddoe long ago foresaw the influence that the railway
would have on miscegenation, 169] but writing as he did in 1885 he could not
have guessed what rapid advances in means of transport lay ahead, with all
their effects on human life.
Some writers, however, have tended to exaggerate the extent of hybridiza-
tion. Otto Ammon was particularly influential in this respect. It is necessary to
make it clear that although he called his short paper on this subject 'Zur
Theohe der reinen Rassentypen\\\6] in his main study he was not in fact
concerned with races at all, but with what he called the Nordeuropdischer
Tvpus, the Alpiner Tvpus, the Mittelldndischer Typus, and intermediates;! 15| in
other words, with Nordids, Alpinids, Mediterranids, and their hybrids. The
investigation was carried out in the Grand Duchy of Baden, situated in the
south-western corner of Germany, where that country abuts on France and
Switzerland. The persons subjected to study were nearly thirty thousand con-
scripts and secondary-school children. (A small group of Jews was considered
separately.) Ammon and his collaborators used cephalic index, stature, and
colour of eyes, head-hair, and skin as criteria by which to judge whether each
person could justifiably be regarded as belonging to one or other of the three
types. They concluded that only 1-45% of them could be classified as
belonging to the Nordeuropdischer Typus, 0-39% to the Alpiner, and 009% to
the Mittelldndischer. Ammon's contention was that true types do not exist in a
hybrid population (gekreuzte Bevolkerung): and one could hardly choose a
place where long-established hybridity was more likely to occur than here. The
three subraces, as he pointed out, had been living in the Grand Duchy for three
hundred years; and he remarked that, in these circumstances, if one were to
take into consideration every character by which the three types could be dis-
tinguished, one would expect to find no 'pure race' (reinrassige) individual at
all, or only sporadic examples with perhaps a few more in secluded places. He

thought that all populations were to some extent hybrid, and that the degree of
hybridity was probably greater in Europe, and especially Central Europe, than
anywhere else in the world;! i6l and Central Europe is where his investigation
took place. One must remember that the whole native population of the Grand
Duchy was reinrassige in the strict sense of the word, for all the people
belonged to the Europid race.
It appears to have escaped notice that the investigators must have hugely

underestimated the number of people who should have been assigned to the
Alpiner Typus, for the criteria they used for this purpose were open to serious
objection. In particular, they regarded no one as an Alpiner unless his hair was
 THE EUROPIDS 225

black or brownish-black (see pp. 209. 9-10, and 128 of Amnion's bookli5I);
and this criterion would in fact exclude every typical Alpinid.
It is true, of course, that there are many examples of hybridity between

Europid subraces. Armenid-Orientalid hybrids are mentioned in Chapter 14,

and the participation of Nordid and Mediterranid ancestors in the origin of the
British people in Chapter 15. It is perhaps doubtful whether any Europids of
the present day, apart from the Todas and a few other isolated peoples, are
descended exclusively from ancestors who belonged to a single subracQ. In
many cases, however, the preponderance of one subrace in the ancestry is
obvious enough, and it is this fact that justifies the recognition of subraces. In
any group of subracial hybrids that has not become inbred to a sufficient extent
to reach homogeneity, random assortment of genes may bring together in a
single person a set of them that will give a closer resemblance to one ancestral
form than to another, and the chance of this is obviously greater if members of
one subrace predominated in the ancestry.
When members of several Europid subraces have colonized a previously
underpopulated country, intermarriage between them may result in confusion
of subraces, so that eventually the word no longer has meaning in that part of
the world, so far as the majority of the population is concerned. Members of
such a population who have not seen typical members of various Europid sub-
races in their native habitats may even be inclined to doubt the reality of the
subrace as a valid ethnic taxon.

Hybrid populations may originate not only by intersubracial, but also by

interracial miscegenation. An interracial hybrid population may give rise to a
recognizable new ethnic taxon by intermarriage within itself, generation after
generation. Such taxa generally (but not always) originate where the natural
habitats of two races abut on one another, and therefore only two ancestral
races are concerned. One of these has usually provided the majority of the
ancestors, and if so it naturally has a predominant effect on the physique of the
hybrids. As a result the latter are commonly regarded by anthropologists as
belonging to the predominant race, and as constituting a somewhat aberrant
subrace of it.
Europids have participated in the production of several interracial hybrid
taxa to which their contribution has been predominant, so that the hybrids are
grouped within the Europid race. The Turanids ('Turki'), for example, are
Europid-Mongolid hybrids, among whom the physical characters of their
Europid ancestors generally predominate over the Mongolid. They occupy a
huge territory extending from the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea to the
borders of Mongolia, and a narrow tongue of Turanid territory stretches north
of the Caspian to the Black Sea coast. The Mongolid element in their features
becomes progressively less towards the western limit of their territory. (5731
The Aethiopids ('Eastern Hamites' or 'Erythriotes') of Ethiopia and
Somaliland are an essentially Europid subrace with some Negrid admixture.
Typically these are slender people of medium stature, dolicho- or mesocranial;
the face is more or less of the Europid form, with rather narrow, prominent
nose; there is no prognathism (Fig. 30b, p. 230). Various parts of the body give
226 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
evidence, however, of Negrid influence. The skin is reddish- or blackish-brown.
The dark brown or black scalp-hair is neither long, like that of most Europids,
nor very short, as in Negrids. It is variable in texture in different local forms,
but as a rule it is not wavy, like that of typical Europids, nor wound into many
tight spirals (what the French call 'cheveux crepus') like that of Negrids, but of
the intermediate condition described as 'frizzy' {'cheveux /rises'), in which
each hair curls into several ringlets, the spiral having a diameter of 1 cm or
more. The ears are rather small. Both upper and lower lips are rather thicker
than in typical Europids, but not much
everted. Other indications of Negrid par-
ticipation in the ancestry are the wide shoulders associated with narrow hips,
long forearms, weakly developed calves of the legs, and scantiness of all hair
except that of the scalp. It must be remarked that since the Negrid ancestors
were presumably Nilotids, prognathism would not be expected in the hybrid
taxon (see p. 329).
It is not possible to state with confidence which Europid subrace was chiefly

responsible for the non-Negrid contribution to this hybrid taxon, and indeed
this may well have varied in different local forms. Some authorities lay stress
on the predominance of one Europid subrace, others on another. It is probable
that there were both Orientalid ('Arab') and Mediterranid (or Proto-
mediterranid) ancestors, and the Orientalid ancestors may perhaps have been
hybridized with Armenids, as in so many places they are.l 1024. 302. i085. 2281
The Aethiopids have hybridized secondarily with Nilotid Negrids to give rise
to tribes referred to under the general title of Niloto- or Nilo-Hamites (or
sometimes Half-Hamites). In these the Negrid characters are somewhat more
evident. Among the nomadic pastoralists called the Masai, who inhabit the
Kenya-Tanzania borderland, the further hybridization has been so slight that
some authorities classify them as Aethiopids.[302l The same applies to the
Latuko (Lotuko) and Turkana of the grassland between the Bahr-el-Jebel and
Lake Rudolf.
The Wahima (Bahima) of south-western Uganda are another group of very
tall pastoralists, in this respect resembling the Turkana, but the evidence

suggests that they are Aethiopid-Kafrid, not Aethiopid-Nilotid hybrids;

whether this is so or not, the Aethiopid character greatly predominates among
these people. 1 1024. 573.4501 The Kafrids are themselves a group of Aethiopid-
Negrid hybrids, among whom, however, the Aethiopid element is much
smaller, so that they are classified as Negrids (see p. 333).
It was remarked long ago by the French anthropologists Collignon and

Deniker that 'The word "Moor" should be banished from ethnographic ter-
minology, like so many others of which the meaning is vague and badly
determined. '1218I Unfortunately there is no other name for the 'true' Moors, of
hybrid Europid-Negrid stock, who live in Mauritania (formerly Mauretania)
and the adjacent countries.
In one sense the word 'Moor' means the Mohammedan Berbers and Arabs
of north-western Africa, with some Syrians, who conquered most of Spain in
the eighth century and dominated the country for hundreds of years, leaving
behind some magnificent examples of their architecture as a lasting memorial
of their presence. These so-called 'Moors' were far in advance of any of the
 THE EUROPIDS 227

peoples of northern Europe at that time, not only in architecture but also in
literature, science, technology, industry, and agriculture; and their civilization
had a permanent influence on Spain.[ii23. 860, 4721 They were Europids,
unhybridized with members of any other race. The Berbers were (and are)
Mediterranids, probably with some admixture from the Cromagnid subrace of
ancient times. 1302. 471 The Arabs were Orientalids, the Syrians probably of
mixed Orientalid and Armenid stock. The skin of Orientalids and of some
Berbers darkens readily under the influence of sunlight, and many of them
become quite dark in the exposed parts of the body. The association of dark
skin with the name of 'Moors' resulted eventually in the same term being
applied to Negrids. This mistake was made even by scientists —
for instance, by
Sommerring (p. 27) in 1784, in the first edition of his important work on the
anatomy of Negroes;l987| but in the second edition he changed Mohr to
/[Link]] Kant, writing in the previous decade, had made no such mistake.
For him, the Europids ('die Race der Weiszen') included 'die Mohren (Mauren
von AfricaY as well as Arabs in general (and also Persians and certain other
Asian peoples).l569l The Tuareg (Fig. 30a) are Islamized Berbers.
The area inhabited by the 'true' or racially hybrid (Europid-Negrid) Moors
includes Mauritania, with the adjoining part of Mali and Rio de Oro; it extends
southwards to the River Senegal and then roughly along lat. 15°N. to the
Niger. Well over three centuries ago Dr. Thomas Browne noted the southern
boundary of the tawny Moors in his Pseudodoxia epidemica. He remarked on
the inconsistency of those who attributed the blackness of Negroes to the direct
action of the sun,
... for whilst they make the River Senega [Senegal] to divide and bound the
Moores, so that on the South-side they are blacke, on the other onely tawnie;
they imply a secret causality herein from the ayre, place or River, and seem
not to derive it from the Sunne; the effects of whose activity are not
precipitously abrupted, but gradually proceed to their cessations.! 501 1

At one time the range of the true Moors extended a short distance south of
the River Senegal, but the French excluded them from Senegalese territory.l2i8l
One of the first to give an adequate account of the physical characters of the
true Moors was the French natural historian Michel Adanson, who went to
Senegal as a young man and lived there for five years.l7l The fullest description
is that by Collignon and Deniker,12i8l who brought together the scattered

information on the subject and carefully examined a few Moors who had come
to Paris in 1895 —
the first ever seen in France. They reached the conclusion
that the true Moors are hybrids between Berbers and West African Negrids
(that is to say, Sudanids), the Berber contribution predominating. This conclu-
sion was accepted by Eickstedt.l302l The French authors remark on the
'prodigious' resemblance to Ethiopians and related peoples of the eastern side
of Africa. It is clear, however, that the Moors must not be placed in the same
ethnic taxon as the Aethiopids, since their origin is different.
In western just as in eastern Africa one can note a transition from hybrid peoples,
such as the true Moors, in whom the Europid element predominates, to others in which
the reverse is true. The nomadic 'pastoral Fulbe' of West Africa are intermediate; the
'sedentary Fulbe' admit Negroes to their settled communities and show more strongly
228 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
developed Negrid characters. The Europid element in the Fulbe. as in the Moors, is

probably derived from the Berbers. I450i The Hausa. who number some eight millions
and may be said to have achieved a dominating position in northern Nigeria, are es-
sentially Negrids of the Sudanid subrace, with a small but varying proportion of
Europid admixture. The latter is ascribed by different authors to Mediterranid (Berber),
and Aethiopid ancestors; 1573. 450. 268I possibly all three have contributed.
Orientalid,
Most of the hybrid taxa mentioned above are examples of what Gedda has
called 'border' or 'Type A' hybridization. 13971 Another kind, called by Gedda
'colonialistic' or 'Type B', results from the deliberate emigration of members of
—
one taxon into the territory of another often into the interior of it, with
resulting miscegenation between the colonists and the endemic population. This
occurred, for instance, when Europids entered the Indianid territories of South
America, with the resultant production of a largely hybrid population. In some
cases two colonizing taxa have independently entered an underpopulated (or
unpopulated) country and mated together to produce a new hybrid taxon.
Many of the 'Coloured' population of South Africa (Europid-Khoid) originated
in this way (see p. 97). Gedda also distinguishes a type of hybridization
resulting from the use of force by members of one taxon to cause members of
another to enter into an underpopulated (or unpopulated) one to serve as
slaves —and some of their women as mistresses. He calls this 'slave' or 'Type
C hybridization, of which the most familiar example has resulted in the
production of a huge number of Europid-Negrid hybrids in both North and
South America.
Hybridization does not rapidly produce a homogeneous population. The F.l
progeny may mate with a similar hybrid or with one of the parental types. In
former times it was the custom in various parts of America to use particular
names for each degree of hybridity. In Mexico, for instance, an extraordinarily
precise system of nomenclature was developed, to distinguish different degrees
of hybridity. [8451 For instance, if a Europid man married (or mated with) a
Negrid, their daughter was a 'Mulata\ who on marrying a Europid would
produce a 'Morisca'; the latter on marrying a Europid would produce an
'Alvina\ who, if she repeated the process, might give birth to a 'Tornatras\
Other special terms were invented to cover various possibilities of inter-
marriage between Europids, Negrids, Indianids, and hybrids.
In the United States of America the so-called 'Negro' population is largely
hybrid. This must, indeed, be evident to anyone who has travelled widely
among the Negrids of Africa before entering the U.S.A. Fortunately it has been
possible to assess rather precisely the extent of Europid admixture with
Negrids in the U.S.A. When the Rhesus blood-groups of persons regarded as
'Negroes' in that country were investigated, it was found that the frequency of
cDe was generally about 45%.* This was an astonishingly high figure,
because it was known that among the Europids of the U.S.A. (and elsewhere)
this was an unusual type, with frequency only about 2 6%. Since it was ob-
vious, from other evidence, that the so-called 'Negroes' were Europid-Negrid

* The frequencies of the various gene-combinations of the Rhesus system are commonly
expressed as percentages.
 THE EUROPIDS 229

hybrids, the first reaction to this discovery was one of surprise that the

'Negroes' showed such a high frequency of cDe. The facts were soon
explained when figures for the frequency of Rhesus blood-types were obtained
for actual Negrids in Africa. The frequency of cDe was found to be con-
siderably higher in them than among the hybrids constituting the 'Negro' pop-
ulation of the U.S.A. The Sudanids gave a frequency of 64%, Kafrids 63%. It
was at once evident that the figures, if confirmed, would provide means of dis-
covering the proportion of Europid ancestry in the hybrids.
A statistical investigation of the subject was undertaken by Glass and Li, [407]
who took into consideration not only the Rhesus blood-group, but also the
ABO and MN. Their purpose was to discover the extent of the Europid con-
tribution to the genetic make-up of the 'Negroes' of Baltimore, of whom they
were careful to obtain a random sample. They concluded that the accumulated
amount of Europid admixture was about 30%. It was subsequently found,
however, that this figure was too high. An elaborate mathematical study of the
whole subject of gene-flow from one population to another was made at Oxford
and Leeds by Roberts and Hiorns.(907i These authors used the principles that
resulted from their theoretical investigation to make estimates of the European
contribution to the genetic constitution of the American Negro. Using evidence
from diflferent sources and making different assumptions, they obtained five
figures, not widely divergent from one another, as follows: 23-2%, 23 4%,
26 0%, 26- 1%, and 26-3%.
In reaching the figure of 26- 1%, Roberts and Hiorns made use of the 'Duffy'
blood-group system (in addition to several others), without laying any special
emphasis upon it. This system had been discovered in 1950 (just half a century
after the discovery of the ABO system) in the course of work carried out under
the auspices of the British Medical Research Council. 1239] It was found that
the blood corpuscles of many Europeans were agglutinated (clotted) by the
blood serum of a person named Duffy, and that the reaction had nothing to do
with any previously known blood-group system. The gene responsible for the
property that makes the corpuscles agglutinable by serum of the Duffy type
was named by its discoverers Fy and the allelomorphic gene (not having this
',

effect) as Fy\ The gene-frequency of Fy" in Europeans is about 0-43, but

among the Negroes of West Africa, which was the original home of most of the
slaves transported to the U.S.A.. it is extremely low. about 002. Dr. T. E.
Reed of the University of Toronto recognized that this gene would be of par-
ticular value for estimating the contribution of Europids to the genetic constitu-
tion of the American Negroes, not only because its frequency in Africa had
been very thoroughly investigated, but also because it has no harmful effect
and there could therefore be no question of evolutionary changes in its frequen-
cy arising through the action of natural selection. 18861 (Duff"y himself was a
haemophiliac, but this had nothing to do with the blood-group system to which
he gave his name.) Basing his study on the frequency of this gene. Reed
reached the conclusion that the European contribution to the genetic composi-
tion of the Negro population of Oakland (California) was about 22%, of
Detroit 26%, and of New York about 19%. Much lower figures were obtained
in the southern states; in Charleston (South Carolina) the Europid contribution
 30 Mediterranid, Aethiopid, and 'Negro' heads
A, a Tuareg Berber (Mediterranid); B, a Somali (Aethiopid); C, an American described in nationally dis-
tributed British newspapers as a Negro; 128. 7251 D, another American described in a nationally distributed
newspaper as a Negro. |27|
A and [Link] Hutchinson, Gregory, and Lydekker; I530|C and D, Associated Press.

amounted to less than 4%. The much lower proportion of Europid genes in
southern Negroes should be borne in mind when the results of cognition testing
in the U.S.A. are considered (pp. 471-82 and 484-5).
It goes without saying that in any particular person of Negrid-Europid

ancestry, the proportion of the Europid contributionmay be great or small.

Unfortunately it is usual in the U.S.A. to apply the name of 'Negro' to
everyone who shows any evidence of a Negrid element in his ancestry, and this
 THE EUROPIDS 231

practice copied by British journalists when reporting American affairs. For

is

instance, the man shown in Fig. 30c was described as a Negro, without
qualification, in at least two nationally distributed British newspapers. 28, 7251 It
1

is clear from the photograph that there is a Negrid element in his features, but

anyone with any knowledge of physical anthropology would know that this
man was a hybrid, and probably as much Europid as Negrid. A much more
extreme case is seen in Fig. 30d; for this photograph gives no morphological
evidence of Negrid ancestry, yet the person depicted was described un-
equivocally as a Negro in the article accompanying the photograph, which also
appeared in a nationally distributed British newspaper.|27l Without the
opportunity to examine the whole body one cannot deny the possibility of some
Negrid admixture, but it is most misleading to describe a predominantly
Europid person simply as a Negro —
or perhaps one should say that it would be
most misleading, if the contrary evidence presented by the photograph were
not conclusive.
Even in scientific journals one often finds the same tendency as in the pop-
ular press to classify as 'Negroes' all persons who are in fact Americans of

Europid-Negrid ancestry. This is regrettable, because it may result in the

drawing of conclusions about Negrids that could not be substantiated by data
derived from persons actually of that race. No one who wished to obtain
general information of any kind about Europids would select Niloto-Hamites
or Moors (in the strict sense), or even Aethiopids, as the principal subjects of
his research.

It is hoped that the examples quoted in this chapter will suffice to give an im-

pression of the part that hybridization has played in the late stages of human
evolution. Some authors have stressed the effect of this process in increasing
the diversity of mankind. 1797, 8931 Nevertheless this effect cannot be extended
all human beings in the whole world were able and willing to
indefinitely: for if
mate random, without consideration of ethnic taxa, a tendency towards
at
uniformity would gradually result. Random assortment of genes might, indeed,
occasionally produce marked prognathy or extreme pigmentation of the
skin, 110071 or some other particular distinctive character developed to a high
degree; but the person who
bore such a character would probably be a more or
less generalized human many other respects, showing no other marked
being in
peculiarities. There would be few individuals in the world who differed from one
another in so many physical characters as a Nordid does from a Bushman, for
instance, or a Tungid from a Negrito.
 14 The Jews

The mind can only adapt thought on the ethnic problem if the
itself to serious

great complexity of the subject is A sentence, even a phrase, may

recognized.
seem plain enough; yet when its meaning has been thoroughly examined, the
intricacies and errors that were hidden in apparent simplicity are startlingly
revealed. This chapter is concerned not with a sentence or a phrase, but with
the single word 'Jews'. There is no question of attempting to give here, even in
brief summary, a general history of the people called by this name. The
primary intention is only to review those aspects of the subject that throw the
vividest light on the complexities and misunderstandings that may lurk behind
a single word, supposed to be descriptive of a particular group of persons.
It is appropriate that the Jews should have a chapter to themselves in this

book. The terrible persecution of a large section of this people under Hitler's
regime probably did more even than the evils of Negro slavery to bring the
ethnic problem to the attention of humane people all over the world. The
importance that many Jews have attached to endogamy is also relevant. In any
serious study of the superiority or inferiority of particular groups of people one
cannot fail to take note of the altogether outstanding contributions made to in-
tellectual and artistic life, and to the world of commerce and finance, genera-
tion after generation, by persons to whom the name of Jews is attached.
Who, then, are Jews? It is often said that they are those who adhere to the
Jewish religion. For instance, in the Statement on the nature of race and race
differences drawn up by a group of physical anthropologists and geneticists
assembled in Paris in June 1951 under the auspices of UNESCO, one finds
these words: 'Muslims and Jews are no more races than are Roman Catholics
and Protestants.' losoi This contention needs to be examined.
[

In various parts of the world today there are communities that practise the
Jewish faith in one form or another, but are ethnically distinct from the Jews of
Europe and North America. These will now be considered.
The Falasha or 'black Jews' of Ethiopia are members of the Aethiopid sub-
race, a hybrid taxon that has already been briefly described in Chapter 13
(pp. 225-6). It is claimed by some that a certain facial resemblance to the Jews
of Europe can be detected among the Falasha,[530l but this would not appear to
be borne out by studies in physical anthropology.
In classical Ethiopia the word 'Falasha' means 'immigrants', and indeed
Judaism must obviously have been introduced from without; but many of the
local people eventually adopted the new religion. According to tradition, their
conversion was brought about through the agency of the Queen of the
 THE JEWS 233

Sabaeans or 'Sheba'; that is to say, of the people whose country is now called
Yemen. James Bruce, the explorer of Ethiopia in the 1770s. was told by the
Falasha themselves that the Queen of the Sabaeans visited Jerusalem, became
a convert to Judaism, and bore a son to Solomon: the boy, Menilek, was
educated at Jerusalem and returned to found a colony of Jews on the opposite
side of the Red Sea to the country of the Sabaeans, in Ethiopia. The whole of
the country was converted to Judaism, but most of the inhabitants subsequent-
ly adopted Christianity, the Falasha being those who did not. 561 Such was the
1 1

legend. The underlying facts remain obscure. It appears that some of the rulers
of Ethiopia from the tenth to the thirteenth century A.D. were Jewish by
religion, and Jewish rulers maintained themselves in the north of the country
until 1617, when a massacre ended the independence of the Falasha. Bruce
considered that there were still half a million of them in his time. There were
200,000 left in the nineteenth century, but today the number is reduced to
25,000, scattered in small country districts in the north, with a few in
Eritrea.f3251 The Falasha are endogamous and practise a peculiar version of the
Jewish religion, in which the Talmud is not recognized. 15451
The 'Cochin Jews' are another isolated group of persons who practise the
Jewish faith in a distant part of the world. They live in the town of Cochin and
three neighbouring villages in Kerala State, in south-west India. It has been
claimed that the religion was brought there by Jews fleeing from their country
after the distruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in A.D. 70. Some of the local
people must have adopted the new faith, for the 'Cochin Jews' of today are in-
distinguishable in physical characters from the rest of the Indian population of
the district. They wear similar clothes and speak, like the others, the
Malayalam language. Only a few can speak Hebrew, though this is used in
prayers. Migration to Israel is rapidly depleting the two thousand or
thereabouts that still remain. (3251 A few European Jews, with Spanish or
German surnames, live in the same district, but appear not to mix with the
others. 1545, 3251

Further north, in the neighbourhood of Bombay, there is another group of

religious Jews, more numerous than those of Kerala. These people, the Bene-
Israel, resemble the local Indian population in appearance and dress. 13251 They
claim to be able to trace their origin to the period that followed the destruction
of Jerusalem by the Babylonians in 586 B.C.
There does not appear to be any reliable account of the origin of the 'Tsung'
of China. 15451 These distant Jews are said to have lived in that country since
remote times and at first to have avoided intermarriage with the Chinese, but
eventually theybecame almost purely Mongolid in physical characters. 14771
Since the beginning of the communist regime in China they have mostly
emigrated. 13251
It is evident that the Falasha, 'Cochin Jews', Bene-Israel. and 'Tsung' are
ethnically distinct from the Jews of Europe and America, the only connection
being through religion. They constitute, however, a very small proportion of all
Jews. Towards the end of the nineteenth century they only amounted to about
\"4^,\545] and the proportion is unlikely to have increased since then, despite the

mass murder of European Jews by the Nazis.

234 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Mention must be made here of a group of Jews who lived in Europe but were
distinct in physical type from all the European Jews of today. The Khazars or
Cozars were a community of so-called 'Tatars' (or 'Tartars') who were con-
verted to Judaism in the eighth century and established a kingdom, Jewish in
the religious sense, in the region between and to the north of the Caspian and
Black Seas. Their ethnic position is uncertain, since the word 'Tatar' cannot be
precisely defined in terms of physical anthropology, but it is clear that they
were not related, except by religion, to any modern group of Jews. They are
said to have been 'perfectly un-Jewish' in appearance, and scarcely to have in-
termarried with other Jews. [5451 Their kingdom was destroyed by the Russians
in the tenth century. 149]
1

A very strange community of so-called Jews was brought to the notice of the
scientific world by a German expedition to the west coast of Africa about nine-
ty years ago. (6 1.211 A Negroes was found to inhabit separate
special 'caste' of
villages near the coast, some 20 30 miles south of Loango (north from the
to
mouth of the River Congo). These people were called 'Judeus' or 'Judeos'
('Jews') by the local Portuguese. They were obviously Negroes, though a Ger-
man artist thought he could detect a slight suggestion of 'Jewishness' in their
faces. The non-Jewish Negroes of the district claimed that they could dis-
tinguish the Bavumba, as they called them, by the restlessness of their eyes and
certain lines on their hands. The Judeus achieved a dominating position by
their skill in trade, but were nevertheless despised by other Negroes. No exact
information is available about their religious practices, but they are said to
have observed the Sabbath so strictly that they would not speak a word on that
day. Their customs differed markedly from those of the other Negroes of the
district. Thus they did not use fetishes, and they constructed their graves of
masonry and decorated them with figures of snakes and lizards. Their origin
was unknown. It is related that when the Jews were expelled from Spain in
1492, some two thousand of their children were sent to the island of Sao
Thome in the Gulf of Guinea; but there is no proof that the Judeus were hybrid
descendants of these exiles. We thus have the curious circumstance that a
name meaning 'Jews' was attached to a group of persons who did not practise
a distinctly Jewish form of religion and were not Jews in the ethnic sense of the
word.
Those who have written about the native inhabitants of this part of the West
African coast in recent years do not appear to have mentioned the Judeus.

From the traditional religious point of view, a Jew was a person born of a
Jewish mother,lii77i but this formula suffers from the defect that the defined
word is included in adjectival form in the definition. The same flaw occurs in
part of the new definition enacted by the Israeli Parliament in March 1970, ac-
cording to which a person is a Jew if he or she is the offspring of a Jewish
mother or has been converted to the Jewish faith by the Orthodox Rabbinate
or by the Rabbis of the Jewish Reform Movement or by the Rabbis of the
Jewish Conservative Movement.133, 11741 Anyone who wishes to do so may
accept the UNESCO doctrine and refuse to regard a person as a Jew unless he
or she practises the Jewish religion; but there can be no doubt that many peo-
 THE JEWS 235

pie in Europe and America who do not practise this religion are regarded by
others as Jews and have no hesitation in agreeing that this description is cor-
rect.
Joseph Jacobs, who described himself as a Jew, was the author of important
articles on Jewish problems. He drew up a valuable list of the most renowned
Jews who had reached the age of 50 years in the century beginning in 1785.(5461
He divided them into categories, corresponding to those devised by Francis
Galton in his Hereditary genius.W9\ It may be remembered that Galton
distinguished his highest category as X and the next as G (see pp. 42-3).
Jacobs considered that four of the Jews in his list fell into the group of
'illustrious' persons of category X, namely Disraeli, Heine. Lassalle, and
Mendelssohn-Bartholdy. It is relevant to consider whether these men were Jews
in the sense defined by the UNESCO Statement. The facts are as follows.
Disraeli was baptized a Christian at the age of 12.18261 Heine had himself
baptized at the age of 27, and on that occasion adopted 'Christian' as one of
his names. [8261 Mendelssohn's father added the extra surname 'Bartholdy' in
order to distinguish his branch of the family from that which retained the
ancestral faith, and he brought up his children, including Felix, as Protestant
Christians. (8261 Lassalle practised the Jewish religion as a boy. It does not
appear to be possible to determine when he renounced the faith. When he was
29 he was no longer restricting himself to the diet of religious Jews, and at the
age of 35 he said definitely, in a letter to Sonia Sontsev, that he was no longer a
Jew in the religious sense.13501
It would be tedious to consider the religious beliefs of all the 26 persons
whom Jacobs placed in the 'eminent' category (Galton's G). Some, like
Meyerbeer, adhered to the Jewish faith. 176) Others were equivocal about their
religion. The actress Rachel, for instance, permitted forbidden food on her table
and rarely attended a synagogue,l3201 but she allowed a Rabbi to minister to her
on her deathbed. 1903] Others were definitely not Jews by religion. The German
political writer Ludwig Borne started life as Lob Baruch. At the age of about
32 he was baptized and changed his name to that by which he is known. 18261
The philosopher Solomon Maimon was a rationalist and sceptic. The president
of the religious court by which he was divorced from his wife described him as
a 'damnable heretic'. 179] Karl Marx, influenced by the writings of Feuerbach,
had become a materialist by the age of 27 and remained one from then
onwards. 16521 He did not observe the rules that deny certain foods to religious
Jews. 16251
It follows from what has been said that if Jacobs had restricted his
interpretation of the word 'Jew' so as to exclude all who did not practise the
religious rites of Judaism, he would not have been able to name a single
Jew among those who lived in the century covered by his studies,
'illustrious'
and the number of 'eminent' Jews would have been considerably reduced. In
fact, however, his very careful analysis led him to the conclusion that a higher
proportion of Jews than of non-Jewish Englishmen rose to become illustrious
or eminent.
If anyone who wished to adopt the Jewish faith were free to do so after
receiving the necessary instruction, and if any considerable number of persons
236 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
did SO wish, the word words 'Roman Catholic' are,
'Jew' might be used as the
to denote the adherents to a religion,though in this case it could not be applied
to anyone who had first accepted and then rejected the religion. In fact,
however, there is no close resemblance between Judaism in the religious sense
and a proselytizing religion such as the Roman Catholic. A person not born a
Jew can only be accepted into the faith if he or she can satisfy the requirements
mentioned on p. 234, and conversions are rare.

There is a widespread impression that those Europeans who are commonly

called Jews tend to conform to an ethnic type distinguished by facial features,
so that a Jew can be recognized without any need to apply a religious test,
which would, indeed, be irrelevant. It is necessary to consider carefully whether
this impression is soundly based. Some readers of this book would probably
welcome a few words on the scientific study of the head, before embarking on
this particular problem, and a brief digression is made here for their benefit.
Those who are familiar with the terms used in physical anthropology are asked
to skip to p. 238. In the digression a few terms are introduced that are not
immediately relevant here, but may nevertheless be useful to readers of the rest
of the book.
The head shown in Fig. 31a (which is not that of a Jew) has been placed in the
standard horizontal plane. To achieve this, it was necessary to determine the position
of the orbitaie by feeling through the skin. This term refers to the lowest point on the
lower margin of the bony orbit. The position of the orbitaie was marked on the
overlying skin. The tragion (trn in Fig. 31 A) is the notch above the small flap of skin
and cartilage, called the tragus, that is situated immediately in front of the aperture of
the ear. The head was held in such a position that the most anterior point of the tragion
was in the same horizontal plane as the orbitaie. This plane, the standard horizontal,
should also pass through the most anterior point of the tragion of the other ear, but for
most purposes it suffices to make sure that the head does not incline noticeably to left
or [Link] standard horizontal plane is indicated in Fig. 3lA by a line passing
horizontally across the figure.
The height of the head may be measured in different ways. It is convenient for some
purposes to consider the distance of the vertex, or highest point of the surface of the
skin in the median from the standard horizontal plane.
sagittal plane,
The measurement of and length of the head, and the derivation of the
the breadth
cephalic index from the figures obtained, have already been explained on p. 194, where
it was mentioned that an approximation to the cranial index could be obtained by sub-

tracting two units from the cephalic index.

The nose is generally very inadequately described in popular writings. It is often said
to be 'long', but this gives little indication of shape, because one is not told the position
of the point from which the measurement is supposed to be taken. Does a 'long' nose
project a long way downwards or forwards'^. The first requirement is to fix two definite

points in the median sagittal plane. The uppermost is the sellion, the deepest point in
the defined plane in the depression at the root or upper extremity of the nose (sel in Fig.
3 a). The lower is the subnasale (sub), which is the point in the median sagittal plane at
1

which the skin of the upper lip meets that of the nasal septum, or cartilaginous partition
between the two nostrils. It is best to use the latter term to mean the two air-passages
 THE JEWS 237

leading into the cavities of tlie nose. The wings or alae limit the nostrils laterally, and
are separated on their outer sides from the rest of the nose by a groove, the shape of
which is characteristic of certain ethnic taxa. The word 'nostril' is often applied loosely
to the ala, but this is confusing.
The shape of the nose may be described in part by considering the projection of the
tip of it in relation to a plane, parallel to the standard horizontal plane, passing through
the subnasale. In Fig. 3 1 A the tip does not reach this plane, but in some types of face it

3 1 Particular features offacial anatomy

A, a head held in the standard horizontal plane (indicated by a line drawn right across the figure); B, face of a
young woman, to show a Europid nose of non-Armenid character, orb, orbitale: sel. sellion; sub, subnasale;
trn, tragion; trs. tragus.
A, photograph by Mr. J. Haywood; B, Daily Telegraph (photograph by Mr. Murray Irving).
238 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

projects considerably below it, and the nostrils can then not be seen in full face by a
person holding his eyes in the plane of the subject's subnasale, if the subject holds his
head in the standard horizontal position.
The breadth of the nose is greatest in the region of the alae. The maximum breadth
in this region may be expressed as a percentage of the distance from the sellion to the

subnasale. Expressed in this way, the breadth is very different in the various ethnic taxa
of man. The condition is said to be leptorrhine if the percentage is less than 70;
inesorrhine if 70 or more but less than 85; and platyrrhine if 85 or more.
The shape of the nose above the groove shows characteristic differences. In some
faces (Fig. 3 1 B) it is narrow, and in full-face view each side appears to form a curve
that joins smoothly with that of the eyebrow above and with the outer edge of the ala
below, the groove above the ala being so slight as to be inconspicuous from in front.

There are two groups of European Jews, the Ashkenazim and the Sephar-
dim, who differ in physical characters. When it is said that a person has a
Jewish appearance, the speaker usually has persons of Ashkenazic stock in
mind. The members of this group are the typical Jews of Russia, Poland, and
England, and they constitute the great majority, perhaps 90%, of all the people
in the world to whom the name of Jews is applied (cf. Jacobsl545l and
Ripley 1905 1).
Persons of Ashkenazic stock can generally be recognized by certain physical
characters that distinguish them from other Europeans. It will be understood

that not every member of this group exhibits all the distinctive characters, but
many of them show most of the ones that will now be described. The descrip-
tion will apply in particular to the adult male. 149. 302. 33 1 . 477. 545. 905. 925, lossl

Typically theAshkenazim are brachycranial, though some of them fall

within the range of the mesocranial. The relative breadth of the skull is
produced way. In several ethnic taxa the brachycranial condition
in a special
arises simply from the fact that the head is particularly broad, but this is not so
here. It is caused by the head being very short, the cranial capacity being main-
tained by the unusual height of the vertex. The shortness of the head is due to
the suppression of the occipital region. A skull of this type is said to be
hypsibrachycranial. An example is shown in Fig. 32b, which should be
compared with the skull in Fig. 28c. In some cases the impression is given in
side view that the back of the head has been sliced ofTby a vertical cut (cf. Fig.
33 b, p. 240). The forehead is special in two respects. It tends to recede rather
noticeably (Fig. 33b), and also to be rounded in the horizontal plane (Fig. 32a),
instead of being squared off on each side, as it is in certain types of head, in
which the forehead is almost rectangular in horizontal section. Thus in the
Ashkenazim the front and sides of the head tend to curve smoothly upwards to
a high vertex. In front view the face is seen to be rather wide above and narrow
at the rounded chin, which somewhat recedes.
The upper and lower eyelids, especially the latter, tend to be somewhat
puffed out. The iris is large. The ear is large, wide in its upper part, and
provided with a large lobe.
The mouth is large. The lower lip is everted so as to appear thick, but it is
not swollen out like that of a Negro; on the contrary, it tends to be rather
 THE JEWS 239

flattened (Fig. 33a).The flattened area is formed mainly of the 'transition

zone', or Lippensaum of German authors. [7961 This is the reddish zone of
modified skin —
the lip in the narrower sense of the word that separates the —
ordinary skin of the face from the mucous membrane of the mouth. In
Ashkenazim this zone of the lower lip is sometimes rather sharply marked off

32 A typical A rmenid head (A) and a typical A rmenid skull (B)

A. Link Information Services; B, British Museum (Natural History), skull no. E.504, photographed by the
author.

from the facial skin by being raised somewhat above it. This gives a curious
appearance in black-and-white photographs, especially when the lip is strongly
everted; for the ordinary facial skin bordering the transition zone may be mis-
taken for the transition zone itself, and the latter for the mucous membrane of
the mouth, or even for the tip of the tongue (Fig. 33d).
It may be remarked that in all ethnic taxa, so far as is known, the change in

from the transition zone to the mucous membrane is gradual,

histological structure
while that from the facial skin to the transition zone is abrupt; but in most of the
Europid subraces there is not a change in level where the abrupt change in histological
structure occurs.
The nose (Figs. 32a and 33a, b, and C) is large in all dimensions. It is in
some cases straight in profile, in others somewhat convex. It is wide at all
levels, especially towards its lower end, and is sharply divided by the deep
grooves that separate the alae from the rest of the organ. The alae are thick
('fleshy') and generally curved out widely at the sides. The part of the nose
above the grooves generally has rather flattened sides, instead of presenting a
curved surface from cheek to cheek, as in many Europid subraces. It follows
from this that when the face is viewed from in front, the sides of the nose are
seen to follow an irregular course, rather straight above the groove and
markedly curved out below them. This gives a very different appearance from
 33 Certain characters of the A rmenid head
A. President Mikoyan (the central figure in tiie photograpii); B, an Armenian of Kayseri (Cesaree), Turkey;
C, part of an Assyrian alabaster relief of about 700 B.C., from Chorsabad-Dijr, Surrukin. showing the head
of a subjected mountain-dweller; D, lips of Armenid type (the arrow, added by the present author, points to a
groove mentioned in the text); E, lips of non- Armenid type, for comparison with D.
A, United Press International (U.K.): B, from Chantre; \204] C, Palais du Louvre, Paris; D, Hermann
Luchterhand Verlag; E, photograph by the author.
 THE JEWS 241

the smooth curve seen, for instance, in Fig. 3lB, extending all the way from
the eyebrow to the lower extremity of the ala.
In the typical Ashkenazic nose the distance from the sellion to the tip is
longer than that from the sellion to the subnasale, with the result that the tip
projects downwards below the horizontal plane passing through the subnasale.
It follows that an observer who holds his eyes in the plane of the subject's sub-
nasale, while the latter holds his head horizontal, may not be able to see the
nasal septum, for it may
be hidden by the tip. In some cases one cannot see the
nostrils at all in these circumstances. It is quite usual, however, and indeed
rather characteristic, for the alae not to extend downwards so far as the septum
does (see especially Fig. 33c, and the central face in Fig. 33a). In this case the
lateral parts of the nostrils can be seen from in front, and a considerable part of
the septum can be seen when the face is viewed in profile.
The breadth of the nose, as expressed by the nasal index, does not necessari-
ly reach a high figure, because the distance from the sellion to the subnasale is
great; but the absolute breadth is considerable, on account of the thickness of
the alae. This is a particularly distinctive character.
Joseph Jacobs, whose article on illustrious and eminent Jews has already
been mentioned, refers in another paper to a particular character of the type of
nose often seen in Jews, which he illustrates diagrammatically in the sketch
here reproduced as Fig. 34a. [545] It results from the facts already mentioned

ABC 34
Three noses, showing diagrammatically the character-
istic appearance of this organ among Ashkenazim (A)
and in other types of persons (B and C).
Sketches from Jacobs. 15451

that when the nose is viewed from the left side, its edge, continuing as a curve
into the edge of the nasal septum and thence into the deep groove already men-
tioned, forms a figure resembling an italic 6. As Jacobs remarks, when the part
of the figure that is twisted round is omitted (Fig. 34b), the characteristic form
to a large extent disappears, while if the part representing the edge of the nasal
septum is drawn horizontally and the groove is not shown (because weakly
developed in the subject), the whole character of the organ is changed, and it
no longer resembles the nose of a Jew (Fig. 34c).
The skin is rather swarthy. The scalp-hair is generally (but not always) very
dark brown or almost black; it is more wavy than is usual in Europid subraces.
242 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
The facial hair of the male is abundant, but there is not an unusual amount of
body-hair.
The legs are rather short, and the total height is therefore moderate or rather
short. The shoulders are broad and the form is thick-set, with some tendency to
corpulency in elderly persons.

The characters that have just been described are very close to those of the
Armenid subrace of the Europid race. Facial characters of Armenid type are il-
lustrated in Figs. 32a and 33. The Armenians themselves, from whom the
name of the subrace is derived, are of remarkably uniform physical type.(685l A

good description of the Armenians was published by Chantre in 1895.[204!

Essentially the same type was represented in ancient times by the
Hittites[685,925] and Assyrians;[466] indeed, the type was named Assyroid by
Deniker.[268l The fact that there are strong resemblances between many Jews
and the Armenians was pointed out at a meeting of the Royal Anthropological
Society in 1 885 (3231 and is generally accepted. [268. 302. 450, i085)
It is thought, however, that another subrace besides the Armenid enters into

the composition of the European Jewish stock, and perhaps entered into that of
the Hittites and Assyrians. This is the Orientalid subrace, which includes many
of those commonly called by the vague name of 'Arabs'. It is seen in its most
typical form in the interior of Arabia, but also among the population of Syria
and Iraq. The Orientalids are slender people of moderate stature. In certain
respects they differ markedly from the Armenids, for they are very
dolichocranial, with prominent occiput, and the nose is narrow, with com-
pressed alae. The sellion is situated high up towards the forehead. The profile of
the nose is sometimes straight, but often somewhat aquiline (that is to say con-
vex, with a nearly straight or slightly concave border to the nasal septum). The
face is long and narrow, and tends to appear oval in front view. The lower lip is
not everted. The slit between the lids of the open eye is wide on the side towards
the nose, so that the visible part of the eyeball has the form of an almond; the
iris is black. The hair is almost black, the skin rather swarthy.

The evidence from blood-groups bears on the theory that the Ashkenazim
have both Armenids and Orientalids for ancestors. Fig. 35 is a diagram in
which the frequency of the gene responsible for blood-group 'A' is represented
by black rectangles, and that for group 'B' by dotted ones. On the left side of
the diagram the frequency of these genes in certain Jewish communities is com-
pared with that found among Bedawin (a typical Orientalid group) and
Armenians. The Jews represented here were immigrants of Ashkenazic stock
to Tel Aviv, and Russian and Polish Jews; it may be assumed that all, or nearly
all, were Ashkenazim. It will be noticed that the Jews were intermediate in their

blood-group genes between Armenians and Bedawin. It must be borne in mind,

however, that an intermediate position in a diagram of this sort does not by
itself indicate a double origin; it can only support evidence from other sources.
The right-hand part of Fig. 35 shows that Jews living among Gentiles
retain their characteristic blood-group genes. The Dutch Jews and Russian
Jews resemble one another in this respect and differ from the Gentiles among
whom they live. The frequency of the gene for 'A' is about the same in Dutch
 THE JEWS 243

Jews as in the Dutch population as a whole, but there is a big difference in the
gene for 'B'; and Russian Jews differ widely in both these frequencies from the
Russian population as a whole.
As a broad generalization one may say that on the evidence of
morphological characters alone, as opposed to that from blood-groups, people
of Ashkenazic stock show a much closer relationship to the Armenid than to

Armen- Ash- Bed- Dutch Dutch Russian Russians

ians ken- awin Jews Jews
azim

35 The frequencies of the genes for blood-groups 'A' and 'B' in Jewish and other
communities
Blood-group 'A', black rectangles; 'B', dotted. The figures are based on the following numbers of persons:
3,166 Armenians; 3,793 Ashkenazim (Russian and Polish Jews, and Ashkenazim of Tel Aviv); 642
Bedawin; 14,483 Dutch; 705 Dutch Jews; 1,475 Russian Jews; 57,122 Russians.
The frequencies shown in this diagram were calculated from information collected from various sources by
Wiener. \\\*(i]

the Orientalid subrace. This is not true of the Sephardim, many of whom are

not very different in physical features from Orientalids, though Armenid

features are not lacking.
It does not seem possible to reach certainty about the origin of Near Eastern

and European Jews. From the account in Genesis xi it would appear that
Abram's family lived in the great city of Ur in southern Sumeria, near the
244 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
northern extremity of the Persian Gulf. It has been argued, however, that 'Ur of
the Chaldees' should properly have been described as 'Ur of the Khassedites',
and that in fact Abram's family lived in the Ur of northern Syria, some 600
miles away. 13951 An interesting hypothesis about the ethnic origin of the Jews
has been founded on this argument, which deserves careful consideration. On
the whole, however, it seems more likely that the patriarch's family started its
travels from the Sumerian Ur. The influence of Sumeria on the writer of
Genesis xvi is clear enough. The incorporation into the Bible story of Sumerian
myths, interestingly recounted by Kramer, 16081 points in this direction. The
behaviour to one another of Abram, his wife Sarai, and the latter's handmaiden
Hagar, as recounted in Genesis xvi, was in exact accordance with Sumerian
custom. 11 158] These facts, however, do not imply that Abram was a Sumerian.
It seems best to accept the common opinion that if the Hebrew patriarchs

could be seen today, they would be taken for Bedawin;[450j that is to say, they
belonged to the Orientalid subrace. When the lower delta of Mesopotamia
began to dry up, the new expanse of land was occupied not only by Sumerians,
with their highly developed culture, but also by Accadians (Orientalids) coming
from the north, and by a much less advanced Orientalid people who entered the
eastern extremity of the 'Fertile Crescent' from the west. The latter seem to
have established themselves before the Sumerians came, and to have survived
under Sumerian domination. li 1581 It is to this stock that we must look, in all
probability, for the origin of the Jewish people.
The question now arises, when did the amalgamation with the Armenid
stock occur? Even the patriarchs themselves were not endogamous, for
Abram's second wife, Hagar, was an Egyptian, and the angel of the Lord
promised that her progeny would be multiplied exceedingly {Genesis, xvi, 10).
When the Hebrews returned from Egypt to Palestine, they almost certainly
found a large Armenid element among the population of that country, for the
Hittites and Assyrians were Armenids, and there were no rigidly fixed national
boundaries that would prevent the interpenetration of ethnically distinct types.
There is much evidence in the Bible that the early Jews intermarried with peo-
ple of other stocks. Solomon, it will be remembered, 'loved many strange
women', including Hittites (I Kings, x, 1). Conquering nations in this part of the
world were accustomed to remove whole populations and replace them with
their own nationals. This happened, for instance, when the Assyrians brought a
new Armenid stock to Samaria after removing most of the inhabitants (the
'Lost Tribes') to Mesopotamia in 722 B.C. It is noteworthy that the Jewish
prisoners of the Assyrians at this period, as represented in Assyrian sculptures,
were already 'thoroughly Jewish' (that is to say, partly Armenid) in
appearance. 19251
The hybridization of the early Jews is not surprising, for at first they were
not denied the opportunity of intermarriage with 'proselytes of righteousness'.
Nevertheless, during the exile in Babylon (586-538 B.C.), that frenzied prophet
Ezekiel attributed the downfall of Judah largely to the wrath of God at the
intermarriage of the Jews with strangers. The Lord instructed him to tell the
people of Jerusalem, '. thy father was an Amorite, and thy mother an Hit-
. .

tite. . Thou hast played the whore with the Assyrians' (Ezekiel, xvi). It is par-
. .
 THE JEWS 245

ticularly interesting tiiattwo Armenid peoples, the Hittites and Assyrians, are
mentioned in this passage. Nevertheless, those who were not taken away to
Babylon are thought to have intermarried freely with the non-Jewish in-
habitants of Palestine, and intermarriage continued after the return from exile
{Ezra, X, 1 1 Nehemiah, xiii, 23). There thus arose a people of mixed Orientalid
;

and Armenid stock, united principally by religious and nationalistic bonds.

At the 'Golus' or 'Diaspora' that followed the sacking of Jerusalem by the
Romans in A.D. 70 and continued for more than a century, two principal
routes were used, one northwards towards the part of Europe adjacent to Asia
Minor, the other to the southern shores of the Mediterranean. It is sometimes
claimed that the Sephardim have retained the original (mainly Orientalid)
physical features of the Jews, while the Ashkenazim are descended from those
who had intermarried extensively with Armenid peoples in ancient times. This
would imply that the Ashkenazim and Sephardim were already separate com-
munities before the Diaspora. There is no direct evidence of this. 7921 It seems
1

much more likely that the Jews had become a mixed Orientalid-Armenid com-
munity before the Diaspora, and that the Sephardim subsequently became
modified by intermarriage with Mediterranids.[925l
The fates of the two streams were different. Those who followed the northern
route necessarily passed at first through Armenid territory. Hauschild at-
tributes the Armenid character of the Ashkenazim to the consequences of this
migration. [477] The extent to which the Armenid composition of the people was
increased during this slow migration cannot be determined, but there can be no
doubt that those who eventually found their way by this route into Russia,
Poland, Germany, and other parts of Europe were ethnically much more
Armenid than Orientalid.
The Jews had already been established for a long time in a colony at Alexan-
dria. Those who fled to Africa at the Diaspora spread widely along the north
African coast [4771 and seem to have intermarried with the Mediterranid peoples
of this area; that is to say, with people of the same general physical type as
those of Southern Italy and Spain today. Jews entered Spain freely during the
period of Moorish domination, some presumably from Africa, others from
elsewhere, including a group descended from those who had remained in
Babylonia or had gone to Mesopotamia after the exile.li49, 915,9251 The Jews
flourished atfirst in Spain under the Muslim regime, but eventually every un-

converted Jew was expelled in 1492, when Christianity had reestablished itself
and the Inquisition had done its work. The exiles or 'Sephardim' (Hebrew for
Spaniards) established themselves at first in north Africa, Asia Minor, the
Balkan states (where they were called 'Spagnuoli'), and Italy; some also in
Holland and elsewhere.
The Sephardim are distinguished from the Ashkenazim by physical
characters. No full analysis of the blood-groups of Sephardic Jews would
appear to have been undertaken, but it is clear from morphological evidence
that the Armenid element is much less evident in them than in the Ashkenazim.
Intermarriage either in north Africa or in Spain or in both places produced an
approximation to the Mediterranid type.1477. 925] The Sephardim are typically
more slender than the Ashkenazim. They are mostly mesocranial; an index of
246 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
78-1 has been quoted. (477] It is sometimes said that they are actually doli-
is denied by Jacobs. [5451 The head-hair is less wavy than
chocranial, but this
that of the Ashkenazim,l2i) and almost always dark;l9251 the irises are
particularly dark. The nose is narrower,[2i,477] and there is less tendency to
convexity in this organ.
The Sephardim are frequently seen in Rembrandt's paintings. This is not sur-
prising, because from early times there were members of this community in the
cities of Holland. He painted 34 portraits of Jews, as well as very numerous il-
lustrations of Biblical scenes, and only a minority of all these paintings show
the features of the Ashkenazim in their most typical form. The 'Portrait of an
old Jew an armchair' (Leningrad, Hermitage) is an example. Many of the
in
rest are representations of rather untypical Ashkenazim, or else of Sephardim.
The wearing of hats unfortunately conceals the hypsibrachycranial feature of
the Ashkenazim, and thus makes positive identification more difficult in some
cases. A good example of Sephardic features is seen in the 'Portrait of a young
Jew' in the Van Home Collection (Montreal). This young man appears to have
been the model for many of Rembrandt's numerous portraits of Christ,! i35]
none of which shows the features of the Ashkenazim.
The present-day Sephardim of Asia Minor became somewhat less typical by
intermarriage with the Ashkenazim of that country,[477l but elsewhere there is,
or was for a long time, a tendency for the two groups to remain separate. This
was fostered at first by the fact that the Sephardim spoke Ladino (Spanish-
Hebrew), the Ashkenazim Yiddish (German-Hebrew). At the end of the
nineteenth century the Sephardim held themselves entirely aloof from the
Ashkenazim both in London and in Amsterdam. [9051 In America each group
built its own synagogues.! 149]

It would not appear that any estimate of relative numbers has been made
recently, and no doubt the distinction is less rigid than formerly; but, as has
already been remarked, the great majority of all Jews in the world today are
probably of Ashkenazic stock.
The reader who has studied the evidence presented in this chapter will agree
that the meanings of the word 'Jews' cannot be satisfactorily summarized: the
subject is too complicated. Nevertheless, certain conclusions do stand out.
Various communities scattered over the world are Jews simply in the sense that
they adhere to a particular religion (in various forms); they are not definable on
an ethnic basis. These communities, however, comprise only a very small
proportion of those who call themselves and are regarded by others as Jews.
The great majority are persons of Ashkenazic stock. Many of these do not
practise the rites of the Jewish religion. Whether they do or do not, they show
in their physical characters a genetic relationship to the Armenians, and they
must be associated with the Armenid subrace, even though there has been an
Orientalid element in their remote ancestry. They are thus related to the
Assyrians and Hittites of antiquity, as well as to the modern Armenians. They
do not constitute, and never have constituted, a subrace of their own, because
there are and always have been persons who do not call themselves Jews and
are not regarded by others as Jews, but who belong to the Armenid subrace.
It may be added that the contribution of the Armenid subrace to civilization
 THE JEWS 247

will bear comparison with that of any other. The contributions of the
Assyrians, Hittites, and Armenid Jews are too well known to require emphasis
here. The achievements of the Armenians themselves are perhaps less familiar.
Almost continuously their country has been the scene of struggles for mastery
by much greater powers. Nevertheless they had developed a civilization while
many European countries were still illiterate. Early in the fifth century A.D.
they had devised and standardized an alphabet to meet the special needs of
their language. A curious feature was that every consonantal sound, whether
simple or compound, was represented by a single letter. Thus, for instance, a
single letter represented ts, though there were also letters for / and s.
Remarkable contributions to scholarship, the arts (especially architecture), and
Christian theology were made from the seventh century onwards, until the
Armenian nation was shattered by the Seljuk Turks in the eleventh, never to
become independent again. Some of their early illuminated manuscripts and
other works of art are beautifully reproduced in a recent book on the
achievements of the so-called 'Dark Ages'. [7901
 15 The Celts

This chapter has two purposes. Like the preceding one, it is partly
concerned with the different meanings that have been attached to a single
word, and with the complexities and misunderstandings that have resulted. The
other main purpose is to correct certain erroneous statements concerning peo-
ple to whom the name of 'Celts' has been applied. One of these relates to the
degree of civilization attained by the early Britons before the Roman
occupation; the other, to the extent of hybridization in the ancestry of the
modern British people.

The Danube basin was for long the centre of an industry and an art that may
be regarded as representing the early stages of what became known as the
Celtic Iron Age culture. Unfortunately for the anthropologist, many of the peo-
ple who made the objects found in the ancient graves had the custom of partly
burning the bodies of their dead, and the skeletons are therefore often un-
suitable for detailed study. Luckily, however, this practice was not invariable.
In the valley of the River Amper, a remote tributary of the Danube in Upper
Bavaria, a great necropolis of the Early Iron Age was situated in what later
became the Royal Forest of Miihlhart. Here, in one of the tumuli, there was
found a well-preserved cranium. This was carefully examined and described by
a versatile pathologist, biologist, and anthropologist of the nineteenth century,
Richard Virchow. The cranial index was 74-2; the forehead was somewhat
sloping, the brow-ridges rather strongly developed, the face high and narrow,
the nasal bones prominent, the nose narrow, the eye-sockets large and
appearing nearly rectangular in front view. The cranium was orthognathous;
the lower jaw was unfortunately not found.[ii04) Virchow's description provides
clear evidence of the association of a rather typical Nordid cranium with
artifacts of the early Iron Age.
The grave-goods buried in the tumuli of Miihlhart belong to the same general
type as others found in various parts of the Danube basin. The most famous of
these sites is near the Austrian village of Hallstatt, on the west side of a little
lake about fifty kilometres south-east of Salzburg. The ground rises sharply
behind the village. One can walk up the hill to the ancient site in three-quarters
of an hour, or make a funicular ascent from the neighbouring village of Lahn.
The graves were dug near the lower end of a narrow, gently rising valley, on the
southern side of a little stream. Beyond the valley the ground ascends to the
dominating heights of Mt. Plassen (Fig. 36); below, it falls away to the lake,
giving an extensive view of the mountains that lie on the other side. Here, in
 36 The ancient cemetery near Hallstatt, Austria, a famous Iron Age site

The corpses (many of them incinerated) were buried in the field (Graberfeld) on the left side of the path, and
in the adjoining region (now wooded) above it. The entrance to the salt-mine (not seen in the photograph) is

just beyond and to the left of the most distant houses. The mountain in the background is Mt. Plassen.
Photograph by the author, 1966.
250 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

this remote valley, some 2,500 corpses were buried over a long period of cen-
turies in the distant past.
Excavation of the graves began in 1846. It revealed one of the world's
archaeological treasures, perhaps the finest collection of early Iron Age art.
The burial-site, or Grdberfeld, consists today of meadow-land near the stream
and a wood on the adjacent higher ground. It is about 260 yards long and
varies irregularly in width from about 50 to 130 yards. The grave-goods buried
with the corpses are representative, in a general way, of a culture that spread
over a vast area of Europe. Archaeologists speak of the Hallstatt culture and
the Hallstatt period without any thought of restricting the meaning of these
terms to alittle valley hidden away in the highlands of Austria.

The buried treasure of the Graberfeld consists of articles of bronze, iron,

gold, amber, and ivory. An earlier and a later Hallstatt period are recognized,
the former (with much bronze but not much iron) extending from about 900 to
700 B.C., and the latter from then onwards till 400 B.C. There are brooches in
profusion, neck-bands, bracelets, finger rings, figures of animals, needles, lance-
points, daggers, swords, and highly decorated scabbards, as well as pottery.
The geometrical decorations, so characteristic of what is commonly called
Celtic art, are particularly well seen on the chased girdle-clasps. Many of these
articles are today in the excellent little museum in Hallstatt itself, others in the

Landesmuseum at Linz; the finest collection is in the Natural History Museum

in Vienna.
An immense amount of knowledge has accumulated about certain aspects of
the material culture of the Hallstatt people, but little is known of the men and
women who made the objects that decorate the museums today. Why did a
little community century after century, in such a remote place? There can
live,

be scarcely any doubt that the reason was the existence of a huge supply of
common salt in the immediate vicinity. The salt-mine of this valley is said to
be the oldest in Europe, and it is still in active production today. It appears that
in early times the valley was primarily an industrial settlement. The tools
of the miners, marvellously preserved, have been found in the ancient under-
ground galleries. One can still see their wooden shovels and wedges, hafts for
bronze pickaxes, tubs for carrying salt, leather shoes, and fragments of gar-
ments made of skins and cloth, even the chips of burnt wood that had been
used for torches. All these articles are thought to date from the Hallstatt
period. The amber from northern Europe, gold from southern Germany, and
ivory from Africa must have been obtained by barter for the precious product
of the mine.
Many of the corpses in the Graberfeld were burnt and only the ashes
remain; fortunately others were inhumed. It has been supposed that there were
two classes of persons in the little community, the cremators and the inhumers.
It is claimed by some authorities, [497] though denied by others,|77ii that the

most splendid grave-goods were buried with the ashes; and the opinion has
been expressed that the cremators were the 'BergherrerC. Whether this was so
or not, weapons are more usually found with the cremated remains. It may be
supposed that soldiers were necessary to protect the priceless treasure of the
mine itself. Many of the soldiers were buried with an Antennendolch, a special
 THE CELTS 251

variety of dagger provided with two projections from the hilt, resembling the
antennae of an insect. We know nothing of the physique of the cremators, but
seven skeletons of the inhumers are exhibited in the Hallstatt Museum. The oc-
ciputs projected sufficiently to bring these people into the dolichocranial range;
the forehead receded somewhat; the face was long and somewhat prognathous;
the men must have been about 170 cm (5' 7") tall.|497i The skulls are
remarkably similar to the definitely Nordid ones found in the 'graves in rows'
(Reihengrdber) of southern Germany, though they are not quite so flat on top.
It must be remembered, nevertheless, that the skulls of Nordids are not very

markedly different from those of Mediterranids, and the suggestion has been
made that the inhumed people may possibly have been of the latter
subrace.(9051
The skulls of the Graberfeld contrast very strongly with those of the modern
population of this part of Austria, and of their ancestors of recent centuries. It
is a striking experience to pass from the local museum to the charnel-house

(Beinhaus) beside the Catholic church of Hallstatt, where, over a period of

some three and a half centuries, human skulls and long bones have been stored
from lack of space in the churchyard (see p. 212). There are said to be 1,300
skulls in the house,l77il and nearly all appear to be brachycranial or in the
broader-headed range of the mesocranial. One cannot tell whether the
cremators of the Graberfeld were brachycranial like the present population of
the district or dolichocranial like the skeletons in the graves.
We now come to the crucial question. What name should be given to the
people who made and buried the art-treasures of Hallstatt? According to the
Swedish archaeologist Montelius, Hallstatt with the neighbouring part of
Austria, Switzerland, southern Germany, and Belgium was all occupied
throughout the Hallstatt period by 7a meme race celtique\\i5S]
Moritz Hoernes, Professor of Prehistoric Archaeology in the University of Vienna,
who made a special study of the Hallstatt period, 14991 did not use the word 'Celtic' in

quite the same sense. He recognized four great groups of people who practised the
Hallstatt culture in somewhat different styles, so that their works of art can be dis-

tinguished. These were the illyrische Gruppe, occupying the east Adriatic region from
Herzegovina to Carinthia; the ostkeltische in Upper and Lower Austria, southern
Bohemia, and Moravia; the germanische of northern Germany from the Elbe to the
Oder; and the westkeltische of south and west Germany, eastern France, and
northern Switzerland. 1499, sooi Thus the Celtic peoples extended over a broad territory

from France to Moravia. Hallstatt itself lay near the boundary between the west and
east Celtic groups, but its culture approximated more closely to that of the former.
At one time Hoernes had been slightly equivocal as to whether it was
legitimate to regard the Celts as an ethnic taxon,[499l but seven years later, in
his book, [500] he makes it clear that for him the Celts were those people who
occupied a particular geographical area and made objects that could be
recognized as essentially similar (though slight differences warranted the
recognition of a western and an eastern sub-area). The Celts, in his view, were
not people of any particular nation or any particular ethnic taxon.
During the fifth century B.C., particulady from about 450 B.C. onwards,
certain objects of another culture, that of La Tene, began to infiltrate into
 37 An ornamental bronze disk from a tumulus
at Glasinac, Yugoslavia
The disk is 155 mm in diameter. The decoration is
characteristic of an early stage in the development of the art.
FromFiala.\m\

Hallstatt;[499, 7721 and at the turn of the century, especially about 390 B.C., a
profound change occurred. 'Die keltischen Volker treten aufden Schauplatz.'
So says Friedrich Morton, an authority on the Graberfeld. The Hallstatt period
in the strict sense was at an end in Hallstatt itself; that of La Tene had replaced
it in the upland valley. The Celtic people had arrived with their own
culture —the Celts, who had been there for centuries, if we accept the opinions
of Montelius and Hoernes! So now a new period had started at Hallstatt, that
of La Tene. It lasted into the century before Christ.
There were certainly big changes. The pottery began to be made of clay
heavily impregnated with graphite, and the VoUgraphitton-Scherben mark
clearly the beginning of the La Tene period at Hallstatt.[77ii The potter's wheel
came into general use. Jugs were made with spouts drawn out like beaks; some
of these were decorated in polychrome. Gold coinage was introduced. Persons
of both sexes wore torques with thickened end-pieces round their necks. Iron
brooches were inset with coral and enamel. Finger rings were made of coloured
glass. Swords became long, double-edged, and adapted to the cutting instead of
the thrusting stroke. Some of the scabbards were elaborately decorated with
figures of men and horses. There would be no point in extending the list. A new
culture had certainly been brought to Hallstatt. But by whom? Morton speaks
of 'Der Einbruch der Kelteri' —
but were those who brought this culture by
definition the Celts? Must one define these people by the products of their art?
It is perhaps appropriate at this point to step aside from the strictly Celtic zone of
Hoernes to take a sidelong glance at the people of the neighbouring illyrische Gruppe
at Glasinac.
 THE CELTS 253

A road from Sarajevo to Visegrad in Bosnia-Herzegovina was under construction in

1880. About forty kilometres east of Sarajevo it passed across a plateau, some 800
metres above the sea and several miles across. This eerie place, called Glasinac, is
almost surrounded by mountains, on the slopes of which are innumerable mounds.
These are in fact ancient tumuli, made by the piling up of stones. The workmen
engaged road found them a convenient source of material for their pur-
in building the

pose. Under the stones they began to discover the implements and ornaments of a
remote age. It was found that a huge area had been set apart for the burial of the dead.
There were 20 or 30 cemeteries, each containing several hundred graves covered by
[Link] contents of the graves have been thoroughly investigated. [328. 78i,983ilt is
thought that burials went on here almost continuously from the Bronze Age through
the Hallstatt period and beyond. Most of the objects are of Hallstatt types. The bronze
disk, ornamented with a simple geometric pattern (Fig. 37), might be taken as an exam-
ple of early Celtic Iron Age art.

The is that many of the bodies had not

special interest of the burials at Glasinac
been cremated. Before the end of the nineteenth century, 38 skulls had been obtained,
which, though broken by the overlying stones, could be fitted together sufficiently well
to provide information about the shape of the cranium. iii32iThe lower part of the face
was unfortunately in all cases too much damaged to permit study. Of the 38 skulls, 1

were dolicho-, 14 meso-, and 13 brachycranial. Some of the skulls were extremely
elongated, one of them showing a cranial index of 63 and another of 64. These figures
contrast strongly with those representing the modern Serbo-Croat (Dinarid) population
of the region, which is predominantly brachycranial (Fig. 38). It is evident that the Iron
Age mixed population. Both dolichocranial
culture of Glasinac existed in an ethnically
and brachycranial skulls were sometimes found in the same tumulus, and when they
were in separate tumuli, they were accompanied by similar grave-goods. 11321 It is 1

300

r-
39 The north-eastern end of the Lake of Neuchatel, to show the position of La Tine
The famous Iron Age site is marked by an oblique arrow. The vertical arrow points to the former River
Thieie. now converted into a canal. The photograph was taken from Chaumont, in the hills above
Neuchatel. Photograph by the author, 1966.

impossible, however, to tell whether people of more than one ethnic taxon were
engaged in making the goods.

Whoever the artists and technicians of Glasinac may have been, they even-
tually adopted the Celtic art-styles of La Tene, though they did not produce
any masterpieces in this genre. For these one looks naturally to the fountain-
head itself.
From Chaumont, on the high ground above the city of Neuchatel in
Switzerland, one may look down on one of the most celebrated sites of Iron
Age culture, and picture to oneself a hive of splendid industry on the lake-shore
below (Fig. 39). The distant view is best, for on the site itself one sees little
more than a modern bathing-beach, revealing no trace of former glories.
The axis of the long, narrow Lake of Neuchatel extends from south-west to
north-east. The River Thieie flows in at its south-western end and used to flow
out at the north-eastern, into the Bielersee; the latter is connected through the
River Aare with the Rhine at Koblenz. The short stretch of the Thieie between
the two lakes has been replaced by a canal in roughly the same position. All the
way along the north-western side of the two lakes and of the river that con-
nected them, there formerly lived Iron Age people of the westkeltische Gruppe
of Hoernes. During the Hallstatt period they made objects typical of their
group and buried some of them with their inhumed or cremated dead. Some of
these objects are good examples of the art of the period. In the Cantonal
 THE CELTS 255

Museum of Archaeology at Neuchatel there is, for instance, a fine girdle-plate

from near Bussy, some three or four kilometres from Neuchatel: it is decorated
with an elaborate geometrical design. It was in the neighbourhood of this city
that a later upsurge of originality in design produced a novel art and
technology that eventually replaced those of Hallstatt, even in Hallstatt itself.
Just beside the outflow of the Thiele from the Lake of Neuchatel, on its left
(north-western) bank, was (and is) La Tene (Fig. 39). famous throughout the
civilized world for the development of a culture that everyone seems to agree
on calling Celtic. The archaeological exploration of the site was begun in 1856
by Col. Schwab of Bienne; its area was extended some twenty years later by
the artificial lowering of the water-level of the lake. It is supposed that the peo-
ple who produced the industry and art of La Tene migrated from the basin of
the Danube to this tributary of the Rhine soon after 500 B.C.; the culture per-
sisted in the same place until well into the first century B.C., though the latest
products were inferior in design. Although the majority of the people con-
cerned in the industry may perhaps have come from Danubian territory, yet
there is reason to suppose that the features of the La Tene culture that dis-
tinguish it from those of Miihlhart and Hallstatt spread hither from the middle
region of the Rhine Valley, for the earliest examples are seen in the war-chariot
graves of this region. La Tene art is perhaps to be regarded as part of an
aristocratic culture derived from this source,l857l but its full development was
attained beside this remote lacustrine tributary of the great river.
La Tene appears to have been a workshop and an art-centre, a repository for
manufactured goods, and a military frontier-post (for the culture is not
represented on the other side of the river). Many of the treasures obtained at
this site are in the Cantonal Museum of Archaeology at Neuchatel, others in
museums in various parts of Switzerland, France, and Germany. In the Can-
tonal Museum one may see axes and adzes, scythes and sickles, large iron
cooking-pots hung on chains, an excellent saw resembling a modern bread-
knife, gouges and chisels of various sizes, knives, spring-scissors, bits closely
resembling modern snaffles, metal parts of harness, a waggon- or chariot-wheel
(iron-shod, with wooden spokes and a hollow wooden centre for the axle),
lances of various kinds, swords and scabbards (some of the latter with very
beautifully worked geometrical and other designs), and articles of personal
adornment such as brooches and bracelets. The special skill of the artists was
in the use of gold and bronze. The designs used in their decorations were most-
ly abstract and geometrical rather than naturalistic, though with occasional
allusions to natural forms; curved lines usually predominated, and strict
symmetry was avoided as a general rule. Their art can be recognized wherever
it is found. It is legitimate, from a purely archaeological point of view, to give

the name of Celts to those who produced it, and perhaps to those who brought
it to the neighbourhood of the Lake of Neuchatel from elsewhere.

The La Tene culture spread very widely. From a large area of northern
Switzerland and part of Germany a massive migration of 'Celts' swept
westward into France, where they occupied the territory extending from the
River Garonne to the Seine.
256 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
The taxonomic position of the people in what is now France whom Julius
Caesar called 'Celtae' has given rise to endless discussion. A large part of the
country was occupied in Caesar's time by people who spoke a language that is
called Celtic. The more northerly group of these people, the 'Germanokelten' of
H6fler,l502l were essentially Nordids, differing little from the Germani in
physical characters, but speaking a very different language. Their neighbours
to the south, called by Hofler the 'GallokeIten\ were Alpinids, who spoke the
same language as the Germanokelten, though perhaps a different dialect of it.
The territory of the Germanokelten overlapped to some extent that of the
Gallokelten, and some hybridization probably occurred. In the regions of
overlap, the former were the dominant group. The most northerly of the Ger-
manokelten were a separate people, called by Caesar the 'Belgae\ whose
territory extended to the lower Rhine. They may possibly have mixed and
hybridized with Gallokelten, but if so, to a much less extent than their southern
neighbours. 15051 The language of the Belgae was said by Caesar to have been
different from that of the Celtae, but probably this difference also was only one
Ofdialect.ll41.505. 8571
Much of the misunderstanding arose from Caesar's casual remark that the
peoplewho called themselves 'Celtae' were called 'Galir by the Romans ('Qui
ipsorum lingua Celtae, nostra Galli appellantur'').\626\ This suggests that
members of only one ethnic taxon were present in the territory in question,
whereas in fact there were two taxa, whose territories overlapped. Caesar and
his officers would have been in touch with the dominant Germanokelten.
It has been argued that only the dominant people would have called
themselves Celts, and that the Romans made a mistake in ascribing to the
Celtae the name (Galli) of those whom they had subjugated. 14621 This, however,
was strongly denied by certain French anthropologists of the nineteenth
century,l626. 2431 and especially by the celebrated Paul Broca.li4ii These
authorities insisted that the true 'Celtes' were the short, brown-haired,
brachycephalic people (Alpinids, in fact) who occupied a huge area from the
Danube across southern Germany and central France to Basse-Bretagne, and
some of whose descendants form a considerable part of the modern French
[Link] Greek statues show clearly that the Gallokelten of
ancient were Alpinids, and indeed their resemblance to modern
times
Auvergnats has been remarked by several authors. I502l
French anthropologists adopted the name 'race kymrique' for the physically
very different 'Germanic' invaders from the north-east (that is to say, the Ger-
manokelten). This name (spelled 'race kimrique") had been used by the French
historian Amedee Thierryli040l for the martial people who inhabited both banks
of the lower Rhine and the neighbouring littoral region; he included the 'Beiges'
(Caesar's 'Belgae') as part of this 'race'. Thierry himself did not give any
description of the physique of these people. It is evident that the French
anthropologists applied the name 'race kymrique' to those Nordids who spoke
a Celtic language.
The question next arises, 'What were the physical characters of the invaders
who brought the Iron Age culture to Great Britain, and whom Caesar called
Celtae and Belgae?' This can best be answered by a study of the skeletons that
 THE CELTS 257

their descendants left in the graveyards of the Romano-British period. The

skulls have been subjected to very careful study, with full statistical analysis,
by Morant.[762l It is clear that those Celtae and Belgae who established
themselves in Britain were essentially Nordid. Indeed, it is shown in the
table on p. 82 of Morant's paper that their skulls scarcely differ from those of
the Anglo-Saxons who subsequently dominated them, except in one particular
character, namely, that the skull is slightly (but significantly) lower in the Iron
Age man than in the Anglo-Saxon. Beyond this there are some minor
differences that might be noticed if it were possible to put a typical Iron Age
man of Romano-British times beside an Anglo-Saxon. 12261 The skull might be
meso- rather than dolichocranial, and not only lower, but rounded on top in-
stead of slightly keeled; the cranial capacity would be a little less. The distance
between the level of the lower teeth and the chin would probably be less than in
the deep-jawed Anglo-Saxon. The build would tend to be slighter, with less
massive long-bones moved by less powerful muscles. One thing is certain. The
Celts who came to Britain were not the Celts of Broca, Lagneau, and Dally.
They were Germanokelten, not Gallokelten\ essentially Nordid, not Alpinid.
It follows that in all probability they were mainly fair-haired, though some of

the Celtae who had Alpinids among their ancestors may have had pale brown
hair, and exact uniformity in this respect would anyhow not be expected.
Diodorus, writing in the last half-century B.C., stated that the natural hair-colour of
the VaXarai was ^avd6c,.\2iA] The meaning of ^avQoc, is yellow, though was
it

sometimes applied to auburn or chestnut hair. 16651 0!dfatheri274itranslates YaXcnai in

this passage as 'Gauls', but Diodorus used KfAroi' (Celts) in the immediately preceding
paragraph without any obvious difference of meaning, and it seems almost certain that
he was referring to people whom Caesar would have called Celtae or Belgae (though it
must be admitted that the Greeks were very loose in their use of the word VaXhtai, as
Anderson 1201 has pointed out). Homes uses the German word 'blond' for the hair-
colour of the Keltetif Mn] and Hofler refers to the 'blondgelben Gennanokelten\ I502|
'

A special Celtic ancestry is sometimes postulated for British populations in which

red-heads are unusually numerous, on the supposition that an ancient people called
'Celts'had been red-haired. Some casual remarks made by Tacitus (A.D. c. 55-c. 120)
seem have originated this idea. Hoernes, in his work Die Urgeschichte des
to
Menschen,\49s\ in commenting on the physical resemblance between the ancient Gauls
(Gallier) and modern Auvergnats, says that their kindred to the north 'were already at
the time of Tacitus of such lanky, red-haired (rothhaarige) aspect, that the historian
ascribed to them a Germanic origin'. It is important to notice the word used by Tacitus
for blond hair. In describing the refers to their 'rutilae comae\ 1033 Gerber
Germani, he 1 1

and Greef, who made an exact study of the meaning of every word used by Tacitus,
translated his 'rutilus' as 'rotlich, goldgelb\ \403] Lewis and Short, in their Latin
dictionary, give 'red (inclining to golden yellow)' as the meaning, and remark that the
word was used to describe the Golden Fleece, and that gold was called the rutilus
metal. 16631
The Gallokelten liked to consider themselves closely related to the Germanokelten,
and for this reason sometimes dyed or bleached their brown hair in an attempt to make
it blond. 15021 Gauls taken prisoner by the Romans were required to do this in order to
represent Germani at the triumphal procession of Caligula. 14981 According to Pliny
258 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
(born A.D. 61 or 62), they were accustomed to use a special soap, made from goat fat
and beech ash, which has the effect of making the hair reddish. 18481 This soap,
sometimes called 'sapo Batavorum\ appears to have been an invention of the tribe
called Chatti (probably an offshoot of the Belgae). The dyeing or bleaching effect of
this substance is not explained by what we know of its chemical composition. Diodorus

remarks that it was used by the YaXdrat although their hair was already blond. I274| In
his Epigram XXVI, Martial (died A.D. c. 104) recommends Roman women to use it,

to improve the lustre of their wigs made from the locks of German slaves, ivosi

During the fifth century B.C. the people of the Hallstatt culture had already
moved onwards Great Britain and started working iron in South
into
Wales, 14801 but the characteristic La Tene culture did not reach the island until
about 250 B.C.(48il It was these early invasions of Iron Age people that
brought the 'Q-Celtic' speech to the British Isles. It eventually spread from
Ireland to the Isle of Man and parts of Scotland, but was replaced in most of
Great Britain by 'P-Celtic'. which has left so many place-names beginning with
'P' in Wales. The Belgae had already established themselves on a small scale in
Great Britain in the last decade of the second century B.C.I i064| Pressure from
Germani on the east caused the continental Belgae to move westward and
eventually to invade Great Britain on a large scale about 75 B.C. and at later
times. The Celtae of Great Britain practised the Iron Age 'B' culture, the
Belgae the 'C; but these were both modifications of La Tene, and in the
following brief account it is legitimate to consider them together.
At the time of Julius Caesar's invasions in 55 and 54 B.C., skill in ironwork
had made it possible to clear the forest over large areas. Some of the country
people were primarily pastoralists, but the cultivation of food-crops was well
advanced and the heavy plough was in use. The limits of arable fields are still
recognizable in various parts of the country as lynchet banks, some of which
date from a very remote period. In the agricultural districts most of the houses
were oval or circular huts, but a good start had been made here and there
towards greater elaboration in urban life. The pastoralists naturally made use
of skins in preparing their clothing, but well-constructed implements for
weaving were available. The designs of the woven clothes are not known,
beyond the fact that the wearing of trousers had long been usual among the
Celtae. The wheel was in use not only in chariots, but in the high-speed potter's
wheel, the rotary quern for grinding corn, and the lathe for turning wooden
vessels.
Hill-top forts of simple construction had already been built in Great Britain
by the Hallstatt people; but when the sling became an important instrument of
warfare about 100 B.C., it was found convenient to make a series of parallel
ditches and ramparts following contour-lines on the hills. The distances apart
of these fortifications depended upon the effective range of the slings. The in-
tention was to use one defensive ring round a hill-top after another, if
necessary. Some of the multivallate forts cannot have been constructed without
considerable skill in the organization of manpower. No one who has seen the
so-called Maiden 'Castle' in Dorset (Figs. 40 and 41, pp. 259-60) can fail to be
impressed by its grandeur and the complexity of the two entrances. There were
 THE CELTS 259

four ramparts on the southern side, with three ditches between; the innermost
rampart originally towered about 60 feet above the ditch, which has gradually
become partly with fallen rubble. The distance round the outside of the
filled in

outermost rampart about a mile and a half. It is interesting to look at the

is

sling-stones in the Dorset County Museum at Dorchester and to reflect that

these ancient bullets were the logical cause of the whole design of the fort. The
multiple ramparts and ditches were constructed by Iron Age 'B' people, but the
fort was eventually occupied by Belgae, who modified it and left behind some
of their artifacts. Among these are pots made on the wheel, now in the County
Museum.
The Iron Age 'B' people used bars of definite weight for exchange. Gold
coinage was brought to Great Britain by the Belgae at their first entry to the
country towards the end of the second century B.C. The decoration on them
was probably derived from the ancient coinage of Philip II of Macedon, though
this has been disputed, [i 064] Minting in a copper-tin alloy and in gold soon
began in Britain. There was at first a marked deterioration in the design, for the
craftsmen appear to have been very careless or clumsy in copying the imported
coins. The decoration of coins continued subsequently to be affected, but not
dominated, by classical models.

40 Maiden 'Castle', a hill-fort of the Iron Age

The letters and v are explained in the legend to Fig. 41. The arrow marked N gives roughly the direc-
A. B, x,
tion of the north, which cannot be indicated exactly in a photograph taken obliquely.
Photograph in the Ashmolean Museum. Oxford, taken from the air by Major G. W. [Link]: lettering by the
author.
41 Maiden 'Castle', to given an impression of the circumvallate fortification as seen
from the ramparts
A, taken from the point indicated by the arrow marked A in Fig. 40. The point .v is labelled with the same
symbol in the latter figure. B, taken from near the point indicated by the arrow marked B in Fig. 40. The
point I' is labelled with the same symbol in the latter figure. The arrows in Fig. 40 show the directions in
which the two photographs of Fig. 41 were taken. Photographs by the author.
 THE CELTS 261

In their decoration of metal objects the pre-Roman people of Iron Ages 'B'
and 'C brought their culture to a very high level. Indeed, La Tene art is con-
sidered to have reached its climax in Britain (Figs. 42 and 43, p. 263). The
enamelling of metal was invented and perfected by people regarded by the
classical writers of antiquity as barbarians; and nowhere did the La Tene ar-
tists show greater skill than in the works of art produced in Great Britain,

42 A small shield of gilt bronze, one of the

finest examples of British Iron Age art
The was probably made between 25 B.C. and A.D.
shield
50. was found in the River Thames at Battersea. The 27
It

small circles were all enamelled in red, and each was

decorated with an anti-clockwise fylfot in brass (bright in the

photograph). The gilding has not survived.

British Museum.

chiefly for the princes and nobility. The style of decoration had become freer,
though still moderated by the classical tradition derived ultimately from the
Mediterranean peoples. There resulted what has been described as 'one of the
most masterly arts which Europe has known'. [48 il Toynbee says that its 'glory'
was 'the flowing, curvilinear, abstract, and often amazingly intricate designs
adorning the splendid de luxe products of the metal-worker's craft. No . . .
262 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Other group of late La Tene more resplendently the creative
objects manifests
genius of the British Navarro says of this art that 'at its best it was
artist. 'I i064l

unsurpassed, and in independence and imaginative power unexcelled by the

finest La Tene masterpieces which the continent has to show.'|788l J. and C.
Hawkes[48il go so far as to say of the La Tene settlers in Yorkshire and Lin-
colnshire that they 'were responsible for the growth of a British school of
decorative art which is one of the outstanding episodes in the story of our
civilization'. The actual objects must be seen to be appreciated to the full. A
fine example is reproduced in colour as the frontispiece to the old British
Museum guide:l983l a photograph of the same object is shown here as Fig. 42.
Good photographs of other specimens of the art are readily available in several
books example, Plates XIII and XIV in Prehistoric Britain by J. and
(see, for
C.Hawkesl48il).

Such, then, was the state of affairs over a considerable part of Britain, in par-
ticular the south-east, when Julius Caesar landed.
An account of the history of these times has been provided by one of the
authors who lay special stress on the influence of environment on human
progress, and who minimize or deny the importance of ethnic differences. He
tells us(36l of the primitiveness of the inhabitants of Britain when Julius Caesar

landed in A.D. 52 and 'opened up .the opportunities for cultural

. .

development'. If he had not done so, we are told, their development would have
been greatly delayed. The Britons had been isolated from the main 'cultural fer-
tilizing agents' until Caesar arrived, but all was now well and 'development
followed with great rapidity'. Within a hundred years of his landing 'these self-
same savage Britons were well on the way toward the development of a
civilization'. It is necessary to revise the impression conveyed by this account.
It will be remembered that Julius Caesar made his landings in Britain in 55

and 54 B.C., not in A.D. 52 (by which time he had been dead for 95 or 96
years). On the first occasion he landed with about 10,000 men somewhere
between the sites where Walmer and Deal Castles now stand, on the coast of
Kent. The Belgae put up an effective opposition. Caesar's men were un-
nerved — as he himself tells us —
by the novel tactics of the defenders, who sent
their cavalry and chariots in advance. Caesar was obviously much impressed
by the charioteers. He remarks that they exhibited the mobility of cavalry com-
bined with the steadiness of infantry. His first invasion was really a recon-
naissance in force and he soon withdrew. I504l
On the second expedition, in 54 B.C., Caesar evidently intended to establish
Roman authority in Britain. His army consisted of five legions and 2,000
cavalry, probably about 25,000 men in all. Eight hundred vessels set them
ashore a few miles north of where he had previously landed. As he moved in-
land he found himself opposed by the formidable Belgic chief, Caswallon
(Caesar's Cassivellaunus'), and noted his adversary's tactics with respect. He
'

tells us that the Britons did not fight in massed formation, but in groups

separated by wide intervals; reserves were arranged, who relieved the com-
batants when necessary. The British soldiers stained themselves with a blue
dye, presumably to incite fear in close fighting, rather as modern soldiers
 THE CELTS 263

sometimes use horrific cries. Caesar's own words on the subject, in what is sup-
posed to be the most accurate text, are as follows :l50il 'Omnes vero se Britanni
vitro inficiunt, quod caeruleam efficit colorem, atque hoc horridiores sunt in
pugna aspectu.' ('All the Britons actually dye themselves with woad, which
produces a blue colour, and from so appearing they are more terrifying in
battle.') It is supposed by some authorities that the use of woad was general
among the Britons,! 1012) but in fact it seems probable that in this passage
Caesar was referring only to the soldiers.

43 A bronze mirror with handle, an example

of British Iron Age art at its fully developed
stage
The photograph shows the back of the mirror, decorated
with a typical curvilinear geometrical design. The mirror,
which was found in a quarry at Desborough, Northamp-
tonshire, was probably made about A.D. 15-20.
British Museum.

Caesar tells us that the people of Kent were the most civilized of the Britons.
He nowhere states that any of the Britons were savage (immanis), nor does he
speak specifically of their ignorance (ignorantia), though he does twice mention
their indiscretion (imprudentia) in parleying. [soilHe was under the impression
that it was the custom among the Britons for a group of ten or twelve men to
share a number of women as wives. It is not impossible that some of the hybrid
communities (not Celtic or Belgic) in remote districts may have had a custom
264 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
that gave rise to Caesar's statement. It has been supposed by some authorities

that he may have been confused by the occurrence of matriarchy. The Belgae,
who were the dominant group in the country invaded by Caesar and the people
with whom he came into direct contact, did not practise group-marriage or
polyandry. (506)
Caesar indicates that most of the people of the interior did not cultivate
grain, but this means no more than that they were primarily pastoralists, and as
a result naturally used skins for clothing.
On this expeditionCaesar was able to penetrate beyond the lower Thames,
but once again his stay was short. Some of the tribes opposed to Caswallon
made submission, but the latter adopted guerilla tactics, and the invaders were
insecure. Caesar was disturbed by serious news from France. He decided to
relinquish his attempt at establishing himself in the island, and before the end of
the summer his army had retreated to the ships and left its shores. Caesar never
returned. His invasions had no effect on the culture of Britain. There had been
Mediterranean influences on Iron Age culture centuries before Caesar was
born, and they continued in Britain, on a limited scale, after he had gone; in-
deed, they were encouraged by the later Belgic kings;! i064l but Caesar himself
achieved nothing in Britain for Rome apart from the imposition of a tribute
that soon lapsed, and nothing at all for the inhabitants. Rome was without
direct influence in the island until the Emperor Claudius came as conqueror in
A.D. 43.
One effect of the submission to Rome was a severe setback to British art.
Hawkes sums it up pithily: 'With the Roman conquest (from A.D. 43) the art
became alteredand diminished. . .never quite extinguished even in Roman
.

Britain, it was revived in new forms in post-Roman times.' The art of Roman
Britain is described and lavishly illustrated in Toynbee's book;l i064l a convenient
source for the post-Roman period is Chadwick's. 96]1 1

The Iron Age invaders of Great Britain transmitted the dialects of their
Celtic language to the more ancient Britons whom they found in possession of
the land. They pushed back these less advanced peoples towards the west and
north as they themselves spread across the country. To this day there is
evidence of ethnic peculiarities in those who occupy the districts to which the
dispossessed people were confined by the advance of the invaders. One of the
most obvious distinctive features of these people is the colour of the hair. The
geographical distribution of hair colour in the British Isles was studied in some
detail towards the end of the nineteenth century by John Beddoe, who had
devised a useful (if somewhat arbitrary) 'index of nigrescence'. |69| The index

expresses in rather a roundabout way the proportion of dark-haired to light-

haired people of the country, in his time. He prepared a detailed map, il-
lustrating the distribution of hair-colour. It shows clearly that the tendency
towards the possession of dark hair was much more marked in Wales than in
England, and still more marked in the western districts of Ireland.
The general accuracy of Beddoe's map is confirmed by an investigation
carried out some seventy years later,! 10291 by methods involving the use of a
recording spectrophotometer to establish the colours of a thousand specimens
 THE CELTS 265

of hair, and substitution of modern statistical techniques for Beddoe's

somewhat arbitrary method for translating his visual impressions into
numbers. The latter's map of 1885 and Sunderland's of 1956 agree remarkably
well, and both show clearly the high incidence of dark hair in Wales. The only
sharp difference between the two maps reflects the ever-shifting population of
London. Beddoe was mistaken in supposing that the peoples of Great Britain
would become 'inextricably confused' in a single generation.
It is worth remarking that there is rather a high proportion of people with red hair in
Wales, and that no fully satisfactory explanation of this fact has been provided.
Hair colour is only one indication among many that a Mediterranid element
has persisted in Great Britain since Neolithic times. That this persistence has
been particularly obvious in Wales was emphasized more than half a century
ago by Fleure and James in a very long and detailed paper on the physical
characters of the people of that country. 1344) One need not suppose that any
Welshman is descended from Mediterranid ancestors exclusively. It is evident,
however, that genes of that subrace are more frequent in Wales than in most
parts of Great Britain, and random (or more or less random) assortment of
those genes will more often bring them together in a single individual, to
produce a close approximation to a Mediterranid, in Wales than ebewhere.
Plate I (Figs. 2a and B) in Fleure and James's paper provides a striking
example of a Welsh Mediterranid head.
Recent work on blood-groups confirms the evidence about special elements
in the ancestry of the Welsh people. In studies of this kind it is best to count the
number of people belonging to each group in a random sample of the popula-
tion and to calculate the gene-frequencies from the figures obtained (see pp.
186-7). For some purposes it is convenient to divide the frequency (r) of the
gene making for the blood-group 'O' by that (p) of the gene for the group 'A'.
For instance, in a particular population one might find these frequencies: p,
0-270: q, 0-082: r, 0-648. The quotient just mentioned, r/p. would then be 2-4.
If the gene for 'O' is high and that for 'A' low, a high figure would necessarily
result.
In most parts of England the quotient is about 2-4, but in north-western
Wales the gene for 'O' shows a high frequency, 17731 while that for 'A' is
low. 17741 The quotient thus rises to between 3 and 3-5. In the extreme south-
west of Ireland it rises even higher, to more than 5-5. These figures give an
indication of the extent to which a Neolithic population has transmitted its
genes to the present-day population of these parts of the British Isles. The facts
are well exhibited in a map of these islands showing the geographical distribu-
tion of the quotient. As the Swedish anthropologist Lundman remarks, '...it is
obvious from this map that the old population-groups (those with high
quotients) have been forced away into remote marginal zones'.l680l There is a
remarkable (though not exact) correspondence between Lundman's and Bed-
doe's maps.
The gene for 'A' has a low frequency in many Mediterranean lands, especial-
lyNorth Africa, Corsica, Sardinia, the southern half of Italy, and Sicily. In
some of these countries, especially Corsica and Sardinia, the gene for 'O'
shows a very high frequency. [774, 72] The quotient in these parts of the world is
266 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
therefore similar to that in north-western Wales. The results obtained in
modern studies thus support the opinion that has long been entertained on
other grounds, that the Neolithic population of Great Britain was of the
Mediterranid subrace, and that people still living in north-western Wales and
certain other parts of the British Isles have inherited a particularly high propor-
tion of their genes from this ancestral stock.
At or near the beginning of the Bronze Age a very distinct new type
appeared. These 'Beaker Folk' were taller, markedly brachycranial, and broad-
faced, with rather wide noses. It seems impossible to place them with con-
fidence in any of the existing subraces, though they were certainly Europids,
and they have been regarded by some authorities as Dinarids.l5i2l The evidence
from the round barrows of the Bronze Age suggests that they intermarried to
some extent with their Neolithic forerunners, to produce at last a hybrid type
having a skull strangely similar to that of the Iron Age invaders (Celtae and
Belgae), though differing from it in the greater height of the cranium and wider
face. (5 161

Itis often supposed that the Celtae and Belgae almost exterminated and

replaced the population over a considerable part of Great Britain. (762. 5 lOl It
seems more probable, however, that Mediterranids and Mediterranid/Beaker
Folk hybrids survived to form part of the modern British population, though
the unhybridized descendants of the Celtae and Belgae continued to
predominate greatly in certain places, especially the south-eastern part of
England. [5 161
At one time it was widely believed that the Iron Age people of Great Britain

(the descendants of the Celtae and Belgae, intermixed and hybridized with
Mediterranids and Mediterranid/Beaker Folk hybrids) were in their turn driven
out to remote districts or slaughtered by the Anglo-Saxon invaders; but opi-
nion has changed. It is considered that too much stress was laid by the
historians of the past on the partial dying out of the Celtic place-names and
language. Modern some withdrew to more remote
historians allow that while
districts and some were indeed by the Anglo-Saxons, others merged with
killed
the latter. 14961 Physical anthropologists, relying on evidence provided by the
skulls of ancient and modern times, consider that the descendants of Iron Age
people of Romano-British times continued to occupy the country during the
period of Anglo-Saxon domination, and were so far from being driven away or
exterminated that it might almost be said that it was they who eventually ab-
sorbed the Anglo-Saxons, while adopting the language of their conquerors. On
thisview the present-day population of England and much of Scotland is to a
very considerable extent derived from the Celtae and Belgae of the Iron
Age.l640, 762, 510, 175,5161

That the Anglo-Saxons were not simply exterminators of the people they found in
this country is indicated by the strange evidence of a graveyard at East Shefford in
Berkshire, which dates from the latter half of the fifth century A.D. This contained the
skeletons of elderly Anglo-Saxon males, elderly females of a distinctly different ethnic
taxon, and youthful intermediates. It seems almost certain that the elderly people were
the parents of the intermediates. The
skulls of the elderly females suggest that they
were of the ancient Mediterranid/Beaker Folk stock. 18291
 THE CELTS 267

It has been claimed that the British people are 'one of the most mongrel of all
the strains of the human race'.[ii47i It is appropriate to examine this statement
here.
Apart from some of the recent immigrants, who do not appear to have
hybridized to any important extent with the native population of the country,
the ancestors of the British people of the present day are Europids who have
come in successive waves. Some
of the minor incursions have been of little im-
portance, for they cannot have enough descendants to have had any signifi-
left

cant effect on the genetic make-up of the British population as a whole. This
applies, for instance, to the brachycranial people who arrived in advance of the
main Bronze Age invaders. The Jewish immigrants of recent centuries, again,
have not had very much genetic effect on the rest of the population, partly
because they have not been very numerous, partly because they have tended to
practise endogamy.
It has been stated that the English were 'a truly multiracial society' because
there were Angles, Saxons, Jutes, Normans, Belgics, and 'flamboyant Celts'
among their ancestors.! ii 79] The reader should note that all these peoples were
not only of one race (Europid) but of one subrace (Nordid). Incidentally it is
doubtful whether the Angles and Saxons were different peoples in any
[Link]
It follows from what has been said that the English are far from being 'one of
the most mongrel strains of the human race'. The facts can perhaps be best
represented by use of a rough analogy. Let us suppose that a dog-breeder has
been specializing in harriers (hounds for hare-hunting, an ancient breed). Let us
suppose further that it occurs to him to mate some of his harriers with
bloodhounds. He keeps his stock of harriers and makes a new hybrid breed of
bloodhound-harriers. He gives some of each stock to a master of foxhounds.
The master incorporates them in the breeding stock of his pack, and later in-
troduces some otterhounds as well. Interbreeding for several generations even-
tually produces a varied but roughly homogeneous pack, all the ancestors of
which were hounds of the long-eared group that hunts by scent.
No one, on seeing the pack, would say that these hounds were one of the
most mongrel of all the strains of dogs. The man-in-the-street would simply say
that they looked rather like foxhounds, while a huntsman would remark on the
differences from typical members of the breed. The inexpert and the expert
would agree, rightly, in describing a crossbetween a bull-dog and a greyhound,
or between a Pekinese and a beagle, as a genuine specimen of one of the most
mongrel of all the strains. Comparable examples could be quoted from
mankind, but since the word 'mongrel' is disparaging when applied to man, it is

far better to avoid it.

In the analogy just related, the Neolithic (Mediterranid) people are

represented by the harriers; the Beaker Folk by the bloodhounds; the Iron Age
invaders (Celtae and Belgae) by the foxhounds; and the Anglo-Saxons and
other northerners by the otterhounds. Only the Beaker Folk were markedly
different from the (though of the same race), just as the bloodhounds were
rest
among same group of breeds).
the dogs (though of the
The people of a large part of Wales would be represented, in an analogy of
268 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
this sort, by a pack of foxhounds to which the breeder of harriers had made a
much bigger contribution of his unhybridized stock to the master of foxhounds
than he did in the case just considered.

It is a remarkable fact that those in the British Isles who spoke a language
derived from the dialects of the Iron Age invaders forgot the origin of their
speech. They did not realize that it had been handed down to them from the
people whom Caesar had called Celtae and Belgae, and for more than a millen-
nium and a half it did not occur to anyone to call the language (in its various
forms) or the people who spoke it 'Celts'. It was a strange Scottish
'Celtic',
Latinist and humanist, George Buchanan (1506-82), at one time a prisoner of
the Spanish Inquisition, who first revealed the facts. By studies of the classical
authors, but especially of place-names, he reached the conclusion that the
'GallV or people of central France in ancient times must have spoken a
language similar to that used in his own country by particular groups of people.
The salient passage in a long and detailed argument is this:

lam tande eo ventG est, ut ex oppidorum. fluminu. regionu. & alijs id genus

nominib' linguae inter Gallos, & Britanos comunione. atq; ex ea veterem

cognationem demostremus. Lubricus sane locus, &
diligeter examinadus.(i57i

These words may 'Now at last it comes to this, that from

be translated thus:
the names of towns, and so forth, we may demonstrate a
rivers, districts,
fellowship of speech, and from that an ancestral relationship, between the
Gauls and the Britons. To be sure, this is a slippery topic, to be examined with
care.'
Buchanan uses the word 'Go///' to refer to those among the people of ancient
France who spoke a Celtic language. However slippery the topic might be, he
and his successors (notably the antiquarian Edward Llwyd in the next century)
made their case secure enough. As a matter of fact, there is no reliable evidence
that any of the Iron Age invaders of the British Isles called themselves Celts
when they had established themselves there:l857i the dominant people in Great
Britain were anyhow the Belgae, who would not have used the name of another
nation. Nevertheless, after the studies of Buchanan and others had revealed the
origin of languages used in certain parts of Britain, the romantic tendencies of
the eighteenth century produced a fellow-feeling among those groups of per-
sons, of whatever ethnic origin, who spoke a Celtic tongue. They began to call
themselves Celts and to believe that they shared certain peculiarities in addition
to their speech. (8571 It is not necessary to stress the cultural differences that in
and still exist. 12141
fact existed
The Belgae and other related people who spoke the Brythonic or 'P-Celtic'
tongue spread over most of the southern half of Great Britain, and where they
met the more ancient inhabitants of the country they imposed their language
upon them, with strange consequences. The ancient Neolithic or hybrid stock
had no very close taxonomic relationship with the Brythonic-speaking in-
vaders. To this day the ancient stock, more or less intermarried with Nordids,
 THE CELTS 269

constitutes what Fleure and James called the 'fundamental type' of the Welsh
population. [344] As Coon has pointed out, it is these people, the least Celtic — in
the ethnic sense —of all the inhabitants of Great Britain, that have clung most
obstinately to the language that their conquerors first taught them two thou-
sand years ago. [2261 In an interesting lecture on 'Genetics and prehistory',
largely concerned with the ethnic evidence derived from blood-groups, the late
Sir Gavin de Beer remarked, 'In Ireland, Wales, and Scotland, are found
. . .

people with dark eyes and jet-black hair who have, completely erroneously,
been spoken of as "Celtic".'(72l
The Brythonic speech and literature that still survive in the Basse-Bretagne district of
Brittany are not to be regarded as a direct local relic of the language of Caesar's
Celtae. The language appears to have been brought there by refugees from south-west
England, fleeing from the Anglo-Saxon invaders. It resembles the Cornish more closely
than the Welsh dialect. 1767)

It will be clear from what has been said in this chapter that the word 'Celts'

has been used with very different meanings. The archaeologist, basing his opi-
nion on the objects buried with corpses or ashes, may apply the word to all or
nearly all those who practised the Hallstatt culture, or to those who developed
particular styles within that culture; or, on the contrary —and this is more
usual — to those who developed and
spread the culture of La Tene. The
historian may use it for a nation that inhabited a part of what is now France, in
ancient times; this is a political application of the term. The linguist may mean
by it the very diverse peoples who use or have used a particular language or
group of related dialects. The anthropologist may apply it to those people of
the Alpinid subrace who formed part of the population of ancient France, or
even to the Alpinid subrace in general; or, on the contrary, to those Nordids
(perhaps slightly intermixed with Alpinids) who spoke a non-Germanic
language, or to the people of a particular local form of the Nordid subrace,
some of whom brought certain Iron Age cultures to the British Isles before the
Roman occupation of Great Britain.
No one has the right to insist that the word 'Celts' must be used with the par-
ticular significance that happens to have his approval. In the anthropological
sense — as opposed to the archaeological, political, or linguistic
it seems best —
to use it for the people who brought Great Britain
a culture of the Iron Age to
before the Belgic invasions, and to the continental stock from which they
sprang. These people, like the Belgae, belonged to a 'local form' of the Nordid
subrace (probably with some slight modification due to limited hybridization
with Alpinids). The modern population of Great Britain probably derives main-
ly from the 'Celts' (in this sense) and Belgae, though a more ancient stock has
left its mark rather clearly in certain parts of the country, and the Anglo-

Saxons and other northerners made an additional Nordid contribution later on.
This book is not concerned with the question whether groups of persons
practising particular arts, or speaking particular languages, or constituting par-
ticular nations, oroccupying particular territories, are superior or inferior to
others. concerned with the differences between the ethnic taxa of man, and
It is

with the ethnic problem.

270 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

Epilogue
VOLTAIRE ON THE BRITONS OF THE IRON AGE

'When Caesar crosses into England, he finds this island still more savage than
Germany. The inhabitants scarcely covered their nudity with a few skins of
beasts. The women of a district belonged equally to all the men of the same dis-
trict. Their houses were huts made of reeds, and their ornaments were shapes

that the men and women imprinted on the skin by pricking it and pouring on to
it the juice of herbs, as the savages of America still do.'l lovi
i
 16 The Australids
(Australian aborigines)

INTRODUCTION
In the course of evolution a group of interbreeding individuals may become
isolated from theof their kind. Their descendants, cut off from others of
rest
the same stock, may in certain cases fail to evolve further, or may make only
limited advances. If they survive without much change, generation after
generation, they may serve as a reminder of a stage in the evolution of more
advanced forms. The problem of [Link] in animals has already been dis-
cussed (pp. 124-9), in preparation for its application to human affairs in the
present chapter. We are concerned here with the question whether there are
any physical features in the Australian aborigines that suggest a stage in the
evolution of more advanced taxa of modern man.
The subject is one that demands serious attention. Nothing would be gained
by a superficial glance at a few features of Australid anatomy that might
suggest relationship with prehuman ancestors. A considerable amount of
detail unavoidable if anything is to be attained, and this chapter is more
is

technical than any other in the book. Nevertheless the intrinsic interest of the
subject will perhaps make the presentation acceptable even to those who do not
claim any special knowledge of human anatomy. It is hoped that the attempt to
write intelligibly will not make the chapter tedious to others who have gained
a solid background in the anatomical departments of medical schools. They
may find interest and surprise in looking at a form of human life very difTerent
in many respects from the specimens ordinarily studied by medical
students —
and different in particularly significant ways.
Readers may find it helpful to refer occasionally to the abbreviated
classification of the Primates in Appendix 2 (p. 540). It will be understood that
all such classifications are provisional and subject to modification as
knowledge advances. Different authors do not exactly agree on any particular
arrangement, but the broad outlines of the classification used here would be
generally approved in the existing state of knowledge. It must be remarked that
the term 'anthropoid apes' is used by many authors as a non-technical term for
the family Pongidae. The reader should note that it does not correspond to the
Anthropoidea, which is a much more comprehensive taxon (a suborder). One

must distinguish, too, between the hominoids (apes in the narrow sense, and
men) and hominids (men).
Reference will be made repeatedly in this chapter to the primitive fossil
hominids commonly known as 'ape-men', 'Java Man', and 'Pekin Man',
272 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

because it will be necessary to consider whether there are any anatomical

features in the Australids that suggest a closer relationship to these ancient
forms than that shown by most races of modern man. Ideally one would begin
by giving rather a full description of these fossils; but many readers in
zoological and anthropological departments will already have the necessary
knowledge, and some idea of the anatomy of the primitive hominids will
anyhow emerge from the comparisons with Australids given in the present
chapter.
Many readable accounts of the primitive hominids are available to those
who want more information about them. For the Australopithecinae ('ape-
men') one may turn to the popular account given by one of the foremost
research workers on the subject, Dr. R. Broom, in his book entitled Finding the
missing link,\\44\ or to the very clear account by Sir Wilfrid le Gross Clark in
his Man-apes or ape-men?,\2\o] which has the rare merit of being readable by
expert and non-expert alike. It must suffice at this point to say that the

australopithecines were African hominids, whose long muzzles and small

brain-cases made their heads very pongid (ape-like) in appearance, but who un-
doubtedly belong with the rest of us to the family Hominidae.
Java Man and Pekin Man, so called because their remains were found in the
island and near the city bearing those names, were closely related to one
another and much less primitive than the australopithecines. They are par-
ticularly important in relation to the subject of the present chapter. Readers
who are unfamiliar with their anatomy (so far as it is known from their fossil
bones) will be able to pick up a certain amount of information about them from
remarks scattered through this chapter; but anyone who wants a short, con-
secutive description, with illustrations, may find it in an article in the Scientific
AmericanASM] The British Museum (Natural History) provides a postcard
showing front and side views of Pekin Man's skull, as restored under the direc-
tion of the foremost authority on the subject, Franz Weidenreich. The pictures
are taken from the latter's very detailed monograph on the subject.! i28l One of i

Weidenreich's collaborators in China. Dr. G. H. R. von Koenigswald, has

provided a short and informal but reliable and first-hand account of both Java
Man and Pekin Man in his book Meeting prehistoric nian.\602\
Many of the best authorities consider that Java Man and Pekin Man are
sufficiently similar to one another and to modern man to be regarded as merely
two races of a single species. Homo erectus.\9i2.i\9. 221. 5\i\ Others regard them
as generically distinct from modern man and specifically distinct from one
another, under the names of Pithecanthropus erectus (Java Man) and P.
pekinensis (Pekin Man). This, however, is a matter of opinion, like many other
problems in the taxonomy of fossil forms (see p. 70). As Ernst Mayr has
remarked, in relation to the nomenclature of hominids in general, '.
. . a
taxonomist with a differentmight arrive at a difTerent
viewpoint
classification'.|7i9l In what follows, the word Pithecanthropus will be used
wherever reference is made to characters shared by Java Man and Pekin Man.

It follows from the discussion in Chapter 8 that a taxon is regarded as

primitive if it retains physical characters that were possessed by remote
 THE AUSTRALIDS 273

ancestors but have been lost in the course of evolution by most members of the
taxa that are related to it.
The fact that primitiveness is a relative term does not seem to have been kept
in mind by all writers on human evolution. Thus, objection has been taken to
the use of the term 'primitive' for pongid and cercopithecid characters
possessed by certain ethnic taxa of modern man, on the ground that the
Pongidae and Cercopithecidae are rather specialized mammals in some
respects.! 11531 There can, indeed, be no doubt that the Prosimii (lemurs and
their allies), and especially the family of this taxon known as the Tupaiidae
('tree-shrews'), are much more primitive. Nevertheless, the objection cannot be
sustained; for one might as well go back to the reptilian ancestors of the mam-
mals and deny that the Tupaiidae are primitive, because their remote ancestors
were more primitive still. In this chapter degrees of primitiveness will be
recognized, and it will not be denied that any character is primitive merely
because animals that were still more primitive did not possess it.
A very brief sketch of the probable ancestry of man will clarify the ideas
expressed in the preceding paragraph. It will be understood that despite the
remarkable advances made recently in ancient chronology, one can only give
approximate statenlents of the periods that have elapsed since the various
stages in the evolution of modern man were reached. The rough estimates of
the periods will be expressed in years and enclosed within parentheses, with the
accepted expression 'B.P.' (before present). ('B.C.' would suggest a far more
exact knowledge of the periods than can possibly be attained in the present
state of knowledge.) The reader will realize that anything concerned with the
remote ancestry of man must be related rather dogmatically, if wordy reser-
vations about debatable points are to be avoided. A long dissertation on the
subject of man's evolution would neither clarify the special point at issue, nor
serve the general purposes of the book.
It is probable that the Pongidae (pongids, anthropoid apes, or apes in the

narrow sense) evolved from a group of Cercopithecidae (Old World monkeys)

early in the Oligocene epoch (B.P. nearly 40 million). One cannot say with cer-
tainty which pongid fossil represents most nearly the ancestral form of man,
but there is general agreement that Dryopithecus, Ramapithecus, and related
forms were close to the ancestor. This group —
the 'dryopithecine complex' of
Simpson[972l —was first made known to the scientific world by Edouard Lartet
(father of Louis, of Cro-Magnon famel639. 47l). Fossil remains of an ape,
probably larger than a chimpanzee, had been discovered in Miocene deposits at
Saint-Gaudens in Haute-Garonne, southern France, and sent to 6. Lartet for
study. Only a humerus and three fragments of a lower jaw were available, but
in describing it in 1856 Lartet had the prescience to remark that in the order of
replacement of the teeth, it occupied an intermediate position between modern
apes and man. 1638] He considered it to have been arboreal, and therefore gave
the generic name of Dryopithecus (meaning tree-ape). Seventy-one years later
the American palaeontologists Gregory and Hellman, in a study of the denti-
tion of Dryopithecus, traced back the human dentition to this ancient form,
which they regarded as close to the common stem from which, in their opinion,
modern pongids and man separately evolved. 14361 Most members of the
274 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

dryopithecine complex are known, like Lartet's D. fontani, only from lower
jaws and other fragments, but a few relatives of the group, such as Proconsul
africanus (from Kenya), have left more complete remains. Whether an in-
termediate form related to the chimpanzee may have intervened between these
and the australopithecines is uncertain; but the latter subfamily of hominids
appeared in early Pleistocene times (B.P. Ij million), to be followed by
Pithecanthropus (B.P. 1 to \ million) or some as yet unknown but closely
related form (or forms), ancestral to modern man.
If, now, it appears that an ethnic taxon of modern man retains characters

that were possessed by Pithecanthropus but are not retained by other taxa of
modern man, the former taxon is to be regarded as primitive in that respect,
whether or not the characters in question were shown by australopithecines or
by more remote ancestors. It will be understood that such characters were

B
i
44 Australid heads
The photographs represent aborigines of the Gilbert River district, northern Queensland.
Photographs from Hutchinson, Gregory, and Lydekker. 15301

formerly possessed by the ancestors of all the more advanced taxa of modern
man, but have been lost by them in the course of evolution. Certain taxa of
modern man do in fact show characters that are no longer retained by more
advanced taxa, but were possessed by pongid and even cercopithecid
ancestors. These characters are clearly evidence of a greater degree of
primitiveness than those that only extend back to the pithecanthropine stage.
The facts may be expressed thus. If two ethnic taxa of modern man differ in
 THE AUSTRALIDS 275

this respect, that one of them retains pithecanthropine, australopithecine,

pongid, or cercopithecid characters that are no longer possessed by the other,
the former taxon is primitive in relation to the latter. A taxon may also be
primitive in the more limited sense that it frequently (though not usually)
exhibits primitive characters that are seldom or never exhibited by another
taxon. which is more advanced in this respect.

It sometimes easier to recognize pongid and cercopithecid than

is

pithecanthropine and australopithecine characters in modern man. because

perfect skeletons of present-day apes and monkeys are readily available,
whereas the fragments of fossil man are incomplete and often imperfectly
preserved, so that the finer details of their structure (such as the exact course of
the sutures between the bones of the skull) are difficult to determine. Another
difficulty with fossil men is that there are not enough of them to give us a clear
picture of the frequency of secondary characters, some of which, found among
the Australids, are of special interest. Again, we have no knowledge of the soft
parts o^ Pithecanthropus or Australopithecus, except where they have left their
impress on the bones; but all parts of the anatomy of apes and monkeys are
available for comparison with those of Australids.
It is appropriate at this point to call attention to an aspect of human evolution that
has tended to be overlooked. It is believed that modern man originated from
Pithecanthropus, but two different opinions are held about the way in which the change
came about. In the opinion of some authorities, one of the species of Pithecanthropus
(or, in other words, one of the races of Homo erectus) evolved into Homo sapiens,

which subsequently split up into the races of modern man. According to the other view,
which has been marshalled in a most interesting way by Coon, 12271 the various races of
modern man originated from different species of Pithecanthropus (or. in Coon's terms,
from different races of Homo erectus); and they came to resemble one another by in-
dependent evolution of those characters that distinguish the races of modern man from
his remote ancestors. Thus, for instance, it is argued that Java Man gave rise to the
Australids, and Pekin Man to the Mongolids. If this were true, the resemblances
between the Australids and the Mongolids, which cause taxonomists to place them in
the single species Homo sapiens, must be due not to the inheritance of the shared
characters from a single ancestral form, but to parallel evolution from separate stocks,
neither of which possessed the characters that they eventually came to share. This is
not a subject on which it is desirable to dogmatize in the present book, though it is

perhaps not irrelevant to mention that I myself doubt whether parallel evolution has in
fact occurred in this case. If, however, there are ethnic taxa of modern man that
possess in common certain characters that were not inherited from a common
ancestor, but evolved separately in the several stocks by independent evolution, then it

would be contrary to the rules of nomenclature that are universally accepted by

zoologists to group them all under a single name. Homo sapiens: for the members of a
taxon are placed in that taxon because their shared chararacters are thought to be
derived from a ancestor which possessed them. The zoologist is always on the
common
look-out for examples of parallel, independent evolution, and he immediately divides a
taxon into new taxa with different names, as soon as it has been clearly shown that
similar groups of animals have actually evolved separately.
An example of parallel or convergent evolution that is particularly well known
276 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
among zoologists is provided by the marine gastropods familiarly known as 'sea
butterflies'. In these molluscs the 'foot' — primarily a crawling organ — isdrawn out on
each side of the body into a flat lobe, which is flapped like a wing in swimming. The
gastropods that possessed these wings were formerly grouped together as 'Pteropoda'
(wing-feet). Many of them were obtained by the naturalists of H.M.S. Challenger
during the oceanographic voyage of that vessel in the years 1873-6, and Paul
Pelseneer, an authority on the Mollusca, undertook to describe them. Careful examina-
tion showed clearly enough that 'wings' had evolved independently in two separate
taxa of the order Opisthobranchia, and the remarkable resemblances between them
were not due to inheritance from a common ancestor. 'The Pteropoda'. he wrote, 'are
polyphyletic in their origin. they have not a common origin.
. . . Henceforth, . . .

therefore, we should abstain from making a distinct class of the Pteropoda, but should
rather distribute the animals which have been called by this name among other groups,
according to their natural affinities. '18331 He did this, and his conclusions have been
accepted ever since. The 'Pteropoda' have disappeared, except in writings on the
history of zoology.

THE TAXONOMY OF THE AUSTRALASIDS

Several distinguished anthropologists classify the Australids in a taxon that
includes the Melanesians and Papuans, though with some
and also—
hesitation — the extinct Tasmanians.1293. thought probable that the
302. 227] It is

Australids represent best the original stock from which the others may have
diverged by hybridization, though the ancestry of the divergent groups remains
obscure. A Mongolid element has been suggested on evidence from blood-
groups,l227l but little support for this view can be gained from anatomical
studies. It remains to be discovered how the Melanesians and Papuans came to
possess quite a high frequency of the gene for the 'B' blood-group, which is
altogether lacking in Australids (except in those local forms that are thought to
have hybridized in the past with Melanesians or Papuans). The anatomy of the
Australids will be considered in some detail below, and it will suffice here to
mention very briefly some of the characters that are shared with the other
minor taxa. The Tasmanians seem to stand somewhat apart from the others,
and are not brought so easily under a single definition.
As a general rule the members of the major taxon are dolichocranial. platyrrhine.
and prognathous, with narrow, retreating forehead and large supra-orbital ridges; the
skull as a whole is 'ill-filled', being flat-sided and somewhat keeled on top (Fig. 51, p.

297). The sphenoid bone makes only a short suture with the parietal, or the two bones
are separated by junction of the frontal with the temporal (see Fig. 28 and pp.
298-300). The lower border of the apertura pyriformis is commonly orygmo-
craspedote or amblycraspedote (pp. 282-6).
The nasal bones are particularly characteristic (Fig. 45a). The naso-frontal suture is

curved (generally more so than in the photographed specimen), with the convexity up-
wards; and both the frontal and the nasal bones are turned inwards in the immediate
vicinity of the suture, so that the latter seems to lie at the bottom of a little trench. This
makes the vicinity of the suture a striking feature of the skull, even when the latter is

viewed from a distance. A few millimetres below the suture the nasal bones are
 THE AUSTRALIDS 277

narrowed and below this widened out again, so as to give the two bones together an
appearance that has been compared to that of an hour-glass (though it would be a very
wide-waisted one). The nasal bones project forwards more than they do in Negrids.
The stature is moderate. The black scalp-hair is neither very long, like that of
Europids. nor very short, as in Negrids and Sanids (Bushmen). It is usually
either curly or 'frizzy', but typically not 'woolly' like that of the two last-
mentioned peoples. The skin is dark brown.
In the Rhesus system of blood-groups the complex CDe (R,) is very high
(one of the very marked differences from the Negrids).
There are obvious differences between most Australian aborigines and most
Melanesians in external features, especially in the characteristic form of the
hair, the former being mainly wavy-haired and the latter provided with a mop
of frizzy hair; yet even in this respect there is overlap, some Australids having
hair that verges on the frizzy, and some Melanesians having more loosely
curled locks than the rest. The skulls are remarkably similar. Anyone, after a
few minutes' instruction, could tell a Nordid's skull from an Alpinid's; but even
an expert would hesitate to say that he could always tell an Australid's from a
Melanesian's at a glance, or even, in some cases, after careful study.

45 Australid skulls
A, facial view, to show rounded outer margin of the orbit (long
especially the roof-like cranial vault, the
arrow), and the orygmocraspedote lower border of the nasal aperture (short arrow). B. lateral view; the
specimen was chosen to show the strongly developed brow ridge and very receding forehead. C. lower jaw.
to show the vertical (not projecting) chin and the large teeth. (The projecting canine tooth (arrow) of this
specimen is referred to on p. 289.)
The specimens are in the British Museum (Natural History). A (5 no. AUS.30.987: B. AUS.440: C.
AUS.50.994. Photographs by the official Photographer of the Museum.
278 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
The peoples whose most obvious common characters have been briefly men-
tioned above form a taxon sufficiently distinct from other human taxa to
it would not appear that anyone has definite-
qualify as a subspecies (race), but
ly applied to thistaxon a name in the Linnean system that obeys the Inter-
national code of zoological nomenclature. \\o\^\ The rules are rather difficult to
apply in this particular case, but 'australasicus Bory, 1825' is used in this
book. For the common name I suggest 'Australasid'. The reader is referred to
Appendix 3 (p. 541) for an account of the reasons for regarding australasicus
as the correct name for the race, and for dividing it into three subraces. namely
australasicus (common name Australid, the Australian aborigines), melaninus
(Melanesid, the Melanesians and Papuans), and tasmanianus (Tasmanid, the
Tasmanians). The two latter subraces are seldom mentioned in this book. (See
also the table of races and subraces at the end of the book.)
It is agreed by all who have studied the question that the
generally
Australids scattered over a vast area of Australia (New South Wales, Victoria,
and South Australia, with the adjoining parts of Queensland, the Northern
Territory, and Western are very uniform in their physical
Australia)
characters. Certain however, recognize special "types' in other
authorities,
parts of the range. They assign the Australids of the region designated above to
'type A\ and separate off as 'type B' those who inhabit the northern parts of
the Northern Territory and the adjacent region of Western Australia. 7631 1

Others, who also recognize 'type B', regard the aborigines of the coastal dis-
tricts of Queensland as sufficiently different from the others to be distinguished
as 'type C\l326l There are, indeed, peculiarities in these regions, almost certainly
caused by hybridization with Melanesids, and perhaps others; but there are no
generally accepted names for the three 'types', and the differences are so small
that the Australids may be regarded as essentially homogeneous.

THE PRIMARY CHARACTERS OF THE AUSTRALID SUBRACE

An attempt will now be made to describe the 'typical' Australids, from the
point of view of the physical anthropologist.
Except where the contrary is throughout the
stated, the description will refer,
chapter, to the adult male. The reader is mind. The male
asked to keep this in
sex has been chosen because among the Australids, as among most other
ethnic taxa of man, it reveals the differences from other taxa more clearly than
the female.
Our knowledge of Australid anatomy is 'patchy'. About some parts of the
body the wealth of information is formidable. This applies in particular to the
skull, which has been described in great detail. One author alone, for instance,
has reported very minutely, and obviously very accurately, the results of his
researches on 1,182 Australid skulls.13261 Many other authorities who have
examined very large numbers of Australid skulls will be quoted in the general
description given below. A good deal is known about the rest of the skeleton,
the blood-groups, and the external characters; but our knowledge of the soft in-
ternal parts is very incomplete. It might perhaps be desirable to ofTer rewards
 THE AUSTRALIDS 279

to Australids who would bequeath their bodies for anatomical study, if this

suggestion could be made without causing them offence.

In describing the ethnic taxa of man, authors usually begin with an account
of the external appearance; but the skull is much more important in human
taxonomy, because it provides more information of a precise and varied nature,
and allows detailed comparison with the same part of the body in fossil forms.
The human skull was described first in the chapter on the Europids, and the
same arrangement will be adopted here. Many Australians and most others
have never seen an Australid, and although the reader has probably seen
photographs of them, he may find it convenient at this point to refresh his
memory by examining Fig. 44a and B. The external characters are described
on pp. 295-8 and 301-2.
Skull. —The description of the skull given here is based on a full study of the

original authorities, with some additions of my own. 149. i66. i67. 276. 5i8. 586. 587,
613, 692, 707, 708, 742, 743. 763. 1062, 1072. 1076, 1152]

The brain-case is massive. The bones of the cranial vault (frontal, parietal,
temporal, and occipital) are probably thicker, on the average, than those of any
other ethnic taxon of modern man. They often reach 10 mm
and more, while in
most other races the thickness is generally about 5 mm. In this respect the
Australids equal Pithecanthropus. Not only are these bones thick; they are par-
ticularly heavy, because the spongy part (diploe) in the interior of each bone
(between its outer and inner surfaces) is largely replaced by compact bone. As
Klaatsch remarked, 'The thickness and sometimes wonderfully developed
strength of the cranial bones, offer such resistance against violence as to
astonish every investigator.'! 587]
The capacity of the brain-case is small, about 1,290 ml on the average. The
corresponding figure for the skulls of the Anglo-Saxon invaders of Great
Britain was about 1.540 ml;l762l of Pekin Man about 1,075 ml; Java Man's is
estimated at only 860 mil i28l i

The skull generally appears long-ovoid when viewed from above; there is
often an occipital bulge, similar to that of Pekin Man. The cranium is 'ill-
filled'. In facial or occipital view one notices the elevated sagittal ridge running
longitudinally along the top, and the flat surfaces on each side of it, falling
away low-pitched roof of a house; below this roof the sides are flat and
like the
vertical, like walls (Fig. 45a). In many cases the greatest breadth of the
cranium is situated very low, so that the flat 'walls' actually slope outwards
below. This is a typically pithecanthropine character, unusual in modern men

of other races.
One of the most obvious features of the Australid skull is the strong develop-
ment of ridges on the external surface of the brain-case. The brow-ridges
(superciliary ridges) are usually prominent and often continuous with one
another across the glabella. Rather strong transverse ridges are present in the
occipital region. The superior nuchal line and occipital protuberance are
sometimes so powerfully developed as to constitute what is called an 'occipital
torus', 7421 but this is unusual. As a rule the superciliary and occipital ridges are
1

less developed in the female, but huge development of them has been described
in a skull known to have been that of a woman.|i66l The supramastoid crest is
280 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
also Stronglymarked in Australian aborigines. The temporal lines and all the
muscular impressions, especially those on the occipital bones, are well
developed. The general ruggedness of the brain-case, and above all the
prominence of the superciliary ridges, are reminiscent of Pithecanthropus, and
indeed of the larger pongids.
Some authorities have suggested that superciliary ridges evolved separately
in pongids and hominids, from more primitive forms that lacked them
altogether. This belief was fostered by the discovery in the Transvaal in 1925 of
the first Raymond Dart gave the name of
australopithecine, to which Professor
Australopithecus africanus;\250\ for this young specimen lacked the ridges.
When the skulls of adult australopithecines were found, they were given a new
specificname, transvaalensis, and some students of the subject put them in a
new Nowadays, however, it is usual to regard the forms
genus, Plesianthropus.
previously known as Plesianthropus transvaalensis as adults of
Australopithecus africanus. The ridges are well seen, for instance, in an illustra-
tion published by Dr. Robert Broom,|i43l who had been the first to find adult
iustralopithecines. They are even larger in what appears to be another species
of the same genus, A. robustus. It seems, therefore, that the large brow-ridges
of Australids should be regarded as one of the many primitive characters that
link them through Pithecanthropus and the australopithecines with some of the
larger apes.
It has already been mentioned that Dry'opithecus and mosi of its close relatives are
known only from lower jaws and teeth. The skull of one of them (Proconsul africanus).
however, is complete in the front part of the brain-case, and it is known to have lacked
brow-ridges; but this was a small, lightly built ape, and one cannot assume that it was
typical of Miocene and Pliocene hominoids.i2o<)|
Particularly huge superciliary ridges evolved independently in the male
gorilla in Broken Hill man|866l among human beings, but this
among apes and
does not exclude the probability that less developed ridges were present in the
remote common ancestor, at any rate in the male.
Despite the projection of glabella and occiput, the Australid skull is not
exceptionally long, as a rule, the mean length being about 188 mm; but its
narrowness results in a cranial index of only 71, on the average. This is nearly
but not quite what is called a 'hyperdolichocraniaP figure. Cases of extreme
dolichocephaly have from time to time been reported. Turner measured an
Australid skull 200 mm long and only 123 mm broad.|i072l This gives the
astonishing figure of 61-5, which is well beyond the limit of the hyper-
dolichocranial and ranks as 'ultradolichocraniaP. It does not, however, con-
stitute the most extreme example of dolichocephaly known in the subrace.
Miklouho-Maclay,* a reliable observer, described an Australid skull, stated by
him not to have been artificially deformed, that was 204 mm long and only 1 19
mm wide. 17431 Thus the cranial index was 58 3, one of the lowest ever recorded
in any human taxon. Pekin Man had a cranial index of about 72, and Java
Man was also dolichocranial. The Australids have retained the primitive

* Mikiouho-Maclay's name was spelled thus in papers written in English, but 'Miklucho-
Maclay' in those written in German.
 THE AUSTRALIDS 281

character of dolichocephaly, and so, indeed, have many other ethnic taxa of
modern man, including the Nordids and certain other Europid subraces,
though generally to a lesser degree.
The mean height of the skull is rather low, but not excessively so. In this
respect the Australids do not approach the condition in Pithecanthropus. The
forehead recedes markedly, however (Fig. 45b), and in this respect the
Australid skull is nearer to the pithecanthropine condition.
The frontal region of the skull is narrow.
The distance between the left and right asterions, expressed as a percentage of the
breadth of the skull, is greater than that of any other living taxon of man. 17631 This is no
doubt related to the fact that the skull is wide below and relatively narrow higher
up — a primitive character.
The mastoid processes sometimes described as a primitive
are rather small. This is

character, because these processes are lacking in most pongids. and when they do oc-
cur in rudimentary form, they contain no air-cells. 10021 However, their small size in
1

Australids can scarcely be regarded as primitive, since they were not particularly small
in Pekin Man.lii28i In this ancient form, however, the mastoid processes projected
downwards and inwards instead of directly downwards, as is usual in most taxa of
modern man. There is a tendency to this inward direction in the mastoid processes of
the Australids.
The sutures of the brain-case are rather simple, especially the pars obelica of the
sagittal (which tends to be simpler than the others in all taxa). Wormian bones are
frequent, especiallv in the lambdoid suture.
The temporal fossae are deep. The greater wings of the sphenoid bone give
the appearance of having been scooped out deeply with a finger-tip.
The zygomatic arches give the impression of projecting widely (Fig. 45a).
The mean bizygomatic breadth is slightly greater than the greatest breadth of
the brain-case, and when one looks down on the skull from above, one sees
considerable spaces between the frontal bones and the arches. The facts are at-
tributable, however, to the narrowness of the brain-case, especially in the fron-
tal region, rather than to particularly wide separation of the zygomatic arches
from one another.
The facial part of the skull is characterized by marked prognathism. This is
an easily observed primitive feature, possessed also by Pithecanthropus and to
a still greater degree by the australopithecines and pongids.
For many purposes the best measure of prognathism is the Ganzprofilwinkel, that is
to say the angle made with the standard (Frankfurt) horizontal plane by a line joining
the nasion to the prosthion. The mean by Martin and
figure for Australids quoted
Sailer is 76-8°.l708|This is the lowest (i.e. represents the greatest degree of prognathism)

of all the figures quoted for total prognathism by these authors among the various
ethnic taxa of man. The prognathism of the region below the nose (alveolar
prognathism) averages 66-6°, so that this part projects even more acutely than the up
per part of the face.
It was claimed by Thomson and Randall-Maciver at the beginning of this century, in
their study of ancient Egyptian skulls, that the basion-nasion line is a better basis for
the measurement of prognathism than the standard horizontal plane. li046The 'nasion
angle' subtended at the nasion by the lines joining this point to the basion and the
282 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
prosthion. was used by Morant in various biometric studies, 1762. 763, 764] and was
strongly recommended as a measure of prognathism by Weidenreich, who used it in his
classical work on Pekin Man.lii28iThe greater this angle, the higher the degree of
prognathism. He gives 100° as the average for modern pongids; 81° for Java Man; 72°
1° from his measurements of 44 Australid male skulls
for Pekin Man. Morant found 72-
of the typical 'A' group. 7631 He found the mean nasion angle in skulls from 15 western
1

European ethnic taxa to be 65 0°;|764| in those from sixteen Anglo-Saxon burials in

England and Scotland, 62- 1°. 17621
The canine fossa of the maxilla is deep in Australids (though not deeper than in some
Nordid skulls).

The noseis one of the most interesting parts of the Australid skull. A deep

depression at the root is very characteristic. It is emphasized, but not wholly

caused, by the projection of the glabella. The nasal bones are short, and do not
project very far; they are concave in profile view and thus present roughly the
shape of a saddle. They are slightly wider at their upper and lower ends than in
the middle. The pair of them together thus gives the characteristic 'hour-glass'
appearance, already mentioned (pp. 276-7), (Fig. 45a).
The nasal aperture (apertura pyriformis) of the male Australid is on the
average 27-3 mm
from side to side at its widest part, and the height of the nose
(measured in the standard way) is 48 8 mm. I5i8l These figures give a nasal
index of 56, which places the nose in the chamaerrhine category, and not far
from the hyperchamaerrhine. The nose of Pekin Man was a little wider still (30
mm) but also higher (52-5 mm);[ii28l this gives a nasal index of 571, close to
that of the Australids and still just within the chamaerrhine range. The upper
(wider) limit of the narrow (leptorrhine) nose, characteristic of many Europids,
is only 46-9. The broad nose is one of the more obvious primitive characters of
the Australids.
It must be remarked that the height of the nose, on which the nasal index depends, is

taken by some authors from the nasion to the nariale, by others from the same point to
the subspinale; but the difference between the two measurements is so small as to be
negligible for most purposes.
There are astonishing features about Morant's statistical data on the width of the
nose in relation to its height. He measured the standard height (Frankfurt nasal height,
nasion to nariale) of only three male Australid skulls, and obtained a mean (52 3 mm)
that is considerably above the average for male Australids as a whole; and beyond this
he made a mathematical error in calculating the nasal index from this figure, thus ob
taining an even lower nasal index (49-2) than his figure for height would have
given. 17631 HrdliCka measured the nasal heights of 2,384 male Australids from all
parts of Australia and obtained the mean given above (48 8 mm); this, taken in con-
junction with his measurements of the breadth of the nose in 1,333 specimens, gave the
index quoted (56).i5i8i It is scarcely credible but nevertheless true that Morant also
made an Anglo-Saxon skulls. 1762] From his
error in calculating the nasal index of male
figures it would follow that both Australids and Anglo-Saxons were mesorrhine,
whereas in fact the former are chamaerrhine and the latter were leptorrhine. These
serious errors seem not to have been pointed out previously.
Even more obvious than the relative breadth of the nose, to anyone looking
even casually at an Australid skull, is the lower border of the nasal aperture
 THE AUSTRALIDS 283

(apertura pyriformis). This feature is so important in relation to the subject of

primitiveness that necessary to discuss it at some length. It is one ot the

it is

skeletal characters that have been called 'non-metrical'*.! 1153, 3261 The reader
who does not want to study it in great detail may at least glance at the
photographs labelled A, c. and D on Fig. 46 (p. 284). They represent the nose
and surrounding parts of the skull of a Nordid (a), an Australid (C), and an
orang-utan (d). The photographs were taken at an oblique angle, because it
shows the significant features particularly clearly. In the Nordid, the sharp
lateral edge of the nasal aperture is continued across at the bottom of it as an
upstanding ridge that joins the projecting anterior nasal spine (ans) in the mid-
dle line, and thus from the sloping sur-
distinctly separates the nasal cavity (nc)
face of the maxilla (alveolar slope, as) that runs down towards the teeth. This
arrangement, which occurs in the great majority of Europids (pp. 207 and
216), is called oxycraspedote\693\ (Greek 6|i'q', sharp; xpdonedov, border).
Fenner(326l never found the oxycraspedote arrangement in his study of 1,182
Australid skulls.
In the Australid skull represented in photograph C, there is no such sharp
separation. The lateral edge of the nasal aperture fades out as it reaches the
level of the bottom of the nasal cavity. The region where the separating ridge
exists in the Europid appears to have been excavated and eliminated. This con-
dition is called orygmocraspedote (Greek opvyjua, excavation). The nasal floor
flows, as it were, into the alveolar slope, without any clear line of demarcation.
The Australid skull represented in Fig. 45a is also orygmocraspedote. This
type of lower border is characteristic of most pongids and cercopithecids, and
occurred also in the ape-man, Australopithecus [Link]] It is well seen in
the orang-utan skull represented in Fig. 46d.
The anterior nasal spine is generally feebly represented in Australids, and
double at its tip (Fig. 46c, ans). Cases have been recorded of its complete
absence in skulls of this subrace.1465. 5381 It is present in Java Man, but not in
Pekin Manlii28l nor in young Australopithecus africanus. \250\ It is 'quite
distinct', though small, in adults of what is probably the same species
CPlesianthropus transvaalensis'').\\45] In pongids there is usually no spine, but it
is sometimes present in rudimentary form, with double tip. 1465. 662, 418. 9301 The

rudimentary condition can be seen in the orang-utan's skull shown in Fig. 46d.
It has frequently been stated that the orygmocraspedote structure is correlated with

prognathism, but among Australid skulls one can find specimens that are
orygmocraspedote though not prognathous. It has also been stated that the nasal spine

* The expression 'non-metrical" does not mean that the feature in question cannot be
neasured. for objects of every conceivable shape are capable of being measured, and the results
expressed in mathematical terms that define the shape exactly. In fact, however, there are certain
anatomical features that differ strikingly from one ethnic taxon to another, but which would
require an enormous expenditure of time and energy for their full expression in numerical form.
If anyone wishes to do so. and has the necessary mathematical knowledge, he can express the
facts about the lower border of the nasal aperture in that form; but no one has done so, because
it seems that nothing would be gained when the facts are so obvious and so easily and effectively

expressed 'non-metrically'. Those who use non-metrical methods are as ready as anyone else to
measure, wherever this process does not involve waste of time. Those who rely solely on
measurements often overlook obvious differences between one ethnic taxon and another because
they concentrate their attention on those parts of the skeleton that happen to be the most easily
measured.
46 The structure of the lower border of the nasal aperture (apertura pyrifonnis) in

human and pongid skulls

A, Nordid form (oxycraspedote): B, Australid (amblycraspedote); C. Australid (orygmocraspedote): D,
orang-utan (orygmocraspedote). arts, anterior nasal spine: as. alveolar slope: ca. crista anterior: cp. crista
posterior: cr. nasal crest of maxilla: io. infra orbital foramen: n. nasal bone: nc. nasal cavity.
A. B. and D are in the Oxford Universilv Museum and C in the Department of Human Anatomy at Oxford.
A. skull marked 'Z': B. '836b: C, AUS.20.2. Photographs by Mr. J. Haywood.
 THE AUSTRALIDS 285

is only fully formed in orthognathous skulls, but some Australids show a well
developed spine despite strong alveolar prognathy. Examples are quoted in Appendix 4

(p. 543).
One might take leave of the lower border of the apertura pyriformis at this
point, and say that Europids are usually oxycraspedote, while Australids tend
to resemble pongids and cercopithecids in being orygmocraspedote; but the
facts are so significant, and yet so incapable of complete expression in such
simple terms as those, that some readers will be glad of the more precise
presentation that now follows.
In some Australids there are are no cristae at the lower border of the apertura, and
in this respect there is a resemblance to the orygmocraspedote condition; but the
horizontal floor of the nasal cavity ends rather suddenly at the top of the alveolar slope,
instead of merging gradually into it. The floor then looks rather like a parapet surroun-
ding a fort. This structure, not previously named, may be called epalxicraspedote
(Greek sTzal^iq. parapet) From Weidenreich's descriptions (1943)
it would appear that

both Java Man and Pekin Man

had epalxicraspedote skulls.
Another type, the bothrocraspedote (Greek (iodpoq, trench) is found in several
taxa of man, especially the Mongolids, and above all among Malayans. This type is il-
lustrated by the nose of a Sumatran, shown in Fig. 47. Here the floor of the nasal cavi-

ty is separated from the alveolar slope by two ridges, called by von Boninli24i the crista
posterior (cp) and crista anterior (ca), with a trench or fossa praenasalis{fp)\\\i2]
between them. The which looks like a lateral outgrowth from the nasal
crista posterior,
spine, runs obliquely backwards and outwards in a curve to join the turbinal bone at
the lateral wall of the nasal cavity. It is sometimes double (two parallel cristae. very
close to one another). The crista anterior is an inward continuation of the lateral edge
of the apertura pyriformis. It runs across in a wide curve to join the nasal spine.

47 Facial skeleton of a Sumatran, to

show the bothrocraspedote lower
border of the nasal aperture (apertura
pyriformis).
ca. crista anterior; cp. crista posterior; /^, fossa
praenasalis.
From Ziickerkandl;\ 1 17:| lettering by the author.
286 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Among various ethnic taxa of man one frequently finds skulls in which the lower
border of the apertura pyriformis has maintained into adult life the form that is usual in

embryos or infants of most human taxa. This form is related to the bothrocraspedote.
but the crista posterior extends only a short distance outwards from the spine, fading
out on the floor of the nasal cavity, and the crista anterior reaches only a short distance
inwards towards the middle line, fading out on the alveolar slope. This stunted or in-

complete arrangement of the cristae is called amblycraspedote (Greek ajitlJM'q, blunt).

It occurs in some adult Australids, and is shown in Figs. 46b and 48a. Indications of it
can be detected in some skulls that must be classified as orygmocraspedote (Fig. 46c).
In the true oxycraspedote form the lateral border of the apertura pyriformis turns
towards the middle line as a sharp, upstanding crest that joins the medial part of the
crista posterior and thus links up indirectly with the nasal spine. About one-fifth of all

Australid skulls possess what has been called a 'pseudo-European' lower border. |326|

but will here be caWed pseudo-oxycraspedote. This differs markedly in appearance from
the other, because the continuation of the lateral border towards the middle line is not a
crest but a low ridge that sweeps round
wide curve, generally making direct con
in a

tact with the nasal spine without any intervention of the crista posterior. The latter in
fact, nearly vanishes.
The orygmocraspedote. amblycraspedote. and bothrocraspedote types merge into
one another by intermediates. The bothrocraspedote has occasionally been recorded in
pongids.i'^-^oi and. strangely enough, in two species of seals (Phoca). |708|

Of the 111 Australid skulls (complete and incomplete) in the British Museum
(Natural History) and the Departments of Zoology and Human Anatomy at Oxford,
the structure of the lower border of the apertura pyriformis could be determined in
98.1491 The results of the investigation showed that the great majority are orygmo-.
ambly-. or epalxicraspedote; that is to say. there are no ridges separating the nasal
floor from the alveolar slope, or if there are any. they are very imperfectly developed.
This is a pongid and cercopithecid character. For full analysis of the 98 specimens, see
Appendix 5 (p. 544). (See also Appendix 4, p. 543.)
The
orbits are interesting in several respects. Professor William Turner, in
his Challenger Report. 10721 seems to have been the first to remark on the
1

unusual form of their outer (lateral) borders in Australids. He noted 'a peculiar
breadth and curvature of the malar zygomatic bone where it formed the ( 1

boundary [of the orbit], which wanted the sharpness one sees
in crania general-
ly,so that in taking the transverse diameter of the orbit there was a difficulty in
deciding on the exact point on which the calipers should be placed'. This
characteristic feature of the adult Australid male is well seen in Figs. 45a
(long arrow) and 47a. The outer border of the orbit is not preserved in any of
the parts of Java Man's skull that have so far been discovered, and the
zygomatic bone of Pekin Man is only known from three fragments of it.
Weidenreich's description and illustrations suggest that the outer margin of the
orbit was rather sharper than it is in typical male Australid skulls, for the latter
usually show a smooth curvature in this region, strongly reminiscent of the cor-
responding part in australopithecines and pongids.
The orbital plate (lamina papyracea) of the ethmoid bone, forming part of the inner
(mesial) wall of the orbit, is notably shallow in vertical height, especially in front, where
it makes a short suture with the lacrimal bone (Fig. 47a). The ethmo-lacrimal region is
48 Skulls and vertebral columns, to illustrate special points in the anatomy of
A ustralids
A. the skull of an Australid. to show especially the ethmolacrimal suture and the posterior lacrimal crest.
B, sacrum (with coccyx) of an Australid. C. ditto, of a Europid. for comparison with B. D. the third lum-
bar vertebra of an Australid. viewed from the left side.
E, skull from Celebes (thought to be of the Toala tribe, regarded by some as 'Australoid"). to illustrate the
fronto-temporal pterion. e. ethmoid:/ frontal: /. lacrimal: p, parietal: s. sphenoid: t. temporal.
In A the short arrows indicate the ends of the ethmo lacrimal suture: the long arrow points to the edge of
the posterior lacrimal crest.
All the specimensshown in this figure are in the Oxford University Museum. A is no. 836b: B, 957a; C, 988:
D. 987a: E. 775. Photographs by the author {A). Mr. D. Turner (B. C. and D), and the official Photographer
of the British Museum (Natural History) (E.).

very fragile, and no part of the skull is more frequently found to be broken in museum
specimens. One hundred skulls of Australids of both sexes in the collections of the
British Museum (Natural History) and the Departments of Zoology and Human
Anatomy at Oxford were examined to find the mean length of the ethmolacrimal
suture. Of the 200 left and right sides of these skulls, only 44 were sufficiently intact for

the accurate measurement of the ethmolacrimal suture. The lengths were taken in a
straight line, from one end of the suture to the other. The mean length was only 7 9
mm (standard deviation of mean. 21; extremes. 3 2 mm and 12-8 mm).|49iln certain
cases, however, more extreme reduction of the anterior end of the orbital plate of the
288 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

ethmoid bone has been recorded. Turner described three Australid skulls, from Vic-
toriaand Western Australia, in which the plate actually terminated in a point anterior-
ly, so that the ethmoid barely articulated with the lacrimal. 1 10721 He emphasized the
apelike nature of this arrangement. Duckworth 12931 gives a photograph of an Australid
skull in the Anatomical Museum at Cambridge in which the frontal bone actually
makes a short articulation with the maxilla in this position, thus separating the ethmoid
from the lacrimal. This happens commonly in the chimpanzee and gorilla. In a drawing
(to scale) of the inner side of the orbit of an adult ape-man. Australopithecus africanus
('Plesianthropus transvaalensis'). Broom and Robinson represent the ethmo-lacrimal
suture as 7 9 mm long. They emphasize the variable arrangement of the bones in this
region among pongids.li45i
The posterior lacrimal crest does not appear to have been mentioned previously in
descriptions of Australid skulls. This is the vertical bony ridge that projects from the
lacrimal bone and forms the posterior support of the tear-sack (saccus lacrimalis). In
various ethnic taxa of man it often extends only a short distance upwards from the
lacrimal booklet (hamulus lacrimalis). It is commonly broken in museum specimens.
Among the skulls of both sexes that were examined for peculiarities in the
ethmolacrimal region of the orbit, only 68 sides were sufficiently intact for study of the
posterior lacrimal crest. In 58 of these it extended right up to the fronto-lacrimal suture,
or very close to it (Fig. 48a).|49| The crest has not been described in Pithecanthropus.
The drawing of the skull o^ Australopithecus africanus ('P. transvaalensis') given by
Broom and Robinson suggests that in this form it extended nearly to the top of the
lacrimal bone.l 1451 Among the pongids it is very variable, but in many cases poorly
represented.
The palate of Austraiids is very long, no doubt in relation to prognathism.
Its area is greater than that of any other ethnic taxon of man except the extinct
Tasmanians.
The lower jaw (Fig. 45c) is rather massive, exceeding in weight that of an
average Englishman by about one-tenth, but it does not approach the bulkiness
of Pekin Man's. The chin scarcely projects, but does not usually recede strong-
ly, like Pekin Man's.

For comparison with fossil specimens it is best to express the angle of inclination of
the chin by measurement of the angle subtended by the incision gnathion line with the
alveolar line (since fossil mandibles do not usually form part of skulls that are
sufficiently intact for the establishment of the Frankfurt horizontal). In the baboon,

with very receding chin, this angle is only 40°; in recent pongids. 44°-54°-: in Pekin
Man and Heidelberg Man. about 60°: in Austraiids. 74-5°. In other races of modern
man it sometimes exceeds a right angle. 11 127] (It is to be remembered that the most
prominent point of the chin is usually far in front of the gnathion. and the chin may
therefore project strongly when the angle measured in the way described is con-
siderably less than a right angle.)
In the Primates the recession or projection of the chin varies with age. 1 12 11 In
monkeys (both Ceboidea and Cercopithecoidea) it recedes when first laid down in the
embryo and remains in this condition throughout life. In the young pongid. on the con-
trary, it is nearly vertical to the horizontal plane of the skull, but recedes in the adult. In
most taxa of modern man it is nearly vertical at first, but projects in the adult. It is

significant that in Pekin Man the chin angle (measured as in the preceding paragraph)
 THE AUSTRALIDS 289

is greater in the young than in the adult. Ii i27iThe chin of Austraiids is primitive, since it

usually does not project or scarcely projects in the adult, but in this respect it is not
nearly so primitive as in the australopithecines and Pekin Man, especially the latter, in
whom it recedes strongly.
It is a curious fact that in some specimens of the siamang, Symphalangus syndac-
tylus, a pongid of the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra, the chin does not recede in the

aduh, but remains nearly vertical. 1 1 2 1

In Heidelberg Man and Pekin Man the lower border of the horizontal part or
'body' of the lower jaw is more nearly parallel with the upper or alveolar border
than in modern man, and the ascending part or ramus more nearly vertical
(that is to say, leans backwards less, from its junction with the body). In both
these respects the typical Australid inclines somewhat towards the primitive
condition. In Heidelberg Man the mandibular notch (between the coronoid and
condylar processes) is very shallow; it is rather shallow also in Pekin Man and
the Austraiids.
The teeth of Austraiids are large. It is stated that in adult Australid males the
mean area of the crowns in the upper jaw is 1,536 square mm, and that the cor-
responding figure for Englishmen is only 1,286.16921 The large size of the teeth is
one of the primitive characters of the Austraiids, shared by the early hominids.
So also is the position of the lower incisors in relation to the upper, when the
mouth is shut. In the typical Australid (though not in every specimen) the up-
per and lower incisors meet one another without overlap, as in cercopithecids,
pongids, Australopithecus, and Pithecanthropus, whereas the upper incisors
project forward beyond the lower in most ethnic taxa of modern man. The in-
cisor teeth are commonly somewhat procumbent in Austraiids.
In Austraiids, as in australopithecines and Pithecanthropus, the canine teeth
do not ordinarily project beyond the level of the others. It is stated, however,
that those of the upper jaw have very long roots. 5861 On the occasional 1

projection of canine teeth in Austraiids, see Appendix 4 (p. 543) and Fig. 45c.
The hyoid arch of Austraiids does not appear to have been very fully described. The
stylohyal cartilage usually ossifies as a styloid process that becomes attached, as in

other races of modern man, to the pars tympanica of the temporal bone. Generally,
however, this process is rather small or even rudimentary in Austraiids, and more fully
ensheathed by an outgrowth of the temporal bone than is usual in other races. (See p.
300.)
A list of particularly interesting Australid skulls in certain British collections
is given in Appendix 4 (p. 543).

Skeleton apart from skull. —

Two British anatomists of the nineteenth cen-
tury. Professor D. J. Cunningham and Professor Sir William Turner, made
outstanding contributions to our knowledge of the postcranial skeleton of the
Australian aborigines, especially of the vertebral column, which is the part of
greatest interest in connection with the question of primitiveness.
It had long been supposed that the vertebral column of apes differed from

that of man in showing no forward curvature in the lumbar region. This had
been stated by Goodsir in 1862, in a lecture given to the anatomy class in the
University of Edinburgh, and subsequently published. |420l T. H. Huxley knew
290 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

that in skeletons of young gorillas and chimpanzees, prepared without removal

of the ligaments, the lumbar part of the spinal column was, in fact, slightly con-
vex forwards;l535l but the whole question of the supposed differences between
man and apes in this respect, and the structure of this part of the body in the
Australids, required to be cleared up. Cunningham and Turner reached essen-
tially the same conclusions, and each published two articles on the subject in

1866.
Instead of relying on prepared skeletons. Cunningham froze a number of
corpses of Europeans, apes, and monkeys, and divided them in the median
plane with a saw. 1237. 2381 He at once saw that the curve of the spinal column in
the lumbar region was not, in itself, a distinctive feature of any particular
taxon; the forward curve was manifest, for instance, in the chimpanzee.
The main or central part of each vertebra is the centrum, which is essentially
a thick disk of bone, with two nearly flat surfaces. These, however, are seldom
quite parallel with one another in hominoids, for the centra are generally
thicker either dorsally or ventrally; that is to say, on the side directed towards

the back or towards the belly. The thickness of each vertebra may easily be
measured at its dorsal and ventral sides, and the departure from parallelism of
the two flat surfaces thus established. If the upper and lower surfaces of the in-
tervertebral disks were parallel to one another, and the dorsal and ventral
measurements of the centra were the same, the vertebral column would
necessarily be straight; but if the dorsal side of each vertebra were thinner than
the ventral, there would be a convexity of the column towards the ventral side,
and conversely.
Cunningham realized that the actual shape of the vertebral column, in the
lumbar or any other region, did not by any means depend wholly on the
parallelism, or lack of it, between the two flat surfaces of each centrum; for the
intervertebral disks differed sufficiently in the thickness of their dorsal and ven-
tral sides to affect and even reverse the curvature that the bony centra alone
would have produced.
To determine the contribution of the bony centra towards the curvature of
the spinal cord in the lumbar region, Cunningham measured the thickness of
each of the five lumbar centra on the ventral side, and added these thicknesses
together; he then did the same with the dorsal sides, and expressed the sum of
the latter as a percentage of the former. He named the resulting figure the 'lum-
bovertebral index'. If itwere 100, the vertebrae would cause no tendency
towards ventral or dorsal convexity; if less than 100, the centra would tend
towards convexity of the vertebral column in the lumbar region on the ventral
side; if more, on the dorsal.
In the vertebral columns of 76 Europeans, he found the lumbo-vertebral in-
dex to be 95-8, on the average; in other words, it was clear that the shape of the
centra contributed towards the ventral convexity of the spinal column in the
lumbar region. In the pongids he measured the five vertebrae above the sacrum
in the same way, for comparison with man, and obtained these mean figures: 4
orang-utangs, 107- 1; 9 chimpanzees, 117-5. Since even in these pongids the
lumbar convexity of the spinal column as a whole was ventral, despite the fact
that the lumbo-vertebral index exceeded 100, it was clear that the thickness of
 THE AUSTRALIDS 291

the intervertebral disks on the ventral side was sufficient to outweigh the
superior thickness on the dorsal side, which, if they had been
separated from one another by parallel-sided disks, would have produced a
dorsal convexity. Thus in the pongids the shape of the centra detracted from
(but did not abolish) the ventral convexity of the lumbar part of the vertebral
column.
We come now to the crucial point. Does the lumbar region of the Australid
spinal column show any resemblance to that of the apes? Cunningham was
able to examine the lumbar vertebrae of seventeen Australian aborigines. His
mean figure for the lumbo-vertebral index was 107-8. In his own words,
'. . . the European lumbar vertebrae are moulded in accordance with the curve
[of the lumbar region of the spinal column], while the corresponding vertebrae
of the low races are not'. [237] He refers also to 'The striking manner in which
the European stands apart in this respect [lumbo-vertebral index] from his
lower brethren, and also from the anthropoid apes'.l238l The third lumbar
vertebra of an Australid is viewed from the left side in Fig. 48d. The upper and
lower flat surfaces of the centrum of this vertebra are 22-6 apart on the mm
ventral side (at the left of the photograph) and 24-8 mm
on the dorsal. Thus the
lumbo-vertebral index of this vertebra (without reference to the others in the
series) is 11 0.
Turner made some similar observations when on a visit to the Oxford
University Museum. He was shown an Australid skeleton that had been
mounted by a technician, Charles Robertson, in 1873. The latter had ar-
ticulated it by reference to the shape of the centra only, without thought of the
intervertebral disks, and as a result it showed ventral concavity in the lumbar
region. (10751 The specimen (no. OC 836 a) is still in the Department of Zoology
at Oxford, exactly as Robertson mounted it. In his Challenger Report Turner
gives the mean lumbo-vertebral index of twelve Europeans as 96-0, and of five
Australids as 106-0. 10731 It will be noticed that these figures agree well with
1

Cunningham's. The high lumbo-vertebral index of the Australids thus appears

to be a primitive (pongid) character, in the sense of the word 'primitive'
explained on p. 273. (The pongids are not primitive in this respect in relation to
their own ancestors.)
The sacrum of the Australids is as interesting as the lumbar part of the
vertebral column. As in man, so also in the chimpanzee, gorilla, and orang-
utan, the sacrum consists of five coalesced (anchylosed) vertebrae; but in these
pongids is much narrower in proportion to its length, and less concave on
it

the ventral side. It was noted by Richard Owen in 1862 that the sacrum of the
Australid is less concave ventrally than that of Europeans, but more concave
than that of [Link] The form of the Australid sacrum was more fully studied
by Turner, who measured its breadth and length and expressed the former as a
percentage of the latter.110741 In European males this 'sacral index' was known
to be about 112, but the sacra of the Australid males measured by him were
considerably narrower in relation to their length. His mean figure for these was
98-5; for orang-utans, 87; chimpanzees, 77; gorillas, only 72. Lateral views of
Australid and Europid sacra are shown in Fig. 48b and C, to show the more
pronounced concavity of the latter (c).
292 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

It has been suggested that, in races regarded as primitive, the spines on the
cervical vertebrae are not bifid at their tips, like those of Europeans. 12931 This
would be a pongid character. The vertebrae in question are presumably the un-
specialized ones, nos. 3-6. Actually one can find Australid skeletons in which
some of these spines are bifid and others not, and exactly the same state of
aflfairs in skeletons of Europeans. [49] There does not appear to be any reliable

distinction in this respect.

The length of the radius of the arm in Europeans, expressed as a percentage of that
of the humerus, is about 73-4 (mean of many measurements by several authors). The
radius of AustraUds is proportionately longer, giving a radio-humeral index of about
76-5,1 10741 but there are other ethnic taxa (Negritos, for instance), in which the index is

still higher.
It is claimed that the talus, calcaneus, and cuboid bones of the foot are less
developed in Australids than in certain other races of man, regarded as more
advanced. 1 10191 If so, this would be a pongid character; but the facts do not seem to
have been established by observations on a sufficient number of specimens.

Internal organs other than skeleton. It has already been mentioned — (p.
278) that our knowledge of the internal organs is very incomplete.
The brain, like the skull, is a particularly significant part of the body in the
study of human taxonomy, because it is of such definite and complex form that
it gives many opportunities for the discovery of anatomical differences between
ethnic taxa. Rather formless or diffuse organs, such as the pancreas, are unlike-
ly to provide many independent characters by which the ethnic taxa can be dis-
tinguished (unless, indeed, such characters can be discovered at the histological
or cytological level). Unfortunately not very many Australid brains are
available for study. Until more material has been obtained, the possibility must
remain that a considerable part of the following account would have fitted
more appropriately into the part of this chapter that deals with secondary
characters. It is at least clear, however, that the brain is smaller than that of
Europids, for this follows from the relative cubic capacities of the skulls.
Australid brains that have been weighed amount to about 85% of the normal
Europid organ.
The gyri (convolutions) of the cerebral hemispheres are said to be simpler in
arrangementl9i4land less tortuousl293lthan those of Europeans.
It appears to be quite usual for the central sulcus to approach very closely,

or actually to join, the lateral sulcus (either directly, or through a branch

joining the postcentral).l744. 9i4iThis is very rare in Europeans.
Very interesting peculiarities have been described in the occipital lobes of the
cerebral hemispheres of Australids, though more specimens must be examined
before it can be stated with confidence that the typical Australid possesses
them. In some of the Cebidae, and apparently in all the Cercopithecidae and
Pongidae, there is a very evident crescentic furrow, the sulcus lunatus, visible in
the occipital lobe of the cerebral hemisphere (Fig. 49a). This is produced
by the extension of the visual area, on each side of the calcarine sulcus, round
the posterior end of the hemisphere from the mesial to the lateral side of the
brain, and then forward in such a way as to push the visual area over and
 THE AUSTRALIDS 293

beyond the position of the and thus convert it into a sulcus oper-
original sulcus
culatus. This overgrowth, which has been compared to part of the rim of a
mushroom, 9801 leaves a deep, crescentic furrow between itself and the more
1

anterior part of the occipital lobe. Since this was thought to be one of the
striking features that distinguished the brains of apes and monkeys from that of
man, it was called the AJfempalte (monkey-cleft).
Gustav Retzius, neurologist son of the Swedish physical anthropologist,
claimed that an 'analogy' to the Affenspalte could be found in the brains of cer-
tain Europeans,l898l and Elliot Smithl979l claimed that seven of Retzius's
drawings support the latter's contention; but examination of the particular
figures specified by Smith does not confirm this, with the single exception of
Retzius's Plate XLVIII, fig. 4. The lunate sulcus does indeed occur in the
brains of Europeans, but as Sir Arthur Keith remarks, when it is recognizable
at all it is always placed considerably further back than in the apes;l576l or, to
put the matter in other words, the visual area does not extend nearly so far
round the posterior end of the occipital lobe on to its lateral surface. The visual
area is marked by a thin layer of white fibres, and its limit can therefore be easi-
ly determined on dissection. The external characters of the human cerebral
hemispheres are somewhat variable from one individual to another, but in an
attempt to provide a drawing of a typical arrangement of the sulci in the brain
of a European in lateral view, it would be appropriate to omit the lunate sulcus,
or to include a small one situated far back, as in Fig. 49c.
Elliot Smith himself made a detailed investigation of this subject, using the
brains of Fellahin (Aethiopids) and Negrids as his research material. Among
these he found a remarkable range in structure, culminating in the well
developed sulcus lunatus operculatus of the pongid type. Although he found
that a remnant of the pongid and cercopithecid condition was 'a fairly constant

A. Orang-utan B. Australid C. Europid

49 The posterior parts of the cerebral hemisphere of an oranj^-utan (A), an A ustralid

(B), and a Europid (C)

aiig., angular sulcus; [Link], anterior occipital: calc, calcarine ('retrocalcarine')i cent., central (Rolando's);
[Link]., intraparietal; !at.. lateral (Sylvius's); [Link]. lateral occipital; mid. temp., middle temporal; por.-occ,
parietooccipital; postcent., postcentral; [Link]., superior temporal; [Link], transverse occipital.
A. after Smilh,\^m\ redrawn and lettered by the author: B, after Duckworth, \29x\ditto; C, original, drawn
from specimen no. 913 in the Department of Zoology. Oxford. A represents part of a right hemisphere: the
drawing has been reversed for easy comparison with B and C.
294 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

feature' in these brains, he allowed that a dwindling of the operculate condition

was carried to an extreme degree in the brains of most human beings, and in-
deed that in many cases the area striata was 'wholly relegated to the mesial sur-
face' of the hemisphere. 19791 This will be confirmed by anyone who looks at a
random collection of pongid and European brains in a museum. The sulcus
lunatus is a striking distinguishing feature of the former.
For the structure of the brain in fossil hominids one must rely on evidence from en-
docranial casts. It is claimed by von Bonin that in man the occipital lobe is so closely
invested by membranes that it would be impossible for any cast of the cranial cavity to
reveal the situation of the sulci in this part of the brain, and for this reason he rejects
the claims that have been made to describe the lunate sulcus in australophithecines and

Pithecanthropus. \i25\ Nevertheless, those who have studied the casts have felt fairly

confident that the positions of the chief sulci can be determined. Professor Raymond
Dart claimed to detect the lunate sulcus in Australopithecus africanus, 'thrust
backwards towards the occipital pole by a pronounced general bulging of the parieto-
temporo-occipital association areas'. He reached this conclusion from his study of a
deposit inside the skull, which had taken the form of an endocranial cast. 12501 Sir

Arthur Keith, however, considered that Dart had identified the sulcus incorrectly. In

Keith's opinion the lunate sulcus was further forward, in the pongid position.(576|
Schepers, working on an artificial endocranial cast of an adult A. africanus (called by
him Plesianthropus transvaalensis) reached a conclusion similar to Dart's. The inden-
him that the sulcus lunatus lay 'well
tations in the parietooccipital area suggested to
back to the cerebrum'. 19391
Endocranial casts appear to have revealed the presence of a lunate sulcus on the
right side of the brain in Java Man, but unfortunately the wording of the reports does
not make the position perfectly clear. According to Eugene Dubois, the discoverer of
Java Man. it was 12901 Kappers says that its
situated 'above the internal asterion';
position 'corresponds with the top of the lambda suture'. l570iThese statements seem to
indicate that the sulcus in question was situated in the vicinity of the upper part of the
lambdoid suture; that is to say. further back than in the apes, but anteriorly to the posi-
tion it usually occupies when it occurs in modern man.
The reader will have surmised that the lunate sulcus has been treated rather
thoroughly in the preceding paragraphs because it is of special significance in
Australid anatomy, and this is indeed so. though the available information on
the subject is sparse. Four brains of Australids in the Cambridge University
Anatomical Museum were examined by W. L. H. Duckworth, who reported on
the occurrence and position of this sulcus in considerable detail. I2931 A sulcus
lunatus of typical pongid type was found in two of the four specimens. One of
them, copied from Duckworth's drawing, is represented in Fig. 49b. The
resemblance to Fig. 49a (orang-utan) is obvious. A small but distinct
operculate lunate sulcus was identified in another specimen.
In one of the specimens the sulci in the occipital lobe could not be identified with cer-
tainty. In another, which was poorly preserved, a small sulcus lunatus operculatus
could be distinguished on the left side. In a third, the occipital lobe was damaged on the
right side, but a perfectly clear sulcus lunatus. pongid in size, position, and opercula-
tion. was present on the left (Fig. 49b). In the remaining brain there was a similar

sulcus lunatus on both sides.

 THE AUSTRALIDS 295

It is desirable that asAustralid brains as possible should be examined

many
to find out whether the Affenspalte occurs in the majority of the Australid pop-
ulation, and may thus be listed with confidence as a primary character of the
taxon.
If a new supply of Australid brains became available, it would be useful also to make
a special study of the insula of Reil. In most human brains this area is covered over by
the lips of the lateral sulcus: but in some Australids it is exposed to view, as in
pongids.12931 There is not enough evidence to show whether this is a primary character.

The a-glands of the Australid skin have already been mentioned briefly in
Chapter 10 (pp. 170-71). These glands are so small that they have been
studied mainly by histologists rather than anatomists. It is possible that further
study will reveal interesting differences between the ethnic taxa of man at the
histological level, but the most promising material for preliminary studies is
certainly provided by organs that are visibly complex. Eventually, however,
gross structure will give place to the excessively minute: for some of the most
important differences between one ethnic taxon and another are likely to be dis-
covered in the distant future at the ultrastructural (electron microscopical)
level.

External characters. —
The account of the external appearance given here is
based on the writings of several authors, but the important contributions of
Howellsl5i6land Abbiel2lmust be specially mentioned.
The average stature is about 165-170 cm. The trunk is short and the legs
exceptionally long, with the result that the sitting height, expressed as a percen-
tage of the stature, is remarkably low.i26ilThe body is slender, as a rule; the
shoulders and the hips (of women as well as men) are narrow. The buttocks are
small the upper leg slender, and the 'calf of the lower leg feebly
developed.! 10191

It is stated that the big toe under the metatarsal-phalangeal joint

and the 'ball'

are small, and that the lower surface of the foot is not strongly arched on the

inner side, so that the whole of the sole tends to be planted flat on the ground in
walking. These features are regarded as adaptations to enable the foot to be
used effectively in climbing and grasping.! ioi9| Whether this is so or not as a
general rule, it appears that Australids do use the foot for grasping to an extent
that is unusual in other races. !560!
The 'third eyelid' or plica semilunaris is represented in Europids by a small
fold beneath the caruncle at the inner angle of the eye (Fig. 26, p. 209).
Vogt stated in 1863 in his Vorlesungen uber den Menschen that this structure

is larger in Australids, and similar in relative size to the corresponding part in

apes.l 1105! Darwin called attention to this in his book The descent of [Link]]
The breasts of Australid women are said to be of the type called 'primary',
'Euterbr'uste', or 'mammae areolatae':\\o\9\ that is to say, the areola or
modified region surrounding the nipple does not conform to the curve of the
rest of the breast, as it does in Europids and Mongolids. but is raised up into a
projecting dome (cf. Fig. 50, p. 296).
296 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

The appearance of the head is shown in Figs. 44 and 51. The great eyebrow-

ridges, the sunken and the deep notch at the root of the nose are well
orbits,
seen in Fig. 44. The prognathy and retreating forehead are best seen in Fig.
44b. The mouth is wide, but the lips not particularly thick. The nose is also
wide, and the nostrils transversely elongated. The ear is large (Fig. 51), but
provided with a rather small lobe.

50 The breast of a Caroline

Islander (Micronesia, Western
Pacific)

A pronounced example of the 'primary mamma'

(Martin and Saller)|708i or 'mamma areolata"
(Stratz den Haag).iiniQ| From Finch. \y2'i\

The flattened sides of the head sloping up to the mid-line like the roof of
a house are well seen in the photograph of the hairless man (Fig. 51). This
was taken in1880 by Miklucho-Maclay.|74i| who made a laborious journey
into the interior of Queensland to find and study him and one of his two
hairless sisters. Miklucho-Maclay carefully washed him all over, but could find
not a single hair anywhere on his body except four in one nostril and a few
short eyelashes, widely separated. Unfortunately no reliable pedigree was
available to throw light on the genetics of this extraordinary family, the
members of which were normal in every other respect. The man, named
Aidanill (meaning 'go back'), was rewarded for his patience under detailed
examination, but resolutely refused to permit a specimen of his skin to be taken
for microscopical examination, even under general anaesthetic. He was so ap-
prehensive on the subject that Miklucho-Maclay promised that he would not
take a specimen. In the evening Aidanill spent his reward on alcoholic refresh
ment, and became so drunk that a fragment of his skin could easily have been
obtained; but Miklucho-Maclay kept his promise. It would have been in-
teresting to know whether there were any hair follicles (without hairs) in
Aidanill's axillae, in view of the fact that both he and his sister had strong
body-odour (see Chapter 10).
Typically, the scalp-hair is wavy (Fig. 44a). but in some cases nearly
straight and in others 'frizzy' (cf. p. 277). It is oval in section, the least diameter
amounting to about 70% of the greatest. In these respects, and also in area of
cross-section, the hair resembles that of Europids and differs from that of
Negrids and Mongolids.li068lln the form of their scalp-hair the Australids and
 THE AUSTRALIDS 297

Europids are primitive. The fact that the latter are pongid in the character of
their hair was brought home very effectively to the African explorer Du
Chaillu, the first European to study the gorilla in its native habitat. He had
often jokingly told his Negrid companions that they shared their black colour
with the apes; but one day, when a young chimpanzee had been captured, they
neady turned the tables on him by pointing out with roars of laughter that its
face was white and its hair straight, like his. 2001 Pruner-Bey, the first person to
1

undertake a detailed study of the shape of human hair in transverse section,

more than a century ago, remiarked on the strong resemblance between a
young gorilla's and that of Europids. 18621

51 A hairless Australid of southern Queensland

Photograph from Mikliicho-Maclay. |74i 1

It is often wrongly supposed that Australids have abundant body-hair. Some

elderly males are hirsute, but this is unusual. 121 It is uncommon for Australids

to have hair on the chest or hands. The facial hair of the male is similar in
abundance to that of most Europids (Fig. 44 a).
The colour of the hair is typically dark brown or black. True albinism is un-
known in the taxon.
The skin is generally dark brown, but a tinge of colour from the blood may
be observable. In naked infants full pigmentation is reached at the age of three
vears. except in the mucous membrane of the mouth and in the glans penis,
which darkens later.l2i Skin that has been protected from the sun throughout
life is not much darker than that of many Europeans. F.l hybrids between
298 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Australids and Europeans scarcely differ from the latter in skin-colour;l39il
and when these hybrids intermarry with Europeans, their progeny are in-
distinguishable from Europeans in this respect. 13931 Australids differ markedly
from Negrids in most of the features mentioned in this paragraph.
The iris of the eye is dark brown or nearly black, the sclera somewhat
yellowish. Dark spots on the skin caused by dermal melanocytes (p. 158) have
not been observed.
The finger-prints of Australids (all digits combined) show a high percentage of
whorls and a very low percentage of arches. Whorls actually reach 77 6% in Arnhem
Land (Northern Territory), 12351 but the figure is lower in Western and Central
Australia. 1874, 8751 Among the Australids as a whole, the number of arches expressed as
a percentage of the number of whorls is probably lower than in any other taxon of
mankind. 12351 It is considered by some authors, though not by all, that complexity of
finger-prints (that is to say, a high percentage of whorls) is a primitive character in
man.

SECONDARY CHARACTERS
Skull. — The pterion is the region at each side of the brain-case where parts
of the frontal, parietal, temporal, and sphenoid bones are close to one another.
Readers who are not familiar with the anatomy of this part of the body may
care to refer to Fig. 28c, where the sutures separating these bones are clearly
seen. Differences in the arrangement of the sutures at the pterion in the various
races of man and in other Primates are the subject of a large literature. I30. 3 1. 34,
219,220,326,873,930, 10611
It happens occasionally that the four bones meet at a point to produce a
'point-type' pterion, but this is so rare that it need not detain us. In the great

majority of mankind the greater wing of the sphenoid bone articulates with the
parietal at the pterion, and thus prevents the squamous part of the temporal
from touching the frontal. This arrangement, which is seen in Figs. 28c and
48a, is called 'spheno-parietal'. In other human beings, especially among ethnic
taxa regarded as primitive, it sometimes happens that the pterion is 'fronto-
temporal'; that is to say, the squamous part of the temporal articulates with the
frontal and thus separates the sphenoid from the parietal (Fig. 48e).
Most of the fossil skulls of early hominids were not excavated in a sufficient-
ly complete and well-preserved condition for accurate study of the pterion. In
skulls nos. XI and XII of Pekin Man the arrangement was spheno-parietal;lii28l
but far more material is necessary before one can form any judgement about
the presence of a fronto-temporal articulation as a possible secondary
character.
The fronto-temporal pterion occurs invariably (so far as is known) in the
Sumatran orang-utan, very nearly always in the gorilla, and nearly always in
the chimpanzee; but curiously enough, the spheno-parietal is commoner among
the orang-utans of Borneo. [2 i9l Both types of pterion are to be found among the
gibbons {Hylobates) and cercopithecids.
Reports have been made on the arrangement of the bones at the pterion in
 THE AUSTRALIDS 299

an enormous number of skulls of many ethnic taxa ofman. The figures in the
accompanying table will serve as examples. The evidence suggests that the
frequency of the fronto-temporal pterion may be highest of all among the
Melanesians of the western Pacific Ocean, and indeed in the island of Malekula
(Mallicolo) there may perhaps be more fronto-temporal than sphenoparietal
skulls; 293. 930. 34| but it is probable that artificial deformation of the head in
1

infancy plays a part in this particular island. 134) The Papuans of New Guinea
are often quoted as presenting an extremely high proportion of fronto-temporal
skulls, but the very extensive data of Anutschin*[3il and Rankel873l do not
support this. Abundant information is available about the pterion of Australids
and Negrids. These races show much higher frequencies of the fronto-temporal
arrangement than most other taxa. There is no evidence that artificial deforma-
tion plays any part here. The fronto-temporal pterion is rarer in Europids than
in any other race of man. The figures given in the table suggest that it occurs
more than seven times as frequently in Australids as in Europids. The question
naturally arises whether this secondary character is to be regarded as a pongid
survival.

Table showing the occurrence of the fronto-temporal

pterion in certain races of man

Race
300 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

with the dolichocranial condition, and especially with narrowness in the temporal
region; and often it exists without participation of an epipteric. Ashley-Montagu claims
that in such cases it is the constriction in this region that causes the frontal and the
squamous part of the temporal bone to approach one another. He remarks that almost
any Australid skull will show this constriction clearly, whether actual contact occurs
between the two bones or not. He suggests a correlation between this arrangement of
the bones and poor development of the fronto-temporal region of the brain.
Ashley-Montagul34i distinguishes the fronto-temporal pterion that occurs
occasionally in man (type XVI) from the 'spheno-fronto-temporal' (type XII) found in
the great majority of chimpanzees, but the differences seem to be unimportant.
Several authors have remarked on the frequency of separate epipteric bones in skulls
of Australids. It often happens that they are so placed as to prevent the sphenoid from
touching the parietal, and also the frontal from touching the temporal. In such cases it
might be said that there is no pterion, in the usual sense of the word. Among 82
Australid skulls examined for this feature in the collections of the British Museum
(Natural History) and the Departments of Zoology and Human Anatomy at Oxford,
no fewer than fifteen presented the 'no pterion' arrangement on one side, and six on
both.|48i Epipteric bones are unusual in modern pongids, and very rare in

cercopithecids. It is hoped that sufficiently abundant and complete dryopithecine

to be
material will eventually be found to throw light on the structure of the pterion and the
presence or absence of epipterics in the common ancestor of apes and man.
Attention was called by Dixon long ago to the grooves on the squamous part of the
frontal bone, occupied in life by branches of the supra-orbital nerve. I276| He drew
attention to the wide differences between the ethnic taxa of man in the frequency of oc-

currence of these grooves. He reported their presence in a small percentage of

Australid skulls, but it would appear that they never occur in aborigines who have no
non-Australid ancestors. 13261
An anomaly occurs not infrequently in Australid skulls at the place where
the infra-orbital nerve (a branch of the maxillary) emerges from below the floor
of the orbit to open on the front surface of the maxilla and supply sensory
fibres to the skin of the face. In man, the nerve normally emerges through a
single aperture, the infra-orbital foramen. In pongids, on the contrary, the aper-
ture is usually double or multiple. The double aperture is marked io in the
photograph of part of an orang-utan's skull in Fig. 46d. In 5% of Australid
skulls the apertureis double (or in one case triple), and in a further 17% there is

a single main aperture and a small accessory one. 13261 In other cases, again, the
foramen is single, but divided internally by a partition. It is a strange fact that
the foramen was australopithecines,|i45. 2ioi though there are
single in
indications that it may have
been divided internally. There does not appear to
be any precise information about the infra-orbital foramen in Pekin Man. In his
reconstruction of the skull, Weidenreich put one large aperture on each side,
and a smaller one at some distance from it on the outer side (apparently on the
zygomatic bone).l i28l i

Styloid processes are lacking in nearly one-quarter of all male Australid

skulls. 13261 This is a pongid character. It has already been mentioned (p. 289)
that when present, it is often (though not always) small or even rudimentary.
Skeleton apart from skull. —
It happens not uncommonly in man that the se-
 THE AUSTRALIDS 301

cond sacral vertebra is much narrower laterally than the first or third. The in-
dentation thus formed on each side has received the name of 'simian notch',
because it is characteristic of the pongids. It occurs in nearly one-third of all

Australid and Europid sacra, but is much more frequent in Negrids. among
whom it appears to be a primary character. 825 1

Blood-groups. —
There is strong reason to believe that all Australids, apart
from hybrids, belong to blood-groups 'A' or '0'.l2i3. 953. 585. 21 The 'A' is always
'A,', 'A2' being unknown in the taxon.[2| The percentage of persons belonging
to group 'A' is perhaps the highest among all the ethnic taxa of man. Figures
exceeding 60% have been reported. Blood-group 'B' does occur among the
aboriginal population of Queensland and the Northern Territory, but this is at-
tributed to hybridization with Melanesians, Papuans, and perhaps Negritos
and others. It is an astonishing and apparently inexplicable fact that on Ben-
tinck Island, near the southernmost extremity of the Gulf of Carpentaria, the
aboriginal population consists solely of persons belonging to blood-groups 'O'
and'B\|585l
In the Rhesus system the most frequent complex among Australids is CDe
(=R,). cde (=r) has not been reported. 1953, 5851

It has been suggested that the blood-groups of the Australids, apart from
those in the peripheral regions where hybridization is suspected, are those that

may have characterized the people of Europe before 'B' and cde were im-
ported into that part of the world. I21
External characters. —
Several authors mention the occurrence of light-

coloured scalp-hair among Australids.l5i5. 585. 21 It is noted especially among

children, of whom Abbie gives some striking photographs. The colour is
described as yellow-brown or straw-coloured. In Melanesia the hair is often ar-
tificially bleached, but this is not the cause of blondness among Australids. I5i5)

There is some evidence that it may be due to a partially dominant gene, but the
genetics of this feature has not been worked out satisfactorily. 1585'
A curious secondary character of the Australids is hairiness of the flap or
auricle (or pinna) of the ear. 11, 3] This has no connection with the 'ear-tufts' that
commonly grow of the external aperture of the ear (actually from
in the vicinity
the tragus and antitragus) in males of many ethnic taxa of man, nor yet with
the fine 'down' present on the auricle in young children. The anomaly in ques-
tion, generally called 'hairy pinna', occurs in about 20% of non-hybrid male
Australids aged 20 or over; the incidence increases beyond the age of 40. In
this taxon the hair on the auricle is dark brown or black and usually grows
from below the inturned margin of the ear (or, in technical terms, from the
scaphoid fossa below the helix), but also, in some cases, from the external sur-
face of the helix, and occasionally even from the lobe. 'Hairy pinna' has been
known for some time among Europids. It appears to be especially frequent
among it has been reported also among Indians,
the Sinhalese of Sri Lanka, but
and Europeans (unfortunately without precise infor-
Iranians, Iraqis, Israelis,
mation as to the subraces concerned, in most cases). 1287. 9761 The descriptions
suggest that the exact site may differ in the various subraces. There is strong
evidence, not amounting to proof, that hairy pinna in a particular Indian family
is due to a gene carried on the Y-chromosome.l287l It seems probable that the
302 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

hairy pinna of Australids is the same character as that which bears the same
name among Europids, but no genetical data are available about the anomaly
in the former taxon.
Unclassified characters. —A small percentage of Australids are deficient in hap-
toglobins (phenotype HpO. which is rare also in Europids). Most Australids belong to

phenotype Hp2-2. but the gene Hp' does occur, with frequency generally between 13
and 0-26. Roughly one-half of the aboriginal population are tasters of phenyl-thio-
urea. The percentage of red-green colour-blind persons is significantly lower than
among Europids. Among males, the figure is 2-3%; no colour-blind female has yet
been reported.

In concluding this chapter on the physicaj characters of the Australids, it is

desirable to mention a statement of Morant's that might otherwise be mis-

understood. At the end of his well-known statistical paper on the skulls of
Australids and Tasmanids he remarks, 'The view advocated by some writers
that the two races are distinguished from all other modern races on account of

their ultra-primitive characters can receive no support whatever from a com-

parison of these measurements. 'l763l
First, must be observed that Morant makes no statement to the effect that
it

the Australids are not [Link] what he says in the statement quoted it
follows only that there may be other ethnic taxa of modern man that are still
more primitive in some of the particular characters that he chose for statistical
study.
Secondly, the characters that he chose are the ones that lend themselves
most readily to description by simple measurement, and these are by no means
necessarily those that throw the clearest light on the problem of primitiveness.
In the whole of the paper in which the statement occurs, Morant says nothing
about the thickness of the bones of the cranial vault, the prominence of ridges
in the occipital region, the structure of the apertura pyriformis at its lower
border, the size of the anterior nasal spine, or the rounding of the outer orbital
margin; he does not mention the pterion or the infra-orbital foramen or the
ethmo-lacrimal suture or the teeth or the lower jaw or the styloid process. One
cannot form a valid judgement on the question of primitiveness without con-
sidering these features.
Thirdly, although the skull is the most important single part of the body in
matters relating to human taxonomy and evolution, anyone interested in the
problem of primitiveness must consider also the evidence from the postcranial
skeleton and soft parts of the body.
In most ethnic taxa of man one can point to a few primitive characters, not
possessed by certain other taxa. The Europids, for instance, are primitive in the
shape of the scalp-hair as seen in transverse section (though not in its length),
and some of the Europid subraces are primitive in their dolichocephaly; but the
Australids are exceptional in the number and variety of their primitive
characters and in the degree to which some of them are manifested. In this
chapter twenty-eight such characters have been mentioned. It is questionable
whether any other ethnic taxon of modern man shows so many resemblances
io Pithecanthropus and to more remote ancestral forms.
 1 7 The Sanids (Bushmen)

Two REASONS underlie the choice of the Bushmen of southern Africa as the
subject of a chapter in this book. First, they are very different in physical
characters —indeed, in certain respects astonishingly different — from both
Europids and Australids, and thus show particularly clearly how wrong it is to
suggest that there are few differences between races, apart from skin-colour.
Secondly, the Bushmen provide a good example of the influence of
paedomorphosis (pp. 137-8) in the evolution of certain ethnic taxa of man.
The pygmy chimpanzee. Pan satyrus paniscus, has already been described
as an example of an animal that in its sexually mature form resembles in
several respects the young of its closest relatives (pp. 113-14).
Paedomorphosis of this type has been of great significance in human evolution,
for modern man as a whole shows clear evidence of being a paedomorphous
form; and some human ethnic taxa, the Bushmen among them, are more
paedomorphous than others.
The idea that modern man as a whole is paedomorphous seems to have been
put forward clearly for the first time by the Dutch anatomist. L. Bolk, in an ad-
dress given to the German Anatomical Society at Freiburg in 1926. The
audience seems to have been bewildered. The chairman closed the meeting with
the remark, 'The wide range of the subject cannot be grasped clearly, and I am
afraid that the discussion went off readily into extravagance.'lii9l Bolk
subsequently amplified his address and published it as an independent
pamphlet.11201 One might expect that he would have started with some remarks
about neoteny, for this had been a familiar word among zoologists for half
a century; but almost throughout he writes instead of Fetalisation or
Fetalisierung. His mention of the word 'neoteny'. more than half-way through
the pamphlet, gives the impression of having been an interpolation into the
original manuscript, for he remarks at the beginning. T intend to explain to you
the origin of man on the basis of an evolutionary principle that until now has
found no application in biology.'
Bolk listed a number of characters that are found in the embryos of other
Primates, but do not persist into the adult form except in man himself. Tn other
words.' he remarked, 'structural characters or relations that are transient in the
embryos of other Primates are stabilized in man.' Among these he mentions
orthognathy, hairlessness, the form of the outer ear. the central position of the
foramen magnum in the skull, the relative size of the brain (made possible by
the slow fusion of the embryonic cranial sutures), and many others. Two of his
most striking instances of fetalization concern the cranial axis and the position
304 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

of the female reproductive aperture. In mammalian embryos, including those of

Primates, the base of the skull —
what T. H. Huxleyl540l called the 'basi-cranial
axis' —is bent so as to form roughly a right angle with the vertebral column. In

nearly every case this 'cranial flexure' is straightened out during development;
but in man, as Bolk pointed out, it persists in the adult. A flexure at the op-
posite end of the body reveals the retention of another fetal character. The
caudal or posterior end of the body is curved forward in primate embryos.
This is shown in Fig. 52a, which represents part of a longitudinal sagittal
section through a human embryo 26 mm long, viewed from the left side. The
arrow gives a general impression of the curvature of the body in this region. A

52 Caudal flexure in a human embryo and in a girl, and the lack of it in a chimpanzee
The posterior parts of the body are seen in left-side views of median sagittal sections human embryo
of A. a
26 mm long; B. a girl aged two years; C. a half grown chimpanzee. Diagram from Bolk. 1201 1

similar representation of the corresponding parts in a two-year-old girl shows

that the ventral flexure is maintained (Fig. 52b); it results in the final position of
the vulva in women. In pongids, on the contrary, the curve straightens out
during development, so that it is lost or even turned in the opposite direction,
and the vulva therefore has quite a different position. This is shown by the
figure of the corresponding parts in a half-grown chimpanzee (Fig. 52c). It is

the human being that retains the fetal state in this respect, as in so many others.
As Bolk remarked. To some extent we represent the infantile form of our
ancestral stock.'
The idea of fetalization occurred to Emile Devaux. a Medecin-Colonel oC the French
army, independently of Bolk. He was apparently in complete ignorance of neoteny and
paedomorphosis, for he never mentions either of these words in his book, which was
published seven years later than Bolk's pamphlet. 12721 He remarked that 'Anthropoid
[pongid] babies have a human appearance, a human skull, a human brain." and he gave
a certain amount of evidence supporting this statement; but his contribution to the sub-
ject does not bear comparison with Bolk's. It contained nothing on the subject of
fetalization that would be useful to anyone who had read the latter's pamphlet.
 THE SANIDS 305

So much, then, paedomorphosis in the evolution of

for the significance of
modern man from remote ancestors. Bolk may have carried his ideas too
his
far, but he made a significant contribution to our understanding of human

evolution. But when he tried to apply his ideas to the origin of human races, he
was less successful. Indeed, it has to be admitted that his remarks on this sub-
ject, in his pamphletli20l and in a paper entirely devoted to it. 1221 contain little
that is of any value. His Fetalisations-hypothese is in fact applicable to the
origin of some of the ethnic taxa of man, but he himself did not realize how it
should be applied.
In the tropicaland subtropical parts of the world, often in remote districts,
there live human who seem in many cases to represent
beings of small stature,
the aboriginal populations of countries subsequently invaded and dominated by
taller peoples. Small stature originated independently among several ethnic
taxa of man. The Laplanders provide a familiar example, exceptional in their
northerly habitat. Among the little men of warm climates one may mention the
Negritids (Negritos of the Andaman Islands. Malay Peninsula, and East In-
Weddids (Veddas of Ceylon; Kurumba and related peoples of India;
dies): the
Senoi of the Malay Peninsula, Toala of Celebes); Bambutids (African
pygmies); and the Sanids (Bushmen) of southern Africa.
There is no reason to suppose that ancestral man was particularly small, and
the independent origin of low stature in several human taxa in the hot regions
of the world suggests that the need to maintain correct body-temperature may
have played a part in their evolutionary processes. The importance of intellect
in the self-preservation of man, and the deleterious effect of high temperature
on mental activity, might well be supposed to result in the natural selection of
small human beings in hot climates; and there would be no easier way in which
such selection could act, than by the permanent prolongation of the juvenile
form. While as yet there were no larger people in the territory of the aborigines,
little disadvantage would result from small stature. Many of the small peoples

of the tropical and subtropical regions of the world do in fact possess a number
of juvenile characters in addition to the obvious one of small size, and the
Bushmen serve well as an example. It must be mentioned, however, that there
are pygmies in the Zaire forest and other parts of the world who are not
typical paedomorphs. There is also some evidence that paedomorphous
characters may have evolved before reduction in size. Fossil remains have been
found over an immense area from the Transvaal to places along the south
coast of Africa from near Cape Town to near Port Elizabeth, which show
strong evidence of relationship to Bushmen, yet belonged to men of large
stature. The South African anthropologist M. R. Drennan has stressed the
paedomorphous character of these skulls. 12791

The Sanids or Bushmen constitute one of the two subraces of the Khoisanid
race. The other is the Khoid, comprising a number of tribes usually grouped
together as Hottentots, and also, according to most authorities, the Korana;
but it has been suggested that the latter might more correctly be placed with the
Bushmen. 10601 Certain Europid-Khoid hybrid taxa, the Griqua among them,
1

are probably best included among the Khoids.

306 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

The Khoids differ from the Sanids in several respects, especially in being
taller and having longer, higher heads; the prognathous face, very wide in the
zygomatic region, narrows below to a pointed chin, giving a triangular
appearance in front view. They are almost certainly themselves a hybrid taxon,
of Sanid and Negrid (Kafrid) ancestry; and since the Kafrids show evidence of
an Aethiopid strain, it is not surprising that this appears also in Khoids (though
there may have been direct hybridization between Sanids and Aethiopids, when
the former were more widely distributed). The Khoids have been cattlemen
since remote times, and in this respect differ from the food-gathering Sanids.
The Sanids present no evidence of descent from a hybrid stock, though some
of their tribes have hybridized with Negrids or Khoids. Formerly they had a
very wide distribution in southern Africa. Their artifacts, rock art (see Appen-
dix 6. pp. 545-9). place-names, and skeletal remains show that they originally
extended from the Zambesi to the southernmost extremity of Africa, and one
tribe of them, called by the Dutch 'Strandlooper' (coastal rangers), adapted
themselves to life on the seashore in the vicinity of the Cape. These people have
been regarded by some authorities as belonging to a separate ethnic taxon, and
it is true that they were taller than typical Bushmen, had larger cranial capaci-

ty, and were more decidedly orthognathous;l706l but they seem not to have

been sufficiently different from the rest to merit taxonomic separation. They
are now extinct.
The sad story of the encroachment of stronger foreigners on the traditional
hunting-grounds of the Bushmen in fertile parts of Africa has been told in great
by G. W. Stow
detail work The native races of South Africa.\\o\(^\
in his large
The Hottentots came probably about the beginning of the seventeenth
first,

century, sweeping down the west coast of the continent. The very name of
'San', which they bestowed on the Bushmen, shows that they recognized the
latter as the rightful owners of the land, for San means natives. i03l The
I

Bushmen knew nothing of farm animals, and they preyed on the Hottentots'
cattle. War was inevitable, and depopulation of the endemic tribes began. In
the great periods of Negrid expansion to the south, and especially about the
end of the eighteenth century, the Bushmen's land was invaded from the north
and east; the Dutch and then the British pressed from the south. Only the more
inaccessible regions were eventually left to the pitifully small remainder,
amounting in recent times to some 53,000 persons in all.|i060l
The Bushmen of the present day live chiefly in the north-eastern part of
South West Africa, with the contiguous region of southern Angola, and in the
northern and central parts of the Kalahari Desert, I9?6l but some of them still
have their homes in the south, even beyond the Orange River.li060l Apart from
isolated remnants, the subrace reaches its eastern limit in the vicinity of the
southern part of the frontier between Botswana and Rhodesia.

The restof this chapter will be devoted almost entirely to the subjects men-
tioned in first paragraph, namely the anatomical peculiarities of the Sanids
the
and the evidences of paedomorphosis. The anatomy of these little people is par-
ticularly interesting, and an attempt will be made to present the principal facts
in a form acceptable by those who do not profess to be experts in physical
 THE SANIDS 307

anthropology. Many of the most important bodily features of the Sanids can be
described without the necessity to rely on much previous knowledge of
anatomy. A few words addressed to physical anthropologists will be inserted
here and there between parentheses, but nearly all the more technical aspects of
the subject will be relegated to a separate section near the end of the chapter.
It is intended to present here a general account of the physical anthropology

of the Sanids. The subrace comprises several tribes of 'local forms', but these
will not be separately considered. Tobias, an authority on the Bushmen, has
made on their anatomical differences.! 106OI
a detailed report
In this chaptermeasurements will be given in both metric and British units.
Whichever is printed first will be the figure given by the authority quoted.
Measurements converted from one unit to the other will be stated in round
figures.
Since one of the main purposes of this chapter is to display a human taxon
that differs verymarkedly from the Europids in physical characters, it is well to
call attention to the minor role of colour in taxonomy by remarking at the out-
set that this can scarcely be regarded as one of the distinguishing features of
the Bushmen. The skin is only slightly darker than that of the Mediterranids of
southern Europe, I849| and paler than that of many Europids whose ancestral
home is in Asia or Africa. The skin-colour of the Bushmen is pale brown,
usually tinged with yellow;! 1100. 849. 28il some of them are more distinctly
yellowish. !936l
Right back in 1886, Virchow had stressed that the Bushmen showed few
apelike structural features. 'Similarity to the younger developmental states of
man', he wrote, 'obtrudes itself upon us much more than similarity to
animals':! 1101! and he lists a number of what we should now call their

paedomorphous characters, starting with small stature. Males are commonly

only 140-144 cm in height (4' 7"^' 9"), and females not much less, if at all; in-

deed, Fritsch actually maintained that the women were taller than the men. 13661
In the northern part of their range the people are taller. In Angola most of them
are said to reach about 152-9 cm (5'-5' 2|").I936! and among the !Kun of
South West Africa a male 171 cm tall (5' 7|") has been recorded;!956! but even
mean weight of adult males is only 40 4 kg (6 stone 5 lbs).
in this tribe the We
are dealing here with a diminutive people. Poch, one of the best authorities on
the physical anthropology of the Bushmen, considered that statures exceeding
150 cm (4' 11") were to be attributed to hybridity with Negrids or Khoids.!849l
The very small size of the hands and feet attracted the attention of early
observers, !349| and was regarded as an infantile character.! iioi! This is one of
the respects in which there is strong contrast with the Negrids. The shortness of
the hands combines with that of the upper arms!iiOi. 2811 to make the upper
extremities very short; indeed, they are said to be shorter than those of any
other taxon of mankind.l28ii The legs, too, are short, in proportion to the trunk.
This feature of the lower extremities is also regarded as infantile.!302] The 'calf
of the leg is fully developed,! iioi. 11021 unlike that of the Negrids.
The fatty layer of the dermis is very poorly developed, 1849! and as a result the
skin has a strong tendency to wrinkle. This is not restricted to elderly people,
though in some of the latter it is excessive. Good feeding tends to-reduce the
308 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

wrinklesj706i out malnutrition cannot be the primary cause, since they occur in
people who accumulate enormous amounts of fat in particular parts of the
body (pp. 317-18).
The scalp-hair is black and of the extreme cr'epue variety of Pruner-Bey, 18621
often called 'woolly' in English, though the resemblance to wool is not very
close. Each hair is fine, and narrowly elliptical in transverse section, the lesser
axis of the ellipse being rather less than half the greater, on the average.12931
The hair very short. If pulled out straight, some of the hairs may extend to 6"
is

(15 cm),l349l but in their natural state they are tightly coiled in close spirals.
They are aggregated in tufts, often separated in such a way that the skin can be
seen between them (Fig. 54c, p. 310). This is not due to scarcity of hair-roots
on the apparently bare areas, for they are as abundant there as below the tufts.
This fact was made known by Flower and Murie in 1867,13491 and rediscovered
by Wolff nearly two decades later.|ii48l The hair-follicles are curvedl367l and
the hairs, emerging obliquely from the skin, twist of their own accord into tufts.
The spiral of each individual hair has a radius of only about 0-8-1 -5 mm
(0 03"-0 06"), and the coiling is so tight that the tufts are often only 15 mm
(0-6") long,l706l though Flower and Muriel349l found some measuring 1"-1|"
(25-51 mm) on the top of the head, where they are longest. If a tuft is artificial-
ly divided, it may spontaneously twist into two or [Link] i48l

The facial hair of the male is very weakly developea,i loo. 102. 706, 9361 and so
i 1

is that in the axillae and genital regions of both sexes. 1349, 1101, 8491 These are

regarded as infantile characters. Such hairs as exist in the axillae are spirally
coiled. 1349, 11011
The shortness of hair on the scalp and its scantiness on the face of the male
reveal the general outlines of the skull. be convenient to describe the
It will

latter before turning to the more head as seen in life.

superficial features of the
Drennan has remarked that 'The usual description of the infant human skull
found in text-books of anatomy epitomizes the salient features of the Bushman
skuir.12791 The reader may care to compare the skulls of a European child and
man, as represented in Fig. 53, in order to coilfirm the remarks about paedo-
morphous characters in the description of the adult Sanid skull that now
follows.
It is a paedomorphous character of the Sanids that it is particularly difficult
to determine the sex of an unidentified skull; and there are hardly enough
specimens that belonged to persons who were known when alive, to warrant
any statement about the relative cranial capacities of males and females. The
statistics tabulated by Martinl706l suggest that the cranial capacity of males is
greater and that female skulls are shorter and wider, but some skulls may have
been regarded as female partly at least because they were smaller than others.
It is safest to say simply that most adult Sanid skulls are small, having a

capacity between 1,250 and 1,330 ml.li072, 964. 849, 706, 2811 In comparison with
most skulls of Mongolids, Europids, and Negrids, the capacity is low; but in
proportion to the size of the body it is not, and the average capacity is about
the same as that of Australid males, despite the very much greater stature of
the latter.
The forehead is rather wide, but the projections of the parietal bones
 THE SANIDS 309

(parietal eminences), situated far back, are so strongly developed that the
hinder part of the skull is much wider. Viewed from above, the sides appear flat

between the parietal eminences and the front of the skull; and since they con-
verge forwards, a wedge-shaped (sphenoid) appearance is given. Behind the
eminences, the sides tend to be flattened once more where they converge
towards the occiput. A particularly good example of this type of Sanid skull is
no. Af. 63.420 in the British Museum (Natural History).|49| Other Sanid skulls
appear rounded behind the eminences, when viewed from above. The strong
lateral projection of these parietal eminences is regarded as an infantile
character.11072, noil It results in a cranial index of about 74-76; that is to say,
near the dividing line between the dolicho- and the mesocranial.|i072, iioi. 964.
293] Skulls that are conspicuously dolichocranial are probably those of hybrids

between Sanids and Negrids or Khoids.18491

53 Skulls of a Europid adult and infant, compared

Facial views of A, adult, and B, infant; lateral views of C. adult, and D. infant.
The total height of the skulls has been made the same in adult and infant, .v.

Camper's facial line. From Langer. \62i\

Since the parietal eminences are situated high up on the skull, the latter is

rather on top in its hinder part.

flat

The frontal bone rises steeply, giving an almost vertical forehead, and the
brow-ridges are only slightly developed. These features of the skull, which can
be readily observed on the living subject (Fig. 54) are regarded as infantile (Fig.
53; compare D with C).
310 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

The is broad because the cheek-bones (zygomatics) project laterally,

face
and remarkably flat because these bones extend far forward and then turn
it is

sharply inwards towards the nose. The flatness of the face is accentuated by the
fact that the nose projects very little (Figs. 54c and 55a. especially the
second man from the left). It looks, as Virchow remarked, as though it had
been mechanically [Link] The root is extraordinarily flat. If one
views the skull from the side, one can scarcely see a nasal bone at the root of
the nose. This, and the fact that the two nasal bones are often fused together,
are among the few pongid characters of the Sanids.

54 Portraits of male Sanids (A and B) and of an elderly female

(C) of the same taxon
From Friisch.i ima

The nose is very wide (Fig. 54b), and the nostrils flattened. Its width is
perhaps best represented by the nasal index, obtained by measurements made
on the skull. The Sanids not only fall into the extreme (hyperchamaerrhine)
category in width of nose (in relation to length), but are exceeded in this
respect, so far as is known, by no other groups of mankind except the Khoids
and women of the Fan tribe (Pan 3, see pp. 331-3) —
and only marginally by
these.17081 It is uncertain whether in this particular case the exceptional width of
the nose is to be regarded as a paedomorphous or a primitive character; but the

former possibility seems the more probable, since the Sanids give so little in-
dication of anatomical primitiveness. The breadth of the nasal aperture (aper-
tura pyriformis) in the skulls of the European child and adult is shown in Fig.
53b and A.
Thomson and Buxton found that the mean relative breadth of the nose in various
groups of mankind in different parts of the world was positively correlated with the
mean annual temperatures and relative humidities of the atmosphere to which they
were exposed outdoors. 10451 Measurements of both living subjects and skulls were
1

taken into consideration. Weiner, using Thomson and Buxton's data, found a closer
 THE SANIDS 311

correlation with the mean annual vapour pressure of the atmosphere than with the
temperature taken m conjunction with the relative humidity. I ii30i The correlations
found by these authors would almost certainly have been considerably lower if they
had not used so few data relating to Indianids, whose noses tend to be rather narrow or
of only moderate width. One tribe of this race does reach chamaerrhiny, though only a
very low degree of and there does not appear to be any record of an Indianid tribe
it,

reaching hyperchamaerrhiny (cf. Martin and Sailer |708l). If the correlations were
everywhere applicable, the extremely wide noses of the Sanids would suggest that these
people were adapted to a very hot and moist climate, or to a very high atmospheric
vapour pressure. It is true that the Sanids of former times did not experience such
exceptionally dry climates as most of their descendants do today; still, the ancestral
habitat was not a particularly wet one. It was presumably savannah and steppe, like
much of Africa south of the rainforest zone at the present time. If Thomson and
Buxton's correlations had held true for the Sanids, the latter would have stood
somewhere in the middle of the mesorrhine range.
The face as a whole is orthognathous or nearly so, 1628. 964. 8491 and any
tendency towards prognathism is entirely confined to the region below the
nose. 1293. 8491 In the literature one comes across references to the existence of a
'museau' or muzzle, and David Livingstone makes the extraordinary remark
that Bushmen are in some degree like baboons;l676l but this is quite wrong, for

55 Bushmen (A) and Bushwomen (B). with a specimen of Sanid rock art (C)
The pendent labia minora are well shown in B. In C there is a fanciful representation of them, enormously
enlarged. A and B, photographs from Seiner and Siaudini;er:]^5(^\ C, photograph from Summers. 10251 1
312 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

a muzzle is the projecting part of an animal's head that includes the mouth and

nose, and there is no projection of the face of a Bushman at the level of the
nose, but only below it. Orthognathy is a paedomorphic character shown by
many human ethnic taxa besides Sanids (cf. Fig. 53d).
The height of the upper facial part of the skull, from the mouth to the root of
the nose (prosthion to nasion) is low in relation to the breadth of the skull in the
zygomatic region. This is a salient character of the infantile skull (compare B
with A in Fig. 53).
The lower jaw is slender, but wide at the articulation with the rest of the
skull. The chin scarcely projects or actually retreats. It is not possible to state
whether the 'weak' chin of Sanids is infantile (cf. Fig. 53d) or primitive.
The lips, in the narrower sense of the transitional zones between the skin of
the face and the mucous membrane of the mouth, are not much thicker than in
many Europids, and are not bulbous like those of Negrids. They are well
shown in Fig. 54b. Both upper and lower lips project in what looks like a
pouting position (Figs 54a and 56a). It is this, no doubt, that has given rise to
the mistaken references to a 'muzzle'. It is caused in part by the tendency to
subnasal prognathy.
The eyes present many remarkable features. They are set wide apart, as in
infants (Figs. 53b and 54b). The upper lid is thickly distended with fat, so
that there is scarcely any infolding below the eyebrow. It usually presents a
horizontal outfold, which extends inwards towards the nose and outwards
towards the cheek. A fold of this sort (but not the fatty distension) is quite
usual among Europids who have passed middle age.l206i but in Sanids it exists
from early life onwards. In these people it has often been mistaken for the
eyelid-fold that occurs in many Mongolids (Fig. 25b and C. p. 209), but in fact it
is very different. This was emphasized by Aichel. who made a detailed study of

folds in the upper lids of various ethnic taxa of man. 121 He calls the fold in 1

question 'der seitliche Deckfaltenuberhang', and contrasts it strongly with the

'Mongolenfalte'. The latter is a very definite fold of two adpressed layers of
skin, turned over sharply at their junction, while the former is a more
amorphous projection {Uberhang). Further, the Mongolenfalte turns
downwards at the nasal side, and often covers the canthus or inner corner of
the eye, while the inner fold or projection of the Bushman's upper eyelid is
nearly horizontal and never covers the canthus.1849. 706I The external or lateral
part of the fold does not rise upwards, as Mongolids. so as to give an
it does in

appearance of obliquity to the eye: on the contrary, it passes straight outwards,

or droops as in some elderly Europids.
A very characteristic feature of the Sanid eye is that the edges of the eyelids
are almost straight, parallel, and close together, so that the eyeball can be seen
only through a narrow slit (Fig. 55b). The eyelashes on the upper lid are very
short, those on the lower scarcely perceptible. 34^1 1

The dark brown. 101 sometimes mottled.

iris is 1 1 1

The external ear is seldom usable as a distinctive feature in physical

anthropology, but the Sanids are peculiar in this respect. Their ears distinguish
them not only from members of other races, but even from Khoids. Great
stress was laid by Luschan on the ears of Bushmen, as one of the characters
 THE SANIDS 313

that distinguish them from Hottentots. He remarks that the latter have the
European type of external ear. but 'all the Bushmen I have seen, without one
single exception, have entirely different ears\lf)84i In its most typical form the
structure is as follows.11102. 8491 The auricle or pinna is small. There is no trace
of a lobe, and the lower extremity extends forward, gradually fading out as it
merges into the cheek. The forward extension of the lower part in some cases
gives the impression that the ear is set obliquely on the head (Fig. 55a. second
man from left). The upper edge of the ear is often nearly horizontal, passing
almost straight back from the place of attachment to the head (Fig. 54a and C).
The reflected edge (helix) is broad at the top of the ear. but narrows quickly in
the descending part. The tragus is small or scarcely existsl360l (Figs. 54a and
55a; cf. Fig. [Link]'s).

Unquestionably the external genitalia and secondary sexual characters of the

female are the strangest features of Sanid anatomy.
The earliest records on this subject are rather vague, and uncertainty results
from the fact that there was a tendency to call both Bushmen and Hottentots
by the latter name, so that one is often at a loss to know whether the descrip-
tions refer to a Sanid or a Khoid. This is not. however, a matter of much im-

portance in the present context, since the peculiarities of female anatomy that
are about to be described are very similar in the two subraces. In the early days
of European colonization at the Cape of Good Hope, the Hottentots were in
much closer contact with the newcomers than were the Bushmen, and the facts
to be recounted were probably first noticed in Khoids. There seems to have
been some reticence at the start in referring to the matter in print. Dapper,
writing on Hottentot women in Dutch in 1668. remarked mildly that 'The
lining of the body appears to be loose, so that in certain places part of it
dangles out\l246i
Many of the subsequent reports were misleading, and it is therefore all the
more remarkable that a description published only eighteen years after
Dapper's was very accurate. Wilhelm ten Rhyne. a physician of the Dutch
East India Company, referred to the subject in a book written in Latin and
published in 1686. The women to whom he refers must have been Hottentots,
not Bushwomen, since they were among a group of cattle-dealers. 'They have
to themselves this peculiarity from other races', he wrote, 'that most of them
possess finger-shaped appendages, always double, hanging down from the
private parts; these are evidently nymphae.'lwoi ('Nymphae' is another word
for the labia minora.) Rhyne derived his information from a surgeon of his
acquaintance, who had lately dissected the body of a Hottentot woman who
had been strangled to death.
It is curious that this correct account, published both in LatinlQOOl and not

long afterwards in English. I90il was for a time overlooked, and a totally wrong
description, published in 1708. accepted as true. Franijois Leguat had been in
charge of a party of French Protestants forced to leave their country by the
persecutions that followed the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. He was told
of the peculiarities of Hottentot women when his ship called at Cape Town on
the return journey from Mauritius to Europe. He mentions the clothing of
314 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

Hottentot women and remarks, 'They would not need this to cover that which
bits of skin, hanging like a flounce (Falbala) from the upper part, would con-
ceal sufficiently from the view of passers-by. Several people have told me that
they have had the curiosity to see these veils, and that one can thus satisfy
one's eyes for a piece of tobacco/|648l A crude picture accompanying Leguat's
account shows a female Hottentot with a semicircular fold of skin hanging
from the lower part of her abdomen and covering her external genitalia.
Although Leguat himself did not use the word, it was probably his report,
and in particular the picture accompanying it, that gave rise to the idea of a
'tablier' or apron of skin, hanging down from the abdomen; and the word has
persisted to the present day. Captain James Cook (then Lieutenant), on the
homeward voyage of his first circumnavigation of the world, called at Cape
Town in 1771, and took the opportunity to investigate what he called 'the great
question among natural historians, whether the women of this country have or
have not that fleshy flap or apron which has been called the Sinus pudoris'. A
local physician declared that he had examined many hundreds of Hottentot
women, and 'never saw one without two fleshy, or rather skinny appendages,
proceeding from the upper part of the Labia, in appearance somewhat
resembling the teats of a cow, but flat; they hung down, he said, before the
Pudendum, and were in different subjects of different lengths, in some not more
than half an inch, in others three or four inches". 12231 This passage of Cook's
was known to Blumenbach. who relied on it in the first edition of De generis
humani varietate nativa liber as the basis for what might be regarded as an un-
derstatement of the peculiarity of Khoisanid women. (See p. 26 of the present
work.) 'The most recent testimony of travellers', he wrote, 'commands us to put
the cutaneous ventrale of female Hottentots (the existence of which was
asserted by the early travellers) in the same category as the human tail, and in

like manner to relegate it to the fables. '1106I He added in a footnote. 'The

pendulous labia seem to have deceived the early observers.'
The first thorough investigation of the external genitalia of female
Khoisanids resulted indirectly from an expedition sent out by the French
government in 1800. at the instigation of the Institut de France, to make scien-
tific observations in Australia and Tasmania. Few such enterprises have met

with so many misfortunes. 16531 Many sailors and scientists had already deserted
the ships before they had left Mauritius; violent tempests caused changes of
plan; at one stage illness reduced the effective crew of one of the ships to four
men; the other was eventually seized by the British on its return journey, and
taken to England. Only two of the zoologists who had set out, Peron and
Lesueur, remained with the expedition throughout. On the way back to France
their ship called at Cape Town, where they took the opportunity to study the
anatomy of Bushwomen.
Even when both ships had at last reached France, the ill luck of the expedi-
tion was not at an end. The two zoologists prepared a full account of the exter-
nal anatomy of Bushwomen. accompanied by the excellent coloured
engravmgs of Lesueur (two of which are reproduced here in black-and-white in
Fig. 56c and D). and their paper was read by Peron at a meeting of the Institut
in 1805. It was then referred to Cuvier and Labillardiere. both of whom
 THE SANIDS 315

without delay pronounced it suitable for publication; but for some unexplained
reason the opinions of these authorities were disregarded.! i03l It may have
seemed incredible that there should descend from the vulva an object, 84 cm
(3-3") in total length, extending 4 cm (16") below the vulva, and somewhat
resembling a penis (Fig. 56c). The object was in fact the two labia minora,
enormously lengthened, and adhering (as they usually do in Khoisanids) to
look like an unpaired organ. Spread out. when a woman lay on her back, their
appearance was quite different (Fig. 56d). It may have been supposed that the

^ ^
J <

56 Khoisanid female anatomy

A, a Bushwoman (the famous "Hottentot Venus"): B. a Korana woman: C. the external genitalia of a
Bushwoman, standing upright: D, the same, of a Bushwoman lying down with the labia minora separated
and turned aside.
A. from Cuvier:\2i\\ B. from FriedeiUhal:\?'^^\ C and D. copies of coloured enfiravin(;s hy Lesueur,
reproduced by [Link] The latter made the mistake of saying that the organs were those of a
Hoiicniol.

report of Peron and Lesueur was inaccurate or exaggerated, or that they had
examined monstrosities and represented them as normal, or perhaps the sub-
ject may have been regarded as indelicate. In fact the only errors made by
Peron and Lesueur were their denial that the 'tablier' represented any part pre-
sent in Europeans, and their statement that only Bushwomen. not Hottentots,
possessed it. Yet 78 years elapsed before their most interesting paper was at
last published in 1883.18351 Much of the scientific work of the expedition
suffered a similar or worse fate. Most of the records of anthropology and
316 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

zoology were dispersed and remained unpublished, though as many of them as

possible were eventually collected and preserved with Peron and Lesueur's in
the Museum at Le Havre, the port from which the ill-fated expedition had set
out in 1800.
Meanwhile investigation of the subject had by no means stood still, for
Sanids had begun to appear in Europe, and to allow themselves to be examined
by anatomists. In 1804 there was great shortage of food among the Bushmen
living in the northern part of Cape Colony, and one of them, who happened to
be personally acquainted with the Governor, asked the latter to take care of his
son, aged about ten years. The boy was sent to Cape Town and eventually
found his way to Paris, where he was examined by Georges Cuvier. A Sanid
girl of about the same age found her way to Cape Town in similar cir-

cumstances, and evidently lived there for many years. She married a Negro
and had two children. An Englishman eventually persuaded her that she could
make a great fortune if she visited Europe and exhibited herself, and she
travelled to °aris. Here she was heartlessly abandoned to a showman of
animals and exhibited under the misleading description of 'La Venus hotten-
tote'. This was in 1814, when she was about 26 years old. In the spring of the

next year she had the 'complaisance' to remove her clothing so that she could
be examined by Georges Cuvier. She was painted in the naked state on this oc-
casion, in front and lateral views. Bushwomen are accustomed to tuck their
labia minora into the vagina in such circumstances,[288l and this is evidently
what she did, for the famous anatomist did not see them on this occasion, and
they do not appear in the paintings. She died at the end of the year of some un-
specified inflammatory disease, after everyone who wished to see her enormous
buttocks and other physical peculiarities (apart from the tablier) had had an
opportunity to do so. Her corpse was made available to Cuvier for more exact
study. He described her anatomy before an audience in 1817. and on this occa-
sion took the opportunity to exhibit her external genital organs, prepared in
such a way as to leave no doubt as to their true nature. He confirmed the
general accuracy of Peron and Lesueur's unpublished account, but stated cor-
rectly that the organ projecting from the vulva consisted in its upper part of the
prepuce of the clitoris, while the whole of the rest of it represented the greatly
enlarged labia minora. Thus the true facts were established on the authority of
Cuvier. 12401 It is to be remembered, however, that Rhyne had given the correct
interpretation, though with extreme brevity, 131 years before. Cuvier's paper
was republished in 1824 by his brother Frederic and Geoffroy-Saint-Hilaire, at
the very beginning of their enormous Histoire naturelle des mammiferes. [400l It
was in Volume 1 of this book that the two paintings of the Bushwoman that
had been made nine years before were at last published. The lateral view is
reproduced here in monochrome in Fig. 56a.
The conclusions of Rhyne and Cuvier were confirmed by many in-
vestigations carried out during the second half of the nineteenth century. There
were some who studied Bushwomen in their native territories ;liioo. 366. 3671
others examined in life those who had been brought to Europe;! iioi. 11021
autopsies were carried out on the corpses of those who had died there. 3491 It
1

was soon apparent that the strange structure of the female external genitalia
 THE SANIDS 317

was normal among Khoisanids, though Fritsch, a distinguished authority on

South African peoples, understated the hypertrophy of the labia minora, and
considered (wrongly) that those of the 'Hottentot Venus' had been
monstrous. 1366] It was observed that while the prepuce of the clitoris was
enlarged, the latter organ itself was not. 1349] Virchow noted that the organs in
question did not resemble the female genitalia of [Link] Peron and
Lesueur's paper was at last published in 1883,(8351 and immediately followed in
the same journal by an important paper on the female anatomy of Khoisanids
by Blanchard, only marred by the fact that in reproducing Lesueur's
engravings, he described them as representing the organs of Hottentots. i03l He
I

remarked that the hypertrophy of the labia minora is already noticeable in in-
fancy. Blanchard gave 20 cm (7-9") as their maximum length in adult
Khoisanids; Vincent,! iiooi referring to Bushwomen, said 18 cm (7 1"). These
were presumably measurements of the labia minora from the uppermost point
of their emergence from the vulva to their lower extremity when the subject
was standing and the organs pendent. Blanchard's maximum figure may refer
to Hottentot women, among whom they are in some cases particularly
large. 18491
In the present century our knowledge of the female genitalia of Bushwomen
has been extended chiefly by studies carried out on living subjects in southern
Africa by P6ch,i849i Drury,|288l and Villiers.li099| All these authors agree that
there is no evidence of artificial elongation of the labia minora. These are
already enlarged and protrude from the vulva in young girls, and increase in
size at puberty. Their average length in Bushwomen is much less than the
maximum given by [Link] The organs assume different forms in
different districts. In South West Africa, for instance, each labium is flattened
and broadened to form a winglike object, when laid out flat (cf. Plate 25d);
this is known as the 'butterfly' type. In Botswana and the Cape Province of
South Africa the width is reduced and the anterior part thickened, and this
results in an object resembling the wattle of a turkey-cock. The 'wattle' type is
commonly 3-4" long (7|-10 cm), the 'butterfly' U-2" (3 •8-6-3 cm), accor-
ding to Drury and Drennan;l288l Villiers gives a maximum of 9 cm (3|") for the
"butterfly'.l 10991 The women shown in Fig. 55b probably had organs of the
latter type, but they are shown in the pendent (penis-like) position.
It is said that in former times Bushwomen deliberately exposed the labia

minora to the view of men in the course of erotic dances. 12881 What appear to
be enormously elongated labia minora are represented in many examples of
Bushman rock art (Fig. 55c). Although the artists were experts at the
naturalistic representation of animals (see Fig. 82, p. 547), and also produced
tolerable likenesses of Negrids and Europids, their representations of members
of their own taxon, both male and female, were highly stylized and fanciful.
The enormous size and strange form of the buttocks in the female sex are
among the most striking peculiarities of the Khoisanids. They are characteristic
of Bushwomen, Korana, and Hottentots alike. Perhaps they reach (or reached)
their maximum among some of the latter, but if so the Bushwomen (Fig.
56a) and Korana (b) run them close. Very large buttocks occur sporadically
among Sudanid, Aethiopid, and Europid women, and were depicted by
318 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

Palaeolithic artists in European caves; but their form is rounded in these peo-
ple, whereas it is particularly characteristic of the Khoisanids that the shape of
the projecting partis that of a right-angled triangle, the upper edge being nearly

horizontal while the hypotenuse slopes at about 45° (Fig. 56a). Internally the
female buttocks of Sanids (and probably of the other Khoisanids) consist of
masses of fat incorporated between criss-crossed sheets of connective
tissue,(24i. uooi said to be joined to one another in a regular manner.l687| Some
of the Wolof women of West Africa (Sudanid Negrids) have gready enlarged
buttocks, but in them there is a fat between two of the
mere accumulation of
gluteus muscles (maximus and has been suggested that the term
medius).l5ii| It

'steatopygia' should be used only for the specialized type of buttocks

characteristic of Khoisanid women. 13591 Many Kafrid women have large
buttocks, and since there is strong reason to believe that there was a Khoisanid
element in the ancestry of the Kafrid subrace (p. 333), it is possible that the
term 'steatopygia' is applicable to them; but this does not seem to have been
proved by anatomical study.
The degree of steatopygia is recorded as the shortest distance between the
deepest point in the hollow of the back and a plane, placed at right angles to the
median sagittal, just touching the most posterior point of the buttocks. In her
work among the Kalahari Bushwomen. de Villiers found an average of 7-8 cm
(3") and a maximum of ly cm (4|") in adults before middle age;li099i 3-6"
1

(7y— 15 cm) has been quoted as the range in Bushwomen of the Cape
Province.12881 If, as seems probable, the painting here reproduced as Fig. 56a

was accurate, the steatopygia of the 'Hottentot Venus' must have amounted to
about 19-3 cm (7' 6").I49|
It is improbable that the enlarged buttocks of female Khoisanids represent a

storehouse of nutriment on which the body may call in times of scarcity. The
Hottentots, Korana, and Bushmen are not to be regarded as people adapted by
natural selection to desert life. The great authority on the history of the
Khoisanids, George Stow, has written. Tn the days of undisturbed occupation
by the early Bushmen, the country literally swarmed with game, both large and
small. '110161 It is far more likely that the buttocks became enlarged in response
to sexual selection. This is what Darwin implied in the case of Hottentot
women, in whom 'the posterior part of the body projects in a wonderful
manner\|258l He mentions the admiration felt for this peculiarity by the males
of their tribe. This should indeed not have surprised him; for he wrote his work
on sexual selection at the time when bustles were in fashion in England, and he
must have realized that the women who wore them were under the impression
that this change in their appearance increased their charms for members of the
opposite sex. The admiration for this particular feature of feminine anatomy
must, however, have been much more lasting among the Khoisanid males, for
the remarkable results achieved suggest selection over a long period.
Steatopygia is often accompanied by the accumulation of fat in the thighs
{steatomeria) (Fig. 56b).
It is not unusual for the breasts of Sanid women to be situated near the arm-
pits (Fig. 55b, right-hand figure). In women who have borne several children
they become very long and hang downwards. 1288] The dark areas round the
 THE SANIDS 319

nipples (mammary areolae) are very large (Fig. 56a). The nipple is short, and
tends to be sunken at its base. 1021 1 1

The anatomy of the male Sanid is in some respects as peculiar as that of the
female. The penis, when not erect, maintains an almost horizontal position
(Fig. 55a).I849. 7061 This feature is scarcely ever omitted in the rock art of the
Bushmen, of their own people. The prepuce is
in their stylized representations
very long:|366. noil covers the glans completely and projects forwards to a
it

point. [2881 The scrotum is drawn up close to the root of the penis, giving the
appearance that only one testis has descended, and that incompletely (cf. Fig.
55 a, second figure from right). These characters are clearly paedomorphous,
and they are less marked in old men.l288i
The buttocks of male Sanids are often enlarged, even in boys, noil but this is
I

by no means always so (compare the four figures in Fig. 55a). There does not
appear to be any evidence that the male ever shows true steatopygia, as defined
above.

The brain of the 'Hottentot Venus' was preserved, but Cuvier himself did not
examine it. Tiedemann (p. 30) reported on it briefly in 1836. and was thus the

firstperson to describe a Sanid brain.li059l Gratiolet. a distinguished French

neurologist of the time, gave a more detailed description of the same brain in
1854, nearly forty years after the woman had died.l430l He found the gyri on
the external surfaces of the cerebral hemispheres simpler than those of any
other normal human being he had examined. He gave a good lateral view of the
whole organ, with that of a Europid (French) for comparison. (Tiedemann had
already given a good drawing of the brain, viewed from above.) The simplicity
of the gyri and sulci is certainly striking, but it might be supposed that some of
the lesser folds had disappeared through inadequate preservation over a very
long period. Ten years later, however, a whole Sanid head was very carefully
preserved by a doctor in Cape Town. The arteries supplying the brain were in-
jected with alcohol in preparation for special study of that organ. The head was
sent to England and the brain examined at University College Hospital by Dr.
J. Marshall, who reported that The numerous secondary sulci and con-

volutions, which so complicate the larger ones in the European brains, are
everywhere decidedly less developed in the Bushwoman.'lvoil He found the
brain similar to that described by Gratiolet. but very slightly more advanced. It
is particularly interesting that in his paper, published more than a century ago

and 21 years before Kollmannl604i introduced the idea of neoteny, Marshall

makes this comment: 'Undoubtedly both brains show an infantile or foetal
leaning.' (For further remarks on the Sanid brain, see p. 322.)

A high percentage (61-4) of Sanids belong to blood-group 'O': the percen-

tage belonging to group 'A' (34 2) is near the average for human beings as a

whole; 'B' (3-5) is low. It chanced that there was no one belonging to group
'AB' in the series from which the percentages given here are
of tests
quoted.l 11311 would not be a very strange set for a small population
The figures
of Europids, though among them 'A' would probably be lower and 'B' higher.
Even if the idea of Mongolid or Negrid elements in Bushman ancestry were
320 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

not contradicted by morphological evidence, the low figure for 'B' would make
it rather unlikely.

Particular points in the physical anthropology of the Sanids, more technically treated
Rhesus blood-groups. — In this system there is some resemblance to the general
Negrid pattern, for cDe is high and cDE low. 1
11311 The high frequency of cDe contrasts
strongly with the situation in Mongolids.
Haptoglobin. — Bushmen are remarkable for the comparative rarity of the hap-
toglobin gene Hp'. Barnicot and his colleagues reported a frequency of only 0-29; 1581

Jenkins and Steinberg, 0-31.15501 (In the calculation of the latter figure, a few HpO
phenotypes were disregarded.) These frequencies compare with 51 for Hottentots
and 0-53 for Zulus. The latter, like other Kafrids. may have a Sanid element in their
ancestry. This would account for the fact that the frequency of the Hp' gene among
them, though much higher than among the Bushmen, is significantly lower than in

Sudanid Negrids, among whom

no reason to suspect former hybridization with
there is

Sanids. The low frequency of Hp' would suggest the possibility of a Mongolid element
in the make-up of the Sanids, if there were any strong morphological evidence for this

(which there is not) or resemblance in blood-groups.

External characters. —The breadth of the head in the region immediately below the
zygomatic arches is often exaggerated by the particularly large size of the parotid
glands.17061
be remembered that the position of the vulva was particularly stressed by Bolk
It will

as a paedomorphous character of women in general (see p. 304 and Fig. 52). It seems
that the Sanids have gone further than others in this respect, for according to Eickstedt
the vulva of Bushwomen is any other human ethnic
situated further forward than in
taxon.13021 Unfortunately he quotes as his authority a paper by Luschan in which there
is no mention of the subject. If Eickstedt's statement could be confirmed, it would be an

interestingexample of paedomorphosis, since in other taxa the vulva is situated further

forward young girls than in adults.
in

The finger-prints of 345 members of the !Kun* tribe have been examined. The !Kun
inhabit a large area in the north-eastern corner of South West Africa, and in the con
tiguous parts of Angola and Botswana. Over most of their territory they have avoided
hybridization with Negrids. 14451 Their prints are remarkable, for arches reach the
exceptionally high figure of 13 0% in males and even 19 4% in females, and whorls,
which are much more abundant than arches on the fingers of nearly all races except
Khoisanids. sink to 15- 1% and 17- 1% respectively. 12341 In this respect (though not in
most others, apart from low stature) the !Kun resemble Bambutids (African pygmies).
The contrast with Australids (p. 298) is particularly striking. An ofi"shoot of the !Kun
who live in the narrow band ('Caprivi Strip') of South West African territory that runs
to the Zambian border, entered long ago into association with Negrids. and the
resuking hybridization shows itself manifestly in their more evident morphological
characters. 14451 It is therefore particularly interesting to note that the finger prints of
these people, who call themselves Barakwengo. fall within the Negrid range. Arches are
here down to 5-2% in males, and whorls up to 30-7%. 12341
Skull. — This presents a number of rather interesting characters, judged unsuitable
for mention in the brief account given above (pp. 308-12).

* The exclamation mark represents a sound not used in European languages.

 THE SANIDS 321

The sutures are on the whole simple. Wormian bones are uncommon, and epipterics
very rare. The pterion normal (spheno-parietal). apparently without exception. |964|
is

There is a long backward extension of the greater wing of the sphenoid. In these
features there is particularly strong contrast with the Australids.
Metopism does not appear to have been recorded. This would have been an infantile
character. It is a curious and inexplicable fact that grooves on the frontal bone, oc-
cupied in life by branches of the supra-orbital nerves, occur much more frequently in
the Khoisanids than in any other race of man. Indeed, their presence may perhaps be
regarded as a primary character of the race.
The occipital bone is only very slightly marked by muscular impressions. I'^m]

The foramen magnum is generally (but not always) long and narrow, and in some
cases rhomboid. 1491
The mastoid processes of the skull are small. 1293. 574. 2siiTheir small size is regarded
by Keith|574i as an infantile character, but it might be primitive. The mastoid notches
(posterior digastric fossae) are unusually well-cut. |964i It is worth remarking that the
celebrated Boskop skull, regarded as 'pre-Bushman'. has exceptionally large and deep
mastoid notches. 8651 1

The sigmoid notch of the lower jaw is shallow. 1 1072. 964. 28 11 This is an infantile
character.
The wide separation of the eyes, well seen on the living head in Fig. 54b, is due to the
breadth of the frontal processes of the maxillae. The nasal bones (or bone) are narrow
in this region.

In two out of seven skulls examined by Turner. 1 10721 the orbital plate (lamina

papyracea) of the ethmoid bone one or both or-

failed to articulate with the lacrimal (in

bits), and the frontal bone articulated between them with the maxilla. This is a pongid
character that has been recorded among the Australids (p. 288).
The lower border of the apertura pyriformis of Sanids has not been accurately
described in the literature. The specimens I have examined have mostly been

orygmocraspedote, with indications of the ridges characteristic of the bothrocraspedote

condition.
The anterior nasal spine is usually weak or inconspicuous. 19641 but this is not always
so. and it is well formed in the Strandlooper skull in the British Museum (Natural
History). 1491
There is evidence that the Sanids show a peculiarity in the order of eruption of the
permanent grinding teeth. In Europids the 2nd molars of the permanent dentition
usually erupt after the 2nd premolars, but in Bushmen the few available records show
that this sequence is reversed. 12801 In this respect the Bushmen resemble most pongids
(chimpanzee, orang-utan, and gibbons {Hylobates spp.)). I6121 and also Neanderthal
man. 12801 The 3rd molars appear late, or may fail to erupt. 11 101 Edge-to-edge clenching 1

of upper and lower incisors has been recorded. Ii076i This occurs commonly in
Australids (p. 289).
Post-cranial skeleton. —The olecranon fossa of the humerus is very frequently
perforated. 11031 This pongid character was noted by Cuvier in the skeleton of the

'Hottentot Venus\l24ii It appears that the shortness of the hands is due to that of the
metacarpals, not of the phalanges. 1706|

Both Cunninghaml238iand Turnerii074i reported a high lumbo-vertebral index (about

106-5). New-born children show a high index, but it is not possible to be sure whether
322 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

the Sanids are paedomorphous or primitive in this respect. The index is almost the
same in Sanids and Australids (p. 291). In the latter it is regarded as a primitive
character.
The strong forward convexity of the lumbar part of the spine in Sanids must
wedge shape of the intervertebral disks, since the convexity
necessarily be due to the
would be backwards if their upper and lower surfaces were parallel. Several authors
have claimed that the projection of the buttocks in Bushwomen is caused in part by the
lumbar curvature, for it causes the sacrum to assume an almost horizontal position,
and thus to tilt the pelvis. 359. 849. 706. 3021 The projection of the lower part of the
1

abdomen (Fig. 56B) is also attributed partly to this cause. It is pointed out that if (as in

fat Europeans) there is much buttocks but no special orientation of

adipose tissue in the

the pelvis, the particular form of the posterior part of the body characteristic of the
Khoisanids does not result. I359| Again, if lumbar convexity does tilt the sacrum and
pelvis, but fat does not accumulate in the buttocks, there is no
an excessive amount of
Bambutid pygmies provide an example of this. However, as we have seen,
steatopygia.
something more than accumulation of fat and tilting of the pelvis is necessary to
produce true steatopygia.
The sacrum is only very slightly curved in Sanids. 12431 and both sacrum and pelvis

are narrow and long.l849|

Internal organs other than skeleton. —
In discussing the brain of the 'Venus hotten-
tote\ Gratiolet mentioned that in Europeans the Sylvian (lateral) sulcus is widely open
at the moment of birth; and he inferred, without definitely saying so. that it remained
open in the adult Bushwoman. 14301 This certainly is the interpretation placed on his
words by Marshall. ivoii who confirmed it on his own specimen, in which the insula of
Reil was exposed to external view. noil Marshall regarded this as one of the foetal
characters of the brain.
Gratiolet stressed the remarkable simplicity of the gyrus labelled c'c' in his illustra-

tion. This is clearly the superior frontal gyrus, which is much convoluted in Europeans.
Vogt (see pp. 39-40) was particularly struck by the simplicity of the sulci in the tem-
poral lobe, as represented in Gratiolet's drawing. 1105. 1106I It must be mentioned,
1

however, that Luschka, who reported on the third Sanid brain made available for

study, denied that the gyri were poorly developed. |687|

Gratiolet recognized nothing corresponding to an operculate sulcus lunatus in the

brain of the 'Venus hottentote'. He was familiar with it in pongids. but denied its
existence in man. 14301 Duckworth, however, noticed what he called a 'distinct vestige' of
it in Gratiolet's figure of this brain, in the right hemisphere only. 1 2931 One can see the
sulcus to which he refers in examined the brains
Gratiolet's drawing. Duckworth also
of two Sanids preserved in the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons. One was the
brain described by Marshall (see p. 319). the other possibly that of the woman whose
body was studied by Flower and Murie. 13441 He described and figured a well marked
sulcus lunatus on both sides of both these brains. 124.^1

Giacomini claimed that Harder's gland occurs in a rudimentary form in the

Bushman. His original paper on the subject cannot be traced, since it does not occur
anywhere in the journal that he quotes in his 1897 paper. |406| It is extremely unlikely
that this gland actually exists in Sanids, since it is unknown
any other ethnic taxon of in

man, and indeed in pongids. Bartels gives strong evidence that Giacomini saw only the
glands of the plica semilunaris {N ickhautdruse). I59|
 THE SANIDS 323

That the Sanids show certain paedomorphous characters is agreed by most

physical anthropologists who have written about them, and has been
denied —
so far as I know —
by only one. Dreyer is exceptional in claiming that
the Sanid is an infant of other races during the first few years of his life
less like
than he subsequently becomes. 12831
Dreyer bases this conclusion on only two features, both in the skull. The first is
orthognathism. His argument is that the Sanid is prognathous when new-born and
gradually becomes very orthognathous at the age of six years; subsequently he
becomes somewhat less so. There are several reasons for not accepting this as evidence
against paedomorphosis. First, the number of infantile skulls studied by Dreyer was
very small. Secondly, he discarded the Frankfurt horizontal as the plane by reference
to which prognathism was to be measured, thus making it impossible to compare his
from other sources. Thirdly, and most
results with the great majority of those available
importantly, he recorded no measurement of alveolar (subnasal) prognathism, though
it is an important character of adult Bushmen that they tend to be orthognathous as
regards the upper face as a whole {Ganzprofilwinkel) but prognathous below the nose.
Lastly, neoteny and paedomorphosis are names for the stretching out of a younger
stage into adult life, but not necessarily the stretching out of the earliest stage.
Dreyer's second argument concerns changes with age in the relation between the
chord from nasion to opisthion and the arc from the nasion over the top of the skull
and round the occiput to the opisthion. Dreyer's own data show that this relation
remains nearly constant in Sanids from the age of five or six years onwards, and his
few figures from new-born and very young infants do not seem to throw any clear light
on the problem of paedomorphosis.
Although Dreyer's arguments do not appear to invalidate the many clear
examples of paedomorphosis mentioned in this chapter, one may readily agree
with him on the existence of deep-seated differences separating the Sanids (as
the less hybridized or more typical subrace of Khoisanids) from other races of
man. One can, indeed, pick out characters here and there in which they resem-
ble Negrids or Mongolids; but the older anthropologists had sound reasons for
rejecting decisively the idea of any close relationships. Fritsch. for instance, one
of the early students of Bushmen in their native land, was outspoken against
another author who had proposed to call them 'Cape Negroes' (Capneger), to
indicate their true affinities. He remarked that this would be like calling Ger-
mans 'European Chinese', and he claimed that Germans were in fact closer to
Chinese than Bushmen to Negroes. 13671 More than half a century later, in 1934,
Eickstedt remarked with equal emphasis (and some exaggeration), 'It is worth
remarking that we cannot establish a single unequivocally Negrid
character!'l302l Poch, who went to southern Africa to complete the obser-
vations of Fritsch and others, wrote with greater restraint but no less cogency.
He gave his reasons for believing that the Bushmen had originated early as a
separate race of mankind and had given rise to the Hottentots by hybridiza-
tion, but were unrelated by ancestry to both Mongolids and Negrids. The
evidence brought together in this chapter tends to support his view; for modern
studies haveon the whole confirmed the conclusions of earlier workers, though
some distant relationship with the Negrids cannot be ruled out. No one has
suggested any special relationship with the Australasids or Europids, from
324 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

whom the Sanids are particularly distinct. Here and there hybridization with
Negrids has occurred, to produce modified forms such as the Barakwengo (p.
320), or in more remote times and on a much larger scale to give rise to the
Hottentots and others; but the bulk of the Sanids remain a distinct branch of
humanity, illustrating well the significance of paedomorphosis in the evolution
of certain ethnic taxa.

Although mankind as a whole is paedomorphous. those ethnic taxa (the

Sanids among them) that are markedly more paedomorphous than the rest
have never achieved the status of civilization, or anything approaching it, by
their own initiative. It would seem that when carried beyond a certain point,
paedomorphosis is antagonistic to purely intellectual advance. There were,
however, some very skilful artists among the Sanids of past times, before the
culture of these little people had been disrupted by the incursion of Hottentots,
Negrids, and Europids into their territory. This has already been mentioned in
the present chapter, and Appendix 6 (pp. 545-9) is devoted to the subject. It
appears significant that among Europid peoples artistic talent commonly
manifests itself early in life.
 18 The Negrids (Negroes)
I. Introduction

ITWOULD be much easier to solve the ethnic problem if whole races of man
had lived complete isolation until their cultures could be studied and
in
recorded by qualified persons from the outer world. Isolated tribes have indeed
existed which have been studied before any important changes in their culture
had been caused through external influence; but tribes do not lend themselves
to the solution of the problem. Small, isolated populations may remain
primitive in their mode of life simply as a result of their isolation. In any com-
munity the number of persons of high intellect and character, capable of in-
itiating advances in culture, constitutes only a small proportion of the whole.
The smaller the isolated group, the less chance there is that there will be a suf-
ficient number of such persons in it to lead the rest towards civilization. This
may be so even though the isolated group is genetically as capable of adopting
a civilized mode of life as the great majority of their relations in the larger com-
munity, among whom higher standards have resulted through the initiative of
the few. The capacity or incapacity of a race to initiate a civilization can only
be judged if there exists a very large number of men and women who have been
uninfluenced or only slightly or indirectly influenced by cultures brought in
from outside.
Anyone who wishes to obtain evidence bearing on the ability of a race to in-
itiate a civilization must first of all consider whether the extent of foreign in-
fluence can be assessed. For this purpose he must find out as exactly as he can
what contacts have been made with people of other races, in what ways and to
what extent the indigenous culture has been affected by these contacts, and
whether a sufficiently large number of people has been so slightly influenced
that a study of them will yield information on the primary problem. The
Negrids have been selected for an investigation of these problems in this book.
An attempt will be made in Chapter 20 to present evidence bearing on the
primary problem. The necessarily circuitous approach to it will occupy this
chapter and the next.

THE PHYSICAL CHARACTERS OF THE NEGRIDS

necessary first of all to establish who the people are with whom we shall be
It is

concerned; in other words, to distinguish them by their physical characters.

The distinction will not be made here in an elaborate manner, for we have
reached a turning-point in this book and are about to leave the technicalities of
326 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

physical anthropology aside until the final chapter of the book is reached. In
the attempt to characterize the Negrids in the present chapter the human body
will be considered only in so far as it can be seen without dissection and
described in non-technical language.
First of however, attention must be called to the possibility that neither
all,

the Negrid race as a whole nor its subraces are capable of being distinguished.

The non-Europid peoples of Africa south of the Sahara have been somewhat
differently classified by different students of the subject. This is in accordance
with the usual state of affairs in taxonomy, for opinion in these matters is not
determined by authority, but by careful consideration of the weight that should
be accorded to different opinions. Dr. Jean Hiernaux, however, has suggested
that all the proposed classifications are invalid; for he claims that the people in
question cannot be separated into taxa by objective criteria. 14891 It would follow
that there are no such races as the Negrids and Khoisanids, and that the
proposed minor taxa of these peoples are also unreal (with some rather in-
significant exceptions). Hiernaux urges anthropologists to abandon all
classification of the populations of sub-Saharan Africa into large subdivisions.
He considers that if they would agree to this, they would liberate their thought
from an 'iron collar' (carcan).
Hiernaux's case merits serious consideration, for it is carefully argued and
the conclusions he reaches follow from the established facts on which he bases
them. He chooses thirty-three sets of data on which he will rely. Some of these
are blood-group frequencies; others are arithmetical means of certain
measurements and of percentages derived from these (for instance, stature,
length of front limbs and of head, breadth of head, greatest width of skull in the
regions of the brain-case and of the zygomatic arches, and the length of the
radius expressed as a percentage of the length of the humerus).
It must be objected to Hiernaux's conclusions that many of the data on

which he relies are not those that in fact separate particular races and subraces
from one another. This objection can be explaiaed most readily by taking an
extreme example of the same error from the animal world. If one wished to dis-
cover whether the Monotremata (the duck-billed platypus and spiny anteaters
of Australia and New Guinea) were significantly different from other mam-
mals, one might decide to rely on the means of particular measurements.
Perhaps one might choose total body-length (corresponding, very roughly to
stature) and the rest of the measurements mentioned above, all of which are
applicable. The study would be entirely objective. Inevitably one would find
that Monotremata were not different from other mammals, since there are
great numbers of members of this taxon that are significandy longer and many
others that are significantly shorter than the Monotremata. and many have
significantly longer and shorter front limbs, and so on in each case. One's con-
clusion would, however, be false, for in reaching it one would have overlooked
the fact that the Monotremata, unlike other mammals, have only a single aper-
ture in both sexes for discharge from their genital, urinary, and digestive
systems; their right and left oviducts are separate throughout; they reproduce
by laying eggs; they have no nipples; the shoulder girdle has an astonishingly
close resemblance to that of reptiles; and there is no corpus callosum in the
 THE NEGRIDS I 327

brain. For these and other reasons zoologists group them together and place
them a separate taxon from all other mammals.
in
It may be argued that one would not have chosen body-length and the other

measurements mentioned, in seeking to determine whether to place the

Monotremata in a taxon separate from the rest of the Mammalia. But why notl
The reason is that one would have noticed the significant differences. Hiernaux
admits this principle when he allows the possibility that the set of data on
which he relies may not include those that discriminate best between Bushmen
and Hottentots on one hand and other sub-Saharan African populations on the
other. In all cases one should look at all parts of the body, so far as possible, to
find the significant distinguishing features and those that link different peoples
together. Some of the frequencies, measurements, and percentages used by
Hiernaux are useful for certain purposes, others for other purposes in
taxonomic studies; but by themselves they do not suffice as bases for sound
conclusions in human (or any other) taxonomy.
AS we shall see, there are certain large areas of sub-Saharan Africa in which
there live various hybrid groups of mankind, and this fact is in part reflected by
some of Hiernaux's results.

The first Negrids to become known in Europe were probably inhabitants of

West Africa. It happens that these show in extreme degree most of the
characters that distinguish the Negrids from other races of man. It is in-
teresting to note how European artists represented these strangers in their
sculptures and drawings, made when Negroes were not so familiar in Europe
as they are today. The artists' attention was naturally drawn to the distinctive
features of Negrid physiognomy. The sculpture of a Negro's head, shown in
Fig. 57a, was discovered by a French peasant in 1763. buried with other
ancient presumably Roman, near Chalon-sur-Saone, soutn of
statues,
Dijon. 1 Albrecht Diirer's excellent drawing (Fig. 57b). dating from 1528, is
195]

one of the many figures in the work already mentioned (p. 197) in which he
attempted to represent the human form by what may be roughly described as a

A B C
57 Sudanid heads, as represented by European artists of former times
A, sculptured head, probably Roman, found near Chalon sur-Saone. France, in I ''63: B, drawing by
Albrecht Durer, published in 1528; C. by Camper, published in 1791.
A. from Cav/i/s:i iM5l [Link] Durer\\295\C,from Camper. \\si\
328 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

system of coordinate geometry. [295] So also may Camper's sketch (Fig. 57C),
published in 1791 in his Dissertation physique on the faces of men of difterent
countriesli87i (see pp. 28-30). In these figures one cannot fail to note the
elongated head, prognathous face and jaws, weak or receding chin, small ear
(b), and greatly swollen lips. An attempt is made in the sculpture to represent

the tightly coiled, somewhat fleecelike scalp-hair of the Negrids. In this race the
hair is very much shorter (in both sexes) than in Europids.
The models belongea to the Sudanid subrace.
for these portraits clearly
described by Eickstedt as 'the most Negrid of all Negrid forms\l302l The word

Sudan is here used in its original sense to mean the part of Africa extending
from the southern limit of the Sahara through the grassland towards the region
of rain-forest; but the Sudanids occupy only a westerly part of it. and their
range is far distant from the politically defined state of Sudan (see map. Fig.
58). They are tall, powerful people, with slender neck, wide shoulders, long
forearms, narrow hips, and very dark brown skin. Beyond the facial characters
visible in side-view (Fig. 57) one may mention the rather prominent cheek-

58 Part of Africa, to show the distribution of Negrid subraces

Attention is called to remarks on p. 1U9 relating to maps intended to show the distribution of races. The
remarks apply also to subrac^.,. Original map.
 THE NEGRIDS I 329

bones, extremely wide, flat nose with particularly large alae, sharply marked off

from the of the organ; the nostrils are transversely elongated (Fig. 27c and
rest
D, p. 210). The 'calf of the lower leg is somewhat better developed in the
Sudanids than in the other Negrid subraces.l302l
Four subraces of Negrids are recognized in this book, the Sudanid. Nilotid,
PciQenegrid, and Kafrid. They will be distinguished where abbreviation is
desirable by use of the conventional symbols Su, Ni, Pan, and Ka, introduced
by Eickstedt.13031
The Nilotids occupy the region of the upper Nile (Fig. 58). They are a
homogeneous taxon, and can readily be described by noting their differences
from the Sudanids. They are tall and slim, with very long limbs (Fig. 60a, p.
332). It is characteristic of the Negrids in general that the forearm is long, but
this feature is emphasized in the Nilotids. The lower leg and (as in most
is thin
Negrids) almost devoid of a 'calf. The Negrid tendency towards a projecting
heel is pronounced in this subrace.
The penis is very long and rather thick when not erect,l302l but this may
perhaps be a general character of Negrids. From observations made while dis-
secting Negroes, the French anthropologist Paul Topinard confirmed the im-
pression that this organ, in its flaccid state, was longer than that of
Europeans,! 10611 but he gave no indication of the subrace to which the corpses
belonged. That Negrids have large penes is sometimes questioned, but those
who doubt it are likely to change their minds if they will look at photographs
nos. 8, 9, 20, 23, 29, and 37 in Bernatzik's excellently illustrated book.
Zwischen weissem Nil und [Link] These represent naked male
Nilotids, and appear convincing.
The skull of Nilotids is long and narrow, with bulging occiput, and the brow-
ridges are feebly marked; but in most respects the face is very unlike that of
Sudanids. The Nilotid is not prognathous (Fig. 60b). the chin is well developed,
and the nose has quite an upstanding 'bridge', so that it is not altogether unlike
that of Europids except that the alae are widely spread and more sharply
marked off from the rest of the nose and from the cheeks. The lips are strongly
everted, but tend to be flattened, as though compressed from in front (Fig. 59,

p. 330), not bulbous as in Sudanids.

DarK as the Sudanids are, the Nilotids excel them in this respect; indeed,
they are among the darkest of all the ethnic taxa of man. The cornea of the eye
is somewhat brownish, and even the tongue is spotted with brown.
In studying the classification of animals one often remarks that a particular
major taxon includes some minor taxa that are very distinct and others that are
not easy to define. This applies also to the Negrids. The characters of the
Sudanids and Nilotids can be enumerated without much difficulty, but the
other two subraces, Palaenegrid and Kafrid. are much less easily defined,
because they are more diverse and linked to one another by many intermediate
tribes that cannot be assigned with confidence to one taxon rather than the
other. There are, indeed, Palaenegrid tribes (such as the Balunda) that could
not be regarded as Kafrid, and Kafrid tribes (such as the Wanyoro) that could
not be regarded as Palaenegrid; but in the intermediate territory one may easily
be puzzled. In the present work most of the doubtful tribes have been included
330 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

in the Palaenegrid subrace. This may be justified on evohitionary grounds, for

there some evidence that the Palaenegrid should be regarded as the most un-
is

specialized (primitive) of Negrid subraces. from which the others have sprung
while no one has suggested that the Palaenegrid
in the distant pastJ302. 7571
subrace as a whole has sprung from Kafrid ancestors.

59 Nilotid heads (Dinka tribe)

From Schwcinfurih. l>»5 1

The appearance of typical Palaenegrids makes on many Europeans an im-

pression conveyed by such subjective terms as grob\7'02\ and grossier.\i5i. \0S5\
Livingstone had lived and travelled for years among Kafrids before he entered
Palaenegrid territory, and it is in the appearance of
evident that the difference
members of certain subrace made a strong and un-
tribes be'onging to the latter
favourable [Link] on him, which he expressed in no uncertain terms. He
remarks of the Basinje that
they seem to possess more of the low negro character and physiognomy
[than certain other Negrid tribes! their colour is generally dirty black,
:

foreheads low and compressed, noses flat and much expanded laterally.
. . . their lips are large. . . . They make a nearer approach to a general
negro appearance than any tribes I met.l676l
Two other Palaenegrid tribes, living in the vicinity of the Zambesi downstream
from the Victoria Falls, also appeared unprepossessing to him.
The Batoka of the Zambesi are generally very dark in colour, and very
degraded and negro-like in appearance. Though all [the Batongal have
. . .

thick lips and flat noses, only the more degraded of the population possess
the ugly negro physiognomy. 16761
If the subjective elements in these comments are disregarded, they give an idea
 THE NEGRIDS I 331

of how a typical Palaenegrid would be likely to appear to a Europid who had

seen no Negrids except Kafrids. be understood that there may be many
It will

ethnic taxa of men to whom the Palaenegrids would apply words in their own
language no less indicative of disfavour than Livingstone's.
The typical 'Forest Negro' or Palaenegrid is short and thickset ('gauchement
trapue', according to Montandonl757|), with long back and short limbs,
contrasting extremely in these respects with the Nilotid. The neck is short. The
head is shorter than in the Nilotids. for the occiput scarcely projects and there
is a tendency to mesocephaly. The brow-ridges overhang to give the impression

that the eyes are sunken. The face is short and wide. The nose, flattened almost
to extinction at its root, widens out greatly below to assume the form described
by German authors as trichterformig (funnel-shaped). Facial and body-hair
are more strongly developed than in the Sudanids. Certain of the characters of
the latter subrace appear in less extreme form among the Palaenegrids. Thus
the alae of the nose are not so strongly demarcated, the lips are less swollen,
the degree of prognathy is less, and the skin is generally paler.
Ludwig Wolf, who made a study of the physical anthropology of the Baluba
tribe, remarks that 'As a general rule the male organ in its relaxed state is
astonishingly strongly developed:' but he was informed by Negresses who had
cohabited with both Negrids and Europids that, when erect, the organ is of
about the same size in the two races.|ii46i Topinard had claimed that though
the penis of Europeans was smaller than that of Negrids when flaccid, it was
larger than theirs when erect.
It is possible that typical Palaenegrids owe some of their characters to
hybridization with the pygmies of central Africa (Bambutids).
It follows from what has been said that it is not easy to delimit the territory

of the Palaenegrids on a map. All the more typical ones fall well within the area
marked 'Palaenegrid V in Fig. 58. The inhabitants of the Guinea coast (here
called 'Palaenegrid 2') are grouped by some authorities with the Sudanidsi268i
and separated by others as a fifth subrace,li085l but it seems best to follow
Eickstedtl302l in placing them with the Palaenegrids. The Guinean seen in Fig.
60c shows Not being extreme in any
the trichterformig nose particularly well.
respect, the Palaenegrid 2 group may be regarded as rather typical of the
Negrid race as a whole.
To the north of the Palaenegrid 1 area there is another, marked 'Palaenegrid
3' on the map, inhabited by Negrids having a strong tendency towards

brachycephaly, or at least towards the brachycephalic end of the mesocephalic

range. The tribes are very diverse, and many of them obviously much
hybridized. They do not fit conveniently into any scheme of classification. They
are put by Eickstedtl302l with the Sudanids, but it is difficult to justify this
arrangement. The group seems nearer to the Palaenegrid than to any other
1

taxon.
Further north again, in the region that includes Lake Chad, the tribes are so
diverse and so hybrid that in the present state of knowledge they appear to defy
classification.
Far to the south, the Haukhoin (otherwise known as Ghou Damup or
Bergdamal \o?,9\) appear to represent a primitive, long-isolated group of
 « 5
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 THE NEGRIDS I 333

Palaenegrids, here provisionally designated 'Palaenegrid 4'. Bergdama is an un-

suitablename, for although it is true that they live on high ground, they do not
seem to be closely related to theDamara (Ovaherero). Haukhoin and Ghou
Damup arenames bestowed on them by other tribes (see pp. 425-6). It is un-
fortunate that they appear to have no name of their own.
It would hardly be justifiable to call the four groups of Palaenegrids iocal

forms', partly because three of them are spread over such huge areas that the
word 'local' is scarcely applicable, and partly because the people composing
them (especially the Palaenegrid 3 group) are more diverse and harder to define
satisfactorily than most local forms are.
in what follows, the names of the four groups will be written Pan 1, Pan 2,
Pan 3, and Pan 4 wherever abbreviation seems desirable.
The Kafrids occupy an enormous territory in the eastern part of Africa,
from just north of the equator to the southern coast, and they extend across the
continent in a narrow strip almost to its western fringe (Fig. 58). The sub-
race as a whole is a hybrid one, and the various tribes are hybrid to different
degrees. Miscegenation has occurred not only with Aethiopids, but also with
Sanids. The Aethiopid influence shows itself particularly clearly among the
Zulu of eastern Africa and the Ovaherero (Damara) of the west. Characters of
the skull suggest that the Tswana (of what is now Botswana) possess the
largest share of Sanid ancestry. 12521 It has already been remarked that the
Kafrids merge with the Palaenegrids, so that it is particularly difficult to decide
where to draw the dividing-line on the map. It would have been legitimate to ex-
pand the area assigned to the Kafrids, at the expense of the Palaenegrids. Still,
the typical Kafrid differs significantly enough from the typical Palaenegrid. for
he lacks those characters of the latter that appear grob or grassier to a Euro-
pean eye. In general, the stature is somewhat greater, despite the rather short
legs; the head is higher and longer, the prognathy less marked; and the nose,
though still rather broad, approximates more closely to the Europid form. The
chin is more prominent than that of the Palaenegrids. Facial and body-hair is
moderately developed in the male. The scalp-hair of adults in some cases tends
to twist into separate tufts. This is a common occurrence among youthful
Negrids, but not in adultPalaenegrids (nor Sudanids).
The inclination of the lumbar region and pelvis produces in some cases, es-
pecially among women, a particular posture with 'hanging' abdomen that is
reminiscent of the Sanid. The broadshoulders, narrow pelvis, thin 'calf, and
short, flat foot are common Negrid characters. The skin of Kafrids is par-
ticularly variable in colour in the different tribes, but often paler (and in some
tribes much paler) than that of most Palaenegrids. The iris of the eye is brown.
Such, then, are the Negrids, with two very distinct subraces. the Sudanids
and and two that are much more diverse and more hybridized, the
Nilotids,
Palaenegrids and Kafrids. The tribes that will be most frequently mentioned are
listed and classified in their subraces in Appendix 7 (pp. 550-51).
The Nilo-Hamites (p. 226) and Fulbe (pp. 227-8) are too diverse in ancestry to
constitute a taxon in the zoological sense, and they cannot be regarded without
qualification as forming parts of the Negrid race. They will not be considered in
what follows, but their distribution is roughly indicated in the map (Fig. 58);
334 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

FOREIGN INCURSION INTO NEGRID AFRICA:

A HISTORICAL SKETCH
The purpose of this section of the chapter is to explain the selection of the
material on which Chapters 19 and 20 are based.
For the present purpose the vast territory of Negrid Africa may be con-
sidered in two parts. One of these corresponds roughly with those marked
'Sudanid', 'Palaenegrid 2', and 'UNCLASSIFIED tribes' in Fig. 58; the
other comprises all the rest of the shaded areas except that marked
'NILOHAMITES', with which we are not concerned here.
The first of these two areas is that into which foreigners penetrated deeply
and from many directions many centuries ago. Unfortunately they did not
leave adequate accounts of the indigenous culture of the Negrids as it existed at
the time of their entry. It is evident that they profoundly affected the lives of the
native inhabitants by the introduction of some of their own customs and
beliefs, and as a result this part of Africa is less suitable than the other for
studies of the capacity of Negrids to build up cultures of their own; for the in-
terior of the other area was entered much later and much less extensively, and
the influence on native culture was therefore far less, with the result that we can
gain an impression of the indigenous mode of life from the reports left by the
European explorers who entered the country in the nineteenth century.

Since we
shall not be concerned with the first or 'penetrated' area of Negrid
Africa Chapters 19 or 20, and shall be only partly concerned with it in
in
Chapter 21, the history of foreign incursion into it will here be sketched in very
brief outline.
Trade across the Sahara had begun to develop in the Greek and Roman
periods of North African history, and the general directions of some of the
caravan routes of those early times are known. 15821 Salt, cloth, copper, and
ornaments were carried south to the Negroes of the region of the Niger and
Lake Chad in exchange for gold and slaves.
In the great area of savannah that separates the Sahara from the forests
further south, large states or 'empires' began to develop under the influence of
non-Negrid invaders from the north. As early as the fourth century A.D.,
Berbers and Jews seem to have established peaceful dominion over these states,
but subsequently the foreign rulers were overthrown and the Negrids became
masters in their own territories. What would have been the ultimate fate of
these states if they had been left to their own devices can never be known, for
the rise of Islam transformed the cultural life of northern Africa. The
enthusiasm of the adherents to the new faith made itself felt right across the
continent to the Atlantic coast and also southwards, deep into the land of the
Negroes.
In the eleventh century Ghana was conquered by Berber followers of Ibn Yasin. The
Negro rulers of Mali became Muslims, and by the fourteenth century their empire
extended over 10° of latitude. The trade with the north brought such riches to this state
that in 1324 the ruler made a magnificent pilgrimage to Mecca with 500 slaves,
showering gold upon the Egyptians as he went. 15821 By the next century a part of what
had been Mali territory had fallen to the Songhai empire, which also engaged
 THE NEGRIDS I 335

energetically in trade with the Mediterranean area. Here again the ruler was a Muslim
who made a pilgrimage to Mecca.
A Europid people, the Fulbe or Ful, had found their way into Hausa territory by
the end of the thirteenth century. |957i and although they did not actually take
possession of the country, they soon established themselves over wide areas as
members of a ruling class. The Fulbe intermarried with the Negroes, but most of
— —
them especially those in settled communities retained the Islamic faith. They dis-
tributed themselves here and there over West Africa and no doubt made foreign ideas
familiar to many Negroes who were not actually converted to Mohammedanism.
Among the important Sudanid tribes that to a large extent adopted Islam were the
Wolofl957i and Malinke.i268iOf the hybrid tribes the ones chiefly affected were naturally
those living furthest north, among them the Songhai, Haussa, Kanuri. Baghirmi. and
Fur.
The extent of Moorish, Arabic, and European influence in the first or
'penetrated' area is well revealed in Mungo Park's account of his expeditions
into Sudanid territory in 1795-7 and 1805.1818. 8i9l Far beyond the limits of
previous exploration by Europeans, Mohammedan culture was well established
among a considerable proportion of the Negrid population. At various places
situated from nearly 60 to 220 miles beyond these limits. Park found a
Mohammedan schoolmaster who possessed not only the Koran but books of
commentaries on it; there were Negroes who possessed Arabic versions of the
Pentateuch, Psalms of David, and Book of Isaiah, and who could tell biblical
stories in their own (Mandingo) language as a result; and in one place in this
area there was a Negro who possessed a large collection of Arabic books. At
another place in the same area Park came across a Negro who practised the art
of making gunpowder, using sulphur imported by Moors from the Mediterra-
nean region, and at yet another there was a Mandingo merchant who possessed
houses built in the style of English architecture as seen on the lower reaches of
the River Gambia; his food was served on pewter dishes. Park's experiences
were thus very different from those of the European explorers who entered the
second, more secluded area in the middle part of the nineteenth century.
was the Portuguese who first brought Eiaropean influence round the coast
It

of West Africa into the Gulf of Guinea and thus into Palaenegrid 2 territory.
Cape Bojador in lat. 27°N. remained for a long time the limit of European
exploration of the West African coast, but in 1434 one of the ships sent out by
Prince Henry of Portugal rounded this point and opened the way to the south.
Small quantities of gold were obtained not long afterwards and provided a
great stimulus to further exploration. By 1475 it was known that the metal was
available in large quantities round the bend of the coast in Ghana. The develop-
ment of active trade between Portugal and the Guinea coast made foreigners
and foreign customs familiar over a large part of the area inhabited by those
Sudanids and Pan 2s who lived beyond the reach of Mohammedan influence.

In the 'secluded' part of Negrid Africa, lying to the east and south of the
'penetrated' part with which we have been concerned, the external influence
was mainly non-existent or very except in certain places on or near the
slight,
coast; and Europeans knew little about the inhabitants of central Africa before
336 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

the middle of the nineteenth century. It is significant that in Labouret's book

L'Afrique precolonialeA623] more than seven times as much space is devoted to

the penetrated as to the secluded area, despite the fact that the latter was con-
siderably larger. Yet it is to the latter area that our attention must be almost
wholly directed, since our object is to assess the capacity of Negrids to advance
towards a civilization of their own. It follows that the evidence on which con-
clusions are to be based must be derived mainly from observations made in the
huge area occupied by the Nilotids, Kafrids, Pan 7s, and Pan is, in the pre-
colonial period.
In presenting information about the history of the secluded area, it will be
convenient to start at its north-eastern or Nilotid corner (see Fig. 58) and
from there to pass down the east coast, round the southern tip of the continent,
and finally up the western coast until the limit of the area is reached at the junc-
tion of Pan 1 with Pan 2 territory. Mention will be made of the journeys made
by traders into the interior from various points on the coast, and of the depots
they established in remote districts. They themselves left little information
about their own contacts with the natives, and we must rely on the accounts of
the nineteenth-century explorers for our knowledge of the extent to which
Negrids in this area had already been affected (if at all) by foreign incursions
(see Chapter 19).
In the map (Fig. 61) and also in the text of the chapters on the Negrids,
the names of the tribes and places are spelled nearly or exactly as the original
authors spelled them, so as to make it easy to confirm the accuracy of what is
recorded here. (See Appendix 7, pp. 550-51.)
The Nilotids remained for a long time almost free from external influence.
The ancient camel-routes across the Sahara passed well to the west of them,
and the Nile itself was far from providing a convenient approach. Direct
passage up the river from Egypt was made difficult not only by the cataracts in
the lower part of its course, but even more so further upstream by the

periodical accumulation of enormous masses of entangled aquatic vegetation.

For long ages this sudd constituted a formidable barrier between the Egyptians
and the Negrid tribes to the south.
Traders and ivory, loosely called 'Turks' and 'Arabs' in the history
in slaves
of exploration, eventually established a trading-post at Gondokoro in the
southern Sudan, a little downstream from a series of waterfalls that prevented
any further passage by boats. The fierce Baris of this district made travel by
land precarious, but trade was carried out by armed parties over a limited dis-
tance. When Spekel996l passed northwards from the region of the great lakes in
1862, the furthest outpost of the traders was at Faloro in Acholi (M) territory,
nearly 120 miles south of Gondokoro and to the north-east of Lake Albert.
They had not yet penetrated into Unyoro {Ka) at that time, but a party of them
did so immediately afterwards, just in advance of [Link] Some of the traders
who were in Unyoro at the same time as Baker were literate persons, ac-
customed to communicate with one another by letter; but they were concerned
with their trade and not in the least with the propagation of economic, intellec-
tual, ethical, or any other ideas. When Schweinfurthl95il penetrated into the
district of the Bahr-el-Ghazal {Ni and Pan 3), to the west of the upper White
 /^ "^ \ShiT
,

EtW..,,iK
-

Chaillu'

61 Porr of Africa, to show the explorers' routes

The places where they met members of certain tribes are also shown (not necessarily at the centres of tribal
territories). The names of tribes are written in italics. For explanations of 'X". 'Y\ and 'Z'. see text.

Original map.
338 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

Nile, he found conditions similar to those encountered by Speke and Baker to

the east of the latter river. There were a few widely separated trading-posts,
mostly under the control of 'Arabs' sent out by merchants resident in Khar-
tum.
Before the nineteenth century a large proportion of the Kafrids and Pan 1
Palaenegrids developed their own cultures with only indirect interference from
the outside world, but it is necessary to consider such foreign influence as did in
fact exist over the enormous area of Africa occupied by these peoples (Fig.
58). No attempt will be made to treat the subject comprehensively, but the
examples given, representing the state of afTairs in various parts of the country,
may suffice to give a general impression.
Centuries before Christ, sailors were already accustomed to make voyages
from Egypt to beyond the Red Sea. The discovery of the trade winds by the
Alexandrian merchant Hippalus in A.D. 45 gave a great stimulus to the
exploration of the African coasts of the Indian Ocean. A number of foreign
settlements were founded along the east coast of Africa, especially from the
seventh century A.D. onwards, and by the end of the tenth or thereabouts
Arabs and Persians had established trading-posts as far down the coast as
Sofala.15821 Several of these settlements were built on islands near the shore,
such as Mombasa, Zanzibar, and Kilwa Kisiwani (Fig. 61), presumably
for safety from raids by coastal natives. Slaves, ivory, and gold were exported,
and in return there were imports of beads, cloth, and other articles valued by
the Negroes. The influence of the foreigners was not, however, very great,
because they did not attempt to take possession of any wide strips of territory,
though no doubt the traders often went inland with their goods.
The Portuguese were the first Europeans to gain knowledge of these outposts
of the Muslim world. Towards the end of the fifteenth century Diaz had
rounded the Cape of Good Hope, but had not reached the Arab settlements.
Shortly afterwards Covilha left Aden in an Arab ship and passed down the east
coast to Sofala. He reported to the Portuguese authorities from Cairo in 1491.
Vasco da Gama brought the first European ships to this part of the world in
1498. Passing round the Cape of Good Hope he missed Sofala and came first
into port at Kilimane. Here the Portuguese found a town with streets, shops,
tall stone buildings, and mosques. 14631 They passed on to the large Arab town

of Mozambique and then to Mombasa and Malindi, before continuing their

historic voyage that opened direct commerce between Europe and India. It was
chiefly to protect their trade with India that the Portuguese established colonies
on the East African coast, though they were interested also in the gold exported
from Sofala. Early in the sixteenth century they already controlled the whole of
the East African coast from south of Sofala to north of Malindi. The Arabs
paid tribute and continued their trade. The chief settlements of the Portuguese
were at Sofala, Mozambique, and Kilwa Kisiwani. Forts and churches were
built; slaves were exported, as they had been for centuries past by the Arabs;
beads and cloth were brought in.
Arabs and other eastern Europids gradually established themselves inland at
a few places on the main trade-routes between the east coast of the African
continent and the interior. The most notable of these were at Ujiji, on the
 THE NEGRIDS I 339

eastern shore of Lake Tanganyika, and at Kaze, south of Lake Victoria.

Kaze, nowadays called Tabora, is no less than 430 miles in a direct line from
the sea at the nearest point, and 525 by the route that was actually followed
from the coast opposite Zanzibar.l32| When Speke was there in 1861 he found
a considerable town, with Arab and Indian merchants permanently in
residence.19961 He describes it as 'the great central slave and ivory merchants'
depot'. A 'whole conclave' of Arab merchants came to call on him here. There
were several little settlements further on, in Karagwe. The most remote had
been at Ngandu, west of Lake Victoria and north of the Kagera River, but this
was no longer occupied at the time of Speke's visit. Strangely enough, a Beluchi
had formerly made his home in what is now southern Uganda, and Arab
merchants had often visited Mutesa, the king of Buganda, at his palace. Apart
from the slave trade, which will be considered briefly in the next chapter (pp.
364-5), the foreign merchants who penetrated to central Africa in these regions
had scarcely any effect on native beliefs or customs. A few Negrids in the im-
mediate vicinity of the Arab establishments may have become nominal
Muslims, but it is doubtful whether genuine conversion to Islam occurred at the
inland depots.
When Livingstone reached Zumbo (Fig. 61) in 1856 on his journey across Africa
from west to east, he found the ruins of a Portuguese church and of eight or ten stone
houses. The place was 395 miles from the coast, and a much greater distance along the
windings of the Zambesi. The Portuguese had left behind them no living trace of their
culture; the explorer described the natives of this region as 'savages". Tete was at that

time the outpost of permanent Portuguese settlement in the interior of Africa; here
Livingstone found a littlecommunity of soldiers and civilians, with a fort and some
thirty houses built in European style. Formerly, however, the settlement had been
larger.

The Portuguese had long been in touch with the natives of the gold-producing coun-
try that is now Rhodesia, and one of their missionaries is believed to have lived at
Khami, west of the present city of Bulawayo.* at some *ime during the seventeenth
century or perhaps even The stone cross still preserved at No. 2 Hill Ruin
earlier. hioi

(the 'Cross" Ruin) at Khami is supposed to have marked the site of his grave, but the
evidence for this is slender. There was also at one time a Jesuit mission at Mt.
Gorongoza, between Sofala and Tete. but this was no longer occupied in Livingstone's
time. 16761
Foreigners had penetrated individually or in small parties to certain districts cf
central Africaadvance of Livingstone. An Italian had gone beyond Zumbo
in

into Batonga {Pan 1) territory and reached the point marked 'Y" on the map (Fig.
61).I676| About the end of the eighteenth or beginning of the nineteenth century a

former commandant at Tete. Dr. Lacerda. accompanied by another Portuguese, had

explored so far as Kasempa (Kazembe). in what is now the north-west corner of
Zambia. 16761 Livingstone found a party of half-caste Portuguese traders at Linyanti and
another at Naliele. far up towards the source of the Zambesi (Fig. 61). The leader of
the latter party had actually sent letters by an Arab from Naliele to Mozambique.
Since the Portuguese was himself based on Loanda. the continent had thus in fact been

* Not the Bulawayo shown near the south-east coast of Africa in Fig. 61.
340 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

spanned by foreigners from coast to coast before Livingstone's great journey.

(Galtoni378iremarks that a Portuguese, Pereira, had crossed Africa from Mozambique
to Benguela well before his or Livingstone's time, but this seems to lack confirmation.)
Livingstone mentions the presence of another group of half-caste Portuguese traders at
Shinti, north of Naliele, but the chief here had never seen a full Europid before
Livingstone's arrival. A party of Arab traders reached the vicinity of Naliele from Zan-
zibar while Livingstone was there.

The Portuguese established themselves at Delagoa Bay in the eighteenth

century. The local chief, Dingiswayo, probably began to trade with them about
1800. The natives (Ka) brought their goods to the coast, for the Portuguese did
not penetrate inland from here. The English trader Fynn was the first European
to visit the Zulu capital.13731 This was in 1824, when Chaka had succeeded
Dingiswayo. Fynn was an associate of Lieuts. Farewell and King in the foun-
dation of the little European settlement at Port Natal (later Durban) in that
year. Further information about this remarkable man is given on pp. 344-5.
About 1825 was a Christian missionary at Buntingville, at the south-
there
east extremity of Africa.13731 Along all the 480 miles from here to just south of
Delagoa Bay, in country occupied by the Amapondo (Ka), Zulu (Ka), and
other tribes, no foreigner had made his home.
In the south-eastern part of Africa very little was known about Europeans
before the beginning of the nineteenth century. About that time a European
(probably a Dr. Cowan) had come on horseback from Boer territory. His
appearance had caused astonishment, and marvels were still related about him
in later years. 13731 His hat, though known to be removable, was supposed to be
part of his head; he was mounted on an unknown animal capable of great
speed, and he carried a pole that spat fire and thunder and killed wild animals

at a [Link] unfortunate man was put to death in the belief that he was
an unnatural animal.
About this time very extraordinary notions about Europeans were enter-
tained by some of the natives of this part of Africa.13731 It was supposed that
they were not actually men at all, but marine creatures that traversed the ocean
Their food was the tusks of elephants, which were laid on the
in large shells.
shore for them to take away. In return they brought beads, which they had
collected from the bottom of the sea.
The Scottish missionary Robert Moffat established himself at Kuruman in
Bechuana (Ka) territory in 1826. Here he was joined by Livingstone in 1840.
The latter soon made expeditions to the north, then extended them as far as
Lake Ngami, and subsequently undertook the explorations of central Africa
that made him famous throughout the world.
The Dutch East India Company established itself at Table Bay in 1652 to
supply its ships engaged in trade with the east. A very large part of what is now
the Cape Province was uninhabited by Negrids when Europeans founded their
settlements here and along the south coast. The native population, like that of
much of South West Africa, consisted of Hottentots and Bushmen. The
Kalahari Desert, very sparsely populated, stood between the Europeans of the
Cape and the Negrids of central Africa. It was not until towards the end of the
eighteenth century that the European colonists of South Africa first came into
 THE NEGRIDS I 341

close contact with the Kafrids, during the course of the latter's great migration
towards the south. The meeting took place in the region of the Great Fish
River, beyond Grahamstown. There was no immediate settlement among
Negrid populations, because the two peoples wished to extend their territories
and the resulting hostility led to a succession of Kaffir
in opposite directions,
Wars.
Climatic conditions long interfered with penetration into Africa along the
southern part of the west coast. Not far north of Cape Town the so-called
'Mediterranean' vegetation is replaced by desert steppe and then by actual
desert, which extends all the way to the southern border of Angola. The infer-
tilityof the coastal region and the low density of population further inland
saved such natives as there were in this part of the continent from the slave
trade and to a large extent kept them free from contact of any sort with the out-
side world. In the middle of the nineteenth century only a few isolated
Europeans had made homes inland from Walvis Bay. Galton reports that
their
a Russian missionarywas living with his English wife at Barmen in 1850. and
the next year he came across a Dutchman living in extreme isolation from
other Europeans at the point marked 'Z' on the map (Fig. 61). A few
Europeans had penetrated overland from the south and lived at Rehoboth in
Hottentot country. 1377]
Further north, where the coastal climate was more genial and capable of
supporting a considerable population, the Portuguese had already made con-
tact with the natives in the distant past. The capital of the king of Congo,
situated a hundred miles from the coast, had actually received Portuguese
This potentate, whose realms extended from the River Congo
visitors in 1491.
to the Kwanza, agreed to send some of his subjects to Lisbon for instruction,
and the Portuguese transformed his town into a city with a cathedral, churches,
and other stone buildings. 16231 San Salvador, however, did not retain its
splendour. A grandson of Diaz laid the foundation of Loanda in 1576. and
when eventually slaves began to be exported from the Portuguese West African
possessions to supply the sugar plantations of Brazil, the port supplanted the
inland city, which was gradually deserted by its European population and fell
into ruins.
On his journey from central Africa to the west coast. Livingstone found the extreme
limit of Portuguese authority some 380 miles inland from Loanda. where he met a half-
caste Portuguese sergeant of militia. |676| At Kasanje. about fifty miles further towards
the coast, he came to a little settlement of male Portuguese, unaccompanied by any
Portuguese women. Here Easter Day was celebrated not only by the Europeans, but
also by some of the native population.
The French established themselves in Gabon in 1839. but it was not
necessary for them to penetrate far inland in search of trade, since the coastal
natives (Mpongwe, Pan 1 ) were active intermediaries with the inland peoples in
this respect. As a result there was little penetration of the interior by foreigners
until exploration was undertaken by Du Chaillu in 1856.|200|

What has just been said may be summarized as follows. When explorers
entered central Africa in the nineteenth century. Arab and Portuguese
342 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

settlements had long been established here and there on the coasts and
neighbouring islands, and foreign traders had set up depots far inland at Kaze,
Ujiji, Tete. Kasanje, and a few other widely separated places. In most of these,
however, no attempt had been made to convert or educate the native in-
habitants. Here and there a very small number of foreigners was scattered at
wide intervals along the main trade-routes, some of them in permanent
residence. In the region of the upper Zambesi valley there had been only a few
occasional visitors — mostly half-castes —
from the outside world, and in many
other parts of the interior there had been none at all. Even certain coastal dis-
tricts had not yet been visited by foreigners.
As a result of these circumstances, the explorers saw the Negrids before their
modes of life had been much changed by foreign intervention. There had,
however, been certain modifications. The extent of these is discussed in
Chapter 19, in preparation for the attempt made in Chapter 20 to give some
impression of the indigenous culture of the Negrids and thus provide a basis for
the assessment of their capacity for unaided progress towards civilization.
 19 TheNegrids
II. Foreign influences on culture

It HAS been shown in Chapter 18 that in the early part of the nineteenth
century, over a huge area of inland Africa occupied by Nilotids. Kafrids. and
Palaenegrids, there had been little opportunity — —
and in most places none for
the direct inculcation of ideas that had originated in more advanced countries
of the external world. Yet foreigners did in fact exert some indirect influence
even on remote districts. These effects of other cultures are the subject of the
present chapter.

To obtain information about the life of Nilotids, Kafrids, and Palaenegrids

(Pan 1, Pan 3, and Pan 4)\n ^he pre-colonial period, it is necessary to turn to
the works of the explorers of Africa in the nineteenth century. It would scarcely
be possible or rewarding, however, to try to consider critically all the many
reports handed down to posteriority by these men. It has seemed best to select
a limited number of those who visited the country during the half-century
beginning about 1820, and to make a careful study of their findings. It was im-
portant that the explorations should cover many different parts of the huge
territory, and that the chosen men should be acute observers, interested in
native customs and as unprejudiced as possible. They should preferably be per-
sons with markedly different characters and backgrounds, so that uniformity of
outlook caused by similar upbringing could not give a misleading impression.
The men chosen with these principles in view are listed below, with the dates
of the explorations that will be considered in what follows. Some of their obser-
vations have already been recorded in Chapter 18.

H. F. Fynn|373]
344 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

apply to the 1890 edition. The earliest edition of Schweinfurth's book was used; that is

to say, the Englisn edition, published in 1873. (9511 The first German edition was
published in the following year.
The routes followed by the selected explorers are shown in Fig. 61. The
name of each is written beside the place on the map from which
he set out, and
his route is indicated by a distinctive line. The tribes on which they made most
of their observations are named. They are listed in Appendix 7 (pp. 550-51),
with the names of the explorers who visited them. The majority of the tribes
were visited by only one of the explorers, and it is therefore unnecessary to give
a reference to the authority for each statement; a glance at Appendix 7 will give
the information.
It has already been mentioned that the names of most of the tribes are
written in this book nearly or exactly as the explorers wrote them, so as to
make it easy to find them in their books. Alternative names, most of them more

accurate or according better with modern phonetic principles, are given in

Appendix 7.

The choice of the seven explorers was necessarily to some extent arbitrary.
Isaacs[544|might have been chosen instead of Fynn, the Pethericksl839| instead
of Schweinfurth; other possibilities will suggest themselves to students of
African exploration. The seven were chosen as fulfilling best the requirements
that have been mentioned. It is improbable that a very different picture would
have been presented if another set of explorers had been substituted, or a full
study made of the writings of a larger number of explorers. A certain amount
of information relating to particular areas not visited by the chosen seven is
given, however, in Chapter 21.
A brief note on each of the explorers now follows.
Henry Francis Fynn was the first person to make a detailed study of the
group of Kafrid tribes that were welded together, by Dingiswayo and especially
by Chaka, under the collective name of Zulu. Fynn did not penetrate nearly so
far inland as the other six explorers, but he travelled throughout in territory
almost entirely unknown to Europeans. He had been supercargo on a ship
engaged in an unsuccessful attempt to open trade with the natives of St. Lucia
Bay, when he chanced to meet in Cape Town two Lieutenants of the Royal
Navy, G. F. Farewell and J. S. King, just as they were planning to found a
settlement at Port Natal (afterwards Durban) with the intention of trading with
Chaka (see pp. 389-90). Fynn entered into partnership with them.
Fynn was a man of extraordinary character, combining fearlessness and
capacity for endurance with common sense, modesty, and sensitiveness to the
feelings of other people of whatever race. Isaacs, a trader who went into
partnership with him afterwards in Zululand, wrote of him:
He was highly beloved by the natives, who looked up to him with more
than ordinary veneration, for he had been often instrumental in saving their
lives, and, in moments of pain and sickness, had administered to their
relief. (5441

Fynn himself wrote:

A long residence, the author is not ashamed to confess, had endeared the
 THE NEGRIDS II 345

people to him, but he has adhered strictly to plain matter of fact in describing
their persons, manners and customs.
He had had, no doubt, less formal education than the other six explorers,
and indeed he put his diary into the hands of more literate persons that it might
be presented to the public in an acceptable form; yet none of the others made
so detailed a study of any particular tribe (or group of tribes) as he did of the
Zulu. Stuart, one of the editors of his diary, wrote of him:
The fact is that Fynn stood and still stands in a category of his own, and it
is this freely and unanimously accorded precedence which straightway in-

vests almost everything from him about the earliest days of Natal and
Zululand with a distinction and quality of its own. 10211 1

Fynn was a good linguist and became fluent in the Zulu tongue during his
ten years' residence in the country. On leaving Natal at the end of 1834 he
became Headquarters Interpreter to Governor Sir Benjamin D'Urban on the
outbreak of war with the Xhosa tribe.
The demonstrable inaccuracies in Fynn's diary are so trivial as to be scarcely worth
mentioning. When he wrote of 'wolves' he must have intended to refer to the African
hunting-dog {Lycaon pictus). Unlike the other explorers, he did not survey his routes,

but his descriptions leave no doubt about where he went. Although the coast of Natal
runs roughly N.E. and S.W., and indeed more nearly N. and S. than E. and W., yet he
adopts the strange convention that it runs E. and W. Thus, when he wishes to say that
he travelled along the coast from Port Natal in the direction of Delagoa Bay. he says
that he is going 'east', and in the opposite direction 'west'.
It is well known that David Livingstone undertook
his stupendous journeys
of exploration partly because he believed that Christianity would be most easily
introduced into central Africa if convenient trade-routes to the coast could be
established; yet it is obvious from his own writings that he had an intense urge
to explore and to carry out geological and biological investigations. One cannot
fail to be astonished at the brevity with which he explains his reasons for
deciding to explore a route from central Africa to the west coast; but more
extraordinary still is the economy of words with which he records his decision,
made when at last he had reached that coast, that the route was not suitable for
trade (because of the taxes imposed by the native chiefs), and that he must
therefore turn round whole way back through central Africa and
and travel the
then on again to pioneer a way to the Indian Ocean. He makes no more fuss
about the necessity to become the first European to cross the continent, than
many a motorist would make if he found a road closed to trafl^c and had to
make a short detour. Throughout his book he gives the impression of being an
exceptionally unemotional person, tending to minimize rather than to
exaggerate. 'The Boers,' he remarks laconically, 'by taking possession of all my
goods, have saved me the trouble of making a will.' (To prevent misunderstan-
ding it should be mentioned that he refers here to a particular group of persons.
Of the Boers in general he remarks that they are 'a sober, industrious, and most
hospitable body of peasantry'.)
An amusing instance of Livingstone's capacity to glide smoothly from
religion to science is provided by the following passage. 'Walking down to the
forest, after telling these poor people [Batonga, Pan 1 ], for the first time in their
346 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

lives, that Son of God had so loved them as to come down from heaven to
the
save them, observed many regiments of black soldier ants, returning from
I

their marauding expeditions' —

and he goes straight on to devote more than
three pages to the habits of ants and related topics of natural history. In
another place he gives an interesting account of the careful experiments he per
formed in an attempt to find out whether the larvae of Cercopidae (froghopper
insects) obtain the fluid for their 'cuckoo-spit' from the atmosphere or from the
sap of the plants on which they live. Livingstone also made a noteworthy con-
tribution to evolutionary theory, which appears to have been overlooked by
historians of biology. (See Appendix 8, p. 552.)
It scarcely needs to be said that Livingstone, as a medical missionary,

adopted a humane and enlightened attitude towards the Negroes. Of his

carriers he writes, 'I speak to them and treat them as rational beings, and
generally get on well with them in consequence.' He makes generous reference
to the kindness shown to him by people of certain tribes. 'I earnestly long to
return, and make some recompense to them iBarotse. Pan 1\ for their
kindness.' 'After long observation. I came to the conclusion that they
[Makololo, Ka\ are just such a strange mixture of good and evil, as men are
everywhere else. ... by a selection of cases of either kind, it would not be
difficult to make these people appear excessively good or uncommonly bad.'
The reliability of Livingstone's record of events can scarcely be challenged.
He surveyed his routes accurately by astronomical observations. One can
seldom find a slip of any kind in his book. His classification of Negro tribes is.
however, rather illogical, and he is not consistent in his usage of tribal names.
In one place, for instance, he equates the Makololo with the Basuto: in another
he treats them as separate. In common with others of his time, he sometimes
writes 'alligators' for crocodiles.
It is a far cry from Livingstone to Galton — from the missionary to the rather
cold intellectual. Not everyone thinks of this remarkable and most versatile
man as an explorer. Galton's fame rests chiefly on the achievements of his later
life in the fields of meteorology, eugenics, and criminology. Yet his adventures
when he was travelling as a young man in South West Africa were remarkable
enough. He penetrated a considerable distance through unknown territory
towards the part of the continent where Livingstone was then at work. He tells
his story drily in the main, with only occasional attempts to entertain the
reader. The most striking exception occurs when he is confronted by the enor-
mous buttocks of a Hottentot woman and is torn between his desire to record
their measurements with scientific accuracy and his delicate consideration for
the modesty of their possessor. 'I was perfectly aghast at her development,' he
writes. Luckily he was able to resolve his difficulty by taking observations with
his sextant and then measuring the distance to where the woman had stood.
Finally he 'worked out the results by trigonometry and logarithms'.
Galton is perhaps the severest and least sympathetic of the seven, but there
is nothing to suggest any prejudice against the native inhabitants; he distributes

praise or blame as it appears to have been deserved. Though not warm-hearted,

he had the capacity for humane feelings. He was incensed by the brutal
behaviour of an exploring expedition that entered South West Africa long after
 THE NEGRIDS II 347

he had returned home. He wrote of Ovamboland (Ka) as 'the happy country of

a noble and a kindly negro race, which has now. for the first time, been con-
fronted and humbled before the arrogant strength of the white man".
It would be strange indeed if one could impugn the accuracy of such a meticulously

careful person,and indeed the honesty of the reporting is transparent. Still, it must be
admitted that he does make a few slips. 'Alligators' appear several times, and on one
occasion he thinks he has seen 'deer'. It seems probable that the use of these words was
laxer in his time than it is today.
Du was an American, a trader and the son of a trader in western
Chaillu
Africa. His post was on the right bank of the Gabon River near its mouth. His
explorations did not carry him very far inland, but he penetrated farther up the
Muni, Ogowe, and Rembo Rivers than anyone of European ancestry had ever
gone before. Although he traded to some extent on his numerous exploring
expeditions, it is clear that this was not his main purpose in going inland. He
was an enthusiastic amateur naturalist, with a considerable knowledge of birds:
but he was animated above all by a determination to be the first white man to
study the gorilla in its native haunts —
in fulfilment of which he was eminently

successful. He laid no claim to be an anthropologist, but his descriptions of the

natives and their customs appear to be factual, objective, and unprejudiced. He
accumulated extensive collections of objects made by the people through
whose territory he passed, and many of these are illustrated in his book.
He gives the impression of having been a warm-hearted, enthusiastic,
truthful, but not very intellectual traveller. He minimizes rather than
exaggerates the rigours of African exploration. He was a religious man.
genuinely concerned with the welfare of native peoples. A few extracts will
demonstrate his lack of prejudice against them.
I met everywhere in my travels men and women honest, well-meaning,
and in every way and the very fact that a white
entitled to respect and trust:
man could travel alone, single-handed, and without powerful backers.
through this rude country without being molested or robbed, is sufficient
evidence that the negro race is not unkindly natured.
I never forget the kindness of the women iBakalai. Pan / to me
shall 1

while I was
sick. Poor souls! they are sadly abused by their task-masters
[husbands!: are the merest slaves, have to do all the drudgery, and take
blows and ill-usage besides: and yet at the sight of suffering their hearts
soften just as in our more civilized lands.

Women lApingi. Pan 1 1 are ever kind and ready to help the helpless even
in brutalized Africa.
Du Chaillu relates that on one occasion he and his party, nearing starvation,
came unexpectedly upon some Negroes of the Ashira [Pan 1] tribe. These
people, to whomwere total strangers, and who must have regarded
his party
Du Chaillu himself almost as an apparition from another world, at once
provided them with food.
When Du Chaillu first reported his experiences, especially those with the
gorilla, he was met with a good deal of incredulity. Time has proved the essen-
tial truth of what he wrote, though he was not so accurate as the other
348 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

explorers. He nowhere reveals his survey methods, and although he gives a

detailed map, one cannot be quite certain of his routes. He mentions a river
running 'easterly', when obviously it flowed towards the west. He shows little
concern for the correct names of animals. He writes of deer, tigers, vampire
bats, 'touracaw', toucan, and humming-birds, none of which are names proper
ly applicable to animals inhabiting the Ethiopian zoogeographical region. It

seems incredible that anyone so much interested in birds as he was. and so

knowledgeable about them in some ways, should not be aware that what he
called a 'toucan' was in fact a hornbill. Carelessness, not ignorance, surely
provides the explanation.
Speke, a Captain in H.M. Indian Army, ranks with Livingstone and Baker
as one of the greatest African [Link] he undertook the journey with
which we are concerned in this book, he had already made two expeditions to
Africa with Burton, on the second of which he had discovered the Victoria
Nyanza. He now set out with Grant from the mainland opposite Zanzibar, to
pass clockwise round the lake until he should find the outflow of the Nile. He
gives the impression of having been a rather typical army officer of his
time — brave, (though rather harsh in his dealings with
persevering, just
delinquents), on the whole warm-hearted, and generous to those who dealt
faithfully with him. He writes in a straightforward style, but with a strong
tendency to long-windedness. The details he gives of the taxes or hongo paid to
various chiefs through whose territories he had to pass are almost intolerably
tedious.
He was a careful observer of native life. T profess accurately to describe
native Africa,' he writes, '
— Africa in those places where it has not received the
slightest impulse, whether for good or evil, from European civilization.' He
points out frankly the deficiencies he found in the people of certain tribes, but
he is clearly unprejudiced. 'To say a negro is incapable of instruction', he
remarks, 'is a mere absurdity; for those few boys who have been educated in
our schools have proved themselves even quicker than our own at learning."
Speke's accuracy is beyond reproach. One cannot find in his book any little
slip similar to those already mentioned in the accounts of the other explorers.
When he returned to England he was strongly attacked by his former compa-
nion, Burton,[i73l and certain other geographers, who were unprepared to
accept his account of the source of the Nile. It was arranged that he should
confront Burton at a meeting of the British Association for the Advancement
of Science, but on the very morning of the day appointed for this purpose he
tripped at a stile when out shooting, and was killed by the discharge of his gun.
Subsequent explorations confirmed the accuracy of Speke's geographical
researches. His map and Burton's are put conveniently side by side in the
latter's book.li73l One can see at a glance that Speke's was essentially correct,
while Burton's was entirely wrong.
When Speke little trading-post of Gondokoro. after having
reached the
proved that the Nile flows from Lake Victoria, he found Samuel Baker and
Florence von Sass, who had set out in the opposite direction with the intention
of discovering the source of the river, and Baker left for the south to study the
still unknown regions. Baker proved —
as Speke had suspected, from native
 THE NEGRIDS II 349

reports — from the Victoria Nyanza

that the river flows into another large lake,
the Albert Nyanza, before turning northwards as the definitive White Nile.
Baker travelled largely to satisfy his love of adventure. He had formed a
fixed resolve —communicated, when he left civilization, to no one but Florence
von Sass, who was his companion throughout and subsequently became his
wife— to solve the mystery of the Nile sources. The book is remarkable for the
full credit he gives to Speke and Grant, from whose achievement he never tries

to detract one iota. He was the best writer of the seven, a master of clear, direct
English, capable of expressing facts in all their stark reality, yet with humour
and pathos. His obviously genuine grief at the deaths of some of his faithful
companions of various races is touching even at this distance of time. He was a
keen and accurate observer of the native populations of the countries through
which he passed. T will exhibit a picture of savage man precisely as he is.' he
justifiably claims, 'as I saw him; and as I judged him. free from prejudice.'
Baker's writings are as devoid of errors due to carelessness as Speke's. He
seriously misjudged the extent of Lake Albert in the part to which he did not
penetrate, but his survey of nearly the whole of his route is remarkably
accurate, despite the great difficulties under which he worked. His main
geographical discoveries have all been confirmed.
George August Schweinfurth was born in Riga and refers in his book to 'my
Livonian home', but he was in fact a German, and studied botany at German
universities. The main purpose of his expedition of 869-7 1 was to study the
1

vegetation of the country traversed by the Bahr-el-Ghazal and its tributaries.

Although a botanist by training and profession, he was well equipped for obser-
vations in zoology and anthropology. As a surveyor he was not in the same
class as Livingstone, Speke,and Baker, but he was able to make some notable
contributions to geography. He was the first European to penetrate from the
north beyond the Nile-Congo watershed, and the first also to give a full ac-
count of the Azande or 'Niam-Niam' cannibals (Pan 3). His writings are
eminently accurate, but rather dry and humourless (though in one place he
does say of certain Arab women that they were 'little accustomed to keep alive
the sacred fire of Vesta'). When he gives particulars, in the text itself, of the

width and depth of every trivial stream he has to cross, he is even more
tedious —
if that is possible —
than Speke on hongos; but the book is enlivened
by his excellent drawings, which are finished works of art that did not require
the hand of a professional artist to fit them for publication. Of his humanity
there can be no question, for there are many evidences of it. He describes the
slave-traders as 'incarnations of human depravity'. Of the death of little
Tikkitikki, the pygmy (Bambutid) whom he adopted, he remarks:
Never before, I think, had I felt a death so acutely; my grief so weakened
and unmanned me that my energies fiagged entirely. Since that date two
years have passed away, but still the recollection of that season of bitter dis-
appointment is like a wound that opens afresh.
These, then, were the seven men on whom I rely for the information given, in
this chapter and on the next, about Negrid culture in the secluded area. They
had not the training or expertise of modern social anthropologists, but they
belonged to no particular school of thought, and I think the evidence is in-
350 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

disputable that they reported what they saw and gave a reliable general impres-
sion of many aspects of the Negrid life of their times, in the remoter parts of
Africa.

The foreign trade-goods most frequently noticed by the explorers were

beads, which had already spread nearly everywhere. The cannibal Fang tribe
{Pan i) of the interior of Gabon were already using imported beads when the
firstEuropean explorer reached them; they had almost become a 'necessity' in
their lives. It is easily understandable why these objects were particularly

favoured. They were more ornamental than the comparable objects of native
manufacture; they were hard and not subject to spontaneous decay; and their
size and weight were small in relation to the value placed upon them. They
were the standard small change of barter. In East Africa they were imported
mainly from Venice, though the red ones {kadunduguru) came from India.|996l
The eastern trade was mostly in the hands of the Indian merchants (Banyans)
of Zanzibar. In the middle of the nineteenth century no fewer than four hun-
dred varieties of beads were available. It was important for the traveller to
know in advance precisely which varieties were favoured in particular districts.
Explorers were thus at a disadvantage as soon as they entered territories where
the local taste was not yet known by the traders on the coast. The use of im-
ported beads does not appear to have altered the thought-processes of the
native inhabitants to any marked extent, or upset their endemic institutions.
Foreign cloth was exchanged in more important transactions. It was valued
for its intrinsic worth rather than traded repeatedly from hand to hand as a
substitute for money; but the native chiefs of East Africa made large demands
for particular varieties of foreign cloth as part of the hongo required from
travellers for permission to pass through their territories,|9961 and stores of it no

doubt constituted part of their wealth.

American sheeting {merikani) and red Indian stuffs {kiniki) were among the
favoured cloths in East Africa, but there was a remarkable demand for British goods
towards the central part of the continent. Livingstone found the territory between Tete
and Zumbo abundantly supplied with English cotton goods, which were, indeed,
carried further from the coast by Babisa traders to just beyond the confluence of
still

the rivers Kafue and Zambesi. He found 'Manchester goods" at the extreme north of
Barotse {Pan 1) territory, near the frontier with the Balunda (Pan I): the place is
marked 'X' on the map (Fig. 61). These goods had been brought by enterprising Mam-
bari traders. The explorer's Makololo {Ka) carriers, who had not seen such stuffs
before, could not believe them to be the work of mortal hands. 'To Africans our cotton
mills are fairy dreams.' he wrote. A little further along, on his journey towards the west
coast, Livingstone found about a hundred women belonging to a Balunda chief 'clothed
which happened to be a profusion of red baize'.
in their best,

Firearms had not yet reached the central part of the continent. They were
unknown, too, at Kamurasi's palace in Unyoro when Speke first arrived there.
Chaka knew nothing of them, and was at first unwilling to believe that they
could be more effective in warfare than the assagai. In many places, however,
the knowledge of these weapons spread inland well in advance of the white man
himself. Du Chaillu was surprised to find guns and powder 'not at all uncom-
 THE NEGRIDS II 351

mon' among the Bakalai {Pan 1} of Gabon, some 90 miles from the coast; in-

deed, they were the chief articles of trade in this previously unexplored district.
They were used here in hunting. In the region of the watershed between the
Zambesi and the Kasai, at the western limit of the Balunda tribe. Livingstone
found it difficult to obtain food except in exchange for gunpowder. The people
had cleared most of the district of big game by shooting with firearms. In
general, however, the difficulty or impossibility of obtaining a regular supply of
bullets and powder set a limit to the use of muskets, except near trading-posts.
Several of the musical instruments of the Negrids were clearly of foreign in-
vention. Schweinfurth mentions two used by the Azande that will serve as
examples. He calls one of them a mandolin and the other 'something between a
mandolin and a harp'. Both of these seem to fall into the category of harpes
arquees, by Hickmann's definition. 14881 Instruments of this general type consist
of a resonating chamber to which one end of each string is attached; the other
is fixed to a solid curved shaft that forms an extension of the chamber. The

difference from the true harp is that the shaft is not turned back over the
resonating chamber, but forms an obtuse angle with it. Arched harps similar to
those of the Azande were in use in Sumeria three thousand years before the
birth of [Link] A number of specimens from ancient Egypt, preserved in
the Cairo Museum, are described and illustrated in Hickmann's book. 14881
The robaba or rababa of the Mittu and Obbo peoples will serve as an example of
those musical instruments that can neither be claimed nor disclaimed with confidence
as inventions of the Negrids. The name suggests the rahab of Arab countries, but the
latter was a different instrument, played with a bow. The robaba was essentially a lyre,

with a large hollow base and few strings (five in the Mittu version, eight in that of Ob-
bo). The Nubians (Aethiopids) certainly possessed it and called it robaba, but whether
it from them seems to be uncertain. One has the impression that whoever
diffused to or
first made must have previously seen a typical lyre.
it

The objects so far mentioned fall into three categories, as follows. (1) Those,
such as beads, that serve only for ornament or exchange. (2) Those (firearms,
for instance) that can be used for practical purposes but do not lend themselves
to being copied by the people who receive them, or to the making of anything
else. (3) Those that can be used and also copied, but again do not serve to
produce any other object or substance (the arched harp is an example). The
objects classified in categories (1) and (2), and possibly those in (3) also, are
likely to have less effect on ideas and culture than contrivances that are useless
in themselves, but valuable for what they can make, if the recipient will learn to

use them. These contrivances are of two kinds: those that make a decorative or
practically useful object, and those that have as end-product a substance that
can then be fashioned for decorative or practical ends. In the present context
the two kinds are best represented by the loom and the snfielting-furnace
respectively.
There can be scarcely any doubt that weaving was introduced into Negrid
Africa from the north. Livingstone points out that the method of spinning cot-
ton and the construction of the simple looms he saw were the same in Angola
and south-central Africa as those represented on the monuments of ancient
Egypt. More complicated looms than those described by Livingstone were
352 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

observed by Du Chaillu further north, among the Apingi {Pan I ) and Ashira
(Pan 1) tribes. Two sets of 'dividers' were incorporated in these instruments, to
separate the warp and admit the shuttle. The fibre used by the weavers of these
two tribes was a local product, derived from the leaf of an unstated species of
palm. The Ashira cloth was described by Du Chaillu as 'of very fine and
tolerably even texture'. Men were the weavers here, women in Angola. Speke
says that the Wanyamwezi {Ka) were expert in the weaving of cotton on their
looms. It must be remarked, however, that the explorers seldom mention
weaving by members of the very numerous tribes through whose territory they
passed. Schweinfurth attributes the fact that the Monbuttu did not weave to the
lack of any intercourse with Muslims or Christians.
The practice of smelting iron from its ores and forging it into weapons and
toolsis thought to have been brought to the Sudanids by Berbers at some time

during the first five centuries of the Christian era.|207| Knowledge of these
techniques may have spread from the west to all parts of Negrid Africa, but
one cannot rule out the possibility that it came to the east and south ^long the
Nile from the ancient civilization of Meroe.l207) The smeitmg of iron was
probably practised in most parts of Negrid territory by the tenth century,
except where the ore was lacking.
in districts
Baker watched and sketched the smelting of iron by men of the Lotuko tribe
(variously regarded as Aethiopid and 'Nilo-Hamite', see p. 226) at Tarangole,
east of the White Nile, near the southern extremity of what is now the state of
Sudan. The bellows were made from two pots each about a foot deep. Their
mouths were covered with very pliable leather, and to the centre of each
covering was attached an upright stick, about four feet long. From the bottom
of each pot there extended an earthenware pipe about two feet long, the
extremities of the two pipes being inserted in a charcoal fire laid on the ground.
The bellows-blower worked the sticks rapidly up and down, in alternation, and
thereby produced a powerful blast. The ore was laid on the charcoal. It is in-
teresting to place side by side Baker's drawing, on p. 205 of Vol. 1. and Du
Chaillu's, on p. 91 of his book. The close resemblance between them is
remarkable, for the latter's were made in Fang {Pan 3) territory, about 1.550
miles away. The only differences are that the pots and pipes of the Fang were
made of wood, and the pipes tipped with iron; a system of valves is mentioned
and vaguely indicated in the drawing. The similarity makes a single origin
scarcely questionable.
Among the Monbuttu {Pan 3) leather was replaced by plantain leaves,
simmered in hot water until silky; no valves were provided. The Bongo {Pan 3)
and Dyoor (Ni) made conical furnaces of baked clay, instead of simply placing
the charcoal and ore on the ground or in a trench, as other tribes did. The
Dyoor put airpipes at the bottoms of their furnaces, but did not use bellows.
The Zulu {Ka) used square bags made of bullocks' hides as bellows and
worked them with horizontal sticks, moving their thumbs and middle fingers to
act as valves; the pipes were bullocks' horns. However, they seldom smelted
iron from the ore, since they found it easier to take it by force from their
enemies.
Du Chaillu described the iron of the Fang as superior to that brought by
 THE NEGRIDS II 353

traders to Africa for sale to the Negroes, and Schweinfurth claimed that the
Bongo metal was 'quite equal to the best forged iron of our country' (Ger-
many), even though they did not understand how to prepare good charcoal.
Baker, Du Chaillu, Livingstone. Speke, and Schweinfurth are all lavish in
their praise of Negrid skill in forging iron into tools and weapons. Indeed, there
was perhaps no other art in which they excelled to quite the same degree. The
tribes mentioned for their particular expertness in this respect were the
Wanyoro {Ka). Wanyamwezi {Ka). Banyeti {Pati 7), Bongo {Pan 3). Fang
{Pan 3), and above all the Monbutto {Pan 3). The Zulu and Bongo
blacksmiths used a stone for an anvil. The latter sometimes used simple iron
hammers, not provided with handles. Though Schweinfurth does not specific-
ally say so, it seems probable from his account that they made these them-
selves. If so, it would be an example of the construction of tools designed to help
in the manufacture of other kinds of tools. Thomas Carlyie long ago attributed
to his hero. Professor Diogenes Teufelsdrockh, the statement that 'Man is a
Tool-using Animal {Hanthierendes Thier)'\\90\ but actually there are a few
species of animals that not only use but make tools. The construction of
a tool designed to make other tools seems, however, to be a purely human
achievement, and one not attained by every ethnic taxon of man.
The chief tools made by Negrid blacksmiths were hoes (especially the heart-
shaped variety called molote), knives, and choppers, but they were also capable
of making delicate instruments, such as razors; and the Zulu and Wanyoro
were skilful enough to make iron needles. The Wanyoro did not bore the eye.
but pointed the eye-end, turned it back, and hammered it into the shaft, in
which a small cut had previously been made to receive it. Another very delicate
instrument was made by the Bongo for a purpose that would astonish
Europeans, for they were designed to pluck out the eyebrows and eyelashes of
the women. Such instruments, made by Negrids, are often called 'pincers', but
this name is incorrect, since there was no pivot, the points having been directly
joined by a springy piece of iron. 'Tongs' is the right name. The masterpieces of
the Monbuttu were ornamental chains, of which Schweinfurth remarks that 'in
refinement of form and neatness of finish [they] might vie with our best steel
chains'.
Particular interest attaches to the roughly shaped molote called loggoh
kullutty, which was made and used as a medium of exchange by the Bongo and
many other tribes in the region of the upper Nile and its tributaries, and indeed
further afield, to the west. The article in question must have originated by the
use of an ordinary molote in bartering for other goods; but it is evident that in
the course of time its primary function was lost and it was passed from hand to
hand as currency. Eventually it could no longer be used as a hoe or spade. It
became nearly circular instead of heart-shaped, and was often decorated with a
double hook at what should have been the pointed end. Strangely enough, a fit-
ting for a wooden handle survived uselessly at the other end. reminding one of
what zoologists call a 'rudimentary organ'. Schweinfurth remarks that the
loggoh kullutty was the only equivalent of money in central Africa; but he must
have meant the only equivalent that was made in central Africa, for as we have
seen, imported beads served the same purpose over a very wide area.
354 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

The chief weapons made of

iron by the Negrids were war-knives of various
designs, theheavy thrust-spear or assagai, and lighter spears commonly
referred to by the explorers as 'lances'. Some of the heads for the lighter spears
were extremely elaborate and obviously demanded a high degree of skill in
forging (Fig. 62a). The was a weapon of the Berbers (the name is a
assagai
corruption of theirs), but use and manufacture spread through Africa right
its

down to the territory of the Zulus, whose success in battle under Chaka was
largely due to its use. The harpoons used by the Wanyoro in hunting the hip-
popotamus were of precisely the same pattern as those used by the Hamran
Arabs of Ethiopia. A remarkable weapon called the kulbeda may. however, be
a Negrid invention, originating with the Pan 3 Palaenegrids or their
neighbours, the hybrid tribes living in the vicinity of Lake Chad. It was a com-
plicated missile dagger, with three blades, of very constant design over ahuge
area. Specimens made by the Azande (Fig. 62b) not far west of the Nile were of
essentially the same form as those made by the Fang in Gabon, more than a
thousand miles away (C).* It is noteworthy that the Fang are an isolated group
of Pan 3 living in an enclave of Pan 1 territory.
The explorers do not mention the use of any iron device of what might be
called a mechanical nature, in which the motion of one part would cause
another part to move in a particular direction to achieve an intended result.

Some of the Negrid tribes, Bongo {Pan 3). were primarily

in particular the
cultivators of the soil; others, the Wanyamwezi {Ka) and Zulus {Ka) among
them, were both cultivators and pastoralists on a large scale; the Ovaherero
{Ka) and most of the Nilotid tribes were mainly pastoralists. With the possible
exception of the Nilotid tribe called by Baker 'Kytch', all the Negrids visited by
the explorers cultivated plants to a greater or smaller extent. Even the
Haukhoin {Pan 4), despised and regarded as primitive by the Negrids and
Khoids with whom they came in contact, were in fact agriculturists and
pastoralists, not merely food-gatherers.
The crops most frequently cultivated in the secluded area were dhurra
(especially), telaboon, maize, sugar-cane, yam, plantain, cassava, ground-nut,
and sweet potato. A of all the identifiable cultivated plants mentioned by the
list

explorers is given in Appendix 9 (p. 553), with the scientific and common
names of each.
The cultivation, improvement, and export of certain plants as food-crops
goes so far back into antiquity that it is in some cases diflRcult to determine
where the wild prototypes originally lived and by whom they were first

cultivated; but when the explorers reached the interior of Africa, several un-
doubtedly exogenous crops were already under cultivation on a very large
scale. Maize, cassava, and ground-nut were almost certainly brought to the
African coast from South America by the Portuguese; sugar-cane originated in
Asia, but at least some of it was imported into Negrid Africa from the West
Indies.[373]

* A
specimen of the Fang kulbeda is exhibited in the British Museum, and another in the
Queen Victoria Museum, Salisbury, Rhodesia. Both are closely similar to the one illustrated by
DuChaillu(Fig. 62c).
 62 Negrid (^Pan 3^ weapons forged in iron

A. Bongo lance-heads: B. three missiles (kulbeda) of the Azande; C, Fang weapons; I, kutbeda; 2, war-knife
(and 3, its sheath); 4, war-axe. A and [Link] Schweinfurih;\95\\ [Link] Chaillu. 12001
356 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

Although, superficially at least, the introduction of cultivated plants from

abroad made the lives of Negrids more similar to those of the inhabitants of the
countries from which they were imported, yet this external influence was
remote, for foreign advisers on agricultural methods did not travel inland with
the crops. One must suppose that seeds or young plants passed from hand to
hand into the interior, and that to a large extent the Negrids adopted their own
methods of cultivation, and modified their lives to suit the new conditions.
Some of the introduced plants became the principal food-crops of particular
tribes. Cassava and ground-nuts attained this status among the Balunda {Pan
7), and the Fang {Pan 3) relied principally on the former for the vegetable part
of their diet. Some of the tribes, however, showed initiative in cultivating a con-
siderable number of foreign and indigenous food-plants.
The Abanga {Pan i), neighbours of the Azande and Monbuttu, cultivated at least
sixteen species of food-plants. It is difficult to be quite sure of the identity of some of
the species listed by Schweinfurth. but the sixteen were almost certainly these: cassava,
ground-nut {Arachis hypogaea), butter-bean. Catiang bean, horse bean. Bambarra
ground-nut, sweet potato, sesame, kendee. yam. bajra. telaboon. maize, sugar-cane,
taro, and plantain. The Abanga also cultivated a bark-cloth tree (probably Ficus
natalensis, but named Urostigma Fotschyana by Schweinfurth) and Virginian
tobacco.
South American tobacco {Nicotiana tabacum) had already penetrated to the
central part of the isolated area before any of the explorers had reached it. It is
a strange fact that this species was everywhere known as tab or tabba. while
the North American species (A^. rustica) received various names in different
native dialects. Schweinfurth (1873) concluded from this that rustica was in
digenous, but this cannot be accepted. Smoking was introduced to Negrid
Africa by foreigners. The Batonga {Pan 1 ). Makololo {Ka). and certain other
tribes of central Africa were much addicted to smoking hashish, and
Livingstone attributed the 'very degraded' appearance of the former partly to
their indulgence in this habit. Indian hemp, the source of the drug, is indigenous
to central Asia, and was probably brought to Africa from Persia or India.

Some of the animals introduced from the outside world affected the rules,
ceremonies, superstitions, and tabus of native life very much more than the
plants we have been considering. In many places cattle became as important as
anything else in tribal life, and indeed among some tribes came to dominate the
thoughts of the people. Foreigners thus had a very great effect, but an effect of
an entirely different kind from the introduction of. for instance, a new religion.
What was introduced was not a new idea, but an alien self-reproductive object,
about which new ideas would originate locally. It is necessary to consider the
domestication of animals in some detail, partly because of their importance in
tribal life, and partly because it is necessary to know whether the Negrids relied
wholly on the import of already domesticated species, or whether they showed
any aptitude for the actual process of taming wild animals. We must take leave
of the explorers for a while and turn our attention to some problems of
geographical distribution and domestication.
Among the striking negative characters of the Ethiopian zoogeographical
 THE NEGRIDS II 357

region of Wallaceliii6| — that whole of Africa from the southern

is to say. the
part of the Sahara to the extreme south of the continent —
is the absence from

the indigenous fauna of certain animals that have long been domesticated in
other parts of the world. Among these are the subfamilies Ovinae (sheep) and
Caprinae (goats and their allies), and the genera Bos (cattle). Sus (boar), and
Gallus (fowl). Certain members of these subfamilies and genera are much more
frequently mentioned by the explorers as being kept by the Negroes in the
domesticated state than any other animal except perhaps the dog. The latter
belongs to a genus {Canis) that is represented in the indigenous fauna of the
Ethiopian zoogeographical region.
In his paper on the domestic animals of the Bantu (that is to say. on the
Kafrids and Pan 7), Kroll[6i5l did not take sufficient account of the
fundamental distinction between the part of Africa that is north of the Sahara
and belongs to the Palaearctic zoogeographical region, and the Ethiopian
region to the south. He describes each domesticated species as either 'African'
or foreign {fremd), according to whether or not the wild species occurred in
any part of Africa. He thus failed to make the necessary clear distinction
between purely Palaearctic species that were tamed by Europids (in northern
Africa or elsewhere) and subsequently introduced as domesticated animals into
the Negrid part of the continent, and those that were tamed and domesticated
by Negrids (if in fact there were any species that could properly be assigned to
the latter category; see pp. 373-7). This treatment of the subject is liable to
give an entirely incorrect impression of the capacity of Negrids to tame and
domesticate wild animals, if the reader of his paper does not happen to be
acquainted with the elementary principles of zoogeography and ethnography.
Long-horned wild cattle were formerly widely distributed in the Palaearctic
zoogeographical region. They occurred, as the fossil record shows, in Europe.
Africa north of the Sahara, and Asia, and also in the western part of North
America. Some authorities recognize three species, but the distinctions do not
appear to be clear-cut and it is probably best to refer all these forms to a single
species. Bos primigenius.
Mesopotamian sculptures thought to date from about 3000 B.C. show B.
primigenius being milked, and also in stalls with calves. Cattle were also used
to draw funeral carts at this period. 15 i4i It is generally supposed that
domesticated members of the Asiatic race {nomadicus) were introduced into
North Africa, where they may have interbred with the indigenous wild cattle
{opisthonomus).\n\\ The Egyptians are known to have kept domestic cattle
with both long and short horns during the period of the Nagada culture (about
3500-2600 [Link] 7i 1

The only other ancestral cattle with which we are concerned here are com-
monly assigned to the species B. indicus or zebu, which, like B. primigenius. no
longer survives in the wild state. The ancestor of the zebu is not known with
certainty, but it is thought to have lived on the borders of the great deserts of
Iran and Afghanistan and to have spread thence into the Indus Valley and thus
to peninsular India and elsewhere. Zebu are short-horned cattle characterized
chiefly by a large hump on the back, over the first to ninth thoracic vertebrae
(Fig. 63a. p. 358). The hump consists of voluntary muscle fibres interspersed
 63 Ze/??/ o/7rf 5a«^a. I he two chief types of cattle kept by Negrids
A, zebu bull; B, sanga ox of the Nguni breed. Photographs by Mr. J. P. Maule.
 THE NEGRIDS II 359

with adipose tissue, and must be regarded provisionally as a reservoir of nutri-

ment that evolved in adaptation to semi-desert conditions. [747]
Tethered bull zebu are represented on vessels found in Baluchistan, sup-
posed to date from 3000 [Link]] A domesticated zebu of a particular breed,
with a hump situated rather far forward, appears in Egyptian tomb-paintings of
the 18th dynasty (about 1557-1330 B.C.),(32i.5i4]but the typical zebu is not
represented in ancient Egyptian monuments. It is thought to have been first
brought from Arabia and the Persian Gulf to Africa at the 'Horn' in the
seventh century A.D.[32il
These two kinds of cattle. Bos primigenius and B. indicus, were the
ancestors of all the many breeds that existed in the secluded part of Africa
when the explorers entered the interior of the continent; but whereas the zebu
had retained its characteristic form, a typical representative of B. primigenius
was not present. The long-horned cattle of the area belonged to the group of
breeds termed sanga (Fig. 63b), which are characterized by a small, muscular
hump, situated further forward than that of the zebu. There is adipose tissue
between the muscles of the hump, but this tissue is not interspersed between the
individual contractile fibres, and the muscle is thought to play a part in the
movement of the forelimb.[747] The horns are usually long.
It seems almost certain that the sanga originated in Ethiopia. The name is

Ethiopian in origin, and was applied to the giant-horned Galla cattle of past
times, though sanga are no longer to be found in this country except in the
territory of the Danakil tribe (Aethiopids).[7iilTwo hundred years ago James
Bruce was present when Guangoul, chief of the Eastern Galla, came to pay his
respects to the King of Ethiopia. He was mounted on a cow, 'not of the largest
sort, but which had monstrous horns', [i 551 This may well have been a sanga. It
is significant that the cattle of the Bahima and Watusi are sanga. for these are

Aethiopid people who have wandered into Negrid territory in the region
between Lakes Albert and Tanganyika and in many places live as pastoralists
in close association with Negrid tillers of the soil.
Three possibilities exist as to the mode of origin of sanga cattle.
Frechkopl356l derives the 'race des Watusi\ as he calls them, from the zebu,
but the resemblance io primigenius is closer. Sanga may have originated direct-
ly from primigenius, by selection, but a hybrid origin from the two species,
primigenius predominating, is more probable. The horns of some breeds of
sanga are even longer than those of the long-horned ancestor ever were, and
thiscan only be due to long-continued selection.
The two types of cattle, sanga and zebu, with some intermediates, cover the
whole of the secluded area, apart from desert and non-pastoral regions. The
zebu is particularly characteristic of the east coast and the sanga of the central
and western parts (though the Zulu of the south-east kept sanga cattle).
Although the Negrids originally received domesticated cattle as novelties in-
troduced from the outside world, yet many of the tribes adapted themselves to
a pastoral life in response to their new acquisition, and some of them developed
more than a purely practical interest in their herds. Stringent rules evolved
— varying in the —
different tribes about the duties of the two sexes in

relation to herding and milking, and about the propriety of consuming milk in
360 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

the fresh or curdled state; in some tribes the slaughter of cattle was forbidden,
and beef was replaced by blood taken from living animals. A fictitious value
—
was placed on the animal, depending largely in the case of the sanga on the —
length of the horns. Cattle were used in place of money, especially in the
purchase of wives.
So intense was the interest of some of the pastoral tribes in their herds that
they despised and neglected the cultivation of crops and sometimes suffered
starvation as a result. Baker writes of the 'Kytch'. a Nilotid tribe. The misery
of these unfortunate blacks is beyond description; they will not kill their cattle,
neither do they taste meat unless an animal dies of sickness; they will not work,
thus they frequently starve.'
Schweinfurth's remarks on cattle-worship among the Nilotid tribes are par-
ticularly interesting.
Every idea and thought of the Dinka is how to acquire and maintain
kind of reverence would seem to be paid to them.
cattle: a Only those . . .

that die naturally or by accident are used for food. Indescribable is the
. . .

grief when either death or rapine has robbed a Dinka of his cattle. He is
prepared to redeem their loss by the heaviest sacrifices, for they are dearer to
him than wife or child. Not unfrequently in their sorrow the Dinka re-
. . .

main for days silent and abstracted, as though their trouble were too heavy
for them to bear.
The Dinka castrated about one-third of their bulls. These castrated animals
were useless, since, like other cattle, they were not slaughtered for eating nor
used for riding or transport. 'Ask the Dinka what good they get from their
possessions of oxen,' wrote Schweinfurth, 'and they have ever the answer ready
that it is quite enough if they get fat and look nice.' One is reminded of the
Melanesians of the northern New Hebrides, who put an extraordinary value
upon the intersexual pigs that abound in certain islands, though these are
useless from the practical point of view, since they cannot reproduce and are
never eaten. 145.461
The origin of the domestic sheep. Oris aries. is not known with certainty.
Apart from some bones in Pleistocene caves,|i039l there do not appear to be
any fossils that can be attributed to this species. The ancestry is sought in the
moufflon, urial, and argali.
The moufflon, O. musimoiu was formerly distributed over the whole of southern
Europe from Spain to Greece, but is now restricted to Corsica and Sardinia: the urial.
O. vignei. extends from Persia through Baluchistan to the Punjab. Kashmir, and Tibet:
the huge argali, O. ammon, is a more northern form, ranging from Uzbek and Kirghiz
to Tibet and the Gobi Desert. Both the moufflon and the urial are fertile in captivity
with the domestic sheep;|330, io39ithe urial is fertile with the argali. I330i0ne strange fact
is that the tails of all three supposed ancestors are short, while many domestic sheep
have long tails.

There can be no doubt that Africa received its domestic sheep from Europe
or Asia or both. They are known to have been kept in Egypt in Nagada times,
and must have spread southwards from there and from other parts of North
Africa. The breeds kept by the Negrids of the secluded part of the continent
were all hairy, like the three wild species mentioned above, not woolly, like
 THE NEGRIDS II 361

most of the domestic breeds of Europe. Galton was evidently surprised by the
lack of wool on the sheep kept by the Ovaherero in South West Africa: 'the
hair of their hides is like that of a calf.' he remarks. The sheep kept by the
Negrids of the present day in eastern and southern Africa are of two main
kinds, one thin and usually short-tailed, with small horns restricted to the male
sex or else lacking horns in both sexes, the other fat-tailed, sometimes with
coiled horns in the [Link] The fat-tailed kind is especially characteristic of
Ethiopia, and it was presumably from here that it spread southwards, mainly
down the eastern side of the continent, while the thin-tailed sheep is found
chiefly from the southern Sudan across Zaire to Angola; but the areas
occupied by the two kinds are not at all sharply separated.
Sheep were of considerable practical importance to some of the pastoral
peoples, but they never affected culture and traditions to the same extent as
cattle.
The Caprinae, like the Ovinae. are principally Palaearctic. It has already
been mentioned that no member of the subfamily occurs naturally in the Ethio-
pian region. One species, Capra nubiana, lives in North Africa, but this is not
regarded as the ancestor of domestic races. Many tame goats are almost in-
distinguishable from the wild C. hircus, especially the subspecies aegagrus,
which extends from the Caucasus Mountains. Asia Minor, and certain
Mediterranean islands to Persia. Afghanistan, and Baluchistan. It is uncertain,
however, whether this is the sole ancestor, for aegagrus is fertile with the
markhor, [Link], where their ranges overlap in Baluchistan. 330i1

Domestic goats were already kept in Egypt in Neolithic times, earlier than
3500 B.C. A lop-eared variety, recognized in Nagada sites, had become com-
mon by the third century B.C.I ini Schweinfurth mentions that the goats of the
Dinka scarcely differed from the Ethiopian form. It seems probable that tame
goats spread southwards from Egypt and other parts of North Africa, though
some may have come much later from the east, when trade had been es-
tablished across the Indian Ocean. Goats no doubt commended themselves to
the Negrids by their hardiness and adaptability. The explorers mention them
here and there, generally without giving much information about breeds.
They provide no evidence that the goat became important in the social institut-
ions of the Negrids. At the present day there are two main breeds in east-
ern and southern Africa, a larger, lop-eared kind and a smaller one with erect
ears. 1711]
The genus Sus is Palaearctic and Oriental, with some extension into the
islands of the Australian zoogeographical region. The most likely ancestors of
the domestic pigs of Europe and Asia are Sus scrofa and S. cristatus. The first-
named is the European wild boar, which extends eastwards to Persia and

southwards to Morocco and Algeria. Crossed with the domestic pig of Europe,
it produces fertile progeny. 10391 The Indian wild boar, 5". cristatus, is thought to
1

be the ancestor of the domestic breeds of that country and of China. Impor-
tations have occurred from the latter country into Europe. Other species or
subspecies of the genus have probably been domesticated elsewhere.
It is uncertain whether the domestic pigs of Egypt originated there from the

North African S. scrofa or were imported in a domesticated state. It cannot be

362 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

decided whether bones from the Egyptian Neolithic belonged to wild or tame
specimens. The presence of domestic pigs in Egypt is not known with certainty
till the third dynasty (about 2600-2550 B.C.), and from then onwards they

continued to play a very subordinate [Link]

Kroll(6i5l says that wild pigs were domesticated in Africa, but he must be
referring to the part of the continent north of the Sahara, for no member of the
genus Sus is native to southern Africa. |308| He allows that the domesticated
pigs of the 'Bantu' were introduced from outside Africa.
The revulsion felt for the pig by Arabs and certain castes of Hindus may ac-
count for the very late introduction of the animal into the part of Africa under
consideration here. It would be surprising if the early Portuguese colonists did
not import pigs, but so far as is known the introduction only started about the
beginning of the nineteenth century. The specimen produced at the court of the
Chaka in 1824 caused considerable surprise. It was displayed in the seraglio
for the amusement of the king's women, but unfortunately alarmed them so
much that it was put to death forthwith. It would appear that pigs were not
reported among the Basuto until 1874 nor among the Ovaherero till 883.171 1| 1

It has not been possible to determine the origin of the pigs of the various tribes.

No significant change in the cultural life of the people has anywhere resulted
from their introduction.
It is generally agreed that dogs were among the first domestic animals. The

Indian wolf, Canis pallipes, is commonly supposed to be the ancestor, though

it is allowed that from early days onwards there may have been interbreeding

with the European wolf, C. lupus. Certain authorities, however, consider that
different species of the genus Canis were independently domesticated in
different parts of the world. Keller goes to the extreme in this respect, for he
names no fewer than seven ancestors. |577| For example, he derives the collie
from C. pallipes, terriers from C. aureus (the jackal of south-west Asia), the
Egyptian pariah-dog from C. anthus (North African jackal), and greyhounds
from C. simensis (Abyssinian 'wolf'). At the other extreme it has been claimed
that all modern domestic dogs derive from C. tupus.W i8l
It seems that dogs were already domesticated in northern Europe by the pre-

Neolithic (Mesolithic) Maglemosian people. 12 i5l The skeletons of these animals

suggest that the North African jackal was involved in their ancestry. In the
period of the Nagada civilization in Egypt there were pariah-dogs and in-
termediate forms leading to greyhounds. Boessneck considers that the pariah-
dogs of ancient Egypt represent the most primitive form of domestic dog, un-
affected by deliberate selection.|ii7i He does not decide whether this dog was
first domesticated in Egypt, nor does he name the wild ancestor. He regards the

Egyptian pariah-dogs of the present day as somewhat different, since various

domesticated breeds may have participated in their ancestry.
Short-legged, rather stout dogs with fairly large pricked ears, pointed
muzzles, and tightly curled tails came into fashion in the Middle Kingdom
(about 2133-1675 B.C.). They seem to have descended, like greyhounds, from
the primitive pariah.
Typical hounds of the foxhound type are first seen in the New Kingdom (about
1557-1080 B.C.). These may have been imported, in?)
 THE NEGRIDS II 363

Keller considered that the hunting dog of the Hausa tribe descended from the
ancient Egyptian greyhound. 15771

Krolll6i5l lists the dog as one of the domestic animals of the 'Bantu' that
were not of foreign origin; but the only wild species of the genus Canis endemic
to southern Africa are the black-backed and side-striped jackals (C. mesomelas
and C. adustus),[io^\ and neither of these is regarded as a possible ancestor of
any kind of domestic dog.
Schweinfurth makes the interesting observation that the dogs of the Shillouk
and Dinka tribes (both M) resembled the pariah-dogs of the Egyptians and
Bedouins in lacking the dew-claw (hallux-claw) of the hind foot, which always
exists (unless removed) in European dogs. He mentions that the Azande {Pan
i), a cannibal tribe occupying territory to the north-west of Lake Albert, main-
tained a special breed of fat, short-haired dogs with large erect ears, pointed
muzzles, and a short tail curled like that of a young pig. This breed, which was
used partly for food, also lacked the dew-claw of the hind foot. Schweinfurth's
drawing of this dog shows a remarkable resemblance to the breed fashionable
in the Middle Kingdom of ancient Egypt, and provides strong evidence that the
Azande obtained their dogs from the north.
It is probable that dogs spread through the continent from North Africa in

an already domesticated state. Most of the explorers say little or nothing about
distinct breeds, and it would appear that the same dogs were used indiscrimi-
nately by many tribes for hunting and for warning of the approach of strangers.
Dogs do not seem to have inspired the origin of any special cults among the
Negrids.
It is thought that the domestic fowl is a descendant of Gallus bankiva, the

Indian jungle-fowl, which still survives in the wild state. The game-cock
resembles the latter rather closely. Forms very similar to G. bankiva. perhaps
to be regarded as subspecies of this, existed in the Pleistocene of Europe;! 10391
but there evidence that tame fowls were kept in Asia about 3000 B.C.I 116I
is

and this very much earlier than any European record of a domestic
is

specimen. Introduction to Africa appears to have followed after long delay.

The earliest evidence is a realistic figure of a jungle-cock on an earthenware
fragment attributed to the 19th Egyptian dynasty (1330-1200 B.C.) or
thereabouts. This is supposed to represent part of a tribute-gift from an eastern
country subjected at that time to Egypt. Actual domestication in North Africa
appears to have started at a somewhat later date.
One cannot be sure that the fowls of the Negrids were derived chiefly from
Egypt and other parts of North Africa, for they may have come directly from
India when trade was established across the Indian Ocean. There is no question
of the Negrids' having tamed the fowl, since the genus Gallus does not occur
naturally in any part of Africa. The explorers found the domestic bird in
various parts of the continent, but say little about particular breeds. Galton.
however, mentions that bantams of a previously unknown kind were kept by
the Ovambo of South West Africa.
The Monbuttu used fowls in augury, by administering poison or ducking
them repeatedly in water. Survival was regarded as an omen of success in a
projected war.
364 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

It follows from what has been said that all the principal domestic animals of
the Negrids with whom we are concerned were introduced to them in an
already domesticated state. The question whether the Negrids themselves
tamed any wild animals at all will be considered in the next chapter (pp.
373-7).

Up to this point the present chapter has been devoted to the techniques,
manufactured articles, and living organisms that reached the secluded part of
Africa from the rest of the world. It cannot be brought to a close without men-
tion of a sombre subject, concerned with the cargo taken away in some of the
foreigners' ships.
'Nowhere in the world', says Schweinfurth, 'has slavery been so thoroughly
engrafted and so widely disseminated as in Africa; the earliest mariners who
circumnavigated its coasts found a system of kidnapping everywhere es-
tablished on a firm basis, and extending in its business relations far into the
interior of the continent.' Du Chaillu remarks of slavery in Gabon:
In the first place ought to state here that its existence has no connection
I

at all with the foreign slave-trade. There were slaves here long before a barra-
coon slave-depot was built on the coast. Slavery has an independent
. . .

existence, and is ruled by laws of its own. from the seashore to the . . .

farthest point in the interior which I was able to reach, the commercial unit
of value is a slave.
A Negrid king complained to him of the English, who were the cause of the
stagnation of the slave-trade. Samuel Baker, who
subsequently led an expedi-
tion to suppress the slave-trade in the Sudan and the region of the great
lakes,[52] wrote on this subject:
. . . the institution of slavery ... is indigenous to the soil of Africa, and has
not been taught to the African by the white man. as is currently reported,
but has ever been the peculiarity of African tribes. ... It was in vain that
. . .

I attempted to reason with them against the principles of slavery; they

thought it wrong when they were themselves the sufferers, but were always
ready to indulge in it when the preponderance of power lay upon their
side. 15 II

Livingstone describes how the king of the Balunda would organize an

expedition to pounce on an unsuspecting village in his own territory, kill the
headman, and sell every other inhabitant to a Negro slave-trader; or. if some of
the people were too old to be useful as slaves, they were murdered, lest they
should become troublesome afterwards by resorting to magic to avenge the
attack on their village.
Slavery thus stands at the junction of this chapter with the next. It was un-
doubtedly indigenous, but foreign traders greatly increased its extent. Negrids
who had been accustomed to sell slaves to others of their race were just as
willing to sell them to foreigners. Indeed, as Baker remarks, 'All the best slave-
hunters, and the boldest and most energetic scoundrels, were the negroes who
had at one time themselves been kidnapped.'isil A commerce existed; new
buyers had arrived. When the explorers first entered the interior of Africa, they
found that the foreign slave-traders had already established posts at con-
 THE NEGRIDS II 365

siderable distances inland (pp. 336-9). Schweinfurth gives an impression of the

vast extent of the trade. Year after year one of the principal 'kings' of the
Azande, Mofio by name, yielded up 'thousands upon thousands' of slaves to
foreign [Link] did this by raiding tribes in the surrounding territory, and
also by simply handing over members of weaker tribes that had already been
subjected to his rule. Comparable accounts are given by some of the other
explorers.
The people way of life by foreign intervention the
chiefly influenced in their —
slaves themselves —were
taken away to distant parts of the world and were
therefore not able to affect the customs of those who were left behind. The
latter, if not murdered, were left to mourn their loss, but not to adopt new

modes of life.
A remarkable feature of slavery was its acceptance, in certain cases by
those who were subjected to it. Du Chaillu records that some of the Ovaherero
(Damara) You engage one of them as a servant, and you find
'court slavery.
that he considers himself your property. They have no independence about
. . .

them. . They seem to be made for slavery, and naturally fall into its ways.'
. .

There is strong contrast here with certain other ethnic taxa of man. such as the
Sanids, whom it has been found almost impossible to enslave.
 20 The Negrids
III. Indigenous culture

The PREVIOUS chapter will have conveyed some impression of the ability of
the Negrids, over a huge part of their territory, to use of certain make
techniques, manufactured objects, and domesticated plants and animals that
had had their origin among peoples belonging to races other than their own.
What has been said makes it possible to disentangle the indigenous from the
foreign in their culture, at least to some extent. In the present chapter we are
concerned with the indigenous part, so far as it was observed and recorded by
the seven explorers. The reasons for regarding the seven as unprejudiced and
reliable witnesses have been given on pages 343-50. For references to their
books see p. 343.

On entering Unyoro Karuma

Falls, Baker was immediately struck by
at the
The men were wearing robes of bark-cloth
the clothing of the inhabitants (Ka).
arranged like the Roman toga. The women also were neatly dressed. Many
exposed their breasts, but others wore a piece of bark cloth across the chest
and shoulders. The people of Unyoro 'considered the indecency of nakedness
precisely in the same light as many Europeans'. Speke found particularly
careful attention to attire among the Waganda at Mutesa's court. They wore
'neat bark cloaks resembling the best yellow corduroy cloth, crimp and well
set, as if stiffened with starch, upper cloaks, a patchwork of
and over that, as
small antelope skins sewn together as well as any English glovers could
. . .

have pieced them'. Speke's trousers were regarded as indecent. Curiously

enough, however, the king's valets were stark naked women. The making of
'cloth' from the bark of^ Ficus natalensis was an elaborate process, described in
some detail in The indigenous trees of the Uganda Protectorate by Eggeling
and Dale. 1 30 11
The Unyoro and Buganda were partly of Aethiopid des-
ruling families of
cent, and the fashions in dress, especially at court, may have been due to an im-
ported culture. Throughout the rest of the secluded area a close approach to
nakedness was much more usual. The Nilotids reached the extreme in this
respect, for it is reported of the Shillouk, Nuer, and Dinka, and of the in-
habitants of Ellyria (between the White Nile and the Latuko country), that
males were absolutely naked, apart from armlets and other ornaments; and
Baker's pictures show this to have been true also of the Kytch (except their
chief) and Bari. All these were Nilotid tribes, and so perhaps were the men of a
tribe adjacent to the Acholi, who made for themselves an elaborate headdress
of human hair and of whom Baker remarks that 'a well-blacked barrister in full
 THE NEGRIDS III 367

wig and nothing else would thoroughly impersonate a native of Lira'. Absolute
nakedness of adult males was reported of only one tribe apart from the
Nilotids, namely the Batonga {Pan 1 ), but the men of a large number of other
tribes were described as nearly naked. Among the Zulu a small cap was worn
on the penis, and so long as this was in position and the buttocks partly
covered, a man was regarded as decently dressed; but it would have been con-
sidered extremely indecent to omit the penis-cap. A little apron of leather or
grass was used by certain tribes to cover the male external genitalia. Several
Pan 3 tribes, the Azande among them, covered the loins with skins. Clothing
was more extensive in districts where bark-cloth was used; for instance, in the
Monbuttu country.
It was customary in many tribes for girls to wear no clothing while still un-
married, but the explorers do not anywhere state specifically that married
women were actually naked, though in some tribes there was a close ap-
proximation to this, apart from ornaments (e.g. Ovambo {Ka\ Abanga {Pan
3), and people near the source of the River Kasai {Pan 1)). The Monbuttu
women, in contrast to the well-clothed men of their tribe, wore only a piece of
bark-cloth about the size of a hand. Among most tribes it was customary for
the married women wear an apron of skin, a fringe of leather shreds, or a
to
bunch of leaves or grass, hanging from the front of a girdle, and often a similar
covering behind.
The Negrids of the secluded area did not anywhere use true tanning agents
for skins, though these were available, at least in certain localities (for instance
in Bongo territory). Skins were treated with ashes in certain places, and fat or
oilwas sometimes applied. I95i, 3731
was customary among the Nilotid tribes to
It extract or break off all four
lower incisor teeth. The males of several Pan 3 tribes, including the Azande
and Fang, filed the incisor teeth to points, thus giving a ferocious expression to
the face. Ears were commonly pierced to admit large ornaments. The women
of various Palaenegrid tribes (and in one case the men also) pierced the upper
lip and gradually extended the orifice until a shell (Batonga, Pan / ) or a circle

of quartz, ivory, or horn (Mittu, Pan 3) could be inserted in it (Fig. 64, p. 368).
The Azande were exceptional no mutilation, apart from the filing
in practising
of the incisor teeth. Several tribes, among them the Abanga {Pan 3) and Mon-
buttu, practised circumcision, and members of the latter tribe regarded
Schweinfurth's Bongo and Mittu carriers as savages, because uncircumcised. It
is uncertain whether circumcision can be regarded as indigenous among Negrid

tribes. If not, it must have spread in the distant past from Arab or Turkish
sources; but the Monbuttu circumcised at puberty, which is not the Muslim
practice. It is a curious fact that none of the authors mentions clitoridectomy.
Attention to personal cleanliness varied extremely among different tribes.
Fynn found the Zulu {Ka) exceptionally attentive to this matter. They were ac-
customed to wash daily in rivers. Schweinfurth considered cleanliness as one of
the clearest signs of superior intellect, and regarded the Dinka (M) as pre-
eminent among all Negrids in this respect. Speke remarked that 'the neat and
Waganda [Ka] [was] a pattern to all other negro tribes'.
cleanly nature of the
Moist cloths, made from freshly drawn plantain-fibres, were used at Mutesa's
368 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

court towash the hands and face before and during meals. The inland people of
Gabon stood at the opposite extreme in this respect. Du Chaillu remarks that
they 'hardly know what it is to wash'. Galton described the Ovaherero
(Damara) as 'the dirtiest and most vermin-covered of savages'.

64 Head of a Mittu woman, to show the

mutilation of the lips practised by members
of this tribe

From Schweinfurlh.l')^ 1

The sanitary laws of Buganda required every man to build for himself
something corresponding to a lavatory, but no details of its construction are
available. Schweinfurth says that the Negrids were generally more observant of
'decorum' (by which he presumably means privacy) in respect of defaecation
'than any Mohammedan'; but he never saw anything of the nature of a
lavatory, with this single exception, that the king of the Monbuttu had a little
conical hut, provided with sanitary arrangements identical with those usual in
Turkish dwelling-houses. It is impossible to guess the circumstances in which
some unknown person introduced this unique foreign appliance into such an
extremely remote part of Africa.
The dwelling-houses of the Negrids, over the whole area traversed by the
explorers, were without exception of one storey. The sight of a storeyed house
caused amazement. In Ovamboland Galton met some runaway slaves who had
seen the multi-storeyed houses of the Portuguese in Benguela. They spoke of
them with 'great wonder'. When Livingstone reached the west coast at Loanda,
 THE NEGRIDS III 369

his carriers from central Africa viewed the large stone houses with awe. He had
never been able to convey to them how a house could be built of several
storeys. Huts were built by sinking poles into the earth, and 'they never could
comprehend how the poles of one hut could be founded upon the roof of
another'. Some of the Makololo had seen Livingstone's little home at
Kolobeng. In trying to describe it to their friends in their own country they
remarked, 'It is not a hut; it is a mountain with several caves in it.*
The native huts were of two types: circular with conical roof, and rec-
tangular. All were built of plant products, chiefly wood oi' Acacia and other
trees, bamboo, leaf-stalks of palms, reeds, straw, and tough grasses; in some
places there was strengthening by dried clay. The following are examples of
tribes that lived in circular huts: Nilotids, Dinka, Dyoor. Shillouk; Pan 3.
Azande, Bongo, Kredy, Mittu; Kafrids, Banyoro, Makololo, Ovambo,
Wasagara, Zulu. Schweinfurth's drawing of a Bongo village (Fig. 65) gives a
good general impression of the architecture of the circular huts. These tended
to be uniform within each tribe, but there was considerable variety in the details
of construction in different parts of the area under consideration, especially in
the height of the wall and pitch of the roof. They varied in diameter from as
little as 54-' (Ovambo) to a maximum of 40' (Dinka). The entrances to the huts
of some tribes (Bongo, Makololo, Ovambo) were so low that it was necessary

65 A Bongo village

From Schweinfurih. 195 1

370 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

to go on all fours to pass in or out. For a door the Bongo used 'a hurdle swung
upon two posts so as to be pushed backwards and forwards at pleasure'. The
Zulu fixed a vertical post on each side of the entrance, about two inches from
it, and slipped wickerwork slats in between. The Ovambo used a mat for a

door. No is given of a door provided with a vertical hinge.

account
By most primitive dwellings were those of the Bergdama {Pan 4),
far the
who trained growing trees to provide themselves with shelter. A clump was
selected and most of the lower branches removed; the tops oi' the trees were
then bent downwards towards the ground and interlaced with one another to
serve as roof and walls. Some of the branches were left to serve as internal
walls, dividing the hut into two or three chambers. There was no door, but the
entrance was a helical passage facing to leeward of the prevailing wind.
Rectangular huts were built by many Palaenegrid tribes (for instance, the
Mpongwe (Pan 7), Apingi {Pan /), Fang {Pan 3), and Monbuttu {Pan 3)).
Those of the Fang were very small, 8'-10' long, 5' or 6' wide, and only 4' or 5'
high. The Monbuttu built much larger houses, up to 30' long and 20' wide,
divided into rooms. The huts of all these tribes had pitched roofs with
longitudinal ridges.
Schweinfurth states that the houses of the Monbuttu had horizontal roofs,
but this is contradicted by the only picture he gives of one of their villages. He

is also wrong when he says that the Apingi {Pan 1) and Fang {Pan 3) built flat-

topped huts. He was never much closer than a thousand miles to the territories
of these tribes, and the only possible explanation is that he made a slip when
writing notes on Du Chaillu's book.
Rectangular huts were also built by certain Kafrid tribes (Wagogo and
Wanyamwezi). Much clay was used in their construction and Speke calls them
'mud huts'.
The Azande chiefs contented themselves with huts similar to those of their
subjects, but some of the great kings, especially Munza of the Monbuttu {Pan
3) and Mutesa of the Waganda {Ka), had very special buildings for their ac-
commodation. Munza is thought to have been ruler over a million subjects and
to have been comparable in majesty to the famous Mwata Yamvo. king of the
Balunda. His most sumptuous building was a hall for the reception of impor-
tant visitors. It was at least 100' long and 50' broad. The roof, 40' high, rose
with perfectly even vault from low walls on opposite sides; it was supported on
straight tree-stems, placed in neat rows. The countless spars and rafters and
other parts of the hall were made of petioles and midribs of the indigenous
wine-palm {Raphia vinifera). The floor was of clay, as hard and smooth as
asphalt. Schweinfurth's drawing of the interior shows an edifice of admirably
precise and delicate construction, yet capable of withstanding tropical storms
and hurricanes. It had replaced an even larger reception hall, at that time in
decay.
Circular huts were generally grouped without system, so that there was
nothing in a village that could be called a street. Among the Azande and usual-
ly among the Dinka the groups of huts were scarcely large enough to justify the
name of village. The kraals of the Zulu consisted of from ten to one hundred
huts, situated between two concentric fences; their cattle were herded at night
 THE NEGRIDS III 371

within the inner fence. The villages of the Ovambo were surrounded by strong
palisades, 8' or 9' high.
Rectangular huts lent themselves to orderly arrangement. The Pan I usually
placed them in two long, straight lines, with a wide street between (Fig. 66). Du
Chaillu records a Fang village in which the street was 800 yards long. In some
cases there were side-streets. The rectangular huts
by certain Kafrid tribes
built
were usually arranged to form a square, with central enclosure; the group was
called a tembe. The possibility that this arrangement was adopted under Arab
influence must be kept in mind.

66 A Pan 1 village near Panga, Zaire, to show rectangular houses, arranged in two
rows to form a street
From Stanley. 1003
1

By far the largest group of houses recorded by any of the explorers was at
Linyanti, in Makololo territory, where there were six or seven thousand in-
habitants.
Nearly everywhere secluded area, villages were connected by narrow
in the
tracks, admitting passage only in single file; but southern Buganda provided a

striking contrast in this respect, for here there were roads as wide as those of
Europe, all leading straight over hill and dale.

Canoes provided transport on lakes and rivers. They were made by

excavating large trees, for, as Schweinfurth remarks, '. no people of central . .

Africa seems to have acquired the art of joining one piece of wood to another,
372 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
SO that the craft of the cabinet-maker may be said to be unknown'.
Nevertheless, some of the vessels used on the larger waterways were of con-
siderable size. The Monbuttu had boats up to 38' long and 5' wide, capable of
transporting cattle. Baker's party was ferried across the River Kafu in Unyoro
in canoes upward of 4' wide, large enough to carry fifty men. The larger of the
two canoes used in his journey on the Albert Nyanza was 32' long.
Although they did not join wood, many of the Negrid tribes showed con-
siderable skill in carving it. Schweinfurth says that the platters of the Monbuttu
were of 'patterns quite worthy of our own factories at home'. The large wooden
bowls of the Azande, with pedestals of various forms, were 'admirable works of
art'. The Bongo made well-carved four-legged stools (necessarily from a single

piece of wood), for the use of women only; but in Buganda and neighbouring
parts of Kafrid territory, no one was allowed to sit on an artificial seat except a
king. When Speke was seen sitting in his camp-chair in Karagwe, it was at once
assumed that he was a king in his own country.
The explorers seldom mention the methods adopted for the production of
fire,but Schweinfurth describes a technique that appears to have been in use
over a wide area of Nilotid and Pan 3 territory. Two sticks of the wild custard-
apple tree {Annona chrysophylla = senegalensis) were held at right angles to
one another and rubbed together until a spark was emitted; this was allowed to
fall on the partially charred remnant of a previous fire, and the incipient flame
was fanned with dry grass. In Zululand the point of a stick was rotated in a

notch cut another piece of wood. Pith placed on the latter took fire, and
in
transmitted the flame to dry grass.
The skill of various tribes in earthenware technique is highly praised by the
explorers. The Banyeti {Pan 1) are said to 'excel in pottery'. Some of the beer-
tanks of the Zulu held no less than sixty gallons. These large vessels, like
— —
most or perhaps all of the pottery throughout the secluded area, were made
by women. The Wanyoro took what Baker calls 'the first step towards
manufacturing art, by the fact of copying from nature', by imitating the shapes
of various kinds of gourds in jet-black earthenware of fine quality. The Azande
made pottery 'of blameless symmetry'. The water-bottles of the Monbuttu
'may fairly be said to rival in symmetry the far-famed examples of Egyptian
art, and to betray a considerable faculty of plastic genius', despite the fact that
these people, like other Negrids, were unacquainted with the use of the wheel.
The Bongo women, too, 'without the help of any turning-wheel succeed in

producing the most artistic specimens', some of them not less than a yard in

diameter, with the whole outer surface ornamented by triangles and zigzag
lines, concentric and spiral patterns. The Dyoor (M) women made
arranged in

'immense vessels which, even to a critical eye. have all the appearance of being
—
made on a wheel' though in fact they were not.
In most Negrid tribes corn was ground by grasping a smaller stone in both
hands and moving over part of the surface of a larger one, which was
it

gradually worn away centre as a result. This method was also in univer-
in the

sal use at Khartoum at the time,l95il and one can only guess whether it was
independently invented by Negrids. The smaller stone was in some cases a ball,
presumably made spherical by repeated rotation in all directions during use
 THE NEGRIDS III 373

(see pp. 394-5). The explorers make no mention of having seen

a true quern or
rotary hand-mill anywhere Negrid Africa.
in

The wheel appears to have been unknown throughout the secluded area. Not
only is there no record of its use in pottery or the grinding of corn, but no
pivoted circular object, made by Negrids. is anywhere mentioned in the works
of the explorers. The people of Linyanti, for instance, had never seen a wheeled
vehicle till Livingstone arrived there. On a previous visit his arrival and depar-
ture with a waggon had not been witnessed; now, the whole population,
amounting, as we have seen (p. 371), to six or seven thousand persons, turned
out to see his vehicles in motion and thus for the first time to observe the rota-
tion of a wheel. The Mpongwe {Pan 1 ) were accustomed to use unpivoted
rollers to move a large canoe from the place where a tree had been felled and
excavated to its launching-site.
On land, goods were usually transported from place to place by human
labour without help from domestic animals or any mechanical device, and
Katchiba, the chief at Obbo, was carried about 'pick-a-back'. Du Chaillu was
strongly impressed by the fact that nowhere, in any part of the country that he
traversed in the whole course of his explorations, had the people 'yet attained
that primitive step in the upward march of civilization, the possession of beasts
of burden'.
There is some indication that certain metals may possibly have been mined by
Negrids before knowledge of metallurgy had been brought by foreigners to the
secluded area. A sentence of Livingstone's suggests that there were native copper-
mines at Ambriz, on the coast of Angola, north of Loanda. and that these were taken
from owners by the Portuguese. Copper was already well known to the
their rightful

Monbuttu before the Nubians entered their country or contact had been made with the
Muslim world. Schweinfurth thought that it must have come all the way from the mines
of Angola, but one cannot tell whether these were then worked by Portuguese or
Palaenegrids. Almost all the ornaments of the Monbuttu continued to be made of
copper after this metal had become available from other sources. It was also reported
to Livingstone that there were formerly silver-mines at Chicova. seventy miles north-
west of Tete; but he could find no evidence of and the native inhabitants of the dis-
it,

trict knew nothing of the subject, and could not distinguish silver from tin. It is perhaps

significant that copper and silver occur naturally in certain places in the elementary
state, so that smelting is not required.

agriculture of the Negrids, and the place of foreign plants and animals in
The
it,have already been discussed in Chapter 19 (pp. 354 and 356-64; see also
Appendix 9, p. 553). Although many tribes obtained flesh by hunting and had
presumably done so since remote times, there would appear to be very few, if
any, reliable examples of the full domestication of any species of wild animal*
by Negrids, as a part of their indigenous culture, anywhere in the secluded
area. 'During nine years' experience of Central Africa', says Baker, 'I never
saw a tamed creature of any kind, not even a bird, or a young antelope in
possession of a child. ... a native of Africa, if of the Negro type, will never

* Throughout this book, in accordance with the invariable practice of zoologists, all living
organisms other than plants and viruses are described as animals.
374 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
tame an animal. . . .'|531 The latter statement, however, is not quite correct, as
we shall see.
A few animals became associated with Negrids in much the same way as the
robin with Europeans, as much by the initiative of the animal as by that of
man. The bush-pig, Potamochoerus porcus, provides an example. It associated
itself in a half-tame state with the Monbuttu, a tribe that kept no truly domestic

animal except poultry and dogs of the Azande breed. There is no question of
the Monbuttu having housed or bred it. Rather similarly, the Dinka permitted
snakes to live in the straw roofs of their huts. They called them 'brethren' and
regarded it as criminal to kill them. The inhabitants of a house were said to call
each guest-snake by an individual name. The snakes in question were harmless.
Full domestication may be said to proceed by four stages. Members of a
wild species of animal (1) are caught and maintained in captivity; (2) are tamed
and trained; and finally (4) one or
(3) are bred, generation after generation;
more from the wild type, are produced by selection (whether
varieties, differing
'unconscious' or 'conscious', to use Darwin's terms).l257l
Livingstone witnessed an example of the first stage of domestication in cen-
tral Africa, in a Balunda (Pan 1 ) village, near the source of the Zambesi. The
people here kept 'canaries' in very neatly made cages, for the sake of their
song. The cages were provided with traps on top, to entice wild birds into cap-
tivity. There were also tame pigeons in this village. The chief of the Barotse

{Pan 1 ) also kept tame doves and birds described by Livingstone as 'canaries
with reddish heads'. (The true canary, Serinus canaria canaria. is not in-
digenous to Africa.)
The Bongo {Pan 3) were accustomed to catch young wild cats (presumably
and reconcile them to life about their huts and enclosures, where
Felis libyca)
they served a useful purpose by destroying rats. Members of this tribe also
made long, cylindrical beehives of basket-work, with an opening in the middle
about 6" square. The bees, said by Schweinfurth to have been of the European
species, were 'wild or half-wild'. He does not say whether steps were taken to
capture the swarms from these hives, nor is it certain that the species of bee in
the hives was indigenous to tropical Africa. It is justifiable to claim, however,
that the Bongo achieved the second stage of domestication, at any rate with the
cats.
Schweinfurth mentions a remark of Livingstone's, unconfirmed by the latter's
personal observation, that the natives of the Kalahari Desert were said to have
trained the African hunting dog {Lycaon pictus) for use in the chase. With this
possible exception there is no evidence in the books of the explorers that any of
the Negrid tribes of the secluded area domesticated this animal, despite the fact
that it was very abundant in some places (especially in Bongo territory). It has
an enormous range from beyond Negrid territory in Somaliland, through
Sudan and the eastern half of Africa to the south coast, and westward to
Botswana and Angola (and incidentally to Ghana, but that is far outside the
secluded area).[308l It is significant that Schweinfurth saw a tamed specimen in
an Arab trader's camp in Bongo territory that showed all the docility of a
domestic dog.
The wealth of animal life in Negrid Africa would have provided great oppor-
 THE NEGRIDS III 375

tunities for domestication, if this had been undertaken before 'ready-made'

domestic animals had been introduced in abundance from abroad. Several
animals, common in the wild state in the secluded area, are known to be easily
tamed. A few examples are given here.
The guinea-fowl, Numida meleagris, is palatable, and very easily maintained
but the explorers nowhere mention its being kept as a domestic
in captivity,
animal by Negrids. This is all the more remarkable in view of its great abun-
dance. Schweinfurth estimates that he shot about a thousand of these birds in
two at a time', and in another part of his
the course of his travels, 'generally
book he refers to 'the inevitable guinea-fowl". He remarks that 'the traveller in
Africa would be quite at a loss without them, as, with rare exceptions, they
form the main commodity of his daily cuisine'. In Shillouk territory there were
'whole coveys' of them in the neighbourhood of dwellings. Guinea-fowl occur
not only in the part of Africa explored by Schweinfurth. but in southern Africa
as well; but Kroll,[6i5l in his detailed study of the domestic animals of the
'Bantu' (that is, of the Kafrids and Pan 7), makes no mention of this bird, and
thus reinforces the negative evidence of the explorers.
The guinea-fowl occurs wild in Ethiopia, and was probably domesticated in
that country and introduced thence into Egypt in ancient times. It would not
appear, however, that there is any early record of tame guinea-fowl in Ethiopia.

James Bruce did not use this bird as one of the species selected for special
description in the fifth volume of his Travels^\55\ and the earliest actual record
of tame guinea-fowl in Ethiopia appears to be that of Hildebrandt in 1874. It
was kept there at that time as an ornamental rather than a culinary bird.l490l
Guinea-fowl were probably first introduced into Europe from Egypt. I456| The
Roman author Varro appears to have been the first to mention the presence of
this bird north of the Mediterranean. In his Rerum rusticarum libri (res,
produced 37 B.C. when he was nearly 80 years old, he remarks that 'The
in
African fowls, which the Greeks call Meleagrides, are large, speckled, and
hump-backed. These newest fowls have passed from the kitchen to the couch
of the diners as a result of the false refinement {fastidium) of men. They sell for
a high price owing to their scarcity. '|10861 It follows that when Varro wrote,
guinea-fowl were already domesticated in Greece, but still novelties in Rome.
In his remarkably ill-arranged and scrappy book on the characteristics of
animals, the Greek author Aelian mentions guinea-fowl twice. He remarks on
the loud voice with which it was supposed to make a sound resembling the
name 'Meleager', and he also says that it was regarded as sacred, so that it was
never killed for food by religious people. In the island of Leros (one of the
Dodecanese) even the birds of prey —
so he says —
would not injure [Link]
Aelian wrote this work late in the second or early in the third century A.D. The
Greek term for the guinea-fowl is preserved in its modern specific name.
It is to be noted that nineteen centuries after it had become a domestic

animal in Europe, the guinea-fowl had still not been tamed in the secluded*
area.

* There are records of the keeping of domestic guinea-fowl by Negrids in what subsequently
became northern Nigeria, and also in Togo, during the nineteenth century; I45fti but these
countries are far beyond the limits of the secluded area, and foreign influence must be suspected.
376 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

Among many of them extremely abundant in the

the species of antelopes,
wild state, there must have been a considerable number that could have been
tamed for riding, transport of goods, and provision of meat and milk. The
eland, Taurotragus oryx, is an example. It has an enormous range in Africa,
covering almost the whole of the secluded area as far south as Mozambique,
Rhodesia, Botswana, and South West Africa. 308 The eland is noted for its
1 1

docility. 'Its gentle nature and capacity for domestication', says Gordon-
Brown, 'should protect it from the sportsman unless food is a matter of dire
necessity. '[4231 Zeuner shows a photograph of Mr. Raymond Hook feeding one
of these large animals out of a basin on the latter's farm in Kenya.lii69i
Experiments on the domestication of the eland have been carried out by
Europeans on quite a large scale in Africa. It can breed at any time of year,
and the reproductive rate is higher than that of the zebu, since the period
between one calving and the next is shorter. It presents the further advantage
that it can feed on a wider range of plants than cattle can. and it thrives in hot,
semi-arid districts. The meat is of excellent quality. 19751 The eland has been
used successfully as a draught animal in Rhodesia.|690l Four bulls and four
cows were brought to the Askaniya-Nova Zoological Gardens in Ukraine in
1892 and from these no fewer than 408 descendants have been reared. Since
1963 experiments have been made on this stock to determine the suitability of
the eland for practical use.li066l The milk, though scanty, has been found to
contain twice as much protein and fat as that produced by common domestic
cattle. It must be remembered that all the studies have been made on unim-
proved stock, whereas the cattle with which they have been compared have
been selected over periods of many centuries. Selection has now started at
Askaniya-Nova.
One of the potentially most useful animals was the African elephant,
Loxodonta africana, though on account of the very protracted periods of
pregnancy and adolescence it does not lend itself well to the third or fourth
stages of domestication. Livingstone and Schweinfurth knew that members of
this species could be tamed for practical use. from the evidence of Roman
medals. A small subspecies, L. afhcana cyclotis, occurred in the wild state in
north-west Africa and in Libya in Roman times, and a small kind of elephant
still exists in Sierra Leone; similar forms occur also in various parts of the
secluded area (Cameroon. Gabon, Angola. Zaire, and elsewhere).! 169. 308l 1

In its most typical form, cyclotis dilTers from L. afhcana africana in several respects
apart from size. The ear is rounded rather than triangular (whence the subspecific
name), and possesses no well-defined iobe"; the condyles of the lower jaw are ovoid
(with the long axis transverse), not spherical as in the larger form; and there are several
inconstant differences in the Specimens have been described that appear to be
skull.|770i

hybrids between the two races. There can belittle doubt that cyclotis exists as a race,

but whether all the small kinds of African elephant belong to it seems uncertain.
Members of the smaller race or races of L. africana have been tamed and
used in war and industry from the third century B.C. onwards. General ac-
counts of the domestication of elephants have been given by Zeunerlii69| and
de Beer.|73l The Indian elephant had already been tamed in the fourth century
B.C., and the early Ptolemies imported specimens of this species into Egypt. In-
 THE NEGRIDS III 377

dian trainers and drivers came with them. Experience with this animal no doubt
made it man. The Egyptians were
easier to bring cyclotis into the service of
probably the first to tame it, for the Carthaginians are thought to have received
tame specimens from Egypt before they themselves undertook the task of
domestication. The animal was first used in the Carthaginian army in 262 B.C.
Hannibal crossed the Pyrenees with thirty-seven elephants, mostly African, in
218 B.C. In the following year Ptolemy IV used seventy-three elephants, ap-
parently all cyclotis, in battle against Antiochus III.
While still in possession of the Congo (now Zaire) the Belgians tamed
African elephants and by 1937 had distributed thirty-six trained animals for
use in agriculture in the colony. (4231

So much for the indigenous element in the clothing (or lack of it), homes,
technology, and domestic animals in the life of the Negrids. It remains to con-
sider the interrelations of men and women in social life, their beliefs, fears, and
amusements, and the regulation of their affairs by authority.
Throughout the secluded area, men obtained their wives by payment to the
girls' fathers. In many tribes cattle were used as purchase-money; from five to

fifty were needed in Zululand for a bride. The Bongo, not being herdsmen, used

iron plates (presumably loggoh kuUutty (p. 353)) and lance-heads instead of
cattle. It will be noted that in both cases the payment involved an article that
was ultimately of foreign origin, but one must suppose that the custom of
paying for brides was indigenous. Nowhere was there any moral or legal
barrier to polygamy. Bongo custom or law restricted the number of wives to
three, but the Azande and Monbuttu set no limit. Some Zulu chiefs had fifty
wives. Fynn says that polygamy was universal in this tribe, but no human
ethnic taxon exists in which the sex-ratio is so unequal as to make this possible.
The more polygamy, the more bachelors; the consequence is inescapable.
Zulu women preferred their husbands to be polygamous, because they
valued the society of the other wives. Their husbands were not their com-
panions. They seldom took notice of their wives in public, and were not ac-
customed to greet them, even on return from long journeys. In this respect
there was a very marked difference from the Azande. Schweinfurth says:
It is one of the fine traits of this people that they exhibit a deep and consis-

tent affection for their wives. ... It was touching, through the moaning of the
wind, to catch the lamentations of the Niam-Niam [Azande] men bewailing
the loss of their captured [enslaved] wives; cannibals though they were, they
were evidently capable of true conjugal affection.
Hardly any ransom was accounted too large by the Azande for the recovery
of their wives taken prisoner in war. These facts should be more widely known,
for it is often supposed that marital love, as Europeans understand it, does not
exist in less advanced cultures.
Adultery was almost unknown among the Zulu, as a result of the severe
penalty imposed (p. 389).
Unmarried Zulu were not forbidden by custom or law to indulge in a form of
sexual intercourse with one another, but they were not permitted to have
children. This was avoided by a practice called ukuhlobonga, described by
378 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Fynn as 'the act of cohabitation on the outward parts of the girl between the
limbs'.
Concubinage was permitted in certain tribes. Chaka had at least five thou-
sand concubines. They lived in several separate seraglios, where decorum was
observed, Fynn tells us, as exactly as in any European palace. Concubines
were not permitted to bear children. Pregnancy was avoided by ukuhlobonga.

Music and dancing played large parts in the social life of the Negrids almost
everywhere in the secluded area.
For the purpose of this book, music must be regarded from four separate
points of view. One must ask oneself what capacities the Negrids exhibited first
as inventors, and secondly as makers, of musical instruments; thirdly as com-
posers, and fourthly as executant musicians. Only Schweinfurth enters into any
detail on these subjects, but all the explorers contributed some relevant infor-
mation, and one can at least gain a general impression bearing on this aspect of
the ethnic problem.
The parts played by independent invention on one hand and diffusion on the
other, in the origin and perfection of musical instruments, cannot be defined
with confidence. Some of the simpler ones, such as the wooden drum, may
perhaps have originated before the main ethnic taxa had evolved; if so, they
neither originated independently in more than one population nor diffused from
one to another, but passed by 'inheritance' (in the non-biological sense of the
word), generation by generation, from a remote ancestral stock to groups that
subsequently became morphologically distinct. Still, there are indications that
certain instruments were invented by Negrids. and others about which there
can be no certainty as to whether they spread to or from the people of this race.
The ground-bow (classified by Wachsmannliiiil as a single-stringed harp,
though the string was not plucked) may well have been invented by Negrids.
The Bongo practice was to stick one end of a bamboo rod vertically in the
ground and attach a string to the top of it. The other end of the string was then
pulled tightly and fixed firmly in the bottom of a cavity dug in the ground. The
rod was thus bent in the shape of a bow. A piece of bark with a hole in it was
placed over the cavity so as to complete the resonator. Sound was produced by
beating the string with a splinter or twig of bamboo. Schweinfurth does not
explain clearly how the pitch of the note was varied, but ground-bows were
usually controlled by stopping the string with the hand not used to beat it. The
player is said to have obtained additional resonance by holding his mouth over
the upper end of the rod. Buzzing and humming airs were produced by the
Bongo with this instrument, which has its counterparts among the tribes of
southern Africa, including the Zulu.
The place of origin of the resonated xylophone or marimba is not known
with certainty. It is diflRcult to believe that so complex an instrument as this
could have been independently invented twice. It is used in Malaya, and the
claim has been made that the Malayans invented it;l583l but this does not seem
to have been proved, and it is possible that it originated in Negrid Africa.l44|
The Zulu have a tradition that it was invented by a woman named Marimba, a
chieftainess known as 'the Mother of Music'. She is said to have invented many
 THE NEGRIDS III 379

musical instruments and given the Bantu-speaking people some of their oldest
and most beautiful songs. 784] Livingstone gives a good drawing of the
1

instrument, as used by the Balunda (Pan 1 ). There were fifteen or more slats in
this instrument, each with a gourd of properly graduated size below it to act as
resonator. The handja of the Fang {Pan 3) was similar, but with only six or
seven slats and gourds. Fynn gives a careful description of a xylophone with
fourteen slats and gourds, used by the Zulu. Livingstone implies (without ac-
tually saying so) that the Portuguese of Angola derived their marimba from the
native xylophone. It was under this name that it crossed the Atlantic to Central
America with Negro slaves.
The instrument known as the sansa may also have been invented by
Negrids. It consists of a set of long, thin strips of iron or bamboo, clamped
parallel to one another on a sounding board in such a way that their free ends
project to different lengths. These ends are depressed by the thumbs and
fingers, and suddenly released in such a way that they vibrate to give out
musical tones. In the typical form of the instrument each key is provided with
an adjustment for accurate tuning, but this is not evident in the illustration
given by Du Chaillu of the type called ibeka, used by the Bakalai {Pan 1).
Considerable skill was shown by the Negrids in the construction of many of
their musical instruments. This appears clearly enough in the illustrations
provided by several of the explorers. Du Chaillu understates the case when he
says that the handja of the Fang was 'not altogether unworthy of more
civilized people'.Inventive capacity was shown in the application of local
products to serve particular purposes. For instance, the Azande sometimes
took wiry hairs from the tail of the giraffe to serve as strings for their arched
harp (p. 351), and the Mittu used a half-shell (single valve) of a freshwater
bivalve mollusc as a bridge for the rababa (p. 351).
The explorers express little appreciation of the ability of Negrids as com-
posers of music, though some exceptions to this are to be found in their
writings. Schweinfurth considered that among the many tribes he visited, only
the Mittu {Pan 3) had any real talent for the composition of melodies. He gives
in European notation a pleasant little air of theirs, sung in chorus by a hundred
men, women, and children; 'they kept admirable time, succeeding in gradual
cadence to procure some very effective variations' on this 'well-sustained air'.
Baker mentions 'a most plaintive and remarkably wild, but pleasing air' sung
by the chief of the Obbo people to the latter's accompaniment on the rababa,
'producing the best music that I ever heard among savages'. Du Chaillu, too,
says that the airs of the Bakalai, played on their eight-stringed harp, were 'real-
ly pretty, though sad and monotonous'; and Galton mentions the 'manly
choruses' of the Ovambo {Ka), the effect of which was 'charming'. Speke, on
the contrary, remarks that Negroes are 'mentally incapacitated for musical
composition, though as timists they are not to be surpassed'. This exaggerated
statement contains an element of truth. The fact is that the explorers, being
Europeans, looked for melody and harmony, and were usually disappointed;
but they lacked the experience that would enable them to appreciate to the full
the complexity of Negrid rhythms, which are perhaps unequalled in the
music of any other race of mankind. Similarly, a Negrid might think poorly of
380 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

European music, on account of the rhythm in most of it.

relative simplicity of
The explorers did appreciate of Negrids as executant
the virtuosity
musicians. It was revealed by their precision in timing and accuracy of pitch
(whether of voice or tuning of instruments). A musician at the court of King
Munza performed on an ivory horn so huge that he could scarcely hold it
horizontally, yet on this instrument he 'executed rapid passages and shakes
with as much neatness and decision as though he were performing on a
flute'.[95i] The capacity to sing in tune and in time seems to have been almost

universal among the tribes visited by the explorers. The only striking exception
to this generalization was provided by the Bongo {Pan i), whose singing 'at
one time suggests the yelping of a dog and at another the lowing of a
cow . everyone, without distinction of age or sex
. . yelling, screeching, and
. . .

bellowing with all their strength'. Music seems everywhere to have played a
large part in the lives of the people, and in some cases it utterly absorbed their
attentions for long periods. Schweinfurth, from his own experience, was half-
inclined to believe Piaggia's statement that a member of the 'Niam-Niam'
(Azande) tribe would go on playing an instrument all day and all night without
thinking to leave off to eat or drink.
Most of the native dances witnessed by the explorers were of a voluptuous
One must make allowance for the fact that there was reserve about sexual
type.
matters in Europe during a part of the nineteenth century, and Livingstone, as
a missionary, could not be expected to approve; but Speke, Du Chaillu, and
Fynn were what are called 'men of the world', and they too regarded these
dances as grossly obscene. Speke, for instance, saw a dance of the Madi (IPan
i) at a place east of the Nile, some thirty miles beyond its outflow from the
Albert Nyanza. 'A more indecent or savage spectacle I never witnessed,' he
remarks. The men and women 'made the most grotesque and obscene motions
to one another'. Schweinfurth says of a Bongo dance, 'The license [sic] of their
revelry is of so gross a character that the representation (drawing] of one of my
interpreters must be suppressed. It made a common market-woman drop her
eyes and called up a blush even to a poor sapper's cheek.' Du Chaillu
'abominated' what he saw at a dance of the Commi (Pan 1 ) tribe. The people
lost all control at the sound of the tom-tom; 'the louder and more energetically
the horrid drum is beaten, the wilder are the jumps of the male African, and the
more disgustingly indecent the contortions of the women.' On another occasion
women of the same tribe performed 'such dances as are not seen
elsewhere. every woman was furiously tipsy, and thought it a point of
. . .

honour to be more indecent than her neighbour.' At a dance of a group of

women of the Oroungou (Pan 1 ) tribe, 'To attain the greatest possible indecen-
cy of attitude seemed to be the ambition of all six.' 'If the scene were witnessed
in a lunatic asylum,' writes Livingstone of a Makololo (Ka) dance, 'it would be
nothing out of the way, and quite appropriate even.' Fynn tells us that the Zulu
dancers 'make the most indecent gestures; the songs, too, which accompany
the dancing are of the most indecent kind'.
The ceremonial and martial dances, however, were of an entirely different
character, and elicited nothing but praise from the explorers. Baker describes a
grand performance by the people of Obbo (Ni). 'The dancing was most
 THE NEGRIDS III 381

vigorous.' he says, '. . . the figures varying continually, and ending with a
"grand gallop" circles, at a tremendous pace, the inner ring revolving
in double
in a contrary direction to the outer; the effect of this was excellent' indeed, —
'far superior' to anything he had seen during his extensive travels in Arab
territory. Fynn and his companions were greatly impressed by a ceremonial
dance performed by an immense number of Zulu. Without having actually
witnessed it, they 'could not have imagined that a nation termed "savages"
could be so disciplined and kept in order'. When Dingane replaced Chaka as
king, the people performed such dances with even greater 'sedateness and for-
mal regularity' than before.
It is an unfortunate fact that the explorers do not give sufficiently detailed in-

formation about the pictorial and plastic art of the Negrids to warrant an
attempt at a general account in this chapter. It must suffice here to say that no
example of a naturalistic picture or sculpture is recorded by any of them. There
would perhaps have been general assent among them to a comment of
Schweinfurth's relating to the Bongo, as applicable in a very general way to the
artistic productions of most of the tribes they visited. Referring to some
wooden carvings intended to represent deceased members of the tribe, he
remarks:
However rude must be pronounced, they nevertheless
these attempts
reveal a kind of artisticpower certainly far from contemptible; at any rate,
the very labour bestowed upon them indicates the appreciation which the ar-
tist entertained for his work. The Bongo, for their own part, regard their

wooden images as incomparably superb, and persuade themselves that the

likenesses of those who are represented are perfect.
Although Schweinfurth was a competent artist and Baker made many vigorous
and useful paintings representative of Negrid life and culture, none of the
explorers would have presumed to pose as an art critic.

not easy to provide a satisfactory general account of the religious beliefs

It is

and practices of the Negrids in the secluded area, on the evidence of the
explorers' observations. Schweinfurth makes a candid comment that explains
one cause of the difficulty. He remarks that his two years' residence among the
Bongo 'only gave me after all a very superficial insight into the mysteries of
their inner life'. There is yet another reason for the special difficulty of this sub-
ject. Each tribe had its own traditions in these matters, and one cannot easily
distil the essence of what was common to many.

Nevertheless, there was one particularly widespread belief, involving one im-
aginary and two real categories of persons. Evil spirits, often regarded as the
souls of the dead, were supposed to mingle in some mysterious way with the
affairs of the living, for the purpose of harming them and depriving them of all
earthly pleasures. Terror of these spirits was widespread. Referring to the peo-
ple of all the many tribes among whom he travelled, Du Chaillu remarks that
'. . . whole lives are saddened and embittered by the fears of evil spirits,
their
witchcraft, and other kindred superstitions under which they labour'. 'Their
religion, if such it may be called,' says Livingstone, 'is one of dread.' He is here
referring to a Palaenegrid tribe, though the fear of disembodied spirits was by
382 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

no means confined to this subrace. 'Quite amazing', Schweinfurth remarks, 'is

the fear which exists among the Bongo about ghosts.'
It was universally supposed that certain persons, often but by no means

always old women, were capable of communing with the evil spirits, and did so
in order to harm other people. They were naturally an added source of dread,
and superstitions grew up about them. The Bongo thought that they wandered
through the forest-glades at night to collect certain roots that somehow gave
them access to the evil spirits. They believed that this nocturnal wandering
might actually be taking place at the very time when the supposed witches gave
every appearance of lying at repose in their huts.
A natural outcome of belief in witches was the existence of another group of
persons, to whom the magical power of detecting witches was attributed. These
people, always men, were called izinyanga (singular inyanga) by the Zulu, and
by various names in other tribes. The usual rendering into English is the rather
unfortunate one of witch-'doctor'. Fantastically dressed and decorated with
strange objects such as the inflated gall-bladders of cattle, the izinyanga and
their counterparts in other tribes obtained enormous and baneful influence over
the people among whom they lived. They were supposed to be able to confer
supernatural powers on objects of the most varied kinds —on sticks, stones, or
even lumps of earth. 19961
Du Commi {Pan 1 ) witch-doctor.
Chaillu gives a detailed description of a
Inever saw a more ghastly object. He had on a high head-dress of black
feathers. His eyelids were painted red, and a red stripe, from the nose up-
ward, divided his forehead in two parts. Another red stripe passed round his
head. The face was painted white, and on each side of the mouth were two
round red spots. About his neck hung a necklace of grass and also a cord,
which held a box against his breast. ... A number of strips of leopard and
other skins crossed his breast, and were exposed about his person; and all
these were charmed, and had charms attached to them. From each shoulder
down to his hands was a white stripe, and one hand was painted quite white.
To complete this horrible array, he wore a string of little bells around his
body.
Nearly all Negrids, according to Livingstone, had unbounded faith in the
efficacy of fetishes, or, as he called them, 'charms'. It may be remembered that
belief in fetishes, more than anything else, had caused Kant to regard Negrids
as intellectually inferior (p. 19). Their nature and importance varied, however,
among the diflferent tribes. Teeth of crocodiles or leopards and skins of snakes
were among the objects worn about the neck or waist for the sake of their sup-
posed magical powers. As a general rule the fetishes of the Kafrids were por-
table. The Pan 1 also carried small charms about with them, but they
speciaHzed in large idols of various kinds, which they kept in a special house in
each village. Livingstone had lived for years among Kafrid tribes that were less
addicted than most of the others to the use of fetishes, and he had never seen
housed idols until he penetrated into Balunda {Pan 1) territory. 'As we go
north,' he remarks with unusual asperity, 'the people become more bloodily
superstitious.' One of the first such idols he encountered was an object
resembling a crocodile, though regarded by the local people as a lion. It was
 THE NEGRIDS III 383

made of grass plastered with clay; the eyes were cowrie-shells, and bristles
from an elephant's tail were stuck in the neck to represent a mane. It stood in a
shed, and the villagers were accustomed to pray and beat drums before it all
night long when was illness among them. Du Chaillu says that certain
there
idols kept in special houses by the Palaenegrids of Gabon were believed to
speak, nod the head, walk about, eat, and drink.
Of the multitude of superstitions recorded by the explorers, only a few
examples will be related here.
The Azande (Pan 3) were firmly convinced that the possession of certain
roots, charmed by a magician, gave success in hunting. Those who killed an
exceptionally great number of antelopes or buffaloes were not credited, as a
general rule, with any special skill in the use of their weapons: their achieve-
ment was attributed to the possession of the appropriate fetishes.
To determine which of his three sons should succeed Dagara, king of
Karagwe, a minute drum was placed before them by the officers of state (Ka).
In reality it was very light, but special fetishes had been inserted in it to render
it extremely heavy to persons not entitled to the throne. Two of the claimants

could not raise it from the ground: the third. Rumanika, picked it up with his
little finger and thus became king. This was recorded by Speke, who spent

more than six weeks in camp beside the palace, and became very friendly with
Rumanika.
In Buganda (Ka), a chief who wanted to know when to make war against an
adversary would call in a magician to tell him whether the time was propitious.
The latter would then place a large earthenware vessel, half full of water, over a
fire, and lay on it a gratmg of sticks. On the latter he would place a baby and a

fowl, side by side, and cover them with a second large earthenware vessel. He
would then steam them for a period of time determined by himself. Their sur-
vival or death would result in a decision to make war at once, or defer it. This
was actually done by a magician named KVenko on the order of Mutesa, king
of Buganda, to determine whether it was safe to send an army through Unyoro
to escort Speke to the north on his homeward journey. Speke remarks that
extreme measures such as this were only used on the most important oc-
casions.
Zulu (Ka) who required to be purified, because a relative had died or for
some other sufficient reason, were required to slit open the side of a living calf,
drain the gall-bladder, and distribute the bile over themselves, or in a particular
place. The calves that had been treated in this way were allowed to die in
agony, and were not eaten.
Among the Ovambo (Ka) there was fear of death by magic through par-
taking of a meal with a stranger. To avoid the supposed danger the stranger
was required to sit, close his eyes, and raise his face. The person supposedio be
endangered took water in his mouth, gargled with it, stood over the seated
visitor, and squirted the water straight in his face. The king refused to eat with
Galton because the latter would not submit to this ritual.
When Samuel Baker and Florence were seriously ill with a bilious fever at
Obbo (M), the magician (who in this case was also the chief of his tribe)
brought a small branch of a tree, filled his mouth with water, and squirted it
384 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

over the leaves; he then waved the branch round the patients' heads and stuck
it in the thatch above the doorway of their hut. This magician was also the rain-

maker of his tribe. He imposed on his subjects by pretending to withhold rain,

or send too much, unless provided with goats and corn.
The various tribes entertained very different ideas as to the existence of a
God. Schweinfurth tells us that the Bongo certainly had no idea of a creator, or
any kind of ruling power 'above'. Livingstone records the opinion of a Por-
tuguese official at Tete that the Banyai (Ka), Barotse (Pan 7). and Balunda
(Pan 1 ) 'have a clear idea of a Supreme Being, the maker and governor of all
things'. He does not say that he confirmed this statement by his own obser-
vations, but he does remark that the Bakonga (Pan 1 ) 'require no explanation
of the existence of the Deity', and that the Bakuena (Ka) 'scouted the idea of
any of them ever having been without a tolerably clear conception' of the
existence of God.
The Bongo had no idea of immortality, but the works of the explorers con-
tain several references to the survival of souls of the dead, at least for a time.
Some of the Shillouk, for instance, thought that the dead 'are lingering among
the living'. Du Chaillu mentions the placing of furniture, dress, and food at the
graves of the recently dead, among the Gabon tribes (mostly Pan 1)\ but ap-
parently this was done to appease the spirits, who were feared (cf p. 381).
In many tribes there were public gatherings that might be called either
religious ceremonies or invocations of fetishes, in connection with illness
(cf. p. 383), death, famine, or drought; but in some, notably the Bakuena, noth-

ing of the sort ever took place. Schweinfurth did not witness any form of
public religious observance during five weeks' residence among the Monbuttu
(Pan 3).
It is customary in more advanced societies to think of religions as combining

a certain number of beliefs, not capable of proof by objective tests or

reasoning, with rather detailed and explicit ethical codes. This combination was
unusual or perhaps non-existent among the Negrids of the secluded area. Du
Chaillu writes, 'Among the tribes with which I am familiar, there is no native
generic term equivalent to our word religion.'' Similarly Schweinfurth tells us
that '. none of the natives of the Gazelle district [and this includes nearly all
. .

the tribes with which he came in contact] may be credited with the faintest con-
ception of true religion', and 'All religion, in our sense of the word religion, is
quite unknown to the Bongo.' These remarks must be taken to mean that there
was nothing corresponding to a church where moral precepts could be taught
publicly, and no clear correlation in their minds between such precepts and
their unproven beliefs. There is not necessarily any implication, however, that
there was no private inculcation of such precepts within the family. Intelligent
men among the Bakuena told Livingstone that nothing regarded as sinful by
the missionaries had ever in the past appeared to themselves as anything other
than this, with the single exception of polygamy.
Although apparently there was nowhere any formulated ethical system,
transmitted to congregations by persons corresponding to clergymen, bound
together as ministers of a church, yet moral ideas must somehow have been in-
culcated in most of the tribes. It is difficult to accept Galton's conclusion that
 THE NEGRIDS III 385

the Ovaherero 'seem to have no perceptible notion of right and wrong'; and
certainly the explorers witnessed several remarkable instances of selfless
benevolence to total strangers, by people wholly uninfluenced by any foreign
religion. Several examples have already been mentioned on pp. 346-7. Most,
but not all, of the 'good Samaritan' acts recorded by the explorers were per-
formed by women. A striking instance of a man's benevolence is related by
Schweinfurth. A Bongo {Pan 3) told him that he had been severely wounded
when helping Nubians to steal Dinka {Ni) cattle. He lay down just outside a
Dinka house. The owner protected him, kept him till he was well, and then
provided him with an escort to his home. The same author describes another
remarkable act of mercy by a male Dinka. A man of this tribe had been one of
Schweinfurth's bearers, but he was afflicted by guinea-worm {Dracunculus
medinensis) when far from his own village, among people of another tribe. It
was with difficulty that he could walk a single step, and he was reduced to
living on scraps of food in a period of great scarcity. In his plight his father
appeared unexpectedly to succour him. This remarkable man carried his son
fifteen or sixteen leagues on his back to restore him to his home. 'This incident',
says Schweinfurth, 'was regarded by the other natives as a mere matter of
course.'
After long acquaintance with the Makololo {Ka). Livingstone came to the
conclusion that in general they were less helpful to the unfortunate than more
advanced peoples were, and '. a poor person who has no relatives, will
. .

seldom be supplied even with water in illness. It would be easy to enumerate in-
stances of inhumanity which I have witnessed.' Among the Bakalai {Pan 1 ),
too, there was no sympathy for those who were sick or aged and lacked friends
to support them. They were driven out of their villages to die in loneliness in the
forest. Du saw old men driven out in this way. The emaciated
Chaillu twice
corpse of one of them was found subsequently. Galton reports that among the
Ovaherero 'A sick person meets with no compassion; he is pushed out of his
hut by his relations away from the fire into the cold; they do all they can to
expedite his death, and when he appears to be dying, they heap ox-hides over
him until he is suffocated.' The possibility must be kept in mind that the
explorer witnessed crude attempts to shorten the misery of lingering death.
In the explorers' records there is one instance of the expression of regret by
Negrids for the suffering of an animal. During Du Chaillu's journey up the
Rembo valley in Gabon, a female chimpanzee was shot and its baby wailed in
misery. 'The whole camp was touched at his sorrows,' he writes, 'and the
women were especially moved.'

Most of the explorers were not long enough in any one place to make a
careful study of law and its administration. Du Chaillu writes of 'the total
absence of any law but that of the strongest — the almost total ignoring of the
right of property' among the tribes of Gabon; but even if this were true of the
country through which he travelled, it certainly was not representative of
the
whole of the secluded area. In certain matters, especially in relation to hunting,
quite complicated rules existed and were enforced. Some of these are related in
detail by Livingstone. For instance, at a place between Zumbo and Tete
386 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
(probably Banyai tribe {Ka)\ when an elephant was wounded on one chief's
land but died on another's, the lower half of the carcase (presumably that
which lay next the soil) belonged to the landowner; and until the latter's
representative arrived, the hunter could not legally start to cut up his prey. If he
started too soon, he lost all right to tusk and flesh. On most branches of civil
law, however, the explorers provide little information; for instance, we are
given no details about land tenure or bequests. Among the Bechuana, minor
complaints of one man against another were tried justly before a chief, the
defendant being given full opportunity to present his case. Peremptory
measures were usually adopted, however, when serious crimes had been com-
mitted and suspicion had fallen on particular persons.
The ideas entertained by Negrids in pre-colonial days on such subjects as the
sanctity of human life and the imposition of the death penalty have been
represented in recent years by certain authors and lecturers in terms for which
one cannot find support in the writings of those who actually visited the interior
of Africa while the native inhabitants were still in command of their own
affairs. For instance, it has been stated that 'in most of Bantu Africa, long
before the arrival of so-called western civilization, only a person who was a
persistent murderer was put to death\|645l 'Bantu Africa' can only mean those
parts of the continent where the inhabitants spoke Bantu languages; that is to
say. the territory of the Kafrids and Pan 1. Reference to Fig. 58 (p. 328) will
show the area concerned. It will be noticed that it represents about one-half of
the total area occupied by the entire Negrid population of Africa. It was visited
by all the explorers except Schweinfurth, and four of them Fynn, —
Livingstone, Galton, and Du Chaillu —
never went outside it in the course of
the journeys considered in this and the preceding chapters.
In this section of the present chapter, page-references are given to the reports
of the explorers, so that the reader may check what is said as easily as possible,
and form his own judgement on the reliability of the witnesses by reading their
own words. The page-references to executions, given below within brackets,
refer to pages in the explorers' books. I5i. 200. 373. ?7S. 676. 951. 9Q6|
Examples of summary executions in the course of warfare (of prisoners,
women accompanying and persons suspected of spying, cowar-
hostile armies,
dice, or failure to follow up a success) are excluded from the account given
below, which is entirely concerned with civil life.
It is convenient to start with Du Chaillu"sl2ooi observations on the Pan 7;

that is to say, with the 'Western Bantu' of Seligman. 19571

Slaves were treated by members of this group of Negrids in Gabon as
though were unworthy of consideration, for by native customs the
their lives
right was accorded to all slave-owners to kill them at will (p. 21). In Oroungou
territory Du Chaillu saw some of the skeletons of slaves, to the number of one
hundred, who were killed to accompany a chief to the next world (p. 183). A
large number of slaves were also tortured and killed at the funeral of a
Mpongwe chief, in accordance with instructions left by him (p. 21). It must be
recorded, however, that another chief of this tribe expressly forbade the killing
of slaves at his funeral (p. 21).
Wives, like slaves, were in some cases subject to execution without public
 THE NEGRIDS III 387

trial. Du
Chaillu describes a terrible torture inflicted by a chief of the Shekiani
on one of his wives, with the intention that it should end with her death. The
explorer was in this case able to save her life (p. 157).
In most of the Gabon tribes it was usual, though not invariable, for one
member of a pair of twins to be killed at birth. This happened at an Apingi
village in which Du Chaillu was staying at the time.
It was believed that death was never a natural event, and fatal illness was

always ascribed to sorcery (p. 338). Du Chaillu describes a method of execu-

tion commonly adopted by the Bakalai for those suspected of witchcraft. The
suspect was led into the forest and tied to a tree. The whole surface of the body
was lacerated and red pepper rubbed into the wounds, and the victim left to die.
The recently dead corpse of a young woman who had been treated in this way
was seen by Du Chaillu (p. 122). The latter also tells of a boy, aged ten years,
who had been accused of sorcery and made some sort of confession.
'Hereupon the whole town seemed to be seized of the devil. They took spears
and knives, and actually cut the poor little fellow to pieces. I had been walking
out, and returned just as the dreadful scene was over.' The participants
(Bakalai) 'were still frantic with rage, and were not quiet for some hours after'
(p. 281).
In many parts of Pan 1 territory it was customary for anyone charged with
sorcery to be forced to drink an infusion of the root of a plant called mboundou
(thought to be a species of Strychnos (p. 257)). It was supposed that only a
guilty person would die. Du Chaillu makes repeated mention of trial by mboun-
dou 395-8. 404-5). A single example must suffice. An aged
(pp. 272, 385,
Camma tribe {Pan 1 ), was sick beyond the possibility of
friend of his, of the
recovery. The explorer gives a terrible account of the execution of three women
by mboundou, when a witch-doctor announced that they had killed the old man
by sorcery (pp. 395-8).
The Pan 1 territory through which Livingstone passed was far to the south-
east of Gabon, but his experiences were in many respects similar to those of Du
Chaillu. He describes ordeal by poison derived from a plant called goho, in-
flicted on women suspected of sorcery. Those who vomited were regarded as
innocent, but those who defaecated were put to death by burning. The women
eagerly desired the test, because they believed implicitly in its reliability and
were certain that it would reveal their innocence (p. 621). In Angola a
poisonous infusion of a certain tree was used. The accuser would repeat his
charge if the woman vomited, and she would be forced to repeat the dose until
she died. Every year hundreds of women came to a particular place near
Cassange to undergo this ordeal, and perished as a result (p. 434). The people
believed that death was in all cases due to one of two causes: either witchcraft,
or failure to appease disembodied spirits by use of the appropriate charms (p.
440).
Livingstone states clearly that throughout all the country traversed by him
from 20°S. northwards (that is to say, Pan 1 territory), people were slaughtered
to accompany the departed souls of chiefs.
Like Du Chaillu, Livingstone mentions the custom among certain tribes of
putting to death one member of a pair of twins, and he also says that in one
388 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
tribe a child thatshowed even a minor deformity (for instance, an unusual
sequence of the teeth) was not allowed to live (p. 577).
in cutting
We turn now from the Pan 1 to the Kafrids.
Baker reports that Kamurasi, king of Unyoro, and his brother as deputy,
were complete despots in the matter of life and death (vol. ii, p. 254). If they
wished anyone to be executed, they had only to touch the person with the point
of a lance or with a stick. By a curiously inverted custom, touching with a lance
indicated that the man was to be clubbed to death; with the stick, to be killed
by spearing. The sentence was executed instantly (vol. ii, pp. 199-200). When
slaves were captured by Kamurasi, the old women among them were all killed
by being beaten on the back of the neck with clubs, because they could not
keep up with the rest of the party on the march (vol. ii, p. 202).
Mutesa, king of Buganda, was even more regardless of the sanctity of
human life than Kamurasi. Speke had ample opportunity to make observations
on this subject during his long sojourn at the court. The slightest infringement
of the rules of conduct resulted in death. The Wakungu or officers of the court
were required to be present during a certain number of months every year,
however far distant their homes might be; if they failed in this obligation (pp.
323-4), or even if they saluted informally (p. 258), they were executed. Those
persons at the palace who tied their bark clothing incorrectly, or exposed a
small surface of naked leg when squatting, might be executed (pp. 255, 258).
To touch the king's throne or clothes, even by accident, or even to look at his
women, meant certain death (p. 256). If a page walked instead of running to
deliver a message, it might cost him his life. Everyone in Buganda, apart from
the royal family, found in possession of any article of foreign manufacture,
other than beads or brass wire, was subject to execution (pp. 345, 490). Nearly
every day, while Speke was residing within the precincts of the court, from one
to three of the palace women were led out to execution (p. 358).
Some specific instances of summary executions under Mutesa's rule may be
noted. A young woman had run away from her husband and taken shelter for a
few days with a decrepit old man. The woman and old man, brought before
Mutesa for trial, were not allowed to speak. They were ordered to be fed to
preserve life as long as possible, and meanwhile gradually dismembered, and
the parts cut off fed to vultures, until they died. Speke was present at the trial
(p. 375). One day Mutesa was apportioning women to his officers, according to
their merit. One man, to whom only one woman had been given, asked for
more. He was sentenced to immediate execution, which was carried out on the
spot by a blow behind the head with a heavy club (p. 377). This was witnessed
by Speke's headman, Bombay, a trustworthy person who had served him on a
previous expedition. Speke presented Mutesa with some carbines. The king
loaded one of them and gave it to a page in Speke's presence, with instructions
to shoot a man with it, to prove its effectiveness; this was immediately done (p.
298). Going for a walk with his officers in front and his women following
behind, Mutesa noticed a woman tied by the hands to be punished for some
offence. The king had with him a rifle presented to him by Speke, with which he
shot her dead on the spot (p. 389).
It was the rule in Buganda that all the brothers of a new king, except two.
 THE NEGRIDS III 389

were executed by burning at each accession to the throne; the two were allowed
to survive in case accident should befall the ruler (pp. 254. 260. 281, 526-7).
In the Kafrid area traversed by Livingstone and Galton there was much
clearer recognition of the sanctity of human life than in Unyoro. Buganda, and
the huge Pan 1 territory. Power was indeed entrusted to a few persons, but it
was exercised more leniently. It is evident from Livingstone's account that
among the Bakuena and Makololo. although the chief had power of life and
death in his hands, there was no despotic cruelty comparable with that of
Kamurasi and Mutesa; those who disagreed with a chief's judgement
acquiesced in his decision —
but were free to grumble (p. 184) (no small
freedom, and not without ultimate effect).
To the south-east of the region just considered, conditions were very
different. Chaka —
or Shaka, as Fynn calls him —
had displaced Dingiswayo
before Fynn's arrival. The latter's observations were made over a period of
nine consecutive years, mostly during Chaka's reign, but extending into a part
of Dingane's.
Under Chaka's rule, as witnessed by Fynn, a movement of a royal finger,
just perceptible to his attendants, sufficed to indicate that a man was to be
taken away and executed. On the first day of Fynn's arrival at court, ten men
were carried off to death, and he soon learnt that executions occurred daily (pp.
28, 75, 78). On one occasion Fynn witnessed the dispatch of sixty boys under
the age of twelve years before Chaka had breakfasted (p. 28). The ordinary
method of execution in Zululand was a sudden twisting of the neck, but in one
case a man accused of witchcraft was suspended from a tree by his feet and
burnt to death by a fire lit below him (p. 29). Sometimes people were killed by
driving a stick into the body through the anus and leaving them to die (p. 140).
On one occasion between four and five hundred women were massacred
because they were believed to have knowledge of witchcraft (p. 156). In some
cases very trivial offences resulted in death. One of Chaka's concubines was
executed for taking a pinch of snuff from his snuff-box (p. 151). A group of
cowherd boys was put to death for having sucked the nipples of cattle (p. 152).
It was the rule in Zululand that no one might eat from any crop until the

king had partaken of the first-fruits of the year at a special ceremony. If anyone
transgressed, every member of his kraal was executed (p. 304). At the
ceremony the king was accustomed to have many people executed for no other
reason than to show his power and cause him to be feared (p. 305).
Many besides the king could order executions. Nandi, his mother, had no
compunction about having men and women put to death in her presence,
sometimes by torture (p. 140). Every village chief was permitted to kill any of
his people (p. 286). Any person accused by one of the izinyanga was im-
mediately executed; their decisions were final (pp. 277, 318). Fynn witnessed
this on several occasions (p. 70). Adultery was punished by death for both par-
ties, and even the suspicion of adultery would authorize a husband to kill his

wife (pp. 294-5).

The most terrible event of Chaka's reign that was actually witnessed by
Fynn followed the illness and death of Nandi. Universal mourning was im-
mediately ordered. The chiefs and people began to assemble in a crowd es-
390 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
timated at eight thousand. To eat or drink was forbidden; weeping was com-
pulsory. Lamentations followed all night.
Those who could not force tears from their eyes those who were found —
near the river panting for water —
were beaten to death by others who were
mad with excitement. Toward the afternoon I calculated that not fewer than
7,000 people had fallen in this frightful indiscriminate massacre. Whilst . . .

masses were thus employing themselves, Shaka and his chiefs, the latter sur-
rounding him, were tumbling and throwing themselves about, each trying to
excel in their demonstrations of grief by alternate fits of howling (p. 133).
Fynn felt 'as if the whole universe were at that moment coming to an end' (p.
135). On his first appearance after the massacre Chaka ordered the execution
of one of his aunts, who had been unfriendly to Nandi, and of all her attendants
(some twelve or fourteen girls) (p. 133). Parties were sent out to execute those
who had not come to express sorrow. During a period of one year after Nan-
di's death, all women found to be pregnant were executed with their husbands

(pp.136-7).
Avery similar massacre had occurred previously, when an attempt had been
made on Chaka's life (pp. 84-5).
Though milder at first, Dingane soon began to follow Chaka's example.
Fynn says that he 'massacred numbers with the same unsparing hand as his
predecessor' (p. 174). He secretly prejudged all cases thatcame before his
council of chiefs (p. 163). Whenever a chief {induna) was suspected of
witchcraft, poisoning, stealing royal cattle, or disobeying the king's orders, not
only the man concerned but all him were executed,
related to or connected with
young girls (p. 289). When a certain
including children, except sometimes the
induna was accused of having had an amour with one of Dingane's wives, the
man member of his village were inhumanely put to death (p.
himself and every
241). conformity with a practice general among many Negrid tribes,
In
Dingane killed those of his brothers who were not able to escape (pp. 214,
241).
The foregoing account of executions has been restricted to some of those
reported by the explorers Bantu-speaking Africa, but it could easily have
in
been extended to the rest of the secluded area if it had been considered
justifiable to devote more space to this subject.

Over a very large part of the secluded area there is no evidence that human
fleshwas ever eaten, and no first-hand account of it is recorded by Fynn,
Livingstone, Galton, Speke, or Baker. In several places the native inhabitants
knew that cannibalism existed elsewhere; Speke and Baker give examples of
this. Fynn mentions a tribe living in the vicinity of the Zulu that was stated to

have taken to eating human flesh when their cattle were stolen; but this was not
confirmed by direct observation, and the vast majority of Kafrid tribes were
never cannibals, so far as is known. No suggestion is made anywhere that any
Nilotid was ever a cannibal. Schweinfurth remarks of the Dinka (M), 'It is
scarcely necessary to say that the accounts of the cannibalism of the Niam-
Niam excite as much horror amongst them as amongst ourselves.'
Du Chaillu made his acquaintance with cannibalism in Fang {Pan 3)
 THE NEGRIDS III 391

territory. He hadbeen inclined to disbelieve in its reality, but the evidence was
plain when he entered a village of this tribe. 'I perceived some bloody
first

remains which looked to me human.' he remarks; 'but I passed on. still in-
credulous. Presently we passed a woman who solved all doubt. She bore with
her a piece of the thigh of a human body, just as we should go to market and
carry thence a roast or steak.' The evidence accumulated inexorably as he
travelled through Fang territory. The people showed no reserve in discussing
the customary procedures with him. such as the division of a corpse, and the
right of the king to a particular part of it. Human bones were thrown outside
the houses of villagers, mixed with other offal. 'In fact, symptoms of can-
nibalism stare me in the face wherever I go. and I can no longer doubt.' It
appeared to be the custom that when a villager was killed or died, his corpse
was sent to another Fang village, for sale as food. 'This seems the proper and
usual end of the Fangs.' Du Chaillu records the cutting up of the body of a
man who had clearly died of disease. The villagers confirmed 'without em-
barrassment' that it was customary to eat such corpses. 'In fact, the Fangs
seem regular ghouls, only they practise their horrid custom unblushingly, and
in open day, and have no shame about it.' Unlike other tribes, the Fang had
few slaves, partly because they were accustomed to eat prisoners taken in war;
but they bought the bodies of slaves from other tribes for eating, paying ivory
for them.
It was only among the Fang that Du Chaillu encountered positive evidence

of cannibalism; but when he received a formal visit from the king of the Apingi
{Pan 1), the latter immediately handed over to him a bound slave, with the
remark, 'Kill him for your evening meal; he is tender and fat. and you must be
hungry.' This incident must not be taken as proving that cannibalism existed
among the Apingi. The coastal natives saw many slaves receiving food in
depots ('barracoons') while awaiting shipment; and reports of this, filtering
through to remote districts, had given rise to the belief that Negrids were
fattened before being exported to serve as food for Europeans. Fear of this fate
was, indeed, one of the miseries suffered by the slaves in the depots.
Reports of a tribe of cannibals called Niam-Niam, living in the region of the
Bahr-el-Ghazal tributaries, began to trickle through to Khartoum about
1845.(5561 This tribe, properly called the Azande. was much feared by its
neighbours on account of its ferocity in war and addiction to the eating of
human flesh. The name Niam-Niam, variously spelled, was used by all the ear-
ly explorers. It had been bestowed on them by the Dinka. to convey (with un-
derstatement) the idea of 'great eaters'. The first person to penetrate into their
territory was the British ivory-trader and H.M. consular agent in central
Africa, John Petherick, who in 1858 spent a little more than a fortnight at a
village called by its chief's name, Mundo, situated at the northern boundary of
course of his travels Petherick received information about
their tribe. In the
cannibalism, but he did not witness it during his brief stay in the Azande
village. [840]
In his valuable history of Nile exploration, Sir Henry Johnston makes the mistake of
saying that in the course of Petherick's second expedition to the region of the Bahr-el-
Ghazal tributaries, he revisited Niam-Niam territory. On this occasion he was accom-
392 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
panied by his wife, and the book describing their experiences consists of alternating
sections, contributed by each of them in turn. |839| The book makes it perfectly clear
that during this expedition (1862-3) they did not penetrate into
any territory occupied
by the Azande, though they aoproached it and received envoys from the tribe. It is
worth remarking that their map is misleading in one respect. A red line is supposed to
mark their route. So
does, in most places; but three long tracks leading off to the
it

and Wanja are also marked in red. yet the account given in the
villages of Dari, Bofi,
Pethericks' book shows that neither of them travelled to these places. It is possible that
members of their party did so.
Carlo Piaggia, an Italian who attached himself to traders in the Bahr-el-
Ghazal region as a leader of their caravans, stayed in or near the country of the
so-called Niam-Niam for about a year in 1863-4. mostly at the village of a
chief named Tombo. Towards the end of 1863 he made a journey lasting twen-
ty days into what was unquestionably Azande territory. 1842 He only witnessed1

a single instance of cannibalism during his long stay in this part of Africa,
when a foe slaughtered in warfare was eaten. Johnston uncharitably calls him
'the unlearned Piaggia' and in two places stigmatizes his explorations as
Schweinfurth remarks that with certain exceptions, not con-
'unscientific'; but
nected with cannibalism, 'Piaggia's observations seem acute enough.'
Schweinfurth was the first European to obtain full information about can-
nibalism among the Azande. He was passing southwards from the country of
the Bongo and related tribes, and reached the territory of the man-eaters at its
south-eastern extremity, in the region of the Nile-Congo watershed. He noticed
piles of refuse with fragments of human bones strewn among them; all around
were shrivelled human feet and hands, hanging on the branches of trees. The
Azande made no secret of their use of human flesh as nutriment. They spoke
freely on the subject, explorer that no corpses were rejected as unfit
telling the
for food, unless the person had died of some loathsome skin-disease. Skulls
from which flesh and brains had been obtained were exhibited on stakes beside
their huts. Any person who died without relatives to protect his body was sure
to be devoured in the very district in which he had lived: and in times of war,
any member of a conquered tribe was regarded as suitable for eating. Of the
various oily and fatty substances employed in cooking, the one in most
frequent use was human fat.
Schweinfurth came across a baby, about a day old. the offspring of a woman
just taken away by slave-traders. It was left, gasping feebly in the full glare of
the noon-day sun. The Azande awaited its death and the meal that was to follow.
It is noteworthy that among the Azande there were some who not only

refused to eat human flesh, but would not take any food from the same dish as
a cannibal. This shows that conformity
is not always so rigidly enforced in less

advanced societies as sometimes supposed.

is

Schweinfurth remarks on the many similarities between the Fang, as

described by other authors, and the Azande. There were resemblances not only
in physical characters, but in dress and customs. In both tribes the incisor teeth
were filed to sharp points; bodies were stained with a red dye derived from the
wood of a tree; there was similar elaboration in the dressing of the hair; the
chiefs wore leopard skins; both were hunting tribes. These resemblances are
 THE NEGRIDS III 393

certainly remarkable, in view of the huge distance separating the territories of

the two tribes. Traditionally the Fang had migrated from the north-east, and a
common origin is not impossible.
Passing south again to the furthest point of his exploration, near the source
of the River Uele ('Welle'), a tributary of the Congo. Schweinfurth entered the
territory of the Monbuttu. He states that the members of this tribe were even
more addicted to the consumption of human flesh than the Azande, and that
they were in fact the most cannibalistic of all the then known tribes of Africa.
The corpses of the enemy killed in war were distributed on the battlefield and
dried for transport to the victors' homes. Prisoners were driven before them
'without remorse, as butchers would drive sheep to the shambles ... to fall vic-
tims on a later day to their horrible and sickening greediness'. Munza, king of
the Monbuttu, told Schweinfurth of his order that cannibalism should be prac-
tised in secret during the latter's visit, since he knew that Europeans held the
practice in aversion; nevertheless the explorer witnessed the preparation of
parts of the human body for eating, and the great majority of the skulls
brought to him by members of this tribe to add to his anthropological collec-
tion had been smashed to obtain the brains (and thus rendered useless). Some
were still moist, and had the odour of recent cooking.
There is nothing in the works of the seven explorers that would explain
satisfactorily the significance of cannibalism in Negrid Africa. Certainly there
is no indication that the custom originated there from a desire to incorporate

the power or influence of the person eaten. The reported adoption of can-
nibalism by a tribe deprived of its cattle (p. 390) might suggest that lack of
sufficient protein food was the primary cause; but it has already been men-
tioned that the Fang and Azande were hunters. The Monbuttu, too, supplied
themselves with all the meat they needed by hunting, and in addition brought
back very large numbers of goats from their marauding excursions against
their southern neighbours. Schweinfurth remarks that 'it is altogether a fallacy
to pretend to represent that the Monbuttoo are driven to cannibalism through
the lack of ordinary meat'.

Anattempt will be made here to convey the general impressions of the

explorers about the intellectual capacities of the Negrids in the secluded area.
Some of the languages, for instance that of the Bechuana {Ka\ were very
rich in words, and the vocabulary of the Dinka was more copious than that of
any European tongue in everything that related to cattle. Nevertheless
Schweinfurth stresses the poverty of Negrid languages, in particular those of
the Bongo and Azande, in words denoting abstract ideas. He mentions also a
number of examples of single words, used by the Bongo to express similar but
not identical ideas. For instance, there was no means of distinguishing verbally
between shadow and cloud, or between bitter and annoying. Nevertheless,
precision or grammatical accuracy in speech is recorded of more than one
[Link] says of the Basuto that 'both rich and poor speak correctly;
there is no vulgar style'. Fynn makes a similar remark about the Zulu. Both
Livingstone and Schweinfurth feared that native languages would be corrupted
through the introduction of foreign words by missionaries.
394 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

There was no written language in any part of the secluded area, and indeed it
was found difficult to convey to the native inhabitants the idea of what was
meant by it. The Ovambo frankly disbelieved that Galton could express words
by writing on paper, and he had to prove that this was possible by jotting down
the names of a number of people and then reading them out. Livingstone says
of the Makololo that 'It seems to them supernatural that we see in a book
things taking place, or having occurred at a distance." It is worth mentioning
that thirteen years earlier, when lecturing on 'The hero as man of letters".
Thomas Carlyle had expressed almost exactly the same opinion as the
Makololo.
With the art of Writing, of which Printing is a simple, and inevitable and
comparatively insignificant corollary, the true reign of miracles for mankind
commenced. It with a wondrous new contiguity and perpetual
related,
closeness, the Pastand Distant with the Present in time and place.l i9i i

Some of the Negrid peoples knew nothing of their history. Among the Rek. a
section of the Dinka (M), '. all the lives and deeds of men have been long
. .

forgotten". The people were 'without traditions, without history". Speke writes
of the Wanyamwezi {Ka) that 'There are no historical traditions known to the
people.' The Ovaherero kept no count of years. Baker generalizes on this
subject by saying that the natives of central Africa '. are not only ignorant of
. .

writing, but they are without traditions —

their thoughts are as entirely
engrossed by their daily wants as those of animals; thus there is no clue to the
distant past; history has no existence". Livingstone, however, did find here and
there some clues to former times. A curious tradition was related to him as he
ascended the Zambesi on his way to the west coast. A man was said to have
left his own people, the Barotse, come downstream to a waterfall in Banyeti

territory, and there excavated for himself an irrigation-canal to supply his gar-
den. Livingstone does not say that he saw the canal, which presumably led
from a pool above the fall, but the site of the garden was pointed out to him, in
which 'an inferior kind of potato" still survived. 'Such minds must have arisen
from time to time in these regions, as well as in our own country," says
Livingstone, wistfully; 'but, ignorant of the use of letters, they have left no
memorial behind them.' On a rock situated about 70 miles inland from Loan-
1

da he saw a representation of a footprint, carved long ago as a memorial to the

visit of a famous queen. 'In looking at these rude attempts at commemoration,'

he remarks, 'one feels the value of letters."

The same explorer provides some interesting examples of the way in which past
events may be accidentally recorded for posterity — vaguely, it is true — in places where
illiteracy and lack of interest in the past have blotted out nearly all records of former
times. Two instances occurred while hewas passing through Batonga territory to the
east coast, towards the end of his transcontinental journey. He came upon the ruins of
a very large town, and found among them a faint indication of its history. Lower
millstones of hard rock were still lying about, and these had been worn down to the ex-
tent of 2|" where the upper stone had been rubbed against them. He inferred that the
town had been inhabited for a long period. As he travelled onwards he passed through
ruins of other towns, and in these he once again found lower millstones, accompanied
here by great numbers of the quartz spheres that had acted as the upper components of
 THE NEGRIDS III 395

the primitive mills. From the fact that these balls had been left in the ruins he drew the
conclusion that the depopulation had been a sudden consequence of war.
Some knowledge of history did exist here and there, at any rate at the
palaces of kings. Kamurasi, for instance, told Baker that his grandfather had
been king not only (like himself) of Unyoro, but also of Buganda, Utumbi, and
Chopi; but he denied all knowledge of ancient history, and could not comment
on the belief, entertained by Baker, that there was a Galla (Aethiopid) element
in his ancestry. In Buganda this royal history could be traced much further
back, and many generations of the kings of Karagwe were still known by
name. It was among the Zulu, however, that knowledge of the past was most
complete. The annual 'first fruits' ceremony formed the basis for a history by
years, going back to about 1750. It was possible, from the information supplied
verbally by the people, to draw up quite a complicated genealogical table of the
kings and their relatives, and to trace many details of the gradual fusion of the
tribes.
There can be no doubt that many Negrids had considerable knowledge of
geography. Writing of the people of Karagwe, Speke says he was surprised at
'the correctness of their vast and varied knowledge [of geography], as I
afterwards tested it by observation and the statements of others". One of them
laid a long stick on the ground, pointing due north and south, and attached
shorter ones directed towards the centre of each adjoining country. Schwein-
furth, too, found Negrids in general very accurate in indicating the locations of
distant places, by pointing with the finger (and incidentally also time, by poin-
ting to where the sun would be, when some event was to occur). In Kafrid
territory, people would readily draw maps on the ground for Livingstone, but
he could not persuade the Pan 1 of the Upper Zambesi to attempt this. Galton
found that the Ovaherero had no map of a country in their minds, but only an
infinity of local details; they had no name for a river as a whole, but a different
one for nearly every reach of it.
Knowledge of mathematics was everywhere rudimentary, though there were
differences between the tribes in this respect. The Ovaherero seem to have oc-
cupied an extreme position in the scale. Galton claimed that though they might
possess words for higher numbers, they did not actually make use of any
numeral higher than three. When they wished to express four, they used their
fingers instead of an appropriate word. The Madi, according to Schweinfurth,
only counted up to ten; greater numbers were generally indicated by gestures.
To convey how many bearers were required, reeds were tied together in
bundles often; these were handed to a chief to express the total number he was
asked to supply. Similarly, a chief impersonating Kamurasi sent twenty-four
small pieces of straw to denote the number of presents given to the latter by
Speke, and ten to indicate the insufficiency of the number given by Baker. It
seems possible, however, that in these cases words denoting number would
have been used instead of symbols, if information had only to be transmitted
from one native speaker to another, without any need to be certain that a
foreigner understood it. The use of fingers to convey number was, however,
widespread. The Zulu had numerals to express large numbers, but used their
fingers nevertheless. Chaka asked Fynn to count a huge drove of oxen. He
396 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
counted 5,654 and announced the result. The crowd of people who had
watched this performance burst out laughing, since he had not once counted up
to ten with his fingers; it was impossible to shake their incredulity. The Ovam-
bo, on the contrary, counted Galton's oxen (a very much smaller number) as
quickly as he could have done it himself. It is unfortunate that there is so little
information in the explorers' books about the Negrids' ability to calculate.
Galton says that it would 'sorely puzzle' the Ovaherero to realize that if one
sheep cost two sticks of tobacco, two sheep would cost four. He regarded this
tribe as 'intensely stupid', and intellectually very much inferior to the Ovambo.
Schweinfurth tells of a game (probably not of Negrid origin) called mungala,
played by most of the tribes in the Bahr-el-Ghazal country; this required con-
siderable facility in ready reckoning.
It would not appear from the works of the explorers that the Negrids ap-
preciated the independent or primary human value of knowledge about the
natural world; or in other words, science (as opposed to technology) may be
said to have been almost but not quite non-existent. Livingstone writes of the
Bechuana, for instance. 'No science has been developed, and few questions are
ever discussed except those which have an intimate connection with the wants
of the stomach.' Generalizing more widely he remarks. 'All that the Africans
have thought of has been present gratification.' Fynn, too, tells us that he
seldom found any Zulu gifted with the inquisitiveness that makes people in-
terested in knowledge, apart from the possibility of its immediate application to
the practical affairs of their lives. These comments are too sweeping, however,
for application to all the tribes of the secluded area. The Azande were keen
helpers on Schweinfurth's botanical excursions, and he tells us that they could
provide native names for all the plants; the Bongo, too. distinguished between two
closely related species of antelopes, which he had at first been inclined to confuse.
A remarkable example of the pursuit of science was provided by Dagara.
king of Karagwe, who wanted to know what was below the surface of the
earth. To resolve this problem, a subterranean passage several yards long was
dug at his command, and below this a cavern connected with the passage by a
very small aperture. King Dagara was disappointed by the lack of new
knowledge resulting from his geological investigation, and decided not to carry
it abandoned science for mysticism. It was stated with con-
further. Instead, he
fidence that hewas accustomed to resort to the cavern and stay there for many
days at a time, without eating or drinking. In these periods of seclusion he was
supposed to transform himself sometimes into a young man. at others into an
old one, according to his whim at the time. Dagara's excavations were shown
to Speke by Rumanika.
Livingstone found that the Barotse {Pan I ) had retentive memories on which
he could rely for information about events that they themselves had actually
witnessed long ago; but he found little evidence anywhere o{ foresight or
thought about the distant future. It seemed to the local people a futile act on his
part when he planted date-seeds near the head-waters of the Zambesi, in full
knowledge that he would never see the fruit. He mentions it as a remarkable
fact that the Batonga {Pan 1 ) even plant trees
—
'a practice seen nowhere else
among natives'. Du Chaillu writes of the 'utter improvidence' of the Gabon
 THE NEGRIDS III 397

tribes. Speke expresses the same idea when he says that the Negro 'thinks only
for the moment'.
Speke's remark on the capacity of Negrid boys to absorb instruction has
already been quoted (p. 348), and Baker was of opinion that children of this
race were 'in advance, in intellectual quickness, of the white child of a similar
age'; he adds, however, that 'the mind does not expand — it promises fruit, but

does not ripen'.

The explorers appear to have encountered very few Negrids of markedly low
intelligence. Speke did meet one lunatic, 'precisely a black specimen of the
English parish idiot', but both Fynn and Livingstone remark on the rarity of
actual insanity (apart from temporary aberrations).
Particular intelligence is attributed by the explorers to members of certain
tribes. Those regarded as especially noteworthy in this respect were the Ovam-
bo (Ka), Bunyoro (Ka), and Monbuttu (Pan 3). The latter are vividly described
by Schweinfurth as 'men to whom one may put a reasonable question, and who
will return a reasonable answer'. It is perhaps not irrelevant that there is
evidence from physical anthropology of a Europid element in the ancestry of
this tribe; indeed, Schweinfurth considered that they were related to the Fulbe.
Fynn might have emphasized the relative intelligence of the Zulu (also hybrids,
see p. 333), if his travels had made him acquainted with some of the Pan 1
tribes. Livingstone remarks with surprising asperity of the Bashinje and
neighbouring Angolan tribes (Pan 1 ) that they were 'by no means equal to the
Cape Caffres [Ka] in any respect whatever'. Galton's low estimate of the in-
tellectual calibre of the Ovaherero has already been mentioned.

Various opinions have been put forward to account for the fact that at the
time when central Africa was first explored by foreigners, the culture of the
Negrids was less advanced than that of certain other races of man. It has been
suggested that the climate and soil were so unfavourable as to make mere sur-
vival in great numbers a considerable achievement, and that the effort to secure
opportunity or time for intellectual or spiritual advancement.
this left little
Livingstone remarks of the Bakalahari, inhabitants of semi-desert territory,
that '. no one [in Europe] can realize the degradation to which their minds
. .

have been sunk by centuries of barbarism and hard struggling for the necessar-
ies of life'. It is true that in the interior of Africa, as in other parts of the world,
there were places where life was hard. Starvation was witnessed by Baker in
the Kytch (M, see p. 360). and it was reported to Speke among the
tribe
Wanyamwezi (Ka), though he himself did not see it; but over much the greater
part of the secluded area the climate and soil were not unfavourable. Indeed, a
very large number of references to the extraordinary fertility of the land are
made by the explorers. A few of these will be recorded here. Their actual words
must be used to give a true idea of the impression made upon them.
Schweinfurth remarks of the countryside at the border of Dinka (Ni), Dyoor
(Ni), and Bongo (Pan 3) territory, 'The extreme productiveness of the
luxuriant tropics is well exemplified in these fields, which for thirteen years have
undergone continual tillage without once lying fallow and with no other
manuring but what is afforded by the uprooted weeds.' The land of the Mittu
398 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

(Pan i) '. . . is very productive. ... On account of its fertility the land requires
little labour in itsculture.' 'The Monbuttoo [Pan 3 land greets us as an Eden
]

upon earth.' In of the Azande '.

some districts the exuberance is unsur-
. .

passed. ... the cultivation of the soil is supremely easy. The entire land is pre-
eminently rich in many spontaneous products, animal and vegetable alike, that
conduce to the direct maintenance of human life.' Baker says of the country in
what is now the borderland between Sudan and Uganda, '. we were in a . .

beautiful open country, naturally drained by its undulating character, and

abounding most beautiful low pasturage'. He describes Shooa (Ladwong) in
in
Acholi (M) '. "flowing with milk and honey"; fowls, butter,
territory, as . .

goats, were in abundance and ridiculously cheap'.

Schweinfurth's and Baker's comments on the fertility of certain Nilotid and
Pan 3 territories, given in the preceding paragraph, can easily be matched by
what Livingstone says about the lands of the Pan 1. Of the catchment area of
the River Kasai, a southern tributary of the Congo, he writes, 'To one who has
observed the hard toil of the poor in old civilized countries, the state in which
the inhabitants here live is one of glorious ease. Food abounds, and very
. . .

litde labour is required for its cultivation; the soil is so rich that no manure is
required.' Further west, the valley of the Kwango '. is all fertile in the . .

extreme. ... no manure is ever needed. ... the more the ground is tilled, the

better it yields.' On his return from the west coast, Livingstone passed again
through the Kasai valley, where he felt 'assured that there was still ample
territory left for an indefinite increase of the world's population'. A similar
thought occurred to him towards the end of his long journey, as he was passing
through Batonga territory on his way to the east coast of the continent. 'There
is certainly abundance of room at present in the country for thousands and

thousands more of population.'

Further on towards the coast, now among the Banyai (A'o), Livingstone
found the country 'extremely fertile, and the people cultivate amazing quan-
tities of corn, maize, millet, ground-nuts, pumpkins, and cucumbers'. The same

story could be told over and over again by examples from other Kafrid tribes.
Speke tells us of the Wasagara, for instance, that 'the general state of prosperi-
ty was such, that the people could afford, even at this late season of the year, to
turn their corn into malt to brew beer for sale; and goats and fowls were plen-
tiful in the market'. West of the Victoria Nyanza 'It was a perfect paradise for

negroes: as fast as they sowed they were sure of a crop without much trouble.'
Galton writes of Kafrid territory on the western side of the continent, '. the . .

charming corn-country of the Ovampo lay yellow and broad as a sea before
us. . The general appearance was that of most abundant fertility. ... As we
. .

journeyed on the next day, our surprise at the agricultural opulence of the
country was in no way decreased.'
The examples that have been given, and many others that could be quoted,
all point to the success of the Negrids (or perhaps one should say, of Negrid

women) in agriculture; but they also show that further progress towards
civilization was not rendered impossible by the harshness of the natural en-
vironment; nor is it possible to maintain that such progress was impeded by the
necessity for perpetual labour to provide the purely material needs of man.
 THE NEGRIDS III 399

Labour was not perpetual, at any rate for the male sex. The explorers make this
abundantly clear in their books. A few examples will be quoted. A remark of
Schweinfurth's about the Monbuttu is representative of many written by the
others.
women attend to the tillage of the soil and the gathering of the
Whilst the
harvest, the men, except they are absent either for war or hunting, spend the
entire day in idleness. In the early hours of the morning they may be found
under the shade of the oil-palms, lounging at full length upon their carved
benches and smoking tobacco. During the middle of the day they gossip with
their friends in the cool halls.
Baker makes this similar comment: '. . . it was the custom in Unyoro [Ka]
for the men to enjoy themselves in laziness, while the women performed all the
labour of the fields. Thus they were fatigued, and glad to rest, while the men
passed the night in uproarious merriment.' Generalizing about Negrids he says,
'There are a lack of industry, a want of intensity of character, a love of ease
and luxury.' Those who might have been expected to show enterprise in oc-
cupying themselves more intelligently seem to have been as deficient as the rest
in this respect. At Mutesa's palace in Bunyoro (Ka). the Wakungu or court
officers usually spent their time 'lounging about on the ground, smoking, chat-
ting, and drinking pombe'. Remarks of a similar nature to these are frequent in
the books of the explorers, and mere repetition of the same theme would be
tedious. It must suffice to say that the failure to advance as quickly towards
civilization as certain other races cannot be attributed to day-long devotion to
the task of supplying the immediate needs of life.
The heavy incidence of ill health is sometimes suggested as a cause. It is un-
questionable that the Negrids were afflicted by a number of illnesses against
which they possessed no effective remedies. For instance, the explorers mention
the occurrence of dysentery among the Zulu at a certain time of year, infesta-
tion of members of the same tribe with tapeworms, ophthalmia among the
Makololo, seasonal sickness in Barotse country as the waters dried up. and
smallpox at Obbo and elsewhere. Du Chaillu reports fevers, leprosy, a venereal
disease, and virulent ulcers among the Bakalai. It is questionable, however,
whether the inhabitants of the secluded area were in a worse situation, in
respect of illness, than those of comparable tropical and subtropical countries
elsewhere, in some of which, especially India, great advances in intellectual life
had been made from remote times onwards. There seems also to be a tendency
to overlook the fact that there were already centres of civilization in temperate
countries in early times, when the inhabitants were still harassed by illnesses
of various sorts, including epidemics fully comparable in virulence with those
that beset the peoples of warmer climates. Some Europeans have in the past
tended to overestimate the unhealthiness of Negrid Africa, partly on account of
their own lack of immunity to certain diseases of that country, but mainly
because the unhealthy coastal districts were for a long time the only parts of
the continent that were known to them.
The explorers certainly do not present a picture of universal sickness among
the inhabitants of the inland parts of Africa. Du Chaillu says of the Ashira
{Pan 1), 'The natives are generally tolerably healthy. I have seen cases of what
400 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

I little fever among them, or other dangerous

judge to be leprosy, but they have
diseases.' Never in his travels did he come across a blind man, and deafness
was very rare. Galton says of Ovamboland that 'There are no diseases in these
parts except slight fever, frequent ophthalmia, and stomach complaints.' This
country and that of the Ovaherero 'leave nothing to be desired' on the score of
health. Schweinfurth makes more than one reference to the healthiness of the
Azande territory. Referring to the hilly districts in which he had encountered
this tribe and the Monbuttu, he remarks that 'My health was by no means im-
paired, but, on the contrary, I gained fresh vigour in the pure air of the
southern highlands.' Baker, too, noted that when at Shooa (Ladwong). among
the Acholi, '. the more elevated land was remarkably dry and healthy'.
. .

Livingstone was the only one among the seven explorers who was medically
qualified, and his opinion therefore carries special weight (though the others
were not ignorant in matters of health and sickness). In crossing what is now
called the Batoka Plateau (in Zambia, between Livingstone and Lusaka), he
remarked that the hilly ridges of this region 'may even be recommended as a
sanatorium for those whose enterprise leads them on to Africa. . they afford
. .

a prospect to Europeans, of situations superior in point of salubrity to any of

those on the coast'. He says also that '. . they resemble that most healthy of all
.

healthy climates, the interior of South Africa, near and adjacent to the
[Kalahari] Desert'. It would not appear, therefore, on Livingstone's evidence,
that even in former days, before European medicine had brought its benefits to
central Africa, such tribes as the Batonga (Batoka), Bamangwato. Bakuena,
and Bechuana lived in such an unhealthy climate that intellectual advancement
was impossible.
sometimes suggested that the Negrids were subject to special disabilities
It is

as a result of the prevalence of hookworm disease and schistosomiasis in their

country. It is true that these diseases are debilitating and that Negrids suffered
from them, but hookworms {Ancylostoma and related genera) and species of
the genus Schistosoma are not confined to their continent, but spread their
ravages in other lands. Within Africa, too, they are far from restricting their
parasitism to members of a particular race. From ancient times onwards they
have been a source of affliction to one of the earliest of the great civilizations of
the world. Egyptian papyri of about 1500 B.C. describe a form of anaemia
almost certainly resulting from infestation of the alimentary canal with
Ancylostoma. while eggs of Schistosoma have been found in mummified
corpses of the Pharaohs. 14421 It has long been known that the most advanced
forms of schistosomiasis are seldom found in southern Africa,l38il and it is now
realized that the main causative agent in that part of the continent is a separate
species,|659i which seldom causes urinary obstruction through fibrosis of the
neck of the bladder. Advanced stages of the disease are much commoner in
Egypt, where the more virulent species. S. haematobium, is the prevalent
parasite. 7001
1

haematobium has a wide distribution in Africa and the Near East. S.

S.
mansoni is another mainly African species, while S. japonicum represents the
genus in Japan, China, and elsewhere. 700l All are
1 human parasites, with
freshwater gastropods as secondary hosts.
 2 1 The Negrids
IV. Miscellaneous observations

Study of works of other explorers than the chosen seven convinces me

the
that the account of Negrid culture presented in the two preceding chapters,
though necessarily incomplete and unsophisticated, is essentially a reliable one.
Nevertheless the question must arise, whether there were particular parts of the
secluded area that would have caused the explorers to present Negrid culture in
a different light, if their routes had chanced to traverse them. Further, the
reader would be justified in asking whether Negrid Africa outside the secluded
area might hold evidence bearing so directly and powerfully on the ethnic
problem that it would be wrong to exclude it entirely from consideration.
These are subjects on which much could be written; but of the various aspects
of the problem that might have been considered, three have been chosen as
more important than all the rest. They form the subject of the present chapter.

Livingstone chanced to meet Makololo territory some Negrids who had

in
come all the way from their in Manica. in what is now Mozambique,
home
near the Rhodesian border. They gave him some very interesting and, on the
whole, remarkably accurate information, telling him that in the vicinity of their
native land there were 'walls of hewn stone, which they believe to have been
made by their ancestors. Two rivers. Motirikwe and Sabia or Sabe. run
. . .

through their country into the sea.* The letters / and r are often confused, and o
sometimes stands for an indefinite sound between consonants. It is therefore
legitimate to rewrite the first-named river as Mtilikwe; the other is obviously
the Sabi. Manica does in fact lie on the fringe of a huge district in which
buildings of hewn stone are found, the very centre of which lies in the catch-
ment area of the Sabi; and the most famous stone ruin of all. Zimbabwe, stands
close to its tributary, the Mtilikwe. Livingstone's mention of this subject,
published in 1857,1676] seems to have been strangely overlooked by historians
of this now world-famous part of Africa. He himself never saw any of the stone
buildings; but when he discovered the Victoria Falls, in November 1855, he
was only forty-three miles from one of them. It was not
until 1868 that a
Europid at last re-entered Zimbabwe. This was Adam
Renders, an American
hunter. He himself did not publish an account of what he saw, but it was not
long before others followed and made Zimbabwe known to the civilized world.
Ruins of hewn rock are scattered over an enormous area in Rhodesia, and
they extend narrowly over the borders into Mozambique and northern
Transvaal. From the extreme eastern limit of the Inyanga Terraces to the most
westerly of all the ruins is a distance of no less than 475 miles, and it is 407
402 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

from Mapungubwe, just south of the Limpopo, to the most northerly of all,
between Salisbury and the Zambesi. More than two hundred ruins have been
located, but many of them are rather insignificant. Others, however, especially
Khami, Dhlo-Dhlo, Naletale, Zimbabwe, and the Terraces, are imposing struc-
tures, which have been studied and reported on in detail.1559. 910.911, 1026. 10271
Problems spring instantly to the mind of anyone who sees the ruined stone
buildings of Rhodesia. It is true that there are others ir. central and southern
Angola, generally attributed to earlier generations of the Jaga {Pan 1) tribe;
but these are on a comparatively minor scale, and with these exceptions,
Negrids have always been accustomed, in all other parts of the secluded area,
to build with plant material, supplemented in certain districts with suitable
earth that hardens on drying. In most other countries of the world the existence
of stone ruins would not cause much surprise, because building in this material
has been usual since remote times. But did Negrids build the stone walls of
Rhodesia? The problem does not concern only the identity of the builders, and
the reason why they built here in stone: the function of some of the buildings
remains obscure. A mystery presents itself, and it is this, rather than any
special architectural excellence, that strikes chiefly on the mind — though one
can, indeed, scarcely fail to be impressed in certain places by the grandeur of
the scale. It has been calculated, for instance, that the external wall (Fig. 67)
of the Great Enclosure at Zimbabwe contains some fifteen thousand tons of
stone.[i026]
It is necessary at the outset to understand that the buildings in question are
in no sense houses; the great majority of them are simply walls of two types:
retaining walls, to support the extremities of terraces, and free-standing ones, to
form enclosures or passages. At Khami, for instance, nearly all the stone struc-
tures are retaining walls (Fig. 68, p. 404); at Zimbabwe, most are of the other
type. The inhabitants of both places evidently lived in circular huts, not made
of stone. At Khami the terraces on which these were to be placed were
hardened on the surface by ramming down a reddish building-earth (daga).
Circular foundations laid on these show that the actual habitations of the peo-
ple were huts of the usual Negrid type.
A partial exception to what was said at the beginning of the preceding paragraph
may perhaps be glimpsed in the little 'Philips" ruin at Zimbabwe. Here there are in-
dications that certain stone-built enclosures may possibly have been roofed. Where
these were placed a litde apart from one another, it looks as though wooden huts may
have stood between them on the intervening ground, at a higher level. If so, this is the
only approach — admittedly a very distant one — to a two-storey building in any part
of the secluded area.
Near the frontier of Rhodesia with Mozambique, and reaching just beyond it

into the latter country, there are very extensive retaining walls that evidently
served another purpose than the support of a flat surface on which to build
huts. It is clear that the Inyanga Terraces of this district formed the basrs of

some large-scale agricultural scheme. It is likely that these walls were built in-
dependently of the ones that cluster together in the catchment area of the Sabi,
and perhaps by members of a different tribe.
The free-standing walls are the ones that present the great problem of func-
 (-,« - ^
*.'-

. L V ^ *i»» >i. >-^.*l._5"^tji.J T '^ -H i "l ' '

I
"
^

"
J. i».
1
" r
V--

r
-S

^22

67 Por/ of the external wall of the Great Enclosure at Zimbabwe, viewed from the
outer side
The wall is here about 30 feet high. Photograph by the author, 1962.
 C^'
'•
B t ,

68 r/ze ///// Ruin at Khami

A. photographed from the base of the Cross Ruin, to show the retaining walls. B. a 'chequer pattern" wail
supporting the lowest CA') platform. The white card is 15 cm (6") high. Photographs by the author, 1962.
 THE NEGRIDS IV 405

tion. Summers, one of the principal authorities on the subject, considers that
the Great Enclosure at Zimbabwe was a church;|i026l Gayre argues that it was
a fort;[396l Desmond Clark regards it as a 'palace', and compares it with the
village of a Barotse {Pan 1 ) chief, built in stone instead of wood.l207l The other
main building at Zimbabwe, nicknamed the 'Acropolis', is equally difficult to

explain. Anyonestanding to the south or south-west of it and looking up at the

hill on which stands would be likely to say that it was a fort, for the ascent to
it

it is abrupt, indeed precipitous in places, and the great walls join the crags to

one another in such a way as to present an appearance sufficient to deter

anyone who had thoughts of aggression from that side; but climb to the top
and look over the other side, and you will find no precipice there, but only an
easy ascent. Anyone whose purpose was to defend the summit would have put
his main walls on the side that nature had left defenceless; but there they are
relatively puny. There is strong contrast in this respect between the 'Acropolis'
and (for instance) Maiden 'Castle' (pp. 258-60), which was built more than a
millennium before one stone was placed on another at Zimbabwe; for the
whole structure of Maiden 'Castle' was obviously designed down to the last
detail by people who had the clear purpose of transforming a hill into a defen-
sive position.
Radio-carbon dating has made it possible to say that building in stone began
at Zimbabwe at some time between the first half of the tenth and the first half
of the thirteenth century; one may postulate A.D. 1 100 or thereabouts as the
most probable date.|i026l Gayre considers that the early builders were probably
a mixed lot: Hottentots, Arabs based on Sofala, Negrid slaves brought in by
the Arabs, and hybrids between these groups. 13961 His paper deserves careful
study, but the weight of evidence does not seem to give strong support to this
view. Those who have made the most thorough investigation of the site incline
to the opinion that local people of the Shona tribe {Ka) may have been respon-
sible for the early work.li026l The oldest masonry was of a primitive character
(Fig. 69a, p. 406).There were no excavated foundations; the slabs of stone
were only roughly trimmed, and the courses did not run in regular horizontal
rows; joints between one stone and the next frequently lay immediately above
another such joint. No free-standing wall was built in a straight line or in a

regular curve of any shape whatever; mortar was never used.

During the fifteenth century there was a sharp change in the style of
building. Foundations were dug; courses were laid horizontally in regular rows
of trimmed blocks of accurate thickness; false jointing became much rarer. A
fine example from a much later time, at Khami, is shown in Fig. 69b. In
certain respects, however, there was continuity in structure and design. All
building was still done in drystone, and walls were not erected in straight lines
or determinate curves. Controversy persists about the identity of the builders,
but the most commonly accepted view is that they were members of a group
called Rozwi that detached itself from the Barotse {Pan 1 ) tribe and came
south-eastwards into Kafrid territory. Here they remained, subject for a long
time to a dynasty of kings called 'Mambo', until at last, during the thirties of
the nineteenth century, they were overrun and almost exterminated by invaders
belonging to the Ngoni tribe {Ka), who had themselves been driven out of Zulu
406 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

territory by Chaka. A remnant of the Rozwi remained in the vicinity till about
1860, and some of their descendants are said still to exist elsewhere, incor-
porated in other tribes. i026l I

Many of the buildings, especially at Zimbabwe, obviously required the

organization of a very large labour force. The number of actual builders,
though considerable, must have been small in proportion to the total number
required. The granite that was used in most of the buildings had to be quarried,
brought to the site, and then transformed into blocks of suitable size. This in-
volved the felling and transport of wood to make the fires that would heat the
stone, so that it could be split by cooling with water; and masons were needed
when carefully trimmed blocks were to be used.

69 Early and late building styles in Rhodesia

A, part of the south wall of the Western Enclosure of the 'Acropolis' at Zimbabwe, viewed from the inner
side. The early or 'P' style of building is seen. B, part of the wall supporting the middle ('B') platform of the
Hill Ruin at Khami, to show a late building style. The white card seen in the photographs is 15 cm (6") high.
Photographs by the author, 1962.

One asks oneself why building in stone, on a scale that must have involved
large labour forces, should have been confined almost entirely to a particular
part of a vast territory. The answer must surely lie in the presence, in early
days, of gold lying exposed in nuggets on the surface of thesoil. The Negrids

themselves were always much more interested in iron than in gold, for their
own use; but the precious metal, or knowledge of it, spread eventually to the
coast. Arab and Indian traders had established themselves at Kilwa, south of
Zanzibar, by about A.D. 700, and by A.D. 900, before building in stone had
 THE NEGRIDS IV 407

begun at Zimbabwe, they were already at Sofala. When the Negrids discovered
the insatiable desire of Europids for gold, trade inevitably began. Foreign beads
and other trade-goods passed into the interior to pay labourers; gold passed
out. The chiefs became rich beyond the desires of avarice; and just as today, in
civilized countries, art-dealers tempt millionaires to display their wealth by
paying immense fortunes for celebrated pictures, so the traders on the coast en-
couraged the owners of the land of gold to value the precious goods of the out-
side world. Ruin No. 1, to the N.N.W. of the Great Enclosure, has rendered up
Chinese porcelain attributed to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and
from then onwards, century after century, treasures flowed into Zimbabwe,
—
Khami, and the other great centres Islamic painted glass and Persian faience
of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, porcelain of the Sung and Ming
dynasties with the so-called 'Celadon' glaze; the list could be extended to cover
all the innumerable objects now exhibited in the National Museum at
Bulawayo, the Queen Victoria Museum at Victoria, and the Museum at Zim-
babwe itself. with a sense of bathos that one must descend from these
It is

glories of former days to mention an object that has helped to date the lower
occupation-level at Dhlo-Dhlo —
a square-sided gin-bottle, made in Holland
about 1700 (lying incongruously beside a blue-and-white bowl of the Ming
dynasty).
To supply the never-failing demand for gold, it became necessary to delve
into the earth. One cannot whether the advice of foreigners was sought
tell

when the first shafts were sunk, some of which descended obliquely thirty feet
and more below the surface. The actual labour of mining was presumably per-
formed by the native inhabitants, and this involved the organization of a special
labour force, in addition to that which had existed before.
It is clear that much the greater part of the building in hewn stone took place

after contact had been made with foreign traders (Arab, Indian, Persian, and
Indonesian) on the coast. The route followed in the export-import business is
uncertain. It is usually supposed that the exports (ivory and slaves as well as
gold) were taken first to the junction of the River Lundi with the Sabi and
thence conveyed in canoes to the coast, some sixty miles south of Sofala; but
arguments have been put forward for a much shorter direct route to the latter
port, entirely by [Link] It is scarcely possible to believe that during all the
centuries of active trade, foreigners did not frequently visit the ultimate sources
of their income. The Portuguese arrived on the coast in 1505, and for a time
dominated the trade with the northern goldfields. They established many inland
settlements, and when these were eventually overrun about 1700, they left
many prisoners in native hands, who may have influenced building techniques.
Still, although building in stone would not have developed far without the im-

mense stimulus of the gold-trade, it is impossible to attribute the overall design

of the buildings to outsiders. The irregularity of the plans is not suggestive of
foreign control. One cannot suppose that a literate person, in drawing the plan
on paper, would have designed the Great Enclosure at Zimbabwe as it actually
exists. Retaining walls, which form the major part of the ruins at Khami and
elsewhere, cannot be attributed to Arabs, who were not accustomed to build
them.
408 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

Nevertheless, the idea for all the buildings probably came from what was

seen at Sofala by those whose function it was to transport the goods to and
from the coast. The buildings at the town must have appeared magnificent to
those who had never seen any part of the civilized world. The inland chiefs
desired magnificence, and those of their subjects who had seen Sofala no doubt
described It seems probable that Zimbabwe represents essentially a Negrid
it.

reflection ofwhat had been seen of foreign architecture on the coast. If Arabs
and other Europids had lived in any numbers at Zimbabwe and the other sites,
one would expect to find many indications of their presence among the in-
numerable foreign objects that have been collected there; but these are almost
exclusively trade-objects (especially beads) and prestige gifts for the chiefs (as
well as ornaments, pottery, and other artifacts, obviously of Negrid origin).
There are, however, some suggestions of foreign influence in minor details of
architecture. It has been claimed that the chevron decoration at the top of the
wall that encircles the Great Enclosure at Zimbabwe (Fig. 67), and other com-
parable decorations elsewhere, resemble Arabian designs. 154. i i75l The four little

turrets on the western wall of the Western Enclosure of the 'Acropolis' may
well represent someone's recollection of a minaret seen (but obviously not un-
derstood) at Sofala (cf. Gayrel396l). The high quality of the masonry at such
places as Dhlo-Dhlo and Khami (Figs. 68 and 69b) may owe something, too,
to Portuguese influence. A number of ecclesiastical
objects found at Dhlo-Dhlo
suggest that Catholic missionaries may have
been there in the eighteenth cen-
tury, when most of the building was probably done; and the stones arranged
(now cemented) in the form of a cross on the flat surface of a boulder at the
'Cross' Ruin in Khami suggest (without proving) that Portuguese also resided
at the latter site (cf. Robinson|9io, 9ii|). It would be rash, however, to ascribe
the actual lay-out or basic scheme of the stonework of the whole area to
foreigners. Some of the decoration of the retaining walls at Dhlo-Dhlo and
Khami, in particular the very effective 'chequer' pattern made by omitting
alternate stones (Fig. 68a and B), is thought to be of Negrid origin.
In trying to form some general idea of the significance of the hewn-stone
buildings, it is important to keep in mind some relevant facts about dates. The
evidence that a few were erected some eight or nine hundred years ago may
give a wrong impression of the antiquity of the buildings as a whole. Many of
them were made much later. The most accurate and decorative masonry,
presumably built to give added prestige to local rulers at Dhlo-Dhlo and
Khami, is attributed to the eighteenth century; Naletale seems to have been
constructed at about the same time;[207| and so was much of Zimbabwe,
including the outer wall of the Great Enclosure.li027i Antiquity is not the
primary interest of the ruins: rather one must reflect on the administrative
powers of those who organized and controlled the labour forces.
Zimbabwe has been included as one of the subjects of a fine book entitled
Vanished civilizations. \?,2\] It may be queried whether the term 'civilization' is
fully applicable here. Decision must rest on the definition of the term (see pp.
506-8). There is much to admire in the sheer magnitude of Zimbabwe, and the
decorative walling of Dhlo-Dhlo and Khami; but to what stage of culture had
the rulers and labourers really advanced? There is no evidence that a wheeled
 THE NEGRIDS IV 409

vehicle was ever used during the period of occupation. Clark seems to convey
an accurate impression when he speaks of the 'barbaric splendour' and 'bar-
baric ostentation' of Zimbabwe and the rest; and it is to be remembered that
the splendour and ostentation were made possible by what was poured into the
country from foreign lands. One must acknowledge the administrative capacity
of the rulers, but may question the utility of the ends to which much of it was
put. As Clark remarks, 'The many amulets, fetish figures, and other ritual
objects unearthed in the diggings bear witness to a flourishing belief in and
practice of witchcraft and magic. 'I207| We see no sign of anything that might
have been a school, far less a university; the people were illiterate, and no
native record of anything exists, apart from the stones themselves, the objects
found beneath and among them, and vague, almost incomprehensible
traditions handed down to the descendants of those who survived the Ngoni
onslaught. One must hope that old Arabic manuscripts somewhere exist,
awaiting discovery by a scholar who will one day enable us to form a truer
judgement about much that is today necessarily hypothetical.

The second topic of this chapter takes us well outside the secluded area into
the territory of the Vai or Vei tribe (Su), in the vicinity of what subsequently
became the frontier between Sierra Leone and Liberia. In The races of man,
Deniker says of the Vai that '. alone among Negroes, they appear to possess
. .

a special mode of writing'.l268l Since the existence of literacy is commonly

regarded as one of the criteria of civilization, it is necessary to review the facts
that may substantiate or contradict Deniker's statement.
The curious history of this subject centres round a single member of the Vai
tribe named Duwalu Bukele (spelled Doalu Bukara in the earlier literature, but
there no r in the Vai language). His home was at a village named Dshondu.
is

Here he had been for many years under the influence of Islam, but a Christian
missionary from Europe had given him instruction in reading over a period of
three months. He was subsequently employed by traders to carry messages to
distant places. Having reason to believe that some of the letters he carried back
to his employers contained adverse comments on his own behaviour, he arrived
at the conclusion that it would be advantageous to Negroes to have a method
of their own for communicating secretly between widely separated places.
According to his own story, the idea of a script for the native language oc-
curred to him in a dream. On awaking, he started to invent the necessary
characters, but he soon brought in five other men, all, like himself, between the
ages of 20 and 30. Together they constructed a set of two hundred and fifteen
characters, each representing a syllable, not a letter. A few of these are
reproduced in Fig. 70, p. 410. Some
of the symbols showed the direct influence
of the Latin alphabet; for instance, B stood for the sound of gba, and a mark
resembling a handwritten M
for ma. Others were evidently remembered from
the past, but quite new sounds were assigned to them;li078. 72 il for instance, a
mark like N for po. A few were hieroglyphs: for instance, a horizontal line
thrown into ripples stood for the monosyllable dshi\ meaning 'water'. It has
been remarked that the same hieroglyph was used for this word by the ancient
Egyptians,! 10781 but derivation of the Vai script from this source may be
410 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

discounted. 1601 1 Many

of the symbols were obviously invented by Bukele and
his associates, and The Vai script is
arbitrarily assigned to particular sounds.
said to differentiate clearly between the two b's of the language, the two d's, the
various labiovelars, and the nasalized forms of vowels. 15981
There is a suggestion that a very rudely developed system of picture-writing
had existed from former times among the Vai people, and the idea has been put
forward that Bukele's script may have been based partly on symbols derived
from this system;l598l but the evidence for this is weak, and it has not been
generally accepted. The Vai people of 1927 had no knowledge of the supposed
picture-writing of their remote ancestors;l5981 and in any case the great
majority of the signs appear to be non-pictorial inventions of Bukele's group.

symbol
 THE NEGRIDS IV 411

old, at the instant of his arrival. Koelle had spent about a week there, learning
the script, when he was struck down by very severe fever; and as soon as he
was well enough to face the journey, he made his way to the coast. His dis-
covery was quickly published by the missionaries in a booklet written in
English, in which the characters of the script were reproduced. |60il At the time
of his visit, all the adult males of Bandakoro could read the script, at least to
some extent, and there were literate persons in all the towns of Vai territory. It
was still in use in most parts of the country in the middle of the present century,
though known to few persons.
Koelle was struck by Bukele's intelligence and by his capacity to concentrate
his mind on one subject over a long period.
New symbols were eventually added to the original ones by native exponents
of the script. These were used to indicate modifications of the sounds and thus
to represent some that occur in English but not in the Vai language. It has been
claimed that the script thereby became a phonetically better system for
representing certain words of our own speech than that provided by the English
system of spelling. 15981 Although this may well be true, it must be admitted that
a syllabic system would have to be enormously enlarged if it were to be
applicable to all the common words of the English language, and there is no
evidence of the existence at any time of a large number of characters in the Vai
script.
Strangely enough, another native script came to light in the Southern
Province of Sierra Leone in 1932.1 i028l It was invented by one Kisimi Kamala.
a member of the Mende tribe (a subdivision, like the Vai, of the Mandingo
group of tribes). The script consisted of 190 symbols. Like that of the Vai peo-
ple, it was written from left to right, and it is considered to have been syllabic;
but there are indications of what might be regarded as single letters. Thus the
signs for ma, mU and mu all have a single character in common, which can be
taken as standing for the letter m\ certain dots near this character indicate the
different vowel sounds. This writing was occasionally scratched on the walls of
buildings, but only a few hundred persons could read and write it. and it
appears to have attracted little attention among the native population. It cannot
be positively affirmed that Kamala was aware of the existence of the Vai script;
but since there is no evidence that a set of written symbols has originated in
any other part of Negrid Africa, it is very unlikely that the idea of inventing a
script should have had two entirely independent origins in the narrow strip of
borderland between Liberia and Sierra Leone. Kamala was a Muslim and must
necessarily have been aware of the existence of the Koran. The idea of
representing speech by symbols cannot be attributed to him.

We take an eastward leap of nearly 1,100 miles from the Sudanid-Pa/7 2

borderland and find ourselves, for the first time in three chapters, in the middle
of Pan 2 territory. We are now among people of the Yoruba tribe, and are
about to examine certain ancient pieces of sculpture unearthed in and near the
town of Ife in Nigeria, 1 13 miles north-west of Benin and about the same dis-
tance north-east of Lagos. But first we must take a brief glance at Negrid sculp-
ture in general.
412 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS
Living organisms are seldom represented in lifelike form in Negrid sculpture.
Some rough approximation to a naturalistic style may be found here and there.
The sculptors of the Nok culture in northern Nigeria, for instance, produced
tolerable likenesses of certain animals in terracotta; but their representations of
the human head are not [Link] been said that the Negrid sculptor
It

produces his results by anatomical veracity'. 16731

'deliberately disregarding
Segy, who has studied the sculpture of the Sudanids. Pan 7. Pan 2, and Pan 3.
writes of its 'astonishing unity' in this respect throughout nearly every part of
the vast territory occupied by these peoples. 955 Almost anyone who looks at
1 1

pre-colonial Negrid art in a museum will allow that if the sculptures intended to
represent men could come to life, no one would regard them as human. The
uniformity stressed by Segy makes it possible to give at least some general im-
pression of Negrid style in plastic art by the single photograph reproduced here
in Fig. 71 A. This is the head of a horseman, carved in wood by a Yoruba artist.
The specimen may be seen in the Museum of Mankind (British Museum),
among many of a similar nature. Segy remarks that in Negrid art there is no
visual reality or imitation of nature. The reality is 'conceptual'; that is to say,
the artist reveals ideas that are present in the mind. 19551
In view of these facts, it was natural enough that the discovery in Negrid
Africa of strikingly realistic sculptures of the human head should have caused
widespread astonishment. A German expedition {Deutsche innerafrikanische
Forschungsexpedition) arrived in Nigeria in 1910, and in the same year its
leader, Leo Frobenius, began to unearth at Ife a number of terracotta heads,
unlike anything previously known from Negrid territory. 1368, 3691 No one could
doubt that these heads, vitalized and restored to human bodies, would be
universally recognized as human.
Frobenius carried out part of his work at Ebolokun, a grove (perhaps an an-
cient cemetery) situated about a mile north of the town. Before long he had ob-
tained a fine head, similar in general style to some of the terracottas, but cast in
bronze by the cire perdue method. It would appear that this head had been dug
up by the Yoruba about the middle of the nineteenth century and given the
name of Olokun, a divinity of the sea. It was buried again, and seems to have
been brought to the surface annually thereafter for worship by members of the
tribe. Frobenius had the good fortune to be allowed to photograph it.
From time to time in later years more heads were dug up at Ife, when foun-
dations were being prepared for new houses. No fewer than thirteen bronze
heads were found in 1938 in excavation for the foundations of a single house in
the town. 1601 In 1949 some more terracotta heads of the same type were
excavated at Abiri, about ten miles from Ife. Altogether twenty bronze heads
have been obtained, of which sixteen are of life [Link] One of them is a very
fine mask, to which the name of Obalufon II has been assigned. The tradition is
that this mask was not dug up. but has been kept continuously at the palace of
the Oni (ruler) of Ife ever since it was cast. 1 1 1 4 ij

Most of the Ife bronzes are in the Oni's palace, but a fine one is publicly
exhibited in the Museum of Mankind (British Museum) in London, and two
were brought by Bascom to Northwestern University. Evanston, Illinois. 160|
The one shown in Fig. 7lB was formerly in the British Museum, but has been
 THE NEGRIDS IV 413

returned to Nigeria. Many museums (including the British) possess good casts
of some of the bronzes and terracottas. Casts of thirteen of the bronze heads
belonging to the Oni were exhibited in 1962 at the National Gallery of the
Federation at Salisbury, Rhodesia, as part of the First International Congress
of African Culture.

7 1 A contrasting pair of sculptures from Nigeria

A. a typical Negrid sculpture in wood; the head of a horseman (Yoruba tribe). B. bronze head found in the
Wunmonije Compound at Ife.
Boih sculptures were formerly in the British Museum, but B has tww been relumed to Nigeria.

There is universal agreement on the high technical quality of the Ife heads.
Braunholtz says of one of the bronzes, 'In its vitality and the sensitive modelling
of the features it challenges comparison with the finest sculpture of other times
and countries. 1341 H. and V. Meyerowitz consider that The Ife heads are
'1

masterpieces and could not technically be improved upon.' They stress the
'amazingly sensitive surface treatment'. 17391 Meinhard says that the Ife heads
'are technically and artistically on the highest level'. 73 il Duckworth describes 1

them as 'outstanding works of art of the highest quality',l29il and Sir William
Rothenstein says that they are 'superb works of art, worthy to be set beside the
best examples of sculpture of any period'. (9i6l
It has not been found possible to date the Ife heads with any accuracy. The

extreme antiquity suggested by Frobenius is not accepted nowadays. E. L. R.

Meyerowitz thinks that the numerous vertical lines incised on many of the
414 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

faces suggest that the heads represent people who inhabited Ife before it was
occupied by the Yoruba about the beginning of the twelfth century,|738l but the
general opinion seems to be that they were probably made in the thirteenth 251 1

or fourteenth century, and it is supposed that in one or other of these centuries

the naturalistic style and bronze-casting technique of Ife were carried thence to
Benin (cf. Meinhardl73i|). Bronze-casting was already in progress in the latter
city when it was first visited by Europeans in 1485.1 ii4ii It follows that the Ife
heads were presumably sculptured in the fifteenth century at the latest.
It must be mentioned that realism did not survive long in Benin. The bronze-

casters of this city soon reverted to forms characteristic of Negrid sculpture

elsewhere.
The many excellent photographs in Pitt-Rivers's work on Benin art show this clearly

enough. 18461 One can indeed see that a few of the specimens represent Europids, but
there is nothing approaching the realism of the Ife heads, and with a few partial excep-
tions (for instance, the Negrid heads shown in Pitt-Rivers's Figures 88-9 and 98-9)
the sculptures represented are entirely unrealistic. Frobenius gives pictures of two
naturalistic ears from Ife heads, and for comparison thirty-two unrealistic ones from
Benin. He decadence (Verfall) of the pattern. ?69| The technical
refers to the I
skill of the
Benin bronze-casters, which reached its climax in the sixteenth century, I i34i is not
disputed.
Although the metallic Ife heads are usually called bronzes, it appears that
their composition is not in every case the same, and it might perhaps be more
accurate to call some of them brasses. There is, however, no sharp, universally
recognized distinction between the two classes of copper alloys. The source of
the metal is unknown. The percentage of copper in the only bronze head from
Ife that exists today in Europe (and is now in the British Museum) is 73 9. H.
Maclear Bate, to whom we are ultimately indebted for this specimen (for it was
he who brought it north across the Sahara in 1938), points oyt that copper is
not known to occur naturally anywhere in Negrid Africa nearer to Ife than the
Congo (now Zaire).l62i Various suggestions as to the source of the metal have
been put forward. It seems probable that it came from the north, by one of the
caravan-routes across the desert.
One of the most difl^cult problems connected with the Ife heads is their
assignment to correct positions in taxonomy. The names of important people in
the history of the Yoruba tribe have been arbitrarily attached to several of
them. Some scholars think that each may in fact be a portrait of a particular
person; indeed. Frobeniusl368i and Braunholtzii34i claim that there can be no
doubt about this. The heads represent a wide range of ethnic taxa. The first fact
that strikes one is that few of them represent typical Negrids of any subrace.
One of the exceptions is a terracotta of a rather typical Sudanid shown in Plate
145 of Frobenius's Das unbekannte Afnka\\}69\ another Negrid, somewhat
damaged and not referable to a particular subrace. is shown in Plate 146 of the
same book. One of the casts exhibited in the Museum of Mankind (British
Museum) (taken from a terracotta collected by Frobenius in 1910) appears to
represent a Pan 2 Negrid.
A few of the heads, especially the one shown in the lower right-hand corner
of p. 594 of Bascom's article.|60l are suggestive of the Armenids. and another
 THE NEGRIDS IV 415

(shown in the middle photograph on the left side of the same page) is also clear-
ly a Europid, though one could not assign it to a particular subrace without
examining the actual specimen from various points of view.
Apart from the Negrid, Armenid, and certain other distinctive heads, there
are some form a natural group. They are distinguished by
that appear to
possession in common morphological features, and they give
of certain
evidence of particular care on the part of the sculptor (and of the metal-caster,
in the case of the bronzes) to produce heads of the highest possible technical
excellence. Many of them show the vertical incised lines, to which reference has
already been made; others (for instance, the bronze shown here in Fig. 71b)
do not. I have examined carefully all the Ife heads exhibited in the British
Museum and at the First International Congress of African Culture (p. 413),
and also many photographs reproduced in books and papers, and can give the
following general impression of those which fall into this special category. It
must be remarked, however, that there is not complete uniformity within the
group. In general the heads are high, with the vertex far back; the occiput does
not project strongly. Most of them are scarcely or not at all prognathous, but
the lips are rather thick and somewhat everted. The auricle (pinna) of the ear is
rather large and lies against the head; it has a well-developed lower lobe, also
lying against the head, and perhaps intended to represent an adherent lobe. The
nose is somewhat wider than is usual in Europids, but it has quite a high bridge,
projects moderately, and in some cases convex (Fig. 7 IB). In the
is slightly
male heads there are holes above and below the mouth and on the cheeks,
evidently intended for the attachment of hair. The expression of these heads is
one of serenity and self-confidence. It is convenient to have a collective name
for the heads in this category, and, for want of a better word, it is perhaps
legitimate to suggest that they may be said to belong to a 'ruler' group.
a very curious and indeed inexplicable fact that in most of the Ife heads,
It is

though not in those that represent Negrids, the upper eyelid is carried
downwards on the nasal side in such a way as to cover the extremity of the
lower lid. It is often said that these heads show the 'Mongoloid fold', but this is
not correct.
The upper eyelids of man may be folded in two different places. Every upper eyelid is
folded back on itself at its edge or margo, which bears the eyelashes. Some upper
eyelids show a second fold, originating on their surfaces above the margo. The fold,
properly called the Mongolenfalte, or plica naso-palpebralis superior of Aichel, Ii2iis

the second fold, which sweeps down at the inner (nasal) extremity of the eye in such a
way as to cover the margo (pp. 208-9 and 312 and Fig. 25B and C); and it often covers

the inner extremity of the lower eyelid as well. On the outer or lateral side of the eye
the second fold often extends upwards in the Mongolids, and thus gives an appearance
of obliquity to the eye (Fig. 25C). Two folds of the upper eyelid, one pardy covering the
other, are not represented in the Ife heads.
It is stated by Bascom|60l that the 'Mongoloid fold' is 'found with fairly high
frequency among Africans'. It is necessary to deny this. The Mongolenfalte is
rare among Negrids.[i2l A very short fold involving only a small part of the
inner (nasal) end of the upper eyelid, but not hiding the corner of the eye or any
part of the lower eyelid and not extending beyond the lower eyelid towards the
416 SELECTED HUMAN GROUPS

nose, is indeed quite common in Negrids; but this type of lid, the mediale

Negerfalte or plica tarsalis medialis,li2l is not represented in any of the Ife

heads.
There is only one type of upper eyelid among all the ethnic taxa of man that
seems to resemble closely the lid represented by the Ife sculptors in their 'ruler'
heads (and certain others). This is the Indianerfalte or plica naso-marginalis of
AicheKli2i who gave it the former name because he first saw it among the In-
dianids (American Indians) in certain parts of Chile and Bolivia. In this type
there is no second fold of the upper eyelid, but the true eyelash-bearing margo
is continued obliquely downwards on its inner (nasal) side so as to overlap and

hide the inner corner of the eye and part of the caruncle, and passes on towards
the nose. This type of upper eyelid occurs sporadically in other races of man,
including the Europid. Aichel gives a photograph of a head showing this fold
(Fig. 35 on Plate XXI of his paper[i2l), and the resemblance to the eyelids seen
in the Ife heads is striking. He describes the possessor of this head as a Negro,
without qualification, but the photograph appears to represent a member of one
of the unclassified, hybrid (Europid-Negrid) tribes, that occupy a broad band
of territory north of the Pan 3 (Fig. 58, p. 328). Unfortunately he gives a wrong
reference to the source of the photograph, and the original cannot be traced.
The Ife heads of the 'ruler" group cannot be assigned with confidence to any
ethnic taxon that exists at the present day. Most of their morphological features
suggest that they represent a racial hybrid, predominantly Europid in ancestry,
possibly with some Negrid admixture indicated by the everted lips and slightly
widened nose. It has been suggested that the people portrayed were Fulbe
rulers of the Yoruba, but the morphological features do not confirm this. The
Fulbe of the present day are markedly dolichocephalic, and somewhat prog-
nathous below the nose; the lips are thin; and there is very little facial hair.li084|
In all these respects there is strong contrast with the heads in the 'ruler' group.
It is unlikely that anyone intending to represent the Fulbe would put holes in

their statues for the attachment of facial hair.

The identity of the sculptors has not been established. Frobenius himself
considered that his discoveries 'disclosed nothing aflfording a clue for thinking
that this great skill in art had been developed autogenetically. i.e. spontaneous-

ly in the country itself. 13681 He thought that if there had been local forerunners
of the art, he would have come across evidence of their work in the course of
his excavations, but he found nothing of the sort. He regarded the art-form as
Mediterranean in origin, but could not attribute it confidently to any one locali-
ty. The heads have been examined by specialists in the sculpture of Africa
(including Egypt), Persia, India, and Europe, but they have failed to find
evidence that would definitely establish cultural affinities with any particular
country. 17391 Segy remarks on the 'enigma' that 'we witness the summit of a
most accomplished artistic form and technique which suddenly came to an end,
showing no survival or further development". He considers that 'such an erup-
tion of a new style as that of Ife must have been the effect of a foreign
influence'. 19551 In his opinion this style could only have been achieved by artists
for whom it was already an established tradition. Like Frobenius, he inclines to
the probability that the art was derived from the Mediterranean region, and he
 THE NEGRIDS IV 417

remarks that the heads 'have a classical Greco-Roman cast'. He thinks that all
the bronze heads might be the products of a single 'master caster\ or perhaps
of two or three, and suggests that such a person or small group of persons
might have accompanied one of the caravans that came south across the
Sahara. One may rule out the possibility of Islamic influence, on account of the
prohibition imposed by the Koran, but it is known that Greek sculptors
wandered widely and implanted their style in distant lands. 19551
PART FOUR

Criteria of Superiority
and Inferiority
 22 Introduction to Part 4

Anyone who accepts it as a self-evident truth, in accordance with the

American Declaration of Independence, that all men are created equal, may
properly be asked whether the meaning of the word 'equal' is self-evident. A
definition is particularly necessary in discussions on the equality or inequality
of human taxa. Is one concerned simply with the question whether the taxa arc
similar or different! If so, there can be no doubt as to the answer. Who could
conceivably fail between a Sanid and a Europid, or between an
to distinguish
Eskimid and a Negritid, or between a Bambutid and an Australid? Clearly the
members of these pairs of taxa are different and therefore unequal, in the sense
that any two objects are unequal unless similar. The immediately obvious
criteria of distinction between these taxa are, however, physical. Is one taxon
superior to another? The great majority of adult Europids are obviously
superior to the great majority of adult Sanids in stature, but in discussions of
this subject it is desirable to avoid the use of the word 'superior' in this sense,
and to employ some such alternative as 'larger' (and 'smaller' as its opposite)
wherever this meaning is intended. The words 'superior' and 'inferior' are not
generally used unless value-judgements are concerned.
Mere size of body or its parts makes it easier for members of certain human
taxa to excel in particular sports, but it would scarcely be justifiable to speak of
superiority or inferiority in this respect. It is worth while to notice briefly a few
examples of crudely physical features that are advantageous or detrimental to
members of certain taxa in sporting activities, without affecting the way in

which these taxa should be regarded from the point of view of the ethnic
problem.
There are certain games in which tallness is of obvious advantage. It would
be absurd to suppose that Bambutids, Negritids. or Sanids could compete effec-
tively with Sudanids. Nilotids, or Dinarids at basket-ball, and equally un-
reasonable to suggest that the three former taxa should be regarded as inferior
on that account. It is much better to say simply that their stature is very much
less. The relationship between a physical feature and success in sport is par-

ticularly obvious in this case, though it goes without saying that other factors
as well are concerned in success at this game.
Long legs are unquestionably helpful towards speed
in running, especially
over short distances, and successful sprinters are usually tall. The Japanese
population is mainly Palaemongolid, and members of this taxon are
predominantly of short stature. The outcome can be seen readily enough in the
results of the modern Olympic Games. In the whole period since these contests
 INTRODUCTION TO PART 4 423

were initiated in 1896 up till 1968 (inclusive), the Japanese never won a gold,
silver, or bronze medal in any running race, single or relay, for men or women,

at any distance whatever, with the exception of the Marathon. This is a race of
more than twenty-six miles, in which speed is much less significant than en-
durance. In the 1936 Olympics Japanese competitors came in first and third in
this race, winning gold and bronze medals respectively. Both these runners
were examined by a competent physical anthropologist and judged to be
predominantly Tungid, not Palaemongolid. Members of the Tungid subrace are
generally rather short, but they are said to be 'particularly well suited, both
psychically and physically, almost superhuman exertion\l594| A
for this
Japanese runner won Marathon in 1964 and another a
a bronze medal in the
silver in 1968, but their morphological characters were not studied by physical
anthropologists.
The Japanese are by no means unsuccessful at sports in which tallness is not
important. On the contrary, an analysis of all the recorded resultsl726. 8581
shows that theyhave won 52 gold medals, 43 silver, and 38 or 39 bronze.*
Long jumping as in running. No Japanese
legs are at least as helpful in high
man or woman has ever won any medal for this sport at the Olympic Games.
The outstanding champion in the women's high jump has been lolande Balas of
Romania (Fig. 72a), whose record of 6' 2}" in 1964(7261 had never previously
been closely approached at these Games. The population of Romania is
predominantly Dinarid, and the facial features and tall stature, with especially
long legs, characteristic o^ this subrace, are well shown in the photograph. To
find someone who might compete successfully against Miss Balas, the British
coaches looked specifically for a long-legged girl. The coach who found the
most likely candidate for the task remarked of her, 'It was not so much the ease
of her jumping which impressed me as the length of leg that was taking her
over the heights.' He recognized the importance of skill and mental attitude,
but put the main emphasis on a purely physical feature. Measured from the in-
step, the length of her leg on the inner side was 35|"; Miss Balas's, 36". 17601
The photograph shows that Miss Balas is a blonde. It is a recognized fact that
Dinarids are quite frequently fair-haired. In his book on Die Otztaler. Sauser gives a
photograph of the head of a typical blond Dinarid. a male with features showing
resemblances to Miss Balas's. 19321 A special adjective, 'norisc/i', has been suggested for
the blond type of Dinarid. |646| differ from the more usual dark-
These blonds do not
haired type inany morphological character. The flattened occiput, particularly
characteristic of the Dinarids, is well shown in a photograph of Miss Balas published in
theZ)a/7vMa/7.l760i
In 1969 an appeal was made on British television, on behalf of the Amateur
Athletic Association, for large women to come forward for training in the shot-
put, javelin-throw, and discus-throw, with a view to possible participation
in the Europa Cup [Link] 18OI British women were said to have been

unsuccessful in these sports. It is to be noted that on this occasion the entire

emphasis was placed on bulk of body (though of course other qualities in addi-

* According to the rules of the Olympic Games, bronze medals should be awarded to both the
unsuccessful semi-finalists in boxing events. It seems uncertain whether this was done in 1968.
For details see Preston. isjsi
424 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

tionwould be necessary for success). The significance of corpulence in the

shot-putis suggested by the photograph reproduced in Fig. 72b, which shows

Miss Tamara Tyshkyevich, women's shot-put champion of the Soviet Union

and winner of this event at the Olympic Games in 1956. She weighed 17 stone
4 lb. (242 lb., or about 109-8 kg).
sometimes arranged in the course of
In military training, obstacle races are
which the competitors are required to crawl through large drain-pipes.
The diameter of the pipes being an arbitrary matter, there is no reason why
narrow ones should not be selected, and advantage thereby given to Bam-
butids, Negritids, and Sanids. Indeed, one could easily make it as impossible
for a normal Sudanid or Nordid to win (or even to complete the course), as it is
for one of the pygmy taxa to win the shot-put. The arbitrary nature of the tests
is obvious.
On
the occasion of the Olympic Qames held in Berlin in 1936, an attempt
was made by a German physical anthropologist, W. Klenke, to estimate the
proportion of competitors belonging to different ethnic taxa in the Japanese
He recognized that hybridity had occurred in the ancestry of
contingent.[594|
most of them, but in the great majority the characters of one taxon
predominated. If taxonomic position had been irrelevant in the selection of
Olympic competitors, the majority of the contingent would have been
Palaemongolid, since members of this taxon form the greater part of the pop-
ulation of Japan; but this was far from being so. Klenke assigned 44% of the
Japanese contingent to the Sinid subrace, only 29% to the Palaemongolid, and
15% to the Tungid. 5% were Europids of the Ainuid subrace, 1% Polynesids,
and the rest of a peculiar type called 'Jakonid' (probably Europid-Mongolid
hybrids of indeterminate ancestry, but possibly Sinids influenced by unusual
hormonal balance). The great numerical predominance of Sinids existed not
only in the contingent as a whole (or in the representative sample studied in
detail by Klenke), but also in each lesser group consisting of the persons com-
peting in a particular sport. Klenke attributes this to the fact that Sinids are
powerfully built, tall people, while the Palaemongolids (and incidentally the
Tungids and Ainuids as well) are short. He notes that among boxers, Sinids
were particularly predominant in numbers among the heavyweight categories
(which was, indeed, predictable). It may be remarked that none of these heavy
Sinids won a medal for boxing, nor did any Sinid win a medal for running or
high jumping. This was presumably because there were too few Sinids in the
whole population of Japan to make it probable that there would be a world
champion among them.
Very nearly as many of the gymnasts were Palaemongolids as Sinids in the
Japanese contingent (respectively 44% and 46%). Klenke attributes this to the
fact that there are advantages in light weight in this branch of sport.
Certain taxa possess physical characters that are advantageous in boxing.
Henry Cooper, the heavyweight boxer, has said that projecting cheek-bones
are disadvantageous, because they are apt to cause splitting of the skin, and
blood tends to get into the eye.lii78l This would mean that Nordids have an
advantage, because it is characteristic of this subrace that the zygomatic arches
slope away backwards, while their strongly projecting counterparts in Tungids
 INTRODUCTION TO PART 4 425

would reduce the chances of this subrace in the ring. A thick skull would
favour a boxer, because its inertia would lessen the shaking of the brain caused
by a heavy blow. Broca remarked long ago of the Negro, 'In him, the bones of
the cranium are conspicuously thicker than ours, and have at the same time
much greater density; they scarcely contain any diploe, and their resistance is
such that they can sustain truly extraordinary blows without breaking.'! 381 The 1

extreme thickness of the skull and the replacement of diploe by compact bone
in Australidshas already been mentioned (p. 279). Pithecanthropus, too, was
guarded against heavy blows to the head by the thickness of his cranial walls,
and he would have been well fitted to stand up to battering in the boxing ring.
Some remarks on the effect of grading competitors into groups by body-
weight on the success of certain ethnic taxa in sports will be found in
Appendix 10 (p. 554).

It has been usual since remote times for people of various ethnic taxa to

regard themselves as outstripping others not so much through the possession of

greater physical powers of the kind we have been discussing, as by superiority
in the moral or intellectual sense. Several examples have already been men-
tioned in this book, especially in Part 1. Contemptuous words have often been
used to designate particular taxa or tribes, and these have in some cases
become so widely used that they have tended to supplant the names that the
despised people apply to themselves. The Pan 3 tribe that called itself the Lwoh
was named 'Dyoof' by the Dinka (M). This scornful word, meaning 'wild
men', [95 11 became the name by which the tribe in question was generally
known, and one finds it inscribed on maps. Similarly, the Monbuttu applied the
word 'Momvoo' to their neighbours on the southern side, and this word too,
implying the extremity of degradation, has been used as though it were the cor-
rect name of the tribe. [95 1]
Perhaps no taxon or tribe has been more universally disdained than the peo-
ple called by missionaries 'Bergdama' and provisionally designated Pan 4 in
this book. Its members live in isolated groups in the hilly regions of South West
Africa. Many of them were mercilessly massacred by the Hottentots, who
enslaved most of those who survived. The Pan 4 adopted the language of their
masters and forgot their own. They did not even remember the name of their
tribe, but sometimes called themselves 'Nu Khoin', or black people, for distinc-
tion from the 'Awa Khoin', the 'red people' or Hottentots. The latter used the
word 'Dama' or 'Daman' as an inclusive term for the Ovaherero {Ka) and
Bergdama, distinguishing the latter as 'Chou-daman' {'chou' meaning filthy) or
Xoudama ('atom' = human excrement). [ i089, i0901* The Ovaherero called them
'Ovazorotua' (inferior blacks), and like the Hottentots they killed and enslaved
them. Certain anthropologists have vied with the oppressors of the Pan 4 in
denigrating these unfortunate people. Deniker[2681 says that they are 'miserable
savages who live by hunting and plunder', Haddon[450l that they are 'practic-
ally a pariah people and may be a degraded offshoot of the OvaMpo' (an un-

* The Hottentots sometimes called the Pan 4 'Haukhoin'. Seligman ly.'iTisays that the name
means 'dung people', but this is incorrect. means foreign men, which is itself a misnomer, since
It

these people were the original inhabitants of the country. See Vedder. i iosqi
426 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

likely hypothesis). A
standing joke against them among their neighbours (not
modern knowledge of human evolution in general) was that
so funny in view of
they descended from monkeys —
a belief apparently accepted at one time by
themselves. [378] It remarked that Galton[378l and Vedder,[i090i who
is to be
knew the Pan 4 personally, did not concur in the opinions expressed by their
detractors, and the former relates a very remarkable instance of the honesty of
one of them.
Gallon calls the Pan 4 'Ghou Damup', probably a misheard version of ti^Nu '

Dama' (the symbol 44= representing a Hottentot sound not represented in any Euro-
pean language). Missionaries usually call them 'Bergdama' or 'Hill Damara', but
they do not appear to belong to the same subrace {Ka) as the Damara (=Ovaherero).
They are not very uniform in physique, and further study will be necessary before they
can be fitted with confidence into any taxonomic scheme (cf Vedder I i089i).

The foregoing remarks relate to only a few extreme examples of a

widespread tendency for members of certain ethnic taxa to regard others as in-
ferior. The question arises whether any reality at all may underlie opinions of
this sort. Is it possible to obtain objective evidence that would help to solve the
ethnic problem? It may be profitable, at the outset, to consider certain
arguments of a very general nature, admittedly only tentative and exploratory,
but nevertheless helpful, in my opinion, in orientating the mind towards
thought on this difficult problem.
It is not to be supposed that genes conferring genuine 'superiority' of any

sort, if such exist, would be easily susceptible to genetic analysis. One would
anticipate the cumulative effect of many genes, each having a small effect (pp.
158-9 and 190-91). In these circumstances there would be no sharp segrega-
tion of characters in the F2 generation, when members of two different ethnic
taxa had mated together and produced hybrid offspring who had married
similar hybrids. For the solution of the ethnic problem, however, one is not im-
mediately concerned with the question whether the analysis of human
polygenes is possible, or likely to become so. The relevant question is
altogether different. One wants to know whether it is conceivable that members
of two taxa may differ in large numbers of groups of genes affecting many parts
of the body, but not at all in those that affect the nervous and sensory systems
and therefore play a part in determining mental qualities. In addressing oneself
to this problem it is helpful to consider any two taxa of mammals, other than
man, that differ from one another in morphological characters about as much
as a Sanid does from a Europid, or an Eskimid from a Negritid, or a Bambutid
from an Australid, and then note whether two such taxa of animals are ever
identical in their habits, and therefore in their mental qualities. The conclusion
will almost necessarily be reached that identity in habits is unusual even in
pairs of taxa that are morphologically much more similar to one another than
are members of the pairs of human taxa that have just been mentioned. The
subspecies of gorilla, for instance, are not nearly so different from one another
morphologically as Sanids are from Europids, but they differ markedly in their
modes of life (pp. 114-15).
In this connection it is relevant to mention that even a trained anatomist
would take some time to sort out correctly a mixed collection of the skulls of
 INTRODUCTION TO PART 4 427

Asiatic jackals (Canis aureus) and European red foxes {Vulpes vulpes), unless
he had made a special study of the osteology of the Canidae; whereas even a
little child, without any instruction whatever, could instantly separate the skulls

of Eskimids from those of Lappids (pp. 195-7). In reflecting on this fact the
reader should hold in mind that the jackal and fox, though so similar in their
skulls, belong not only to different species, but to different genera. Their habits
are different. The jackal often hunts in packs, while the fox is solitary; both kill
small animals for food, but the jackal relies more than the fox on carrion and
vegetable matter; it utters a very distinctive howl at night, while the fox is
quieter, and yelps rather like a small dog.|330. 691.84 1. 86 1. loiii

For comparison, ten adult skulls of the Asiatic jackal (Canis aureus indicus) and ten
of the European red fox (Vulpes vulpes vulpes) were selected at random from specimens
in the British Museum (Natural History). |49i There is overlap in size, but most jackal

skulls are slightly larger than those of the fox. and the facial region of the former tends
to be slightly wider. The temporal ridges, which converge as they run backwards on the
dorsal side of the skull to unite posteriorly in the sagittal crest, generally remain
separate further back in the fox than in the jackal, but three of the ten jackal skulls
resembled those of the fox in this respect. The supra-orbital process is somewhat
hollowed out above in the fox. but scarcely or not at all in the jackal. The constriction
behind the supra-orbital process, marking the boundary between the interorbital and
temporal regions of the skull, is generally deeper in the fox. but one of the jackal skulls
showed as deep a constriction as one of the foxes'. By taking note of these dis-
tinguishing features, it should be possible to separate skulls of the two animals, but the
differences are small. For further remarks on these differences, see Appendix 1 1 (p.

555).
Keeping in mind the close similarity of the skulls of jackal and fox. and the
differences in their habits, one may find it difficult to suppose that two human
taxa differing so profoundly in cranial characters as (for instance) the Eskimid
and Lappid can be all the genes that control their nervous and sen-
identical in
sory systems; and seems unlikely, one must ask oneself whether it is con-
if this

ceivable that the mental qualities of each human taxon. though differing, must
somehow add themselves together in such a way that all taxa are necessarily to
be regarded as 'equal' mentally, in the special sense that no taxon is superior to
any other. What known cause of evolution could have produced this result? Is
it not more probable that natural selection has adapted taxa to different en-

vironments, and that as a result some of them have a greater tendency than
others to produce persons possessing special agility and versatility of mind?
And if one introduces a value-judgement by predicating that agility and ver-
satility of mind are superior to mental sloth, is it not at least likely that
superiority and inferiority are realities (even though, as was pointed out at the
beginning of the book (p. 6), all taxa include mentally inferior persons)?
Natural selection may have produced the mental diversity of human taxa in
response to different environments (physical and biological) in much the same
way as artificial selection has produced mental diversity in the various breeds
of dogs and other domestic animals, which also differ, breed from breed, in
their mental qualities. As Darwin remarks of dogs, 'The degree to which the
various breeds differ in the perfection of their senses, dispositions, and inherited
428 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

habitsis notorious to everyone.'|257l It is found easiest to train dogs of different

breeds for different purposes, such as guiding blind persons, carrying messages
in war, indicating the position of game, and performing on the stage.|789|
Darwin found comparable differences in the mental equipment of different
breeds (or 'races' as he called them) of pigeons.
The manner of flight, and certain inherited movements, such as clapping
the wings, tumbling in the air or on the ground, and the manner of courting
the female, present the most singular differences. In disposition the several
races differ. Some races are very silent; others coo in a highly peculiar
manner.(257i
Darwin provides very strong evidence that all the breeds to which he refers
remarks derive from a single species. Cohimba livia. and that they were
in these
produced by artificial selection (both 'methodical' and 'unconscious'), which he
describes as the 'foundation-stone in the formation of new races' (i.e.

breeds). 1257]
The retreat of the ice after the last glacial epoch opened up vast areas of the
northern hemisphere and offered great opportunities to people who could adapt
themselves to a new mode of life and develop the foresight needed for the
maintenance of large populations under strongly seasonal climatic conditions,
very different from those in many parts of the world, where a more equable en-
vironment made it less necessary to look far into the future. Certain potentially
favourable environments are more demanding than others, and thus favour the
natural selection of an enterprising type of mind.
It does not follow from what has just been said that extremely adverse en-

vironmental conditions would lead to the natural selection of the most enter-
prising and far-seeing persons. On the contrary, it seems that some of the less
progressive ethnic taxa of man have been forced out of the most favourable
habitats and have learnt to obtain a specialized livelihood in regions that did
not offer much opportunity for large-scale enterprise and the resulting increase
of population that would be necessary for the development of civilization.
It must be kept in mind that certain taxa have remained primitive or become

paedomorphous 'in their general morphological characters, and none of these

has succeeded in developing a civilization. It is among these taxa in particular
that one finds some direct indication of a possible cause of mental inferiority in
the small size of the brain (see p. 292). The relation between brain-size and in-
telligence is not, however, direct. This follows obviously enough from the fact
that a large part of the brain is concerned with non-intellectual processes, es-
pecially the mere transmission (as opposed to origination) of nervous impulses,
and with the co-ordination of muscular contractions throughout the body. The
proportion of the brain that is concerned with thought-processes varies greatly
in the different taxa of mammals, so that direct comparison of total brain-size
cannot throw light on the subject under consideration unless it is instituted
between closely related forms, in which the proportional sizes of the various
parts are nearly the same. For this reason, and because there is a correlation
between the size of the body and that of the brain, the fact that elephants and
dolphins have large brains is not immediately relevant.
When man alone is considered, certain facts bearing on the relation between
 INTRODUCTION TO PART 4 429

brain-size and intelligence do stand out. In particular, the fossil evidence shows
clearly enough that the organ has increased progressively in volume in the
course of human evolution, and that those ethnic taxa (the Australid, for in-
stance) that are primitive morphologically in other respects have retained to
some extent the smaller cranial capacity of man's ancestors. Further, no person
recognized as eminent in mathematics, science, philosophy, or any other purely
intellectual subject has ever been a member of a taxon in which the average
cranial capacity is low. If it could be shown that a positive relationship existed
between brain-size and intellectual capacity, one would have an objective
method for assessing the latter in the various ethnic taxa.
During the nineteenth century the brains of a number of distinguished
Europeans were studied, and data were collected about those who had died in
earlier times. Interest centred chiefly on the total brain-weight and on the
degree of convolution of the cerebral cortex. 1529. iiisi Unfortunately, the
weights were often given in a rather unsatisfactory way. In many cases precise
particulars were omitted as to whether the organ was weighed fresh or after
preservation, and if preserved, in what fluid. The amount of blood remaining in

the vessels, and of cerebro-spinal fluid in the ventricles, must also have affected
the recorded figures. The data are nevertheless not without value. Cranial
capacity (the volume of the cavity of the brain-case) provides a good indication
of the volume of the organ, and obviously determines its upper limit. Skulls are
many, freshly removed brains few, and as a result much more information is

available about cranial capacity than about the weight of the contained organ.
What seem to be reliable data relating human brain-weight to cranial capacity
are available. A table of these is given by Welcker.i i i35l

The facts given in Welcker's table may be expressed almost exactly by the equation

1 065i'- 195 = >v.

where v is the cranial capacity in millilitres and h' the weight of the brain in grams. |49i

For comparison with those of distinguished persons, the brain-weights of un-

selected European males aged 21 and over are represented diagrammatically in
Fig. 73, p. 430. The weights, obtained directly by use of the balance, are taken
from the table given by Wagner.liii51 For the present purpose they have been
arranged in groups (900-999 g, 1,000-1,099 g, etc.), and the number falling in
each group counted and expressed by the height of the column. The mode or
largest group is seen to be 1,300-1,399 g, but the frequency-polygon is not
symmetrical, and the arithmetic mean of European males may be taken as
about 1.410 g.l 10621 or 1,424 g at the age (30 or thereabouts) at which the organ
is said to be slightly heavier than at earlier or later ages. 1529]
Some of the early records supposed to represent the brain-weights of
celebrities areextremely high. Oliver Cromwell was credited with a gigantic
brain, weighing no less than 6j lb. 15291 This figure was presumably obtained
with Troy weights. If so. it would be equivalent to 2.332 g; if avoirdupois, still
more. In either case, the record is incredible.
The history of Cromwell's skull and brain after death is not without interest.
He died on 3 September 1658 and his body was buried in Westminster Abbey.
John Evelyn tells us in his diary how on 30 January 1661 his 'carcass' and
150
 INTRODUCTION TO PART 4 431

If the g, and if it is permissible to apply the equa-

weight had really been 2,332
tion given above to extrapolate from Welcker's data, Cromwell would have had a
cranial capacity of 2,373 ml, which is not credible.
Cuvier was another celebrity to whom a huge brain (weighing more than five
livres) was formerly ascribed. Wagner, having carefully reviewed the evidence,
allows him the large weight of 1,861 g. It has been suggested that the great
zoologist suffered slightly from hydrocephaly, at least in youth, but there was
little fluid in the ventricles of his brain at death.l 1 1 15]

Byron's brain was said to have weighed six 'medicinal pounds', but his corpse was
brought from Greece to England, and unfortunately no one knows where it was when

the brain was removed and weighed. In England at that time (1824) avoirdupois would
have been used, in which case six pounds would have meant 2,239 g, again an incredi-
ble weight. Wagner thinks that the brain was weighed in mainland Greece,
or perhaps on the island of Zante, and that Venetian weights were used. He mentions
that at that time there was a close connection between Venice and Greece. If his sur-
mise is correct, the weight would represent 1,807 g. This is a very large but credible
figure, which may perhaps be accepted. The organ was hyperaemic. i5l 1 1 1

The weight-groups to which the brains of these and certain other notable
men belonged are shown in Fig. 73.
The brain of P. G. L. Dirichlet (German mathematician, expositor of
Gauss's discoveries) weighed 1,520 g. Several men of high intellect are known
to have possessed brains above the mean weight for European males: for in-
stance, C. H. Fuchs (German pathologist), 1,499 g; Gauss. 1.492 [Link]
cranial capacity of Immanuel Kant was 1,715 ml.[620lThe equation given on p.
429 suggests that his brain weighed 1,63 1 g.
The mental specialist who opened Schumann's skull, after his death in an
asylum, reported that the composer's brain weighed 1,475 g. This is a sur-
prisingly high figure, in view of the fact that his cranial capacity is stated to
have been 1,510 ml.[9331 The latter figure would suggest a brain of about 1,413
g, almost exactly the mean weight for male Europeans. Several distinguished
persons are known to have possessed brains of moderate or small size. There is
no evidence, however, that any illustrious person ever had a brain that was
very small in comparison with those of normal Europeans, and it would appear
that sufferers from microcephaly are invariably idiots.
The brain of the French surgeon G. Depuytren weighed 1.437 g; of the philologist
C. F. Hermann, 1,358 g; of the German mineralogist Hausmann, only 1,226 g. [iiisi
The cranial capacity of Raphael is given variously as 1,400-1.420 and 1,450-1,500
ml, (9.1 31 and it therefore seems certain that his brain was not a large one. Wagner quotes
the brain of a woman aged 25 years that weighed only 720 g, and he describes and il-
lustrates that of another person of unstated sex, aged 26 years, that registered only 300

g on the balance. In such organs there is no reversion to the structure seen in pongids,
except in the simplicity of the convolutions in the frontal lobes. In i5l These are
pathologically defective, not primitive brains.
Since there tends to be less convolution of the cerebral cortex in members of
ethnic taxa regarded on other grounds as primitive (p. 292) or paedomorphous
(pp.319 and 322), and far less again in pongids, it has naturally occurred to
anatomists to enquire whether intellectually eminent persons show peculiarities
432 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

in this respect. The subject was considered in some detail long ago by Wagner,
who obtained permission from Gauss's son to open the preserved head of the
mathematician, mainly for the purpose of studying the degree of convolution of
the cortex.111151 Wagner also examined the brain of Dirichlet, and in the cases
of both these mathematicians he found the gyri particularly complicated and
the intervening sulci unusually deep. His figures amply illustrate what he says;
but he drew no firm conclusion from what he saw in these two brains, because
he did not find similar complexity in the cerebral cortices of Hermann or
Hausmann. The prominent anatomist who examined Beethoven's brain found
only the usual complexity of convolution, and the sulci were not particularly
deep. 933 1

It was suggested that the total surface-area of the cerebral hemispheres (including
the part that dips down into the sulci) might be greater in eminent than in un
distinguished persons, but though very elaborate measurements were made in an
attempt to test this hypothesis,! 1 1 i3i the work was done on too few persons to carry
much weight.
There is no actual proof that all the pongid and paedomorphous characters
in the brains of Australids and Sanids respectively are directly concerned in
determining the intellectual faculties, but they add themselves to the other
morphological features that suggest a less advanced or more childlike condi
[Link] most important differences between bright and dull minds in normal
members of any one species or Formenkreis probably depend to a large extent
on factors more subtle than those that can be seen by the naked eye or
registered by the balance.
Some exceptionally interesting experiments bearing on this problem have
been carried out on animals. R. C. Tryon of the University of California
started work with a stock of laboratory-bred rats (presumably Rattus rattus).
He proceeded to derive from these animals two inbred stocks, by selection on
the basis of their tendencies to run through a particular maze with the smallest
or greatest number of wrong turnings.! i069i Each rat ran through the maze
nineteen times, and the total number of errors made was recorded. The
brightest rats (those that made fewest errors) in the brightest litters were kept
for breeding together,and so were the dullest in the dullest litters. After seven
generations had been subjected to this selective process, two distinct stocks had
been produced. The members of the dull stock commonly made about six times
as many errors as the bright, and very little overlapping in the performances of
the two stocks remained. Further selection over many generations had negligi-
ble [Link] two stocks were inbred continuously, and about twenty years
later they were tested on three mazes, all different from the one used in the
original selection experiment. In each of the tests the members of the bright
stock made significantly fewer errors than the dullards. |92ii The very surprising
fact, and the one immediately relevant to the subject under discussion, is that
the weight of the cerebral cortex was found to be greater in the dull than in the
bright stock. 1751 Something beyond mere size of the cortex is obviously
concerned with the type of intelligence needed for easy learning of mazes.
Despite what was said in the preceding paragraph, it remains a fact that if
rats are kept in groups provided with 'toys' and set to find their way through
 INTRODUCTION TO PART 4 433

mazes, their cortices do become heavier than those of members of the same
stock caged singly in a quiet room with nothing to stimulate their mental
activity. 1751 This applies to rats of both bright and dull stocks. It must be sup-
posed that in the wild remote ancestors of the laboratory rat. large cerebral
cortices were normal, since no wild rat could survive if it behaved like the
isolated specimens in the experiments. In other words, the enlargement of the
cerebral cortex was the normal response to stimuli roughly equivalent to those
occurring naturally in the environment of wild life, and the capacity to respond
to this environment evolved, like other characters, through the operation of
natural selection.
These facts have relevance for human [Link] might perhaps suppose
that the small size of the brain in Australids and certain other ethnic taxa was
due to an environmental cause operating in individual development, namely,
the lack of appropriate mental stimulation. This opinion cannot be sustained. If
it were true, one would have to suppose that the remote ancestors of the
Australids lived in mentally stimulating environments and evolved the capacity
to grow large brains. The facts do not support this hypothesis. On the contrary,
they suggest that the brains of Australids are small because they retain the size
characteristic of a particular stage in human evolution beyond which most
other ethnic taxa have evolved. There is no evidence or likelihood that the
ancestors of the Australids were at any time civilized, and it is unthinkable that
natural selection could have caused the brains of the ancestral Australids to
evolve the potentiality to increase in size, during the course of individual

development, inresponse to a stimulating environment that did not exist at the

time. The Australid is not comparable to the isolated rat. which had the inborn
potentiality to grow a brain of the same size as that of its remote ancestors, if
allowed to develop in a suitable environment.
Among normal individuals of large-brained taxa. the exact size of the brain
is not the fact that sets a limit to mental activity. The physical basis of in-

telligencepresumably depends, in such persons, on the arrangement and com-

plexity of the processesby which the nerve cells (neurones) of the cerebral cor-
tex communicate with one another. On cursory examination under the
microscope these cells in any one species of animal generally look very similar
to the corresponding ones in members of related species, and indeed in
members of related genera and even families, despite the great differences in
behaviour. These differences must depend ultimately on the branching out-
growths that have originated from the neurones in the course of embryonic
development, and have put one cell in communication with another.
The junctions between neurones are called synapses. They commonly occur
where the end of a long process (axon) from one neurone branches repeatedly
and interlaces with several much shorter ramifications (dendrites) of another
neurone. The latter may pass on the impulse through its own axon to yet
another neurone, and so on. repeatedly in some cases, until it reaches an effec-
tor organ (muscle or gland). One of the methods employed to reveal the
branched processes of neurones is called the Golgi-Cox technique, after the
names of the histologists who originated and perfected it. 2301 It involves
1

impregnation of the tissue with mercuric chloride; the mercuric compound is

434 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

slowly reduced and the cell darkens. Thin slices (sections) of brain material
made by this method are shown in Fig. 74. It is a curious feature of the
Golgi-Cox technique that although it generally darkens only about 3% of all
the neurones in a piece of brain, those that it does reveal are darkened
throughout, to the tips of their processes. It follows that when the dendrites of a
made by
particular cell are clearly seen under the microscope in a preparation
this method, the terminal branches of the axon that brings nerve-impulses to
them from another neurone are usually not visible, because the darkening reac-
tion did not occur in the cell of which the axon was a process. It is for this
reason that the dendrites show clearly in Fig. 74. but the interlacing of
branching axon-processes with them is not seen.
Although an enormous number of minute projections Cspikes") can be seen projec-
ting from the long, vertically ascending processes in Fig. 74b. there are probably very
many more that are too small to be seen with the optical microscope. The electron
microscope has revealed numbers of diminutive ones, only about 23 nm in diameter, in
the brain of the cat.l8i7i Such minute objects as these could not possibly be resolved by
the optical microscope, and it is very doubtful whether they could be visualized at all.
The structure of the brain may eventually be found to be considerably more com-
plicated than has been supposed. The significance of the very small dendrites, revealed
by electron microscopy, does not appear to be known with certainty. It is probable that
they are not concerned with the formation of synapses.
The ultimate branches of each axon are expanded at their tips into little

swellings called 'end-feet', which are implanted on the dendrites or in some

cases directly on the cell-body of the neurone to which the axon transmits the
nervous impulse. The latter is transmitted across the excessively minute in-
tervening space (only about 20 nanometres wide) by the passage of a chemical
messenger. A large number of end-feet is usually implanted on a single
neurone: often they originate from the axons of several other neurones. It is
easiest to estimate the number of end-feet, or actually to count them, when they
are implanted not on dendrites, but on the cell body itself. There are in some
cases hundreds of them on a single neurone. A clear picture of such a case is
shown in Fig. 75. p. 436. The object illustrated is a model of a neurone in the
spinal cord of the cat. One can see the thin threads (minute terminal branches
of an axon or axons) that bring impulses to it. and their termination in end-feet.
The cell illustrated had 434 end-feet implanted on it.
The model was made as follows. 14551 A piece of the spinal cord of the cat was treated
by the method 4 of Ramon Cajal; that is to say. after fixation by formaldehyde it was
'

impregnated with silver nitrate solution, and the silver ion was subsequently reduced by
pyrogallol. 18721 The material treated in this way was sectioned at 4 ,</m. A particular cell

could be followed through many consecutive sections. A model, magnified 2,000 times
in linear dimensions, was made of the part of the cell that was included in each section,
and all the models were stuck together in correct sequence
and orientation to produce
the compositemodel depicted in Fig. 75.
It would have been an almost superhuman task to find the origins of all the

434 threads ending on the feet applied to the cell shown in Fig. 75, and this
would have been only the start of an investigation planned to reveal all the
paths of nervous impulses passing to and from this particular cell. Yet this was
 INTRODUCTION TO PART 4 435

a neurone from the spinal cord of an animal, not from the brain of man; and it
isestimated that the cortex of the human cerebral hemispheres contains some
fourteen thousand million neurones,l967l interrelated in an extremely com-
plicated way.
Fig. 74 gives a glimpse of the increase in complexity of the human brain
during the development of man. It shows a few of the neurones in a minute part
of the cortical region of the superior frontal gyrus of the frontal lobe; that is to
say, in a part of the brain believed to be concerned in the intellectual and
emotional processes of the mind. It will be remembered that this is a Golgi-Cox

i /

74 Neurones (nerve-cells) in the cerebral cortex of a child at birth (A) and of another
at the age of six years (B)
Vertical sections through the superior frontal gyrus show the outgrowth and increasing ramification of the
dendrites. The cell-bodies (perikarya) and dendrites have been darkened by the Golgi-Cox method.
i^rom Conel.\22\\ The scale placed between the two drawings, added by the author, represents 120
ftm.
436 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

preparation, and that therefore only a small proportion of the cells that were
present in the thin section is seen; and the axon-processes that make contact
with the dendrites have not been revealed. In A one sees the cells in the brain of
a new-born infant; in B, the corresponding cells at the age of six years. The
great increase in the complexity of the dendrites shown. The precise is clearly
age at which they achieve their ultimate degree of ramification in man appears
not to be known, but it is probably much later in life. Opportunity is given here
for the influence of paedomorphosis, in the evolution of certain ethnic taxa.

75 A model of a neurone (nerve-cell), to show some of the end-feet through which

other neurones send impulses to it

The cell is a motor neurone of the lumbosacral enlargement in The scale (added by the
the cat's spinal cord.
author) represents 30 //m. From Haggar and BarrMii\

The outgrowth and ramification of the dendrites springing from the perikarya of the
pyramidal cells in the middle frontal gyrus of man have been accurately studied. In
layer 3 of the cortex, for instance, the mean number of branching points in all the den-
drites of a single cell is only 31 at birth, but has risen to 40 8 in the adult; and the
mean total estimated length of all the dendrites belonging to one cell rises from 203 //m
in the former case to 6,836 /im in the latter. |934i Opportunities for the formation of new
synapses are thus greatly increased. It is still uncertain whether the formation of new
synapses during development is wholly a process of self-diflerentiation. or whether it

may be affected by environmental influences, that by learning. 142. io32. loooi

is to say 1
1

In whatever way the number of synapses may be increased during develop-

ment, it seems clear that their proliferation must somehow be related, in the
case of the frontal lobes of the brain, to the increase in the capacity for thought.
As the neurologist Kappers has remarked. 'The selective character of the in-
terneuronal connections is the most important feature of the nervous system. It
 INTRODUCTION TO PART 4 437

is only from this selectivity that the efficiency of the nervous system
results. '15711 The pathways in show some analogy with the electrical
the brain
wiring in telephone exchanges. If there were two such exchanges, comparable
in size and complication, and if in one of them some of the necessary wires
were missing or wrongly connected, one might find it very difficult, by
morphological inspection alone, to be sure that the exchange in question would
work less eflfectively than the other. Indeed, this might well be impossible unless
one had a wiring-diagram provided by the engineer who designed the exchange.
The difficulties are immensely greater with the brain: for not only is the
morphological problem very much harder to solve on account of the extreme
complication, minute size, and inaccessibility of the parts, but it is very difficult
indeed to perform experiments corresponding to the rather simple ones that the
electrical engineer employs when he seeks to locate a fault.

Ideally it would be possible to reveal the morphological basis of complex

thought-processes by study with the optical or electron microscope. If this
could be achieved, one would have objective visual evidence bearing on the
similarity or differences in nervous mechanisms among the various ethnic taxa
of man. In the arrangement and degree of complexity of the interneuronal con-
nections in the frontal lobes of the brain one might find evidence of
primitiveness in the Australids. for instance, and of paedomorphosis in Sanids.
This is a problem for the future, when biological microtechnique has advanced
sufficiently for it to be tackled without the immense expenditure of time and
energy that would be required today. Even the gross structure of the brain in
these taxa is still very imperfectly known at the present time (see pp. 292-5,
319, and 322). In the existing circumstances, reliance must be placed on easier,
though still very difficult, observations —
not on the source of mental activities
in the cerebral hemispheres, but on their results as manifested in the activities
of man. We turn now to the intellectual faculty —
that which in its highest form
has given rise to philosophy, mathematics, science, technology, history,
literature, law, and religion; in a word, to civilization.
 23 The assessment of
cognitive ability

INTRODUCTION

The attempt to define the word 'intelligence", in its ordinary sense, is

deferred to later pages in this book (pp. 495-7), but it is necessary to remark
at the outset that it is composed of separate parts, which can be defined. Unfor-
tunately only one of these, the cognitive
(p. 496), is capable of being
systematically tested. It may
be roughly defined as the general ability to
perceive, comprehend, and reason, without regard to the other essential com-
ponents of true intelligence: namely, judgement in choosing appropriate sub-
jects for study, eagerness to acquire, transmit, and (if possible) add to
knowledge and understanding, and capacity for sustained effort. The cognitive
element may perhaps be regarded as basic, despite its uselessness if the others
be absent; and an enormous amount of study has been devoted to methods for
its assessment. The so-called 'intelligence tests' are intended to measure
cognitive ability, and they are undoubtedly to a large extent successful. In this
book they are called cognition tests.
No one who has not taken the trouble to study these tests in sufficient detail
to recognize their possibilities and limitations is qualified to express an opinion
on the ethnic problem. There is, perhaps, no aspect of this problem more deser-
ving of serious study by anthropologists than the systematic testing of
cognitive ability. The following account is addressed specifically to those who
interest themselves in the differences between the ethnic taxa of man.

It is appropriate to begin with Alfred Binet. Like all great innovators, he had
his 'forerunners". In the later editions of The origin of species. Charles Darwin
dutifully mentions a number of persons who were ahead of him in publication
of some of his ideas. 12561 It is one thing, however, to have an idea and publish it
incidentally and briefly in a work on
a different subject, but quite another to
develop it independentlysuch massive and persuasive form that it gains
in
general acceptance and initiates an important new line of investigation; and this
is what Binet achieved in the domain of cognition testing.

Binet was born in 1857. He spent most of his adult life at the Sorbonne,
as Directeur-adjoint and subsequently Directeur of the Laboratory of
Physiological Psychology. At first his interests ranged widely over the fields of
biology and psychology, and he published a number of books and papers not
directly connected with cognitive ability. He wrote, for instance, on the
behaviour of Protozoa and of the germ-cells of plants and animals,l90l and on
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 439

the ventral nerve-cord of Crustacea and works he

insects.l9ii In these early
shows already the and marked capacity to write
clear, unpretentious style
interestingly that never deserted him throughout life. His book The psychology
of reasoning contains a fascinating account of some of his experiences in
this field, especially in the parts concerned with his experiments in hypnosis. |92i
About the turn of the century he began to interest himself in the intellectual
powers of two very cooperative girls in their early teens, named Marguerite and
Armande. His study of their mental powers foreshadows his main life-work,
which was crowded into the few years that remained to him before his early
death in 1911. Readers of his book on Marguerite and Armandel93i will note
the originality of the tests they so willingly underwent, and also the striking
differences from ordinary school examinations intended to reveal what has
been learnt in formal lessons.
Shortly after the publication of this book, the French Minister of Public
Instruction began to interest himself in the teaching of mentally abnormal
children, and he appointed a Commission to study this subject. The Commis-
sion reported that children suspected of being intellectually retarded should not
be removed from ordinary schools unless they had been submitted to an
examination that proved them to be incapable of profiting from the ordinary
curriculum. 1951 It was this decision that set Binet and his collaborator. T.
Simon, on the path to their 'echelle metrique de rintelligence'. Thus their initial
purpose was simply to determine whether a child was so subnormal mentally
as to require education in a special school. 'Our aim.' they said, 'when a child
shall be placed in our presence, is to take the measure of his intellectual
capacities, in order to know whether he is a normal or a retarded person. '|96|
This was the clear statement of what they had in mind; and they proceeded to
give a preliminary, theoretical account of the procedure to be followed.
Binet and Simon adopted an unsophisticated, matter of-fact attitude in
defining the subject of their enquiry.
It seems to us that there exists in intelligence a fundamental element, the

lack or alteration of which has the greatest significance for practical life. It is
discernment \jugement], or in other words common sense, practical sense,
initiative, the faculty of adapting oneself. To discern well, to understand well,
to reason well, these are the essential springs \ressorts\ of intelligence.
Their test was intended to display the presence or absence of this fundamen-
tal element. From the beginning it was always their rule that each child should

be tested separately by spoken questions, most of them requiring spoken

answers.
The two collaborators followed up these ideas by applying them practically
to normal children, and also to mentally abnormal ones, some of whom still
remained at primary schools, while others had been sent to hospitals. The
object of their study was to establish what could be expected of normal
children at the ages of three, five, seven, nine, and eleven years, in response to
questions intended to trace the development of the fundamental element defined
in their earlier paper. The questions were devised in such a way that the results
of the test would depend as little as possible on knowledge acquired in formal
education.
440 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

Their long paper on their first test, published in 1905,1971 need not be
considered in any detail, because it was followed three years later by another,
which has provided a basis for the construction of individual verbal cognition
tests ever since. [98] They had set themselves to study 'I'intelligence sans culture'
and to devise methods for its measurement. Their choice of the words
'VinteUigence sans culture' is important, because it seems to imply that they
themselves recognized that this was not the whole of intelligence, but unfor-
tunately they lost sight of this later on; for towards the end of their paper they
distinguish sharply between 'I'intelligence' (v/hich was assessed by their test) on
one hand, and 'la faculte scolaire' on the other. The latter they define as 'the
faculty of learning at school, the faculty of assimilating the education given at
school, by the methods used at school'. It was highly desirable that techniques
should be devised for measuring the part of intelligence that is not taught at
school, and Binet and Simon's contribution to this end was outstanding; but it
was very unfortunate that they lent the weight of their authority to the use of
the word 'intelligence' in a severely limited sense. It has given rise to the
widespread idea that the results of so-called 'intelligence tests' may be taken as
reliable assessments of intelligence in the wide sense. It is necessary to stress
that these tests (or rather the best of them) are invaluable not because they test
the whole of intelligence (for they do not), but because they provide a measure
of one essential constituent of it. This subject is further discussed in Chapter
26.
It is understandable that Binet and Simon used the word
perhaps
they did. Their main object throughout was to be able to dis-
'intelligence' as
tinguish children who were genuinely subnormal mentally from those who
seemed stupid only because they were uneducated. They knew that some of the
children who were regarded as subnormal had received scarcely any formal
education, and that their potentiality for intellectual work might have been
seriously underestimated. It was for this reason that Binet and Simon studious

ly avoided the results of education in their tests, and included only such sub-
jects as were matters of almost universal knowledge among the children to
whom the tests were applied. They did not say that the capacity to absorb in-
struction was an unimportant constituent part of intelligence in the ordinary
sense of the word.
Binet and Simon's test consisted of questions arranged in groups; all or near-
ly all the questions in a group were supposed to be answerable by average
children of a particular age. There was a group of questions for each age in
yearly steps from three to thirteen. The whole test was thus a graduated series
or scale of such groups of questions, and they called it an 'echelle'. Unfor-
tunately the word 'scale' is often used loosely for cognition tests that do not
consist of graduated groups of questions.
The following examples will give a general impression of the test at various
levels in the scale. The children were asked to repeat a series of unit numbers
(two to seven of them, according to age) or a phrase of several (six to twenty-
six) syllables; to count numbers in reverse; to think of as many different words
as possible in a minute; to define abstract words (e.g. 'charite'); to distinguish
between words, such as 'plaisir' and 'bonheur'. having similar but different
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 441

meanings; to recognize absurdities in statements; to say what is supposed to be

happening in a picture, or in a human situation briefly described in words; to
complete drawings of people from which certain parts (e.g. the nose) were mis-
sing; to draw a square or other simple geometrical form; and —
much the most
difficult of all —
to solve the problem called 'decoupoge'. To set this problem the
person conducting the test folded a piece of paper twice in view of the child,
and then cut out a part of it through all the folds at once; the child was required
to say what the paper would look like if unfolded.
The authors admit that their tests include some questions (especially those
relating to vocabulary) in which scholastic training might be helpful to the child
under test; but they claim that, despite this, their method does in fact reveal 'la
belle intelligence native' of uneducated children.
Each child was placed provisionally at the 'niveau' of the most advanced
group of questions that he could answer correctly, or with only one mistake.
This, however, was not necessarily his final level; for he was granted an ad-
vance of one year if he could answer at least five questions in tasks intended for
older children than those of his provisional level, and an advance of two years
if he could answer at least ten such questions.

The authors give instructions for using their test to classify stupid children
into grades advancing from the lowest, 'idiot', through 'imbecile' to 'd'ebile'. 'To
establish the category of a young abnormal.' they explain, 'we are obliged to
take account of two different factors: his age and his intellectual level.' They
express the child's mental capacity by relating these two factors; that is to say.
by stating the number of years of retardation or advancement.
The final version of the test was published by Binet as sole author in the year
of his death. 1941 The changes were not very large.
He found a few of the questions too scholastic, or too dependent on information
derived from parents. The tests for ages eleven and twelve had been found too difficult

and were made easier; that for age thirteen was omitted, and others for age fifteen and
for adults added. As before, the niveau intellectuel could be raised by a sufficient

number of correct answers to questions intended for older persons.

DEFINITIONS '

In the literature of cognition testing, several important words are used in

different senses by different authors, often without definitions. It is necessary to

state here the exact meanings that
will be attached to certain terms that will be
used repeatedly of this chapter and in the next. The reader who
in the rest
prefers to skip the definitions given below is asked to turn back to these pages if
in any doubt as to the sense in which any of them is used.
mean
'Test' will by an author or group of authors.
a particular set of tasks proposed
A single example of a test cannot be used indefinitely, because it would become widely
known and the correct answers learnt by rote. All examples of a test prepared by the
same person or persons and based on exactly the same principles will be regarded as
belonging to the same test, not as separate tests. The word 'form' will be used for the
various examples of a particular test (for example, forms "L" and 'M' of the 1937 Stan-
ford-Binet; see p. 444). A few forms of a test are commonly made public, the rest
442 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

restricted in distribution. When a test is reissued with distinctly modified features, it will

be called a 'version' of the earlier test; though if the change is considerable, it is

legitimate to regard it as a new test and to give it a new name. The separate tasks that
together constitute a test will be called 'items'; these will be distinguished as 'questions'
if they are interrogative and as 'problems' if they are not (e.g.. if the testee has to find
the way out of a printed maze, or to perform an act). It would seem appropriate to call
a person subjected to a test a 'subject', but this results in confusion with the same word

used to mean the topic or theme of a test or item. 'Candidate' is too suggestive of
scholastic examinations. The rather unattractive word 'testee'. which occurs frequently
in the literature of mental testing, will be used instead. It has at least the merit that its

meaning is obvious. For the person who conducts the test, the word 'tester' seems
preferable to 'examiner'.
Tests such as those of Binet and Simon, in which the tester interviews the testees one
by one, will be called 'individual tests'. 'Group-tests' will mean those that are intended
to be set to several or many testees simultaneously.
The term 'verbal' will be applied to tests or items that require the testee to speak,
write, or underline or otherwise mark words or sentences. The term will not imply that
the test or item is intended to investigate the testee's fluency or his ability to express
himself grammatically. Questions intended to test his understanding of the meanings of
words in his own language will be called 'vocabulary' items.
The term 'non-verbal' will be applied to all tests or items in which the testee is not
required to speak, write, or make marks to indicate words. The term will not imply that
the tester will not use speech to explain what the testee is required to do. In the great
majority of cases he will in fact speak for this purpose, necessarily in the testee's
language, but there are some tests that can be explained by action without any use of
words. The action is called 'pantomime' in the literature of cognition tests, and this

term will be used here. Non-verbal items are often included in verbal tests, but a test
will not be called 'non-verbal' if it includes verbal items. Pencils or other writing
instruments may be used in certain items of non-verbal tests (for instance, to indicate
the way out of a printed maze).
The term 'performance test' has unfortunately been used in different senses. Some
authors use it to mean a test of manipulative skill, but this has no necessary connection
with cognitive ability. A 'performance' item or test will be used here to mean a non-
verbal problem or set of problems in which the testee is required to make his response
by a simple act. not requiring manipulative skill, and not involving the use of a writing
instrument.
'Mental age'is always used in the literature of mental testing to replace Binet
and Simon's 'niveau intellectuel'. It is usual to express mental age as a percen-
The cognitive ability of the average child will
tage of c/zroA7o/o^zca/ (actual) age.
thus be represented by the figure 100, unless a test has been inaccurately
adjusted to the ability of average children. The 'average children' referred to
here are average Eiiropid children, since all the early work on the assessment of
cognitive ability was done (in western Europe and the U.S.A.) on Europids,
mostly Alpinids, Nordids, and Mediterranids, and hybrids between these. The
percentage is commonly called the 'intelligence quotient', although 'cognitive
percentage' would express the meaning more exactly. The abbreviated form
'IQ' is universally used, and it would be impossible to replace it. The letter /
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 443

may be regarded as standing for a particular part of intelligence, and Q for a

quotient transformed into a percentage.
The reader will find it in mind that it has been customary
convenient to bear
to regard persons having IQs below 70 as 'mentally defective', and from 140
upwards as 'gifted". The figures quoted are not. however, universally agreed.
Some would substitute 75 for 70, and children with IQs down to 132 have in
certain cases been admitted to the 'gifted' group.
The expression 'retarded' is sometimes used as more or less synonymous with 'men-
tally defective", but it follows from the definition of 'IQ' that any figure less than 100, if

reliable, indicates some degree of retardation in relation to the average Europid child of
western Europe and the U.S.A.
'Mental age' and especially 'IQ' are expressions of such importance in the
assessment of cognitive ability that it is worth while to mention their introduc-
tion into the literature of psychology. It does not appear that the history of this
subject has been treated with the care it deserves.
We have seen (p. 441) that up to his death in 1911, Binet continued to use the word
'niveau' to mean what subsequently became known as 'mental age'. The German psy-
chologist Bobertag, writing in that year on the application of Binet and Simon's test to
children in the schools of Breslau. several times uses 'Niveau' as, though it were a neuter
German noun {'das intellectuelle Niveau eines Kindes'). 1 1 1 i5i William Stern, Bobertag's
colleague at Breslau University, used 'Intelligenzalter' with the same meaning in his

book Die dijferentielle Psychologies also published in 191 l.iioo9i In June of the same
year Dr. H. H. Goddard used and also 'chronological
the expressions 'Mental Age'
age' in describing his administration of Binet and Simon's test to American
children. 14171 In his paper he lays no claim to the invention of these terms, but it seems
unlikely that anyone (except possibly himself) had ever previously used them in print.
Another American psychologist. F. Kuhlmann. appears to have been the next to use
thesetwo terms, in a paper published in March 1912. I6i6 He refers to Goddard's paper
and seems to imply (without definitely saying so) that he took 'mental age" from it. In
the same year an author using the initials J.C.B.. in the course of a general review of
literature on the Binet tests, uses the term 'mental age' in discussing Goddard's
paper. 1401 The widespread adoption of the term may have resulted from this review. It
does not occur, however, in any of the four papers published by Terman and Childs in
1912.110.^71 These authors use 'test age* instead. They do. however, use 'chronological

age'. 10371
1

The term 'Intelligenzquotient' and its abbreviation 'IQ.' were introduced by

Stern in 1912. He remarks that the simple difference between LA.. Lebenzalter
[chronological agel. and lA.. Intelligenzalter [mental age[. has not the same
significance at different ages. He mentions (Kramer) had
that another author
already pointed out that a given retardation (say three years) would indicate
more serious defect if it applied to a child aged eight than it would to one aged
twelve. Stern says that one can only be satisfied with LA. — lA. when com-
paring the intelligences of children of about the same age, and he proceeds
forthwith to recommend the use in all other cases of the Intelligenzquotient.
It not the diflference. but the relation of lA. to LA., and is
specifies
therefore independent, over a certain range, of the absolute value of LA. The
formula runs IQ. = |^ The value in children that stand exactly at the
444 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

normal Niveau = 1 ; in children with advanced intelligence, more than 1 ; in

children with retarded intelligence, a proper fraction.
He gives as an example, 'An eight-year-old child with IA.6 thus has an
IQ, = I = 0-75; the same IQ. applies to a twelve-year-old child with IA.9.'l loioi

It has been stated here and there in the literature of cognition testing that in 1912
Kuhlmann, as well as Stern, made the suggestion that the quotient should be used in
stead of the difference between chronological and mental ages, to indicate advance or
retardation. This may perhaps be correct, but I have not been able to confirm it. I have
not seen a reference to anything written by Kuhlmann that would support the claim.
There is nothing of the sort in his papers published in March. June, and September
1912, all of which deal with mental testing. |6 1 6. 6 1 7. 6 1 8

SUCCESSORS TO THE BINET-SIMON TEST

The Simon has been reissued in
verbal individual test introduced by Binet and
many The most important of all have been those of Terman, who un
versions.
questionably improved them greatly, and adjusted them more accurately to
chronological age-standards by trials on a far larger number of persons. His
tests have been used on an enormous scale. As Professor of Psychology at the
Leland Stanford Junior University he called his first test The Stanford Revi-
sion and Extension of the Binet-Simon Intelligence Scale'. He published a full
explanation of it and guide to its use in 1916.110351 It is sufficiently distinct to
receive a separate name, and may conveniently be referred to as the 1916 Stan
ford-Binet. It is not necessary to say much about it, because it was supplanted
by another in 1937, devised by Terman in collaboration with Maude A.
Merrill. 10381 Two forms of the new version, distinguished as 'L' and 'M\ were
1

printed in full in their book. No one who studies this work can fail to be im-
pressed by the amount of thought that was lavished upon it. It is based on the
study of over three thousand normal, American-born Europids, aged ly-18
years, and also a number of older persons. It summarizes the results of what
was probably the most elaborate attempt ever made to establish the average
growth-rate of cognitive ability in Europid children, and thus provides a
trustworthy guide for the establishment of mental ages. Despite the improve-
ment of the test since the time of Binet and Simon, one can still detect clearly
enough the influence of the originators. Various versions of the 1937 Stan-
ford-Binet have been produced, adapted to the needs of British testees un-
familiar with certain words in common use in the U.S.A.
Many readers of the present book have probably been subjected to one of
the versions of the 1937 Stanford-Binet, and are familiar with its general
character. As in Binet's final version[94| of the Binet-Simon Test, there are
questions designed for aduks but available also to upgrade the mental age of
any children who can answer them. The tests for adults are intended to be
answered respectively by those who are 'Average', 'Superior F, 'Superior IT,
and 'Superior IIT.
Among the items regarded by the authors as the most reliable indicators of
what they call 'intelligence' are vocabulary, detection of absurdities, com-
prehension, naming of opposites, completion of drawings and statements, rote
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 445

memory for digits, and conceptual memory (capacity to retain ideas and
express them by paraphrase). Binet and Simon's 'd'ecoupage' problem, ad-
mitted by themselves to be very difficult for children of thirteen years (though
set for them), is used in its original form under the name of 'paper cutting', but
regarded as suitable for adults of the highest grade (SA III). It seems to me to
be one of the best problems in the whole test, and least susceptible to
environmental influences.
The item in the 1937 Stanford-Binet that gives the closest correlation with
the results of the test as a whole is that which is concerned with the candidate's

vocabulary; that is to say, with his understanding of the meanings of words. It

is presented in exactly the same form to all children from the age of six up-

wards, and also to adults. It begins with familiar words, such as 'orange',
'envelope', 'straw', and 'puddle', and ends with others ('casuistry', 'homun-
culus', 'sudorific', 'retroactive', and 'parterre') that would not be in common
use among all sections of society. Most of the questions and problems in the
1937 test are far less affected by differences in the testee's home environment
than the vocabulary item is, and it is surprising that the results of the latter give
such close correlation (0-81; see p. 453) with those of the test as a whole.
The Stanford-Binet Test was once more revised in 1960.13581 A single form,
designated 'L-M', was presented. The new version was based on studies of very
nearly five thousand testees, aged 2y-18 years. Further experience had made it
necessary to eliminate certain questions and to allocate others to persons of
different ages, but the modifications were not fundamental. One interesting
change was that the IQ tables were extended to include the chronological ages
seventeen and eighteen, because it was found that the mental abilities measured
by the Stanford-Binet method do develop at least to the latter age.
It has long been recognized that beyond the age of fourteen or thereabouts it

becomes increasingly difficult to assess IQ by the usual methods, and it was

formerly supposed that the capacity to score [Link] in cognition tests does
not increase after the age of fifteen or sixteen. Professor G. H. Thomson
pointed out, however, that the tests in common use were supposed to be based
on knowledge that was the common property of everyone, and that after a cer-
tain age (about fourteen) it became increasingly difficult to invent questions
that were confined to such knowledge and yet hard enough to extend the
brighter children. He suggested that if suitable questions could be devised, it
would be found that the capacity to score high marks would go on developing
into adult life.|i047| The extension of IQ tables in the 1960 Stanford-Binet,
mentioned above, seems to support this opinion.
Whether Thomson's conclusions be accepted or not, it remains a fact that
the IQs of persons older than 18 cannot in any case be measured directly in the
usual way. Nevertheless, figures roughly equivalent to IQs can be obtained. In
his 1916 book. Terman assumed adults to be sixteen years old. and was thus
able to make an assessment of their IQs. if their mental ages were sixteen or
less.l 10351 It is more satisfactory to proceed by first obtaining an adult's 'percen-

tile rank'; that is to say, finding out where he stands, in serial order, among a

representative sample of all the adults in a population. His 'rank' is the number
of persons, expressed as a percentage, who obtain lower scores in a test than he
446 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

does. Percentile ranks do not lend themselves very well to statistical treatment,
but they have the advantage that there is a convenient method for converting
them to the equivalents of IQ. 15991 Briefly, an adult is given the same IQ as a
child who stands at the same percentile rank as himself. What are called 'stan-
dard scores' are less readily comprehensible than percentile ranks, though
better from the of view; and they, too, can be converted to IQ
statistical point
equivalents.! 10381Whether these conversions are really very helpful appears,
however, to be questionable. On the whole. IQs are probably most reliable
when obtained by tests on children less than fifteen years old.
Several tests based on the 1908 Binet-Simon or on Binet's 1911 version of it
have been devised apart from Terman's. F. Kuhlmann of the Minnesota
School for Feeble-Minded and Colony for Epileptics made an extended study
of the 1908 Binet-Simon and produced an American revision of it in 1912,1616,
617, 618] and he continued long afterwards to make important contributions to

the techniques of cognition testing. Other verbal individual tests of the same
general type, but not based so directly on the Binet-Simon, have been invented
and have played their parts in the assessment of cognitive ability.
If one examines the Binet-Simon tests and their various versions and
derivatives, one gains certain impressions about the thoughts that must have
been present in the minds of those who designed them. Clearly, they took it for
granted that the testees would be children accustomed to the everyday life of
Europe, North America, or countries having similar cultures: but with this
reservation, they tried to think of items that would be as fair as they could
make them for those whose socio-economic statuses, and environments in
general, were different. It seems certain that they did not consider the possibili-
ty of their tests being applied to persons living under entirely different cultural
systems. There are many parts of the world where not only 'casuistry' and
'retroactive' but perhaps also 'charit'e' would be untranslatable, and where it
would be impossible to ask a child to distinguish in native words between
'plaisir' and 'bonheur'. But translation was perhaps the least of the difficulties
that would have to be surmounted, if the tests were to be presented to children
living in uncivilized communities who had never seen or even heard of many of
the objects mentioned or used in the tests. One might be inclined to think that
tests of the Binet-Simon type would be irrelevant in such circumstances. Ac-
tually this is not so. Such tests play their part indirectly. It is possible to devise
tests, very different from the Binet-Simon. that are to a large extent 'culture-
fair' for people living in circumstances quite unlike those of Europe and North

America, and some might even be classified as nearly 'culture-free'. Tests of

these types, which will be considered in the next section of this chapter, can
then be administered to children whose IQs have been established by use of the
Stanford-Binet or some other reliable test. If the results show a high correla-
can be used with some con-
tion (p. 453), the 'culture-fair' or 'culture-free' test
fidence in comparing the cognitive abilities of people living in very different
cultural environments, in remote parts of the world. Such tests as the 1937 or
1960 Stanford-Binets, based as they are on very accurately assembled data,
provide standards of reference for the calibration of other tests, more suitable
for general use.
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 447

The great disadvantage of individual verbal tests is that they occupy so

much of the administer the 1937 Stanford-Binet to one young
tester's time. To
child usually takes from thirty to forty minutes; to an older one, about an hour.
The simultaneous administration of a test to a group of persons is much more
convenient for the tester (though some authorities regard it as less desirable, if
time is available). Many verbal group-tests, some of them showing influence

from the Stanford-Binet, others quite different, have been devised. They are
only applicable to literate testees. Such tests have been administered on a vast
scale to schoolchildren (pp. 471-3. 484-6, and 490-94), and to adults too (pp.
474-80).
It is usual to set time-limits for the completion of group-tests, and in some
cases for that of each item in them. The desirability of demanding speed in the
testing of cognitive ability however, debatable. It is commonly claimed that
is,

people of high mental ability think quickly, and time-limits are therefore
regarded as helpful.l 1095. 5991 Experiments with recruits to the American Army
during the First World Warlii64l showed that doubling the time allowed for the
'alpha' group-test did not result in any significant increase in the scores for the
test as awhole, though there was a tendency for the testees to do better in one
of the eight items. (The item in question was 'arithmetical reasoning', which
does not fall within the scope of most tests of cognitive ability.) If, however,
those who excel when time-limits are imposed also reveal their superiority when
they are not, it may
be argued that the value of the limit (apart from mere con-
venience to tester and quick-minded testees) is not obvious. In any case it is un-
desirable to follow the example of Bonser,|i26l who stopped all testees from
writing answers to each item of his test as soon as one of them announced that
he had finished. A person of low cognitive ability might finish quickly and thus
prevent others from revealing the full extent of their superiority. Davis and
Eells make some useful comments on the subject of speed in mental testing. 12621
They point out that quickness in solving problems is strongly influenced by
cultural attitudes. Competitiveness, conscientiousness, compulsiveness. and
anxiety all play their parts in producing speed or slowness, as the case may be.
None of these attributes is necessarily linked with cognitive ability. It is worth
remembering that in the year of publication of his work On the origin of
species, CharlesDarwin wrote in a letter to Sir Charles Lyell. the geologist, 'I
suppose I am a very slow thinker.'(259] His son Francis remarks that Charles
Darwin 'used to say of himself that he was not quick enough to hold an argu-
ment with anyone, and I think this was true'. 12591

NON VERBAL TESTS

Ithas already been pointed out (p. 446) that the tests of the Binet-Simon type,
invaluable though they undoubtedly are when used in appropriate cir-
cumstances, cannot possibly be of universal application. Can any type of test
be 'culture-free',* or even 'culture-fair'* except in a very limited sense?
it is appropriate to insert here a few words on the general subject of fairness

* Itis to be hoped that substitutes will be introduced for these clumsy terms, in which a noun
is used to qualify adjectives.
448 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

in cognition testing. Some students of the subject have doubted the possibility
of making any tests genuinely fair. Professor Otto Klineberg of Columbia
University points out that the score obtained by a testee may be affected not
only by the language in which a test is administered, but also by his previous
experience in general, his education, his familiarity with the subject-matter of
the test, the strength of his wish to succeed, his attitude towards the tester, and
his emotional state while under test.|597i All this is true, but one must not
overlook the fact that the designers of cognition tests, from Binet and Simon
onwards, have striven to avoid the pitfalls. For instance, the necessity to have
regard for the emotional states of persons undergoing tests was clearly
recognized by Binet and Simon themselves, and has been held in mind by their
successors ever since. Terman and Childs, describing in 1912 the application of
their revised version of the Binet-Simon test to American testees, mentioned
that 'Extreme care was taken to win the confidence of the child and to rid him
of any embarrassment before beginning the tests. '110371 Kuhlmann, in the same
year, introducing independently another revision of the same test, gave careful
instructions for arousing the testee's interest, encouraging him. and making the
test 'appeal to him as a game'.l6i8l Forty-one years later, in the same spirit, the
inventors of an ingenious test suggested that it should be called 'the
Davis-Eells Games', and the name has stuck. |262|
When a particular test is such that environmental differences are likely to
affect the scores obtained, care is taken to define the group of persons for
whom it is designed. The Davis— Eells Games, for instance, are specifically in-
tended for children living in American towns and cities. It is claimed that within
that particular environment, they are suitable for administration to children of
all social classes; but the authors themselves mention that the Games may give

misleading results if used in rural districts of the same country. 12621 They are
only 'culture-fair' when used in towns or cities.
Some of the non-verbal tests inevitably approximate more closely than the
verbal ones to the 'culture-free' ideal, and these are of particular interest and
promise to students of the ethnic problem who want to investigate the cognitive
abilities of people living far beyond the range of civilization. Non-verbal tests
have been regarded by some authorities! 3861 as supplementing rather than
replacing verbal ones; but in fact the best of them are extremely ingenious and
much more independent than the others of the cultural environment of the
testee. Ideally, the designer of a culture-free test would take for granted in the
testee only such knowledge (as opposed to cognitive ability) as was common to
everyone in the world who was not actually feeble-minded, idiotic, or severely
handicapped by physical debility. As in all other fields of endeavour, the ideal
cannot actually be reached; but that is certainly no reason why the attempt
should not be made to get as close as possible to it, and some of the best non-
verbal tests do not fall far short.
The difficulty of making any approach to a culture-free or even a culture-fair
test appears to have been overstressed by some psychologists, who argue that
the environmental handicaps suffered by children in particular homes, even in a
single community, may affect the results given by tests intended to be fair to all
subjected to them. To resolve this problem, the attempt has been made to
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 449

assess home environments on a numerical scale, ascending from worst to best,

and to use the resulting data to find whether a mathematical correlation (p.
453) could be established between two sets of numbers: (a) the figures represen-
ting home environments, and (b) the marks scored by the children who lived in
the assessed homes. Cases have been reported in which a positive correlation
was found to exist, even when culture-fair or culture-free tests had been used;
and this has been taken to show that the supposed 'fairness' or 'freedom' of the
tests was unreal. 1097| It must be borne in mind, however, that this conclusion is
1

not necessarily well founded. Parents of very low cognitive ability would be
likely not only to provide poorer home environments than others, but also to
transmit their low cognitive ability to their offspring (see Chapter 24). It is not
justifiable to assume without further evidence that the results of the tests were
wholly — or even partly — ascribable to environmental circumstances.
must be mentioned that many good non-verbal tests are not intended to be
It

culture-free, and some of those that are culture-fair for most people living in
civilized communities would be quite unsuitable for use in remote parts of the
world. For instance, the Pintner-Cunningham requires an understanding that a
lock and key are somehow associated with one another, and those who attempt
the American Army 'beta' test should be acquainted with the mechanism of an
adjustable spanner. These objects would be as meaningless to the inhabitants
of many isolated regions as the implements used by unsophisticated peoples for
making fire without matches would be to most of those who live in the great
cities of the civilized world. Fairness and unfairness in cognition testing will be
further considered in the chapter devoted to racial differences in cognitive
ability (see especially pp. 468-70).

A few examples of non-verbal tests are briefly described below. They have
been selected partly because of the special ingenuity that has been displayed in
the design of some of them, and partly because all of them, except perhaps the
first, appear to be well suited for administration to people living at very

diflferent cultural levels. The underlying principles of each test are explained,
and references given to books and papers in which actual examples of the tests
have been pubHshed. It is to be hoped that anthropologists about to work in
remote parts of the world would consider the possibility of using cognition tests
on a much larger scale than heretofore. It might be possible to reach some
agreement as to which test or tests are the most suitable for the purpose, and
thus make reliable comparisons possible. Raven's 'Progressive Matrices' (p.
450) would have a high claim for selection.
Spearman's 'Figure Classification" is a particularly good example of a non-
verbal test designed to assess the most essential components of cognitive abili-
ty. Many verbal tests are obviously the product of strongly developed common
sense, but such non-verbal ones as Spearman's and Raven's give evidence of
marked originality and special intellectual powers in their originators.
Figure Classification requires no more elaborate apparatus than a pencil and
a sheet of paper bearing printed geometrical figures. It can be used as a group-
test or individually. The items are all similar in principle but graded in difficul-
ty. Each consists of two groups of shapes, which may include such figures as.
450 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

for instance, lines, rectangles, and triangles, variously orientated. One group is

labelled T, the other 'ir, but other symbols could be used, if necessary, with il-

literate testees. It is the testee's task to discern in what respect all the shapes in
group I differ from all those in group II. He is also presented with separate
groups of shapes, called 'test symbols', which are all different from those in
groups I and II; but some of them agree with those in group I in the features by
which the latter differ from those in group II. He is required to put a tick
against the test symbol that belongs logically to group I. He can only succeed if
he can form an idea of the common features that distinguish the shapes in
group I from those in group II and can realize that the underlying plan is
capable of extension so as to include one particular set of test symbols, but not
the others. Some of the Figure Classification problems require a lot of thought.
Useful examples are given in Thurstone's Primary mental abilities.\\055\
It is questionable whether anyone, however fluent in the native tongue, could

interest uncivilized people sufficiently in Spearman's test to make them take the
trouble to understand what was required of them. This does not apply,
however, to another equally ingenious non-verbal test. Raven's 'Progressive
Matrices'. Although it would be preferable to have the help of a fluent speaker,
it would actually be possible for someone totally ignorant of the testee's
language to administer the latter test by pantomime. It is a performance test,
not requiring the use of a pencil. Each 'matrix", in Raven's sense, is a series of
designs, printed on hard, flat surfaces. 1876. 877. 8781 The problem is to detect a
uniform feature running through and expanding regularly in the series of
designs. At the end of the series there is a blank space in the form of a slot or
recessed area. The testee is provided with a number of flat pieces, each of
which will fit into the slot. These all bear designs, but on only one of them is
there a design that carries forward the idea that is implicit in the series. All the
rest are 'wrong', for they do not carry forward the idea. The testee is required
to do nothing except select the correct piece and place it in the slot. The
separate problems are progressive in the sense that the first is so obvious that
anyone, even a little child, could at once select the correct piece, while the
others are arranged in a particular order, such that they become more and
more difficult. No one, I think, could instantly select the right piece in the most
difficult problems. The same set of matrices may be administered to anyone
from the age of six or seven years upwards. He may go on trying until he can
get no further, for no time-limit need be set. Physical abnormalities, other than
severe defects of vision, are no bar to success, provided that the testee can
somehow indicate which piece should be placed in the slot.
A novel pattern-completion test, named 'PATCO', has been designed by
Hectorl483, 484| to help in judging the suitability o{ Negrids for employment in
industry. It has been used in the aptitude-test centre of a South African mine.
The testee is provided with a rectangular frame, on which three elongated
rectangular pieces of cardboard, all exactly similar, have been placed in special
positions by the tester. The testee is given another exactly similar rectangle and
required to put it in such a position that the four, taken together, produce a bilaterally
symmetrical figure; or. tolook at it in a different way. one half of the figure is now a
'mirror' or 'folding' image of the other. Many different problems of graded diflRculty
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 451

can be set in succession. In another set of items the testee must put his rectangle in

such a position in relation to two of the rectangles could be

the other three that if

rotated on the frame, without losing their relative positions, they would exactly coin-
cide with the other two. In my experience this 'rotation' problem is much harder, in
general, than the 'folding' one. though rather easy problems can be set. The necessary
apparatus is easy to make and light to transport, but it is essential that someone fluent
in the native tongue should explain carefully what the testee is required to do. It is not

nearly so easy to explain as the Progressive Matrices.

CattelFs 'Culture-Free' is a non-verbal test, specifically intended (as its name
implies) to be so far as possible unaffected by the particular environment to
which the testee has been accustomed. One of the items is a tapping-sequence
problem. Four wooden cubes are placed before the testee. and the tester taps
them in a particular sequence. The testee is required to tap them in the same
sequence. The tester repeats the process over and over again, making the
sequence progressively longer and more complicated. This is particularly
suitable as a general introduction to the test as a whole (and indeed to other
tests), because anyone could quickly understand what was required of him.
One could easily gather a group of people of any culture round one, to watch
the 'game' in progress, and this would encourage participation in the other
items (perhaps several days later, when the idea of such a thing as a test had
become familiar and created interest).
In another item of the same test, the testee has to look at a row of simple
drawings that can be seen to form a series (for instance, pictures of similar
leaves, regularly orientated in sequence in relation to one another), and to
select, from six other pictures, the one that completes the series. A picture il-
lustrating this item and others in Cattell's test is given by Freeman. |357| The
least satisfactory item, for students of the ethnic problem, is the one called
'pool reflections". The testee is shown a picture of a simple object (for instance,
a cup with a handle), and required to mark which of
six drawings is the one
that would represent it if There must be many peo-
reflected in a pool of water.
ple in various parts of the world to whom reflections in still water are familiar,
while others, living in desert regions, have less frequently had opportunities to
see them. The remaining items are pattern-completion problems, based on the
same general principles as Raven's.
CattelFs test has the advantage for the traveller that only a few wooden
cubes and some pencils and sheets of paper need be carried, not the heavier
equipment that is required for certain performance tests that might be suitable
in other respects. There is no question of the testee being required to write, but
if necessary he must be given practice in making a mark with a pencil before

attempting the test.

Piaget's tests are very different in scope from any of those mentioned above.
Some of them require a few words of response by the testee and therefore can-
not be classified as non-verbal, and one of them requires the understanding of
written numbers. The tests are intended for young children. Those that are con-
cerned with conservation and visualization are non-verbal, and appear to be
suitable for use in a wide range of cultural environments. The term 'conserva-
tion" implies that the testee, having perceived certain facts about length, area,
452 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

or volume by examination of objects exhibited to him, must hold in mind the

ideas derived from his perceptions and use them in solving simple problems.
For instance, the testee is shown a dish and a bottle half filled with coloured
and required to indicate how far the liquid would rise in the dish if the
liquid,
from the bottle were poured into it. 'Visualization' means the perception of
fluid
form and realization of how the appearance would change as a result of change
in orientation. The same bottle containing coloured fluid may be used in this
exhibited to the testee in an upright position and then placed behind a
test. It is

screen and tilted through 45°, with only the top of it visible to him. He is
required to indicate, on an outline drawing of the bottle, how the level of the
water would now appear if he could seeThe problems in conservation and
it.

visualization are very diverse. Full particulars of some of them are given by
Vernon.l 10971 Piaget's tests require explanation by someone fluent in the testee's
language.

Brief general accounts of many cognition tests are given in textbooks of

mental testing (for instance, those by Garrett and Schneck, 13861 Thurstoncl i055l
and Thorndike and Hagenliosil). The last-named
Mursell,|783l Freeman,1357. 3581
is contains a chapter on the method one should
especially useful, because it

adopt to obtain more detailed information about particular tests.

THE ANALYSIS OF COGNITIVE ABILITY

One naturally asks oneself whether cognitive ability is demonstrably com-
posite, and if so, what the component elements or may be. This
'factors'
has particular significance for the ethnic problem. One would in any case wish
to know whether there were any general differences in cognitive ability among
the various ethnic taxa, expressible, for instance, in IQs, and this has to some
extent been achieved, as we Chapter 25 (though much remains to
shall see in
be done). It would, however, be of special interest to discover whether the taxa
differ from one another in respect of particular factors. This is a subject on
which little is known, and the present section is written in the hope that it may
play some small part in encouraging further study. It might perhaps be found
that certain taxa, known to give low median IQs in response to general tests.
possess high ability in some particular cognitive factor or factors.
To tackle this subject at its root, it is necessary to go back to 1904, the year
before Binet and Simon published the first version of their test.l97i It was then
that there appeared in an American psychological journal a long article
by the British psychologist and mathematician Charles Edward Spearman
(1863-1945) entitled '"General intelligence", objectively determined and
measured'. [993] This very interesting paper is concerned with correlations
between the attainments of schoolchildren in different subjects. Spearman
elaborated on the same theme in papers and books published during the sub-
sequent quarter of a century.
Spearman's procedure can perhaps best be illustrated by an actual example
taken from his general paper on the mathematics of correlation, published in
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 453

1922.19941 He makes use here of data collected by an American psychologist,

F. G. Bonser, in a study of the reasoning ability of children. i26l The testees I

were the boys and girls of the upper fourth, fifth, and sixth grades of a single
school. Bonser arranged the students in order of ability as shown by their
responses to tests in four separate subjects, which he called 'mathematical
judgement' (actually simple arithmetic), 'controlled association' (supply of mis-
sing words in sentences, and naming of opposites to given words), 'selective
judgement' (selection of sensible reasons for familiar facts), and 'literary inter-
pretation' (explanation in the testees' own words of the meanings of poems). It
will be observed that the questions were different from the great majority of
those that have already been considered in this chapter, because instruction
given in school would affect the capacity to answer.
Spearman set himself the task of finding the correlations between the
placings of the children in serial order in the four different items of the test. The
reader who does not happen to be conversant with the mathematics of correla-
tion must hold in mind two variable quantities of any sort are completely
that if

linked to one another, so that if one increases or decreases., the other varies in

the same direction and to exactly the same extent, the two are said to be com-
pletely correlated, and the degree of correlation is expressed by the figure 1 00.
If the two sets of figures vary entirely independently of one another, the cor-
relation is 00. Intermediate degrees of correlation are indicated by in-
termediate figures. The number that expresses the degree is properly called the
correlation coefficient, though the second of these two words is often omitted,
because understood without mention. It is represented in mathematical
expressions by the symbol r. Thus, if all children who stood first in

'mathematical judgement' stood first also in 'literary association', and so also

with the second, third, and fourth children, up to the last, the correlation
between them in the two subjects would be 1 00. If, on the contrary, there were
no correspondence whatever between the orders in which the children stood in
the two items, the correlation would be 00. Some degree of correlation would
be expressed by an intermediate figure, capable of being worked out with
mathematical precision.
The mathematical treatment of correlation, with worked-out examples, is
simply explained in Anastasi's Psychological testing,\\s\ pp. 72-5, and in
Chapter 16 of Moroney's Facts from figures\im (see especially pp. 289-91). It
may be remarked that when one variable decreases as the other increases, there
is negative correlation; but this is rarely encountered in mental testing. An

example may be found, however, on p. 494 of the present book, and another,
presumably insignificant, can just be detected at the bottom left-hand corner of
Fig. 76, p. 465.
One may work out correlations between placings in different subjects (first,

second, third, etc.) or between the actual marks (scores) awarded. Bonser and
Spearman used placings.
The children's placings varied in the different subjects, but Spearman's
mathematical analysis revealed a considerable degree of correlation between
them. For instance, the correlation coefficient (r) between their placings in
'mathematical judgements' and 'controlled associations' was 0-485; that
454 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

between their placings in 'literary interpretations' and 'selective judgements'

was less close, namely 0-335. If, now, these two numbers are multiplied
together, the result (to three significant figures) is 162. The same process may
be repeated, with the children's placings in the different items considered in
different pairs. Thus the correlation between their placings in 'mathematical
judgements' and 'selective judgements' may be multiplied by that between their
placings in 'controlled associations' and 'literary interpretations'. The resulting
figure is 0- 158. The reader will notice that the two products, 0- 162 and 0- 158,
are close to one another.
The facts are best stated in general terms by a mathematical expression. Let
the placings in the four different items be represented by the letters A, P, B, and
Q, and the correlation between A and P by rap, that between B and Q by ^bq,
between A and Q by r^^, and between P and B by r^u. The facts found by
experiment may then be expressed very nearly by the equation:

^ap ^ ^bq ^aq ^ ''pb ~ ^•

This equation, commonly called the tetrad equation, was published by

Spearman in his book The abilities of [Link]] He stated that it was the

mathematical expression of his findings that he himself preferred. In his earlier

papers they were certainly expressed in less convenient forms. 1993. 994, 475I
Spearman's great achievement, so far as mental ability is concerned, was his
proof, by application of his general mathematical analysis of correlations, that
wherever the observed facts agreed with the equation, two factors affecting
mental ability were concerned. One of these is that which he at first called
variously 'General intelligence', the 'common and essential element in the in-
telligence', the 'common fundamental Function', the 'central Function', and the
'central factor';(993l but later he preferred to call it the 'General Factor',14751
and at last he used simply 'g'.l995) The other is the 'specific factor' or 's', which
varies from one ability to another. If two abilities are really essentially the same
(as, for instance — to use his own example — the ability to cross out with ac-
curacy the letter e wherever it occurs in a and to cross out the
page of print,
letter g), the equation does not hold, and this fact in itself shows that the
abilities are not to be regarded as distinct. 19951 'Every performance depends, not
only on this General Factor, but also in varying degree on a factor specific to
itself and all very similar performances. '14751 g remains unchanged for any one
person for all the correlated abilities; 5, on the contrary, varies not only (like g)
from one individual person to another, but from one ability of each individual
person to another of his abilities.
In his first paper on the subject Spearman remarked that the correlations
between different branches of intellectual activity were due to their being
'variously saturated with some common fundamental Function (or group of
functions)'. He devised methods for calculating the greater or less relative in-
fluence of g in some of the abilities tested. In the talent for classics g was to s as
1 5: 1;in that for music 1 4.(9931 The idea of 'saturation' with g has been much
:

used in the literature of mental testing.

Strangely enough, Spearman found that the capacity to discriminate 'pitch'
in the acoustic sense was highly saturated with ^.19931 Not much attention
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 455

appears to have been devoted to this finding in subsequent discussions of men-

tal testing.

Spearman's approach to mental testing was so radically different from that

of other psychologists that controversy necessarily arose, and it has continued
intermittently since then. It has revolved principally round two questions:
whether the specific factors are as numerous as Spearman supposed, and
whether there is in fact any general factor or g at all. L. L. Thurstone,
Professor of Psychology in Chicago University, and G. H. Thomson, Professor
of Education at Edinburgh, were prominent in opposition to Spearman's
vieWS.11048, 1054. 1055. 1056. 1058]
It seems impossible to deny that if a particular mental ability consists of two
elements, one general (that is to say, shared by many or all cognitive abilities)
and the other actually specific to a particular task, the facts are necessarily in
conformity with the tetrad equation. This truth, however, does not exclude the
possibility that there may be other cognitive abilities, neither general nor wholly
specific to particular tasks. Strong evidence has been obtained that there is a
limited number of what may be called semi-specific factors of cognitive ability,
each available for use in a whole group of different though related situations.
One may hold this view while retaining belief in the existence of a central fac-
tor, though there are some authorities who regard the semi-specific factors as
primary, in the sense that the supposedly single central factor is actually com-
posite.
It must be mentioned passing that the use of the word 'factor' by psy-
in
chologists is misunderstanding. It is used by them to mean
liable to give rise to
a constituent part of cognitive ability. Unfortunately it is still sometimes
used as a synonym for gene. For instance, Burt and Howardli72l call the
polygene theory of mental inheritance the 'multifactorial' theory, while
Thurstoneli054. 1056| uses the term 'multi-factor analysis' to mean the analysis
of factors in must be understood
the psychological, not the genetical sense. It

that the 'primary factors' and 'group factors' discussed by psychologists have
nothing to do with the idea of 'factor' as the word is sometimes used in
genetics, as asynonym for gene. It is out of the question that a 'factor' in the
psychological sense could be determined by a single gene.
Among those who allow the existence of semi-specific primary factors or
group factors, general agreement has not been reached as to the number of
them that should be recognized; but eight occur commonly in the literature.
These are the factors that give capacity for comprehension of words, verbal
fluency, induction, deduction, numerical calculation, rote memory, recognition
of spatial relations, and quickness in perceiving relevant detail embedded in
irrelevant material (cf. Thurstone;! i055l Thurstone and Thurstone;! i058l
Wolfle;lii49lVernoni 10961). The 'numerical calculation* referred to in this list is
of the simple arithmetical kind, not involved to any great extent in higher
mathematics. The Thurstones reported some degree of obscurity about the
separate existence or exact nature of the capacities for deduction and percep-
tual quickness. [10581 They preferred to call induction simply 'reasoning', and
thus, apparently, to let deduction merge with it. Vernon recommended that a
456 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

battery of tests should measure in particular the capacities for comprehension

of words, induction, numerical calculation, and recognition of spatial
relations. [10961
Perhaps the least hypothetical way of regarding the factors of cognitive abili-
ty is to consider them not abstractly, as though one possessed all-embracing
knowledge of mental activity, but empirically, in relation to the results of a par-
An ability that was involved in only one test among a
ticular battery of tests.
battery of several would be regarded as a specific factor, so far as that battery
was concerned; another, involved in two or more of the tests, would be a com-
mon factor; if it manifested itself in all the tests it would be the general factor,
so far as that particular battery of tests was concerned {cL Thurstoneli056|). In
relation to that battery, and to the specific and general factors involved in it, the
tetrad equation would presumably hold true.
The probability must be kept in mind
some of the factors of cognitive
that
ability are not in fact quite may, so to speak, 'overlap' with one
separate; they
another (cf. Thomson|i048|). There may be an area of cognitive ability in which
several factors all overlap with one another —
and this may be the real
significance of g. Each factor concerned in the overlapping would consist of a
shared and an unshared part; but the latter could not exist alone.
Ideally, on the assumption that more or less separate factors of cognitive
ability do in fact exist, one would have a special test for each of them. Although
this has not been fully achieved, certain tests seem to be much more highly
'loaded' for one factor than for others; that is to say, they are so designed that
they assess it particularly well. Such tests are highly specialized, whereas it is
both the virtue (from one point of view) and the defect (from another) of such
tests as the Binet-Simon that they are diverse in content and non-analytical
(though their separate items may be more precise).
ability to assess separately is rote memory (the parrot-
Probably the easiest
of information in the mind, without understanding of it). This
like retention
seems genuinely to stand somewhat apart from other cognitive abilities.
Conceptual (so-called 'logical') memory develops much later in life than the
other, and is regarded by Jensen as a part of ^.155 Binet and Simon must have
1 1

had rote memory in mind when they wrote of 'la memoire':

One may have common sense and lack memory. The opposite also
frequently occurs. We moment observing a retarded girl who
are at this very
displays before our astonished eyes a much greater memory than our own.
We have measured this memory, and we are not the dupes of any illusion.
Nevertheless this poor girl presents the finest classical type of imbecility. |96i
Jensen remarks that some children with very low IQs find it easy to
memorize personal names or meaningless series of digits.l55il Very intelligent
people are often forgetful of names. It is to be noted that no test loaded for rote
memory is included in the battery of tests recommended by Vernon (pp.

455-6), and Knight omits what he calls 'retentiveness' from his definition of
'intelligence'. 15991
As its name implies, the Minnesota Spatial Relations test is highly loaded for one
particular factor, and the results it gives show very low correlation (/• = 18) with
those given by a reliable 'general' test (the Otis).[386i One might suppose that Piaget's
 ASSESSMENT OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 457

problems in 'conservation" and 'visualization' (pp.451-2) would also assess primarily

the ability to recognize spatial relations, but Vernon finds them heavily loaded for
g-.l 10471

Such tests as Spearman's Figure Classification and Raven's Progressive

Matrices are obviously highly loaded for inductive capacity, since they require
the discovery of a rule or principle. The deduction as to which 'test-symbor to
indicate by a tick, or which flat piece to place in the slot, is generally rather ob-
vious once the induction has been made. It must be allowed, however, that even
a person highly endowed with inductive capacity would fail in these tests if it
were possible for such a person to be very deficient in the ability to recognize
spatial relations, for he could not readily grasp the conformities and differences
presented by the various shapes placed before him.
Raven's test correlates rather closely with the Stanford-Binet and other tests
of the same type, which are regarded as giving good assessment of cognitive
ability in general. 1876. 358) This may seem surprising, since most of the generally
recognized factors of cognitive ability would not appear to be directly tested by
[Link] seems, however, that the Matrices do measure something that is fun-

damental in cognition. Spearman himself regarded his Figure Classification —

very similar test, in principle — as one of the best tests for g.li0551 One may
express this in another way by saying that a large part of inductive capacity
'overlaps' the other factors. If so, the capacity to induce seems to be a par-
all

ticularly significant, indeed basic part of cognitive ability. This would be an im-
portant conclusion for those interested in the ethnic problem, since tests highly
loaded for inductive capacity do not necessarily require that either tester or
testee should understand any particular language; pantomime may suffice (see

p. 450).
Hector suggests that his new Pattern-Completion Test (pp. 450-51) assesses the
same abilities as Raven's Progressive Matrices. It seems likely, however, that the
loading of the former for recognition of spatial relations is higher, and for inductive

capacity much lower.

Extremely important though the abilities for deduction and numerical

calculation are in certain intellectual fields, it would not appear that they
overlap very largely with the other factors of cognitive ability (or, to express a
similar idea from another point of view, they do not seem to overlap to any
particularly large extent with g). So far as mere numerical ability is concerned,
extreme examples of it are sometimes found in persons who are feeble-minded
or even half-idiots in other respects. Hankin gives some remarkable examples
of this, among
those curiously talented people usually called 'calculating
geniuses'. [4671appears that their capacity to calculate at astonishing speeds
It

may be due to freedom from deflection of thought through association of

numbers with real objects or events; and it is said that some of these 'geniuses'
work subconsciously. People who have no marked ability in this respect may
have noticed that they have occasionally solved a simple mathematical
problem quickly, and only afterwards realized that the thought-processes had
been subconscious.
It is unusual for great mathematicians to be calculating geniuses, but such persons
458 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

have existed. Srinivasa Ramanujan was one. An anecdote about this remarkable man
is perhaps worth mentioning. While ill in hospital he was visited by a fellow mathemati-

cian, who chanced to have noticed that his taxicab bore the figure 1729 as its registra-
tion mark. He mentioned to the patient that this seemed rather a dull number. 'No,'
replied the Indian, 'it is a very interesting number; it is the smallest number expressible
as asum of two cubes in two different ways.' 14691(1'' + 12^ = 9^ + 10^ = 1729.)
It would appear that mathematicians ordinarily combine exceptional capaci-

ty for deduction with some numerical ability. In an article on Comte's

philosophy in the Fortnightly Review published in 1869, T. H. Huxley
described mathematics as that subject 'which knows nothing of observation,
nothing of experiment, nothing of induction, nothing of causation\l537i
Sylvester hurried to oppose this opinion, in an address to the Mathematical and
Physical Section of the British Association;! i03i I nevertheless it surely contains
a considerable element of truth.

From what has been said it follows that no test or battery of tests is complete
unless it includes items highly loaded for inductive ability, and this is obviously
important for the student of the ethnic problem. But induction is also relevant
to this problem in an entirely different way. This is a matter that fits in here as
well as anywhere else in the book, though it constitutes a digression from the
main theme of the chapter. In brief, an insufficient capacity for induction may
result in failure to comprehend fully certain branches of biology that are in-
extricably bound up with the ethnic problem. Mathematicians who have in-
terested themselves in biology have made very important contributions to cer-
tain branches of this science, particularly genetics; but some of them appear
not to possess very high capacities for the recognition of spatial relations or for
induction —two of
the most essential requirements for work in taxonomy. As a
result they may
tend to overlook or minimize the importance of morphological
anthropology; and they sometimes overstress the significance that should be at-
tached to one or two differences in gene-frequencies between ethnic taxa. This
may lead them to separate widely certain taxa that are shown, by a mass of
evidence based on conformity in the anatomy of many parts of the body, to be
in fact closely related. The high esteem in which geneticists are righdy held may
lead astray some of those who have not made a careful study of the anatomical
basis of human taxonomy. If ever the polygene problem (pp. 190-91 and 203)
is solved, anatomists and geneticists are likely to find themselves no longer in

disagreement.
 24 The inheritance of
cognitive ability

During the development of every organism there is interplay between

genetic and environmental influences in determining the structure and function
of the various parts of the body. No one can doubt, for instance, that if two
human beings were genetically identical, but one was well fed throughout life
while the other was kept on a diet approaching the starvation level, they would
differ in the size and form of their bodies. Examples of such differences between
monozygotic ('identicaP) twins have been carefully recorded. 19631 Yet there is
obviously a genetic element in stature, for it is not lack of nourishment that
causes the members of certain ethnic taxa to be pygmies. It must be recognized
that the environment plays a particularly important part in the development of
certain characters that distinguish different individuals, while genetic causes
predominate in others (such as blood-groups). There are certain ethnic taxa of
man in which the skin only darkens slightly when exposed to bright sunlight,
others in which it darkens strongly in the same circumstances, and others again
in which it is dark whether exposed to bright light or not (see p. 158).

It is scarcely necessary to insist that the environment plays a part in the

development of cognitive ability. Theoretically it would be possible to rear a

child without ever allowing him to see anything, or to move about and thereby
gain ideas of space, or handle separate objects and thus conceive of numbers,
or hear any external sound, or even be aware of the existence of any other
human being. It is unthinkable that such a child could evince any but the most
rudimentary cognitive ability. His genes might be such that if he had
experienced the ordinary upbringing of the great majority of children in the
world, he would have displayed an IQ of 140 or more; in the circumstances his
mental potentiality would remain hidden. What we have before us in any
organism, including man, is the result of interaction between inheritance and
environment.
It is of the utmost importance for the ethnic problem to find out what part

the genetic element plays in the development of cognitive ability. Two main
types of observations can be used to throw light on this subject. nol In one type
I

(here called type A) one studies persons who have been exposed to similar en-
vironments but may reasonably be suspected of being genetically different in
cognitive ability. For observations of the other type (B) one requires those who
have been exposed to different environments but are likely to be genetically
identical or similar. In both cases the persons concerned must be subjected to
one or more cognition tests of the types described in the previous chapter.
An investigation reported in 1931 is a good example of type A. 643 The 1
1
460 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

testees were children in a 'home' for illegitimate boys and girls in England.
None of them had ever lived with their fathers, who had in every case deserted
their mothers. On the average the children had lived with their mothers during
the first six months of their lives. From then onwards the environment of all
was the same, that of the 'home'.
Wherever possible, the social classes of the fathers and mothers of the
children were recorded. Five such classes were recognized. These ranged from
A, the professional class, to E, which included street pedlars and paupers. Only
those children were tested whose fathers and mothers were classifiable by
social class. The cognitive abilities of the children were tested by a version of
the 1916 Stanford-Binet, adapted to the needs of English testees. and also by a
group-test (the 'Simplex') that gave rather good correlation 'with the Stan-
ford-Binet. The group of children showed an almost exactly normal
as a whole
distribution of cognitive ability by both tests. The report on this investigation
contains no fewer than eighteen tables recording the IQs of the children. These
are arranged according to the sexes of the children and the social classes of
their parents (either of the fathers or of the mothers, or about midway between
the two). One is reproduced here as an example, with IQs given to
of the tables
the first place of decimals. It shows the result of applying the modified Stan-
ford-Binet to boys. It is to be noted that the tabulation is here in accordance
with the social class of the fathers, without consideration of that of the
mothers.

Fathers'
 INHERITANCE OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 461

could be obtained bearing on the cognitive abilities of the parents. Burt concen-
trated his attention on the children of mothers with IQs assessed at the low
grade of 70-85. For the purpose of analysis he considered in one group those
of their children whose fathers were of very low to medium ability (assessed at
IQ 65-100); another group consisted of the children whose fathers were of
high cognitive ability (assessed at IQ 120-145), but whose mothers belonged to
the group of low-grade IQ. There were 105 children in the first group, 67 in the
second. The children were subjected to a test of the Binet type. Those in the
first group showed a mean IQ of 88-6; in the second, 103-2. The difference in

IQ was thus 14-6 (standard error 21).

Investigations on the cognitive ability of hybrids between races should perhaps be
regarded as belonging to type A, but it seems on the whole more appropriate to treat
them as distinct, and they will be considered in the chapter on racial differences in
cognitive ability (see pp.471-3 and 493-4).
The facts just relatedhave a strong bearing on the inheritance of cognitive
ability, but observations of type B are still more impressive. The best method of
all for studying the problem in question is to assess the cognitive abilities of

persons related in different degrees, who have been exposed to different en-
vironments. The special importance of identical twins in investigations of this
kind was recognized by Francis Galton nearly a century ago. 13801 He remarks
that he sought 'for some new method by which it would be possible to weigh in
just scales the effects of Nature and Nurture, and to ascertain their respective
shares in framing the disposition and intellectual ability of men. The life-history
of twins supplies what I wanted.' He did indeed make a start in this promising
line of enquiry: but it seems that none of the twin-pairs he investigated had
been reared separately, and at that time no suitable tests were available by
which cognitive ability could be accurately assessed. He does, however, men-
tion cases in which 'closely similar' twins maintained their resemblance to one
another in mental features into old age, despite very different environmental
circumstances in adult life.

A digression necessary at this point. The evidence suggests that cognitive

is

ability, in so far as it is inherited, resembles most measurable physical

characters of man in that it is controlled by the cumulative action of a con-
siderable number of genes, each having such small effect that its passage from
generation to generation cannot be traced separately. It is agreed by those who
have studied the subject that the genetic control of such characters as, for in-
stance, stature (body-height), span (greatest distance between middle finger-tips
when the arms are held horizontally), and length of forearm (middle finger-tip
to bent elbow) is of this nature. In early studies of the genetics of these 'quan-
titative compound characters', as they were called, it was assumed that do-
minance and recessivity would occur. It was the British mathematician G. U.
Yule, in 1906. who first clarified the whole subject by making the assump-
tion that each pair of allelomorphic genes, when present together, would have
an intermediate effect. He concluded that 'in the case of perfect blending', and
in the absence of modification by different environments, the coefficient of cor-
relation between the characters of an individual and those of his parent, grand-
parent, and great-grandparent would be respectively |, j, and [Link] This
462 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

conclusion is nowadays accepted. If a character is under the control of

polygenes and dominance does not occur, and if, further, there is no tendency
towards 'assortative mating' (for instance, for tall persons to choose tall
partners in marriage, and short to choose short), one would expect the
following correlations (on the average of a large number of examples), provided
that there was no systematic or regular interference from environmental effects:
coefficient of
correlation (r)

between father and son, or mother and daughter . . 0-50

between grandparents and grandchildren . , . . 0-25
between brothers or sisters 0-50
between uncle (or aunt) and nephew (or niece) . . 0-25

Measurements of adult stature, made on several thousand pairs of persons,

show a rather close correspondence with these figures, namely, 0-507, 0-322,
0-543, and 0-287 respectively.! 1721 It will be noticed that the correlations are all
somewhat higher than one would expect; that is to say, the members of each
pair are, on average, rather more nearly of the same height than the simple
theory would suggest. This is attributed in the main to the tendency towards
assortative mating, the reality of which had already been recognized by Karl
Pearson and Miss Lee in their paper published in 1903.1831]
Fisher|336l considered how the simple expectations listed above (correlations
of 0-50, 0-25, 0-50, and 0-25 respectively) would be affected by assortative
mating and also by the partial dominance of genes. Applying Fisher's correc-
tions to the simple expectations, Burt and Howard obtained remarkably close
approximations to the observed figures. i72l In fact, the average discrepancy in
the four correlations was only about 01.
Having found the 'multifactorial theory' (polygene hypothesis) fully upheld
by these considerations, Burt and Howard applied it forthwith to the results of
cognition tests, with allowance for partial dominance and assortative mating in
this case also (for there is evidence of some tendency for people of high
cognitive ability to intermarry, and similarly with those at the other end of the
scale). They concluded that 12% of the correlation was due to unreliability of
the tests and environmental influences, and the rest to genetic constitution.! 1 721

Although there is thus evidence that assortative mating and partial

dominance do aflfect to some extent the correlations obtained in genetical
studies of cognitive ability, it will suffice for the present purpose to keep in mind
the simple expectations, based on the assumption of full genetic control without
complications, and to note what departures from the figures are obtained in
practice. In addition to the four correlations listed above, the following should
be memorized: ^ .

coefficient oj
y.

correlation (r)

between monozygotic ('identical') twins . . . . 1 00

between first cousins 0-25
between second cousins 006
An actual example will make the matter more concrete.
 INHERITANCE OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 463

One of the on this subject was Dr. A. H. Wingfield of Toron-

earlier writers
to University, whose book Twins and orphans, published more than forty years
ago, is still well worth study today. [1143] He used two recognized tests (Multi-
mental Scale and National Intelligence Test) to assess the 'general intelligence'
(cognitive ability) of his testees, and thus obtain figures for IQ. Some of the cor-
relations he obtained were as follows:
coefficient of
correlation (r)
between 'physically identical' twins 0-90
between siblings (brothers and sisters, not twins) . . . . 0-50
between parent and child 0-31
between 'cousins' (presumably first cousins) 0-27
between grandparent and grandchild 0-15
between unrelated children 0-00
To determine the coefficient of correlation in the case of identical twins, Wingfield
took the .V variable as referring in each case to the twin with the higher IQ, and the y
variable as referring to the one with the lower IQ. x is the deviation of a measurement
from the mean of the first series (brighter twin of each pair), and v is the deviation from
the mean of the second series (less bright twin of each pair). This appears to be the
it is not always stated in published reports.
usual procedure in such studies, but
Bearing in mind the degree of genetic relationship existing between the in-
dividuals comprising the above groups one is forced, literally forced, to draw
the conclusion that the closer the genetic relationship between individuals,
the closer is the degree with which they will resemble each other in
intelligence.\ii42]
This conclusion is justified, and Wingfield has deservedly earned recognition
for his important contribution to our knowledge of the inherited element in
cognitive ability.
For the sake of accuracy in the history of this subject, it is nevertheless desirable to
point out certain defects in Wingfield's contribution that appear to have been
overlooked by those (e.g. Sandiford 19261) who have reproduced his table of correlations.
Wingfield did not explain that his correlations for parent-child, cousin—cousin, and
grandparent-grandchild were not based on the same tests of what he calls 'general in-

telligence' as those used in his own study of twins and siblings. For the parent—child
figure he relied on Schuster and Elderton's data, which were based on evidence of
fathers'and sons' academic achievements. 1948] He says he also got his data for cousins
from Schuster and Elderton, but these authors did not consider cousins. His figure is
actually from a paper by Elderton alone, I306) but he states it wrongly. She gave a
correlation of 0-34 for first cousins, based on subjective impressions of the mental
ability of the persons concerned. Wingfield quotes the figure of 0-27, but this is Elder-
ton's mean figure for health, temper, mental and general success in life, taken
ability,

together. Wingfield does not state where he obtained his figure (a remarkably low one)
for the grandparent-grandchild correlation.
Many
similar investigations have been undertaken. Perhaps the most exten-
sivehave been those of Erlenmeyer-Kimling and Jarvik in the United States[3i2]
and Burt in Great [Link] One of the most interesting of the findings of the
American authors is that the IQs of monozygotic twins reared apart were
464 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

much more closely correlated than those of unrelated persons reared together.
Jensen provides a full review of the information available on this whole subject,

and summarizes it in Table 2 on p. 49 of his [Link]] From the data in this

table I have selected those items that are most significant and reproduced them
in graphical form in Fig. 76. They are more significant than the others because
they relate to persons who either (a) are known on positive evidence to have
been reared separately, or else (b) are likely to have been reared separately in
most cases, in view of the distance of the relationship. The data represented in
Fig. 76 refer to persons in both these categories. The monozygotic twins,
siblings, and unrelated children belong to category a; those related as uncle (or
aunt) to nephew (or niece), and as cousins, to category b. The reader is asked
to pay particular attention to this figure, because the information it conveys is
of first-rate importance for the subject of this book. The figure is fully explained
in the accompanying legend. It will be understood that the black spots repre-
sent the actual facts, that is to say the average (median) correlations between
the IQs of the groups in pairs. The hollow (white) spots, joined by vertical lines
to the black ones, represent what the correlations would have been, if nothing
had influenced IQs except genes inherited from ancestors. For three reasons
one would not expect exact superposition of the black and white spots. First,
the differences of environment must have had some effect. Secondly, the
positions of the hollow spots indicate the 'raw' expectations, not corrected for
assortative mating or partial dominance. Thirdly, it is impossible to make
cognition tests perfectly reliable in every case. Despite the inexactitude of
superposition, the general congruity between the positions of the black and
hollow spots is striking, and the obvious conclusion about the correlation
between IQ and genetic relationship must be drawn.
It is a curious fact that the black spots in Fig. 76 representing pairs of persons
actually known to have been reared apart lie below the attached hollow spots, while
those that represent pairs of persons not positively known to have been reared
separately lie above the hollow spots. One seems to see here, graphically represented,
the effects of different environments in reducing to some extent the phenotypic expres-
sion of genes affecting cognitive ability, and of somewhat similar environments in in-

creasing this expression.

The suggestion has been made that monozygotic twins reared apart might
resemble one another in IQ because their environments, though different,
would tend to be similar; but Sir Cyril Burt denies [Link] 'Selective
placement' did not occur in the cases he studied. One of the twins was usually
brought up in his or her parents' home, the other in the environment of a
different social class. He points out that childless couples in well-to-do
circumstances often adopt children from less wealthy classes.
A study of monozygotic twins by Shieldsl963l deserves detailed
consideration, because has become a subject of an important controversy as
it

to the role of heredity and environment in the development of cognitive ability.

The testees in Shields's investigation were 38 pairs of separated monozygotic twins,
36 pairs of unseparated ones, and eight pairs of dizygotics.* Nearly all were adults or
* For the sake of accuracy it is just worth mentioning that a few pairs of twins participated in
one test but not in the other.
 INHERITANCE OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 465

adolescents; only four were less than fifteen years old. Two very different tests were
used. One was a pattern-completion test called 'Dominoes', which gives high correla-
tion in results (r = 74) with Raven's Progressive Matrices (p. 450), and has even
higher g-saturation than the latter. The other was essentially a vocabulary test (the

'Synonyms' section of Raven's Mill Hill Vocabulary Scale). This was a less satisfactory
test for the purpose, because separated twins may chance to be exposed in everyday

10 r-

identical twins,
reared apart

2 05
/• siblings, reared apart

aur
for aunt)
uncle (or & nephew (or niece)
;
grandparent & grandchild

/ *^ousins
econd cousins
A

00 fe 0-5 10
X
correlation (r) for IQ

76 The correlations in IQ between members of pairs of

persons related in different degrees

The graph constructed as follows. Both ordinate and abscissa repre-

is

sent correlation coefficients (r) between the IQs of pairs of related per-
sons (e.g. monozygotic twins). The black spots represent the coefficients
(expressed as medians) obtained from data actually recorded by various
investigators. They are to be read off on the ordinate scale. Each black
spot connected by a vertical line with a hollow spot, representing what
is

the correlations would have been if genetic factors had operated without
influence from the environment (on the assumption that there was
neither selective mating nor partial dominance). The hollow spots are to
be read off on either ordinate or abscissa. (The oblique broken line
passing through the hollow spots reminds the reader that they are related
equally to ordinate and abscissa.) .v = unrelated children, reared apart.
Graphical representation drawn from the tabulated data of Jensen. 155 1
466 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

life to very different vocabularies (though when huge numbers of children who attend
similar schools are tested, a suitable vocabulary item may give good correlation with a
reliable general test; see p. 445).
The tests were scored in marks ('points'). Shields and Gottesman converted all
marks in both tests into 'IQ equivalents'.
The manuscript in which they explain their method of conversion does not appear to
have been published; but in the pattern-completion test 28 marks were regarded as
equivalent to an IQ of 100, and the corresponding figure for the vocabulary test was 19
marks. For certain purposes the marks given for the vocabulary test were doubled (on
account of their smaller spread) and then added to the marks given for the pattern-
completion test; the resulting figure was regarded as the 'total intelligence score'. It
would seem possible that the doubling may have somewhat overemphasized the results
of the vocabulary test in relation to the other.

The mean intra-pair difference in 'total intelligence score' was 7-38 marks for the un-
separated and 9-46 for the separated monozygotics; 13-43 for the dizygotics. The cor-
responding intra-class correlation coefficients were 0-76. 0-77. and 0-51. The figures
0-77 and 51 agree closely with those represented graphically in Fig. 76 (in which un-
separated twins are not included).
In the pattern-completion test, 30% of the separated monozygotic pairs scored
exactly the same number of marks or differed by only one or two marks. The cor-
responding figure for dizygotics was 13%. Of the separated pairs of monozygotics,
24% differed by 9 marks or more; the corresponding figure for dizygotics was 50%.
In the vocabulary test, 24% of the separated monozygotic pairs differed not at all in

marks, or only by one mark; of the dizygotic pairs. 14%. However. 24% of the
separated monozygotic pairs differed by 6 marks or more in this test; 29% of the
dizygotics did likewise.
Shields remarks that if both early environment and heredity had effects on a trait, the
percentage of pairs that resembled one another closely would decrease from un-
separated monozygotics to separated monozygotics to dizygotics, and the proportion
of pairs showing a large difference would increase from unseparated monozygotic to
separated monozygotic to dizygotic. This is exactly what his results show. They are
well represented graphically in the figure at the bottom of p. 142 of his paper.
Both Gottesmani424i and Kagani56i emphasize that at least 25% of the separated
I

monozygotic pairs (that is to say, about nine pairs) showed differences exceeding 16 IQ
points in at least one of the two tests. Some difference was to be expected in the
vocabulary test, for the reason stated above; and it is significant that two of the
separated pairs had been subjecled to particularly dissimilar environments. Of the rest,

four pairs were very unequal physically, since one only of a pair was an epileptic in one
case, one only had disseminated sclerosis in another, one only had had birth injury in a
third case, and in a fourth one o)'ly of the pair had high blood-pressure. Shields himself
regarded these as relevant social and physical causes of intellectual differences between
members of the six separated monozygotic pairs. Among the unseparated
monozygotics there was only one example of any comparable social or physical cause
(one member of one pair had had concussion). These facts have been overlooked in the
controversy that the investigation has aroused.
Despite the social and physical differences between some of the separated
monozygotics, the extreme difference among them amounted to only 10 IQ points in
 INHERITANCE OF COGNITIVE ABILITY 467

the pattern-completion test. The corresponding figure for the unseparated

monozygotics was almost exactly the same (9 units). If the conversion to IQs was
reliable, it follows that the members of pairs of separated monozygotics were

remarkably similar to one another in cognitive ability as revealed by the test, despite
the social and physical differences between members of some of the pairs, as related in
the previous paragraph.
It follows that this investigation does not contradict but on the contrary sup-
ports the abundant evidence from other sources.
 25 Racial differences in
cognitive ability

INTRODUCTION
One particular argument is commonly levelled against all attempts to
compare different by the application of cognition tests. It is
ethnic taxa
remarked, truly enough, that the inventors of these tests were civilized
Europids, and so also, in the early days of psychometry, were the testers and
testees; and from this premise it has been argued that psychologists have been
influenced, in the importance they attach to various factors of mental ability,
by the practical needs of a particular culture. If this were true, the values set
upon those factors would be arbitrary and lack all claim to universal applica-
tion. It would follow that non-Europid races would necessarily appear inferior
when subjected to the tests. The only fair procedure would be to make a special
set of tests for each ethnic taxon —
and thus, incidentally, render it impossible
to compare the taxa in respect of mental ability. An extreme form of this doc-
trine may be quoted, as follows: 'Had the first IQ tests been devised in a hun-
ting culture, "general intelligence" might well have turned out to involve
visual acuity and running speed, rather than vocabulary and symbol
manipulation. '12941
There are reasons, however, why arguments of this sort cannot be accepted.
It isscarcely credible that members of any human taxon would be incapable of
distinguishing between physical and intellectual qualities, or would regard
someone as stupid simply because he could not see very clearly or run rapidly.
No one acquainted with primitive peoples is likely to believe such a thing possi-
ble. One might suppose, from the pleas of those who seek to discredit the value
of mental testing in studies of the ethnic problem, that Binet and his successors
were only anxious to spot the children most likely to turn out as 'successes' in
highly competitive and acquisitive societies. It has been made clear in the
historical introduction to Chapter 23 that the exact opposite was the case. The
primary purpose of Binet and Simon was to provide methods for the early
detection of those children who could never be anything but mentally defective,
and who should therefore be educated, so far as that was possible, in special in-
stitutions. Terman and Childs, writing in 1912, made a statement to the same
effect, in reference to the tests available in their time, including their own ver-
sion of Binet and Simon's. Their opinion was that 'the tests in general are
significant not so much for displaying the child's intelligence in its entirety, as
for detecting that type of mind which not capable of profiting from its social
is

environment'.! 10371 Persons possessing that type of mind, when adult,

would be recognized as defective in every human society, however primitive.
Subsequently, when the scope of methods for mental testing was extended, no
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 469

attention was paid to the opinions of persons engaged in industry, commerce,

or any mundane department of civilized life in the twentieth century. On the
contrary, psychologists turned back to the philosophers who had considered
deeply the problems of mind over a period of centuries, and in the writings of
those scholarly men they found a mass of closely reasoned thought about the
nature of mental activity in general, which has not been found inadequate even
at the present day. In every human society the capacities for comprehension,
deduction, induction, and the other factors of cognitive ability are relevant, and
it is proper to use methods for their assessment.

Despite this, it must be admitted that there are difficulties in assessing

cognitive ability in parts of the world where not only languages but also
cultures and physical environments are very different from those that exist in
the countries where psychometry was Invented and evolved. This subject has
been carefully considered by many psychologists. Dr. S. Biesheuvel's position
as Director of the National Institute of Personnel Research at Johannesburg
has brought him into intimate contact with it, and he has expressed opinions
widely shared by others. Much of what he says about the difficulty of obtaining
clear evidence of genetic differences in 'intelligence' (cognitive ability) between
the various ethnic taxa of South Africa is relevant elsewhere. Dr. Biesheuvel
considers that there are objections to all tests involving the study of pictures or

diagrams, or the use of pencil and paper. He mentions several tests that are
generally supposed to be 'culture-free', but in his opinion are not. He argues
that the low scoring of Negrids in items involving the ability to recognize
spatial relations may be due to environmental circumstances. The superiority
of Europids in these items may result from the playing of children's games with
blocks, the arrangement of furniture, the placing of pictures on walls, the laying
of tables for meals, familiarity with the lay-out of reading matter on the page,
and so on. He has found it necessary to abandon tests in which the rectangular
form, or appreciation of vertical and horizontal planes, play too prominent a
part. He suggests also that 'intelligence' may be affected by vitamin deficiencies
in pre-natal and early post-natal life. Even the urban Negrids of South Africa
have not fully acquired the dietary habits of Europeans. He remarks that
thoroughly detribalized Negrids, living social lives similar to those of Europids,
should be used as testees in attempts to compare the mental abilities of the two
races; but, as he points out, one would then have no certainty that the Negrids
used in such tests were not a selected group, unrepresentative of their race as a
whole.l§3, 841

The reader may care to be reminded that the subject of fairness in cognition
tests has already been considered in a general way in Chapter 23 (pp.
447-9). Biesheuvel's publications deserve serious consideration by those
who plan to work among peoples of different ethnic taxa in various parts of the
world, but one may hope that no one will be dissuaded from a projected task in
mental testing simply because difficulties are likely to be encountered. The
possibility must be borne in mind that they may have been exaggerated. For in-
stance, it is not to be assumed that pencil and paper are always to be avoided
where they are not familiar objects of everyday life. Professor S. D. Porteus
used his well-known Mazes successfully with wild aborigines in the central
470 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

desert of Australia,who had never even seen pencil or paper before (and could
not speak a word of English). 85 il The testees were very much interested and
1

quickly understood what they were required to do with the pencil. Incidentally,
one of them gave a lesson to those psychologists who lay exaggerated emphasis
on the necessity for ensuring the complete relaxation of the testee. The
aborigine in question was a murderer who had speared several men. He was
chained by the leg to his principal accuser when he worked at the Mazes, and a
policeman sat beside him with a loaded pistol; yet he became so absorbed in
the test that Porteus thought the man could safely have been left free and un-
guarded until he had finished it.

It is unfortunate that there has been so little conformity in the tests ad-
ministered to peoples living in remote parts of the world. An investigator in one
place may use only one test, another working elsewhere a different one; and
perhaps neither test has been calibrated (or is even capable of calibration)
against one of established validity. Reports on the results of such tests may
have considerable intrinsic interest, but general conclusions cannot be drawn.
It would be possible to review here in turn, and analyse in detail, a large selec-

tion of the many tests that have been carried out in this way; but not much
light would be thrown on the ethnic problem. A definite intention to try to solve
this problem is the first requirement; beyond that, one needs careful selection of
tests as culture-free as they can be made, and some uniformity in their
application —
and reliable evidence, too, as to the taxa (not the nations) to
which the testees belong. A difficulty that must be faced in some places is un-
certainty as to the chronological ages of children, which must be known, at
least approximately, if IQs are to be determined. It would be helpful to have
more information about dental succession in various ethnic taxa, to overcome
this difficulty. If the ages of children cannot be determined, adult testees must
be used, and comparisons made with adults of other races.
Fortunately there is a great expanse of the world's surface from which an
immense store of relevant information is available. North America is unique in
the advantages it presents to the student of racial differences in cognitive abili-
[Link] races are well represented in the resident population: Europid, Negrid,
Mongolid, and Indianid (American 'Indian'). The two first-named share a com-
mon mother-tongue. Literacy is general (though not universal), and verbal
group-tests can therefore in many cases be used. Almost everywhere the ages
of children are known with precision. In no other country in the world has
cognition testing been so actively pursued; and although the American in-
vestigators have administered a very large number of different tests, several of the
most reliable ones have been used so widely that valid comparisons are possible.
The rest of this chapter will be devoted to the study of cognition testing
among the resident races of North America.

NORTH AMERICAN NEGROES: EARLY STUDIES

By a curious convention, anyone in North America who shows clear evidence
of Negrid ancestry is regarded as a Negro, even if it is obvious that the person
in question is predominantly Europid (see pp. 228-31). In conformity with this
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 471

convention, the term will be used in this chapter to include all grades of the
Europid-Negrid hybrids resident in North America, as well as the non-hybrid
Negrids of that country. The Negrid element in the North American population
derives predominantly from Sudanid and Palaenegrid 1 and 2 ancestors, not
from those Negrid subraces (Kafrid and Nilotid) that received a certain
amount of Europid admixture in their native land.
The Europids of North America, with whom the Negrids will be compared,
are derived mainly from Nordid, Mediterranid, Alpinid, and Ashkenazim
(hybrid Armenid) stock. The three first-named subraces are much hybridized
with one another.
The Europids and Negroes of North America live in a society that is at least
to some extent integrated, or at any rate neither of the two peoples lives out its
life in geographically delimited areas or 'reserves', nor is there a social conven-
tion that separates them so exclusively as that which keeps (or used to keep)
some of the from one another. Thus the diflSculties
castes of India as strangers
that have faced students of the ethnic problem in many parts of the world have
not been nearly so severe in the U.S.A. and Canada. Not only has the sharing
of a common mother-tongue made it easy to use verbal tests and vocabulary
items; beyond that, pencil and paper and the everyday objects of civilized life
are familiar to all, and education at schools in many parts of the country is
nowadays roughly comparable or actually the same. A general discussion of
the influence of their environment on the IQs of Negroes will be found on pp.
488-90.
Three investigations of special significance for the ethnic problem were made
during the second decade of the present century. Their interest is by no means
only historical: on the contrary, they provide a valuable introduction to
modern thought on the subject. The three have been chosen because each il-
luminates a different aspect of the problem, and each aspect is important.

The of the three investigations was carried out by the American psy-
earliest
chologist G. O. Ferguson in 1914.1327] It concerns the scores obtained in
cognition tests by Negroes of various grades of hybridity. Those North
Americans who show any clear evidence of Negrid ancestry tend to adopt free-
ly the convention mentioned above, whereby they are all regarded as falling
into the category of Negroes, even if there is obviously a large Europid element
in their geneticmake-up; and a fellow-feeling seems to unite them all. If, as is
claimed, the mere fact of being a Negro (in this sense) is an 'environmental dis-
advantage', affecting the ability to succeed in cognition tests (p. 489), it must
act equally on all; and if the races differ in genetic constitution affecting
cognitive ability, one would expect some correlation between grades of hybridi-
ty and marks obtained in tests.
Ferguson administered cognition to 269 Europid and 319 Negro
tests
children of both sexes in the schools of Richmond, Virginia. His main analysis
of the results, illustrated by an elaborate series of diagrams, was restricted to
those aged twelve to seventeen. His data for younger and older pupils than
these were incomplete, and he omitted them from his main analysis. The Negro
and Europid children attended separate schools.
472 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

He also tested a smaller number of schoolchildren in two other towns in the same
state, but did not consider the results sufficiently complete for incorporation in his main
analysis.
An important feature of Ferguson's study is that at the time when it was
made, the Negro population was not so much mingled by intermarriage as it is
today, and it was possible for anyone who had studied the physical characters
of hybrids of different grades to recognize them with some degree of accuracy.
Ferguson made his classification on the basis of skin-colour, form of face and
skull, and texture of hair. He admits that certainty was not possible, but he
claims that any errors would balance one another; that is to say, there would
be no systematic error inclining in one direction or the other. From a study of
their physical characters he assigned each Negro child to one of four
categories:
'pure negroes' (here designated |)
'three-fourths pure negroes' (j-)

'mulattoes proper' (D
'quadroons' (offspring of mulatto with Europid) (|).
In the notation used here, the numerator of the fraction may be regarded as
the estimated number of unhybridized Negrids among the child's grandparents,
the rest being Europids. In the main part of the investigation Ferguson com-
bined the J and ^ Negroes into a group that will here be called j x, and the -i-

others into a group here called 7 + j. The former group consisted mainly of
'mulattoes proper', on account of the small number of quadroons among the
schoolchildren.
Three cognition tests were administered, two of them of the type called
'mixed relations', and the other a 'completion' test. All three were group-tests.
The mixed-relations questions, though widely varied in content and difficul-
ty, were all of the same general type as this: 'As cat is to fur, so bird is to
what?' The other test required the completion of sentences from which words
had been omitted. Here again the difficulty varied over a considerable range.
Since six age-groups (12-17) of each sex attempted each of three tests,
thirty-six comparisons of the three groups of testees (Europids, j + 1- Negroes,
and J + I Negroes) were available for analysis. The results obtained by the
three groups are perhaps most clearly set forth in the following form (though
this way of summarizing his results was not adopted by Ferguson himself).

Number of cases in which each group

obtained the highest mean marks
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 473

it is particularly interesting to disregard the Europids and consider the Negroes

alone. The following figures emerge.

Number of cases in which each group

gained the higher mean marks
\ + ^Negroes \ + ^Negroes
Boys 14 4
Girls 12 6

26 10
It important to mention that the means used in establishing the data
is

recorded above are derived from individual scores that range rather widely.
There is no question of a universal or almost universal superiority of the
Europids. No less than 22-7% of the ^ + j children scored marks that exceeded
the mean marks scored by the Europids. It is significant for the ethnic problem,
however, that many more of the j + f children (34-7%) than of the j +t
exceeded the EuropiH mean.
The figures given below represent the mean marks obtained by all the Negro
boys and girls aged twelve to seventeen, of each group separately, expressed as
percentages of the mean marks of the Europids.

i 73-7
\ 77-8
k 81-3
I . . . 940 .

If theNegroes of North America suffer any disadvantage in cognition tests

from their cultural environment in general, or as a result of their separate
education, or merely through 'being black' (p. 489), the handicap is shared by
all. The comparison of hybrid Negroes of various grades with one another and

with non-hybrid Negrids is thus potentially of particular value in studies of the

ethnic problem. Although Ferguson's work was done so long ago, it seems to
have been one of the best planned, most detailed, and most fully reported of all
the investigations of its kind that have ever been carried out. In some (though
not of the more recent studies, the degree of hybridity has been judged by
all)

reliance on skin-colour alone, which is an unsafe criterion. Someone adequately

trained in physical anthropology should participate in studies of this kind, if the
actual ancestry of each testee is not known with certainty. In general, it has
been found in most cases that the obvious hybrids have done better in cogni-
tion tests than non-hybrid Negrids and those showing little evidence of Europid
ancestry; but this has not invariably been so. The subject of Negro hybridity in
relation to cognitive ability has been reviewed by Tylerl 10771 and Shuey.(966l An
experiment of particular interest carried out on Indianid (American 'Indian')
hybrids is described on pp. 493-4.

The second investigation carried out in the second decade of the century and
chosen for special mention here is of importance for the ethnic problem partly
on account of its vast scale, and partly because of the vigorous controversy it
474 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

aroused, which has smouldered on into recent times. No one interested in the
ethnic problem can afford to overlook it, whatever opinion he may hold when
he has fully considered its implications.
After the entry of the United States into the First World War, it was
suggested by American psychologists that they could help the war effort by
grading the 'intelligence' of recruits. The suggestion was accepted by the Army,
and between September 1917 and the end of January 1919 no fewer than
1,726,966 men were subjected to tests. A book on this great experiment
appeared in 1920,[i i67l and in the following year an official report was published,
amounting to 890 large pages. This was a corporate work, edited by
Lieut.-Col. R. M. Yerkes.(ii64] Negroes and Europids were considered
separately in it. In accordance with the usual custom the former name was
taken to include all who showed any physical evidence of Negrid ancestry. All
the Negroes had been born in the U.S.A., and English was their mother-tongue.
A test called 'alpha' was administered to the great majority of the testees.
This is a verbal group-test, designed for literate persons. It consists of eight
items, of which six were quite well adapted for the assessment of cognitive abili-
ty, by the standards of the time, though two were less so (p. 475). Many of the
testees, however, were illiterate, and for them a special test called 'beta' was
designed. This was calibrated to alpha by the administration of both tests to a
large number of literate testees. Many recruits were also subjected to individual
tests (either the Stanford-Binet or the Yerkes-Bridges Point Scale), and a
special non-verbal test, consisting mainly of performance items, was provided
for use in appropriate cases. Full consideration of all the available evidence
resulted in the assignment of every recruit to one of eight grades, called 'letter
ratings', as follows: E, too inferior for ordinary employment in the Army; D—
very inferior; D, inferior; C— low average; C, average; C + high average; B,
, ,

superior; A, very superior. Those recruits relegated to rating E were not further
considered in the main analysis of the investigation.
The general result, so far as comparison between Europids and Negroes is

concerned, is set out a table (unnumbered) on p. 707 of Yerkes's report.lii64l

in
The reader is referred to pp. 555-9 and 707 of the report for an exact explana-
tion of the basis on which the figures were compiled. The facts are represented
in the present book by a diagram (Fig. 77, p. 476), which shows the percentage
of Europids and Negroes falling into each of the letter ratings from D— to A.
The investigators noticed a marked difference between the letter ratings of
Negroes from northern and southern states. To analyse the matter further they
made a special study of Illinois, Indiana, New Jersey, New York, and Penn-
sylvania, as representing the northern states, for comparison with Alabama,
Georgia, Louisiana, and Mississippi for the southern. The numbers of Negro
testees from the two groups of states were respectively 4,705 and 6,846. The
data, set out in table 268 of the report, are here represented graphically in Fig.
78, p. 477. The very great difference between the two regions is at once ob-
vious, and comparison with Fig. 77 shows that although the northern Negroes
did not attain such high ratings, on the whole, as the Europids, they did ap-
proximate very much more closely to the Europid pattern than did the southern
Negroes, or the Negro draft as a whole.
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 475

How are these facts to be explained?One will at once consider the possibili-
ty that differences in education between north and south might be the cause. It
can scarcely be doubted that facilities for school education (for Europids as
well as Negroes) would have been better in the more urban, northern states
than in the largely rural districts of the south. If the tests had been culture-free,
this should not have made much difference; but in fact the tests had not the
degree of freedom from cultural influences that characterizes, for instance.
Raven's Progressive Matrices (p. 450), which were introduced at a much later
date. In particular, the capacity to succeed in the Arithmetic and General In-
formation items of the alpha test was necessarily affected by education in
school. A few examples will make this clear.
The following is a question set in the Arithmetic item. 'A certain division contains
3.000 artillery, 15,000 infantry, and 1,000 cavalry. If each branch is expanded propor-
tionately until there are in all 20,900 men, how many will be added to the artillery?' As
regards the General Information item, it is important to recognize that a test of purely
cognitive ability is supposed to involve only such knowledge as is likely to be the com-
mon property of all or as nearly as possible all the persons whom it is desired to com-
pare. For instance, all would be familiar with the words 'cat', 'fur', 'bird', and 'feather',

and one may therefore properly use these words in a test designed to assess reasoning
an entirely different matter to ask questions designed to find out
ability (p. 472). It is

how much a testee already knows. Thus, in a perfect cognition test one would not ask
such questions as these (the correct answers to be underlined): 'Rosa Bonheur is
famous as a poet painter composer sculptor'; 'The author of "The Raven" is Stevenson
Kipling Hawthorne Poe'. One can imagine two persons of equal cognitive ability, of
whom one could answer these questions, while the other could not. Yet these are
examples of questions set in the General Information item of the alpha test. It is impor-
tant to note that 30- 1% of all Negroes in Group IV (intended to represent the Negro
draft as a whole) and 58-2% of Group V (representing the Negroes of the northern
states) took the alpha test.

Fig. 78 gives a good general impression of the difference between the nor-
thern and southern states in the matter under discussion. Very misleading
impressions are given if states are specially selected for consideration simply
because they point towards particular conclusions. One could easily choose a
state in which the Europids did exceptionally well and another in which the
Negroes did exceptionally badly, and thus emphasize the results in order to
support a particular hypothesis of Europid superiority. The error of selectivity
may be amusingly illustrated by taking the state of New Mexico as an example.
Here, the result of the test appears staggering at first sight. No fewer than
55-5% of the Negro recruits from this state were assigned to letter rating A.
There was no part of the whole country in which anything remotely similar to
this achievement was attained by the Europid recruits. Only 4 1% of 93,973
Europids attained this distinction. One's admiration is suddenly deflated,
however, wnen one discovers that the percentage was 55-5% of nine recruits!
The strange chance by which five out of nine New Mexican Negroes recruited
to the American Army were rated A is not commented on in the official report,
and it would be rash to draw any conclusion from it. In reflecting on the New
Mexican data, it is well to hold in mind the less flattering ones from Georgia.
U.S.A.
 U.S.A. NEGROES
Nort hern
States
20-

0)
O)
(Q
^>
c
u
40
0)
a
Southe r n
1 States

20-

0-

D- C- C+ B
78 The relative cognitive abilities of Negro recruits to
the American Army from northern and southern states
during the First World War, as assessed by the 'alpha'
test. For further particulars see text, and legend to Fig. 77

Diagram drawn from the data of Yerkes. 1 11641

Since, as we have no doubt that formal education must

seen, there can be
affect the scores obtained in the alpha test, and since it
was easier to provide
urbanized northern states than in the more rural
good education in the largely
south, it might naturally suggest itself to an investigator that the best plan
would be to compare Europid with Negro in a northern state and Europid with
Negro in a southern state. I have followed Klineberg in choosing Ohio and
in the
Mississippi for the purpose of this comparison. The scores obtained
alpha test are given by Yerkes in tables 200 and 248 of his report. The exact
478 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

medians cannot be quoted, since the marks obtained by each recruit are not
printed separately, but a close approximation can be given.
It will be helpful to

the reader to mention that rating C (supposed to represent average 'intelli-

gence') extends from 45 to 74 marks. The comparison given here deserves
study.
Median marks fell
State Testees within these ranges
Ohio Europids 65-69
"
Negroes 45-49
Mississippi Europids 40-44
Negroes 10-14

The from Ohio and Mississippi are shown diagram-

letter ratings for recruits
matically in Figs. 79 and 80. In studying the marks and letter ratings it is
important to bear in mind that I have used these two states in the table and
figures simply because Klineberg chose them to show Negroes at their best and
Europids at their worst, in northern and southern states respectively.

OH 10

0)

c
0)
u
0)
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 479

Against all expectation, the superiority of the Europids became more evident
when beta marks were taken into consideration. The statisticians employed by
the Army worked out a method for integrating the results of the alpha and beta
tests into a combined mark. When this method was applied to the four northern
states chosen by Klineberg as those in which the Negroes did best and the four

MISSISSIPPI

Europid s

20

(A
0) 60

c
«
u
0)
Q.

40

20-
Neg roes

D- D C- C+ B
80 The of Europid and Negro
relative cognitive abilities
recruits to the American Army from Mississippi during
the First World War, as assessed by the 'alpha test. For '

further particulars see text, and legend to Fig. 77

Diagram drawn from the data of Yerkes. 1 1 164|
480 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

chosen by him as the southern ones in which the Europids did worst, the
following results were obtained :[i4|
Mean marks on 'combined scale'
(alpha and beta combined)
Southern Negroes 9-9
Northern Negroes 12
Southern Europids 12-7
Northern Europids 14 1

It thus transpired, when the fullest information was brought to bear, that the

Europids of the four states in which they did worst surpassed the Negroes of
the four states in which the latter did best. Alper and Boring|i4| attribute this
result to the 'educational disadvantages' of the Negroes, but almost everyone
who examines the details of the alpha and beta tests is likely to pronounce the
latter as less dependent on what is taught at schools than the alpha.
In the controversy over the Army tests, the suggestion was made that the
Negroes who migrated northwards from their main centre in the southern
states might tend to be those who were more active mentally than the ones who
stayed behind. The migrants to the north, or their descendants who inherited
their mental qualities, would then tend to do better in the tests set by the Ar-
my's psychologists. This hypothesis of 'selective migration' is certainly plausi-
ble, but it was attacked in various publications, and Professor Klineberg
devoted a whole book to the subject.15951 He produced evidence that those
Negro children who had arrived recently in the north were not mentally
superior to those of the same age and sex who had remained in the south. The
most striking piece of evidence in his book comes from a study of twelve-year-
old girls in northern schools, subjected to the National Intelligence Test. When
their marks were plotted against their length of residence in the north, the
graph (on p. 30 of his book) showed a remarkably consistent rise with the
passage of years in the more favourable environment. It must be remarked,
however, that the marks scored by twelve-year-old boys in a similar experiment
were much less consistent. One does not know how it happened that the group
of boys who had been only one or two years in the north scored nearly as
many marks, on average, as those who had been born in the north. Still, most
of the evidence quoted in his book supports his opinion that selective migration
does not account for the facts. It is noteworthy, however, that results obtained
from non-verbal tests, which tend to be much more culture-free than the ones
on which he relies, do not support his views nearly so effectively. 'It should be
added', as he remarks in another book, 'that with the performance tests this
result is not so clear, and that the environmental effect appears largely to be
restricted, as far as these studies go, to tests with a definite linguistic
component.'l596]
Professor Klineberg's arguments against the hypothesis of selective migra-
tion have been disputed by Professor Henry E. Garrett,l384i who has examined
the original data on which the former's account is based. He points out certain
significant omissions by Klineberg, and draws attention also to a slip, by which
too high a figure for average IQ was attributed to a group of Negro children
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 481

resident inLos Angeles. It has also been pointed out, by an informant present
in Los Angeles at the time of the test, that the children in question were the
offspring of highly selected Negro parents. 18371 Klineberg's writings on this
subject should nevertheless be seriously considered by anyone who wishes to
reach a balanced opinion on the possibility that some of the results of the Ar-
my's test may have been due to selective migration.
The whole subject has been reviewed in considerable detail by Professor
Audrey M. Shuey.19661 The evidence indicates that in more modern times
northern and southern Negro children have differed less in cognitive ability
than did recruits from the two regions in the First World War. From the results
of many different tests she puts the average difference between them at seven
IQ points, in favour of the northern. It happens, however, that a considerable
number of southern-born Negro children live in the north and attend the same
schools as their northern-born counterparts. When these two lots of children
are subjected to cognition tests, it is found that the northern-born testees sur-
pass the southern-born by only three or four IQ points, instead of seven. Shuey
draws the conclusion that roughly one-half of the difference in IQ between
northern and southern Negro children is to be attributed to environmental
differences, and the rest to selective migration by their parents.
In discussions on the differences between the performance of Negroes in
northern and southern states, one relevant circumstance seems to have been
overlooked. On four occasions on which censuses were made in the U.S.A.
during the second half of the nineteenth century, the mulattoes* were counted
separately. It was found that where the proportion of Negroes to Europids was
lowest, the proportion of mulattoes to 'total Negroes' was highest. In 1890,
mulattoes constituted only 14% of the Negro population of Kentucky,
Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Oklahoma, and Texas, while in the
New England states they amounted to 32-7%.lioi51 One cannot be sure
whether similar figures would have been obtained if a similar enumeration had
been carried out at the time of the test made by the American Army; but it
seems probable that differences in the amount of hybridity may have affected
the results. (See Chapter 13, pp. 229-30.)
What are the main conclusions, then, that must be drawn from the Yerkes
report and the resulting controversy? The most important appear to be these.
Foremost of all, every effort should be made to avoid the selection of data that
will tend towards a particular conclusion. When, in a huge and diverse country,
it is desired to compare two groups of persons (Europids and Negroes in this

case) by means of tests that make no claim to be culture-free, it is only fair to

institute comparisons in regions where the environment, in the widest sense, is
roughly the same (mainly rural, for instance, or largely urban). In many parts
of the U.S.A., at the time of the Army's investigation, the education of Negroes
was probably less good than that of Europids. This may indeed have affected
the responses to those particular questions, in a few of the items, that were
related to scholastic studies; but it seems difficult to suppose that this can ac-
count for the general tendency everywhere for the Europids, on average, to sur-
* It would appear that in these censuses the word 'mulattoes' was used loosely to mean

Negroes whose appearance gave clear indication of a Europid element in their ancestry.
482 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

pass the Negroes (though it must never be forgotten that there was con-
siderable overlap in the results). Finally, the Negro recruits from the four
northern states, selected as being those from which the Negro recruits did best
in the tests, didnot surpass the Europid recruits from the four southern states,
selected as being those from which the Europid recruits did worst; the reverse
was shown to be the case, when the results of both alpha and beta tests were
taken into consideration.

The of the three investigations dating from the second decade of the cen-
last
tury ischosen because it illustrates particularly well a trap into which students
of the ethnic problem have fallen from time to time, from those early days of
cognition testing onwards. In several respects Sunne's experiment|i030l was
admirably designed. She took precautions to ensure that the Europid and
Negro testees were as comparable as possible. All of them were English-
speaking children who lived in New Orleans, and all of them were subjected to
several tests (Binet, Yerkes Point Scale, and others). All the Europid children
attended a school situated in one of the very poorest districts in the city, and
the schools for Negroes were in the same district. This was arranged in order
that the environmental conditions at home and at school should be as nearly as
possible the same. All the Europid children in grades II to V were used as
testees; there was no selection among them. So far, so good. But here error
stepped in. The Negro children were deliberately selected as being those boys
and girls who were 'of as nearly the same age and grade as possible' (her
italics) as the Europid children. In other words, the intention was to have a set
of Negro children who were as similar to the Europids in school advancement,
age for age, as possible. Now advancement in schools is obviously dependent
to a considerable extent on cognitive ability. The proper selection would have
been by age alone; grade should not have been considered. It would only have
been one step further than Sunne went if a group of Europid boys and girls
had been matched as exactly as possible with a group of Negro boys and girls
of the same chronological and mental ages. In that case the IQs of Europids
and Negrids would have been found to be the same —
not surprisingly! The real
differences between the races could not be disclosed in full by Sunne's method.
Actually, on the average of Sunne's tests, the Negro children were somewhat
retarded in relation to the Europid; but the method of comparison concealed
the extent of the real difference between the races.
A seemingly inexplicable fact about Sunne's experiment is that all the 122 Europid
boys and girls were in grades II to V, while among the 126 Negro children there were
ten from grades VI and VII.

LATER STUDIES OF NORTH AMERICAN NEGROES

The cognitive ability of North American Negroes has been considered in many
reviews published from the early days of psychometry onwards. Ferguson
himself, in the introductory part of his long paper, mentions the earliest use of
Binet's test in an attempt to compare Negroes with Europids in respect of this
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 483

ability. (3271 R. S. Woodworth of Columbia University published a brief survey

of the subject shortly after Ferguson's paper appeared, and reported on the
latter's investigation in the course of it.|ii55l In some of the reviews all aspects
of mental differences between races are considered in a very general way,
without special emphasis on cognitive ability. This applies, for instance, to
Garth's review in 1931,13891 Tyler's (2nd edition) in 1 956,1 i077i and Dreger and
Miller's in 1960.12781 These three authors agree that North American Negroes
show less cognitive ability, on average, than the Europids of the same country,
and they attribute this, with varying emphasis, to environmental differences.
Garth presents his case rather dogmatically. 'It is useless', he remarks, 'to
speak of the worthlessness of so-called "inferior peoples" when their worth
has never been established by a fair test;'l389l but he does not tell us who speaks
of worthlessness, nor does he bring evidence that would prove all tests unfair.
Dreger and Miller also blame the tests for the results. According to them,
Negro children behave in the circumstances of everyday life in the way
expected of Europid children whose IQs are 10 points higher; and these
authors thus seem to imply that subjective impressions are more reliable than
the results of mental tests. Indeed, they even seem to deny that it is worth while
to try to improve the methods of testing. 'The search for a culture-free test',
they announce, 'is illusory. '[2781 Tyler presents her case with moderation and
carefully reasoned argument.! i077l She mentions the remarkable fact, contrary

though it is to the main tenor of her opinion, that in Kent County, Ontario,
where the socio-economic status of Negro and Europid was more nearly com-
parable than anywhere else in the country and racial discrimination was at a
minimum, the Europids were found to surpass the Negroes by an average of 15
to 19 IQ points on all tests, verbal and non-verbal. Everyone can profit from a
study of this fair-minded presentation of a difficult problem, written by an
author who inclines to the environmentalist interpretation.
In there appeared a work by Professor Audrey M. Shuey of
1958
Randolph-Macon Woman's College which differed from other reviews of the
subject in being almost entirely confined to the results of cognition tests (in the
wide sense of the term; some tests falling into this category include one or two
items that are not strictly cognitive in scope). Shuey's book, entitled The testing
of Negro intelligence,\965\ was more comprehensive and systematic than any
that had appeared previously on this subject. Dreger and Millerl278l found it
'polemic'; but it seems that these authors employ the adjective in an unusual
sense, for the book is not aggressively controversial, nor is there any offensive
personal attack on those who hold opinions differing from those of the author.
The results of a very large number of tests are set out in a standardized tabular
form and critically discussed.
Eight years later, in 1966, Shuey published a new and greatly enlarged edi-
tion of her book. [9661 This monumental work cannot be overlooked by anyone
interested in the subject. She deals separately with the various types of persons
that constitute North American society: young children, schoolchildren, high
school and college students, the armed forces in both World Wars, veterans
and other adult civilians, gifted and retarded persons, delinquents, and
criminals. In each category Negroes are compared with Europids. To consider
484 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

the data she presents and the conclusions she draws about each of these
categories would occupy too large a space for accommodation in the present
book, which attempts to cover all aspects of the ethnic problem (except prac-
tical applications). It seems best to concentrate attention mainly upon the part
of her book that deals with schoolchildren, and on results that can be presented
in terms of IQ. The idea of IQ loses part of its significance when the attempt is
made to apply it to adults, despite the ingenuity that has been devoted to this
end; and it is it conveys very much useful information
questionable whether
about children below school age. Schoolchildren seem to be the ideal testees,
not only because 'mental age' (and therefore IQ) has more direct meaning
when applied to them than it has at later stages of life, but also because these
children are readily available in large numbers for tests.
Verbal group-tests will be considered first, because they are easier to ad-
minister than tests of other types and consequently have been used on a much
larger number of testees. Shuey reports on the results of applying these tests to
more than sixty thousand Negro schoolchildren, and also to a large number of
comparable Europids. Eighteen different tests were used by various in-
vestigators. They included such well-known ones as the Kuhlmann-Anderson
and National Intelligence Tests. Not all of them gave results that could be
expressed in terms of IQ, and it is recognized that the IQs given by different
tests do not always exactly coincide; but it was found possible to calculate a
'combined mean IQ' to represent the results of studies by verbal group-tests ad-
ministered to about fifty thousand of the Negro schoolchildren. The mean
figure was 84 0. It will be remembered that IQs are expressed on a scale in
which 100 represents as accurately as possible the mean cognitive ability of a
random sample of the Europid children of the U.S.A. The mean IQ of Negro
schoolchildren in the southern states was 80-6; of those in the intermediate
('Border')and northern states, respectively 89-8 and 89-7. Europid children
were tested as well as Negroes of the studies on which Shuey
in fifty-eight
reports. In fifty-seven of these they obtained higher average marks. Some of the
investigators reported the percentage of Negro children that overlapped the
average score of the Europids. The mean of all the overlaps was 10%.
It does not seem to be possible, from the available data, to distinguish the overlaps

beyond the medians from those beyond the means; but IQs tend to follow closely the
normal curve of frequency distribution, and it is unlikely that the means and medians
were far apart.
Shuey reports on non-verbal group-tests administered by different in-
vestigators to nearly fifteen thousand Negro schoolchildren, and many
Europids as well. The tests were very diverse in character. They included
Raven's Progressive Matrices, the Army 'beta', Davis-Eells Games,
Pintner-Cunningham, Dearborn A, and a dozen others. Over nine thousand of
the Negro testees were subjected to tests that gave results in IQ. The combined
mean IQ, as calculated by Shuey, was 85, but the figures varied considerably in
different parts of the country, from 77 in the northern rural districts to 9 in the
1

intermediate urban. The Europids scored higher average marks than the
Negroes in eighteen of the nineteen investigations in which children of the same
localities were compared. The Progressive Matrices were tried with Negro and
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 485

Europid children aged seven to nine in a population of low socio-economic

grade in a north-eastern city. The mean Negro IQ resulting from this test was
80-5, the Europid 90-8. It may be remembered that this very ingenious culture-
free test involves inductive reasoning and is supposed to be highly loaded for g
(see pp. 450 and 457).
Data are available for nearly ten thousand Negro schoolchildren subjected
to individual tests, including the Stanford-Binets of 1916, 1937, and 1960, and
others almost equally well-known. Fourteen different individual tests are in-
cluded in Shuey's survey. Over seven thousand Negro schoolchildren took tests
that gave results presentable as IQs,and the combined mean IQ of this group
was between 84 and 85. Those in the intermediate urban areas once again did
best, with a combined mean IQ of 90. The southern rural areas did least well in
individual tests, with a combined mean IQ of only 77. The range of combined
mean IQs, which thus extended from 77 to 90, was almost exactly the same as
that which resulted from the non-verbal group-tests. Europid children were in-

cluded in twenty-three of the investigations by individual tests. They were

superior to the Negroes, on average, in twenty-one of these. In the other two
there was equality. In one of these, many of the Europid children came from
homes where English was not spoken, and the testees must therefore have been
at some disadvantage in viva voce tests, even though the language spoken at
school was English.
The fact that verbal group-tests, non-verbal group-tests, and individual tests
all gave the Negro schoolchildren combined mean IQs of 84-85 is one of the

most striking in the whole of Shuey's elaborate analysis.

would be possible to pass in review all the groups of Negroes mentioned
It

on p. 483. but there is no need to do so here. The reader who requires all the
detailed information that Professor Shuey provides should refer to her book,
where it is readily available. It must suffice to say that the results given by tests
on schoolchildren are confirmed by those administered to the other groups; for
there is a general tendency for the Europids to surpass the Negroes in cognition
tests, usually by about the same margin.
In 1966, the year in which Professor Shuey's book was published, there also
appeared a report of a huge investigation of the mental abilities of American
schoolchildfen, carried out in the previous year under the auspices of the
U.S.A. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.l2i61 The book will here
be referred to, for short, as the Coleman Report, though in fact Coleman was
only the first-named in a list of seven authors. Some impression of the
magnitude of this study will be conveyed by the fact that nearly twenty thou-
sand school-teachers were needed to administer the tests in the classrooms of
the nation. The tests (all of them group-tests) were of five kinds, intended to
assess verbal ability, non-verbal ability, reading comprehension, mathematics
achievement, and general information. Coleman and his colleagues considered
that they were testing achievement, and they remarked that the tests 'are not in
any sense "culturally fair"'. The two called mathematics achievement and
general information, and probably also the one called verbal comprehension,
are indeed classifiable as tests of achievement, or (better) of attainment: but the
examples they give of the tests in verbal and non-verbal ability show that these
486 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

clearly fall into the general category of cognition tests. The ability to absorb
and reproduce scholastic learning is not assessable by the items of which they
consist. They seem to have been fair for all who had had the opportunity to
profit from the general experience of school life in the U.S.A. (such as the abili-
ty to read and write), with the reservation that those whose mother-tongue was
not English, or who were bilingual in everyday life, must have been at some dis-
advantage in the verbal tests (cf. p. 490).
In all the schools the tests were administered to children in grades 1, 3, 6, 9,
and 12. It is to be regretted that the testees were classified by school grade,
without consideration of their ages. Two different non-verbal tests were ad-
ministered to those in grade 3; with this exception there was one verbal and one
non-verbal test for each grade. In the report, the results are conveniently set out
in the form of diagrams, showing the outcome of each test by the percentile
method. The median point (50th percentile) is marked in each diagram. All the
children in each classroom took the tests together; but separate diagrams are
used in the report to represent the scores of testees classified into the following
groups: 'Whites' (Europids not hybridized with other races), 'Negroes', 'Orien-
tal Americans' (Mongolids), 'Mexican Americans', and 'Puerto Ricans'. The

two latter groups, consisting of mixed and hybridized peoples, are not further
considered in the present chapter. For the marks gained by the Mongolids and
Indianids in these tests, see pp. 492 and 493 respectively.
The two groups
largest —
Europids and Negroes —
were each divided into
eight subgroups on a regional basis, as follows: Metropolitan (north-east, mid-
west, west, south, and south-west), and Non-metropolitan (north and west,
south, and south-west).
In the tests of both verbal and non-verbal ability, in each of the five school
grades (including both non-verbal tests set to grade 3), the Europids of every
one of the eight regions (including in each case that region in which they did
worst) surpassed in median marks the Negroes of every one of the eight regions
(including that in which they did best). In most cases the median of the
Europids was at about the same figure as the 75th percentile of the Negroes. In
other words, those Negroes who attained the median mark of the Europids sur-
passed about 75% of the Negro group as a whole.

It must not be forgotten that in nearly every relevant investigation a certain

percentage of Negroes goes beyond or 'overlaps' the median of the Europids;

that is to say, they gain a higher mark or higher IQ than do 50% of the
Europids with whom they are compared. Shuey brings together in her book the
available facts bearing on this subject. She reaches the conclusion that the
overlap percentage amounts, on average, to 11%. The extent of the average
overlap appears to have been considerably exaggerated by some authors, as a
result of the repeated citation in the literature of a high figure that was not
based on a sufl!icient number of investigations.
Figures for overlap, taken by themselves, necessarily give incomplete infor-
mation, since most of the overlappers might be bunched near the median. The
variability curve might be markedly 'skew' in this respect, or it might be of nor-
mal shape, but indicate a narrow range (cf. Garrettl385l). One wants to know
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 487

how far the range of cognitive ability extends towards high levels. Several
authors have looked for Negro children of exceptionally high IQ, and the
existence of others has come to light in the course of investigations not primari-
ly directed towards this end.
The earliest large-scale investigation that threw light on this subject was
initiated by Terman, who published his results in 1 purpose was
926.1 1036| His
to discover the children with the highest IQs in certain Californian cities. His
search covered practically the whole of Los Angeles. San Francisco, and
Oakland, most of Berkeley, and part of Alameda. By sending circular letters to
school-teachers he obtained the names of a large number of children regarded
by them as particularly bright, and from these he gradually filtered off the
brightest of all by the administration of a succession of cognition tests. The
final test was the complete Stanford-Binet. All children who achieved IQs of
140 and above by this test were regarded as 'gifted'; to this highly select group
a few others with IQs from 132 upwards were also admitted. The total number
in the gifted group was 643, of whom about 99% were Europids; they had been

chosen from a total of about 168,000. (The Chinese children at their own
schools were not included in the search.) More than two-thirds of the gifted
were in the IQ ranges 140-144, 145-149, and 150-154; a single individual
reached the 200-204 rating.
Since the gifted children represented about 0-38% of the total number from
whom the selection had been made, this may be taken as representing roughly
the figure for the Europid children of the five cities as a whole. In these cities,
Negroes amounted to about 2% of the population, and the number of Negro
children among the total group from whom the selection was made must have
been roughly 2% of 168,000. Of these, only two reached the gifted group,
almost exactly 06%. Thus the percentage of the gifted among the Europid
children was about six times higher than among the Negroes. Both of the
Negro children in the gifted group are described by Terman as 'part white'.
Their positions in the IQ scale are not recorded.
Since Terman made his investigation, many studies of the same subject have
been carried out in various parts of North America. They have involved
altogether a much larger number of Negro children (though fewer Europids).
Shuey's analysis of the results reveals a higher proportion of gifted children in
both groups. 19661 The figures suggest that the percentage of gifted individuals is
about eight times higher among the Europids than among the Negroes.
A certain number of Negro schoolchildren attain very high IQs. The most
celebrated case is that of a girl* aged nine years and four months, reported on
in 1935 by Witty and Jenkins, of Northwestern University in Illinois.lii44i This
remarkable child, referred to as 'B' and described by the authors as 'one of the
most precocious and promising children in America', attained the astonishing
IQs of 200 by Stanford-Binet, 180 by Otis S.A. (Intermediate, Form A), 185
by Army alpha (1925 revision), and 170 by McCall Multimental. Her achieve-
ment on performance tests was good but not outstanding. 'B' was stated by her
* In his recent book. Race, intelligence and education. Professor H. J. Eysenck lays stress on
the fact that Negro girls and women are more successful, on average, in both cognition and at-
tainment tests than Negro boys and men. I3i9i
488 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

mother to be 'of pure Negro stock'. Her mother was a school-teacher, her
father a graduate of a College of Applied Science. Witty and Jenkins attribute
her ability 'to a fortunate biological inheritance plus a fairly good opportunity
for development'.
Jenkins followed up the study of gifted Negroes in later years by searching
for all published accounts of Negroes with IQs of 130 and above. In the course
of this study, pubHshed in 1948, he found records of eighteen Negro children
who surpassed IQ 160 on the Stanford-Binet test; seven of the eighteen went
beyond 170, four beyond 180, and one (presumably 'B', though this is not
stated) attained 200.15491 Two of these talented children had completed their
high-school studies and been enrolled as university students at the age of thir-
teen. Unfortunately Jenkins makes no mention in this paper of the degrees of
hybridity, if any, among the highly gifted Negroes.
Cases such as these must necessarily influence our outlook on the ethnic
problem, but, as Jenkins says, their incidence is 'much lower' among Negroes
than among Europids. Without committing himself to a definite opinion, he
suggests that the lower proportion of highly gifted Negroes may be due to
differences of environment.

It does not appear that any very precise information is yet available that

would make it possible to list with confidence those special factors of cognitive
ability in which Negroes are strongest and weakest. The lack of exact
knowledge on this subject is probably due to the fact that many investigators
prefer to use tests, such as the Stanford-Binet, that are not selective for any
particular factor, but give reliable assessments of cognitive ability as a whole.
The individual items of such tests are more selective, but separate reports on
the reponses to each are not usually published. One has little more to guide one
than the general impressions of those who have mentioned the subject in their
writings. In general, Negroes do not shine in tests that are culture-fair or claim
to be culture-free, and they do better in verbal than in non-verbal ones. Indeed,
there seems to be rather general agreement that they show considerable verbal
facility, and their capacity for rote memory is high; but they seem to be weak in
reasoning and abstract thought in general, in numerical calculation, and in
conceptual memory (cf. Jensen,[55il Peterson,l838l Pintner.18441 Shuey,l966l
Tyler,! 10771 and Yerkeslii64i).

The influence of the environment on the results of cognition tests has already
been discussed in a general way (see pp. 447-9, 459, 469-70, and 483),
but a few words must be added here about the special case of the North
American Negroes, since so much has been written about it. It scarcely needs
to be said that the environmental differences between Negro and Europid in
North America are very small in comparison with those that separate peoples
living at primitive cultural levels in remote regions of the world from the in-
habitants of highly civilized countries. Nevertheless, some students of the sub-
ject do emphasize strongly the North America;
differences that actually exist in
and when faced with evidence that efforts are made in cognition testing to
avoid error arising from these diflferences, they sometimes fall back on
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 489

arguments that seem rather to evade the issue than to attack it by the sugges-
tion of new techniques. Professor J. F. Crow of Wisconsin University, for in-
stance, allows that efforts to eliminate environmental effects are in fact made,
and that the average IQs of Negroes nevertheless remain lower than those of
Europids; but he considers it arguable 'that being black or white in our
[American] society changes one or more aspects of the environment so impor-
tantly as to account for the difference'. 2331
1

Dr. F. C. McGurk has made a special study of what he calls 'the culture
hypothesis'. In his general review of itl724l he claims that despite the marked
improvement in the cultural environment and social status of American
Negroes since the time of the First World War, their 'overlap' figures have
remained more or less constant. It would be interesting to see all the available
facts relating to this matter re-analysed in terms of median IQs.
McGurk carried out a rather elaborate experiment to find out how the
cultural environment of the home affects responses to a cognition test.1723. 7241
The testees were High School students, 213 of them Negroes and the same
number Europids. Each Negro was 'matched' as exactly as possible with a
Europid by consideration of his age and of a wide variety of social and
economic factors, including the school he attended and the curriculum he
followed. The intention was that the members of each of the 213 pairs should
resemble one another as closely as possible in the environment to which they
had been subjected. The test included a wide variety of questions. A group of
78 psychologists was employed to study all the questions in the test and to pick
out from among them those that were 'cultural' (i.e. dependent on cultural
experience) and those that were 'noncultural'. The Europids surpassed the
Negroes easily on the non-cultural questions, but by a smaller margin on the
cultural ones.
Closer analysis of the results revealed a still more striking fact. A group of
almost exactly one-quarter of all the Negroes, consisting of those who were
judged 'lowest' in socio-economic status, and their matched Europid counter-
parts, were considered separately. It was found that in this selected group the
Europids again did better than the Negroes on the non-cultural questions, by a
significant margin; but on the cultural ones the Negroes surpassed the
Europids (though the difference was not statistically significant).
Several independent investigators, including McGurk, 1723, 7241 have studied
the differences in IQ attained by Negro children belonging to different socio-
economic classes. Shuey has reviewed the evidence on this subject. 19661 She
finds that those in the 'high' class have tended, in general, to attain an IQ rating
much lower than that of Europids of the same class; lower, in fact, by no less
than 20-3 IQ points, on average. This difference is considerably greater than
that which distinguishes the average Negro schoolchild from his or her
counterpart in the Europid population of the U.S.A. (about 15 or 16 IQ points).
The Negro children of the 'high' socio-economic class have shown a mean IQ
2-6 points below that of the Europids of the 'lower' and 'lowest' socio-
economic classes. Yet the latter must almost inevitably have experienced a less
favourable environment, from the general cultural point of view, than the
Negro children of the 'high' class. The reader is referred to Shuey's book for
490 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

suggestions as to the causes that may have resulted in the low IQs attained by
Negro children of the 'high' class.
All such experiments suggest that the cultural environment of the home is
not so important in determining success in cognition tests as some writers on
the subject have supposed. This, however, should not surprise us unduly. From
the time of Binet onwards, and increasingly so in more modern times, designers
of the best tests have tried to avoid, so far as possible, the setting of items in-
volving knowledge that is not widely available to the testees who would be like
ly to attempt them. The intention has been to assess cognitive ability, not
special knowledge.

MONGOLIDS
Most of the Chinese and Japanese immigrants to North America have
presumably been Sinids, Palaemongolids, and hybrids between these. The
physical characters of some of the Mongolid subraces are briefly described in
Appendix 1 (pp. 537-9).
The Mongolids who have been tested in North America have mostly been
bilingual children, speaking their immigrant parents' language at home and
English at school. Bilingual persons are thought to be at a disadvantage in ver-
bal cognition tests. Indeed, this is held to account for the low IQs often

assigned to the offspring of Portuguese and Italian immigrants to North

America.
Kwoh Tsuen Yeung appears to have been the first person to administer a
terms of IQ, to Mongolid children resi-
reliable cognition test, giving results in
dent in North America. He reported his finding-s in 1921.lii66l The testees were
109 Chinese of both sexes, aged five to fourteen, all born in America and living
in San Francisco or its vicinity. Their parents had come principally from the
region of Canton. This is in the part of China inhabited principally by
Palaemongolids (or Chukiangids, as Liu calls them[675l). Most of the children's
fathers were laundry-workers or ranchers. The children attended public schools
and received the same education (in English) as the Europids. but at home they
spoke their mother-tongue and retained all the ancestral customs of their peo-
ple. They were tested by the Stanford-Binet, with omission of the vocabulary
item. The median IQ of the whole group was 97, and the mode fell in the range
96-105; one child attained an unspecified IQ in the range 136-145.
Although Yeung's experiment was maae at such an early date and on such a
small scale, the result it gave is representative of nearly all that have succeeded
it. The fact is that the IQs of Mongolid children in North America are generally

found to be about the same as those of Europids, though in some cases their
bilingual habit depresses their marks in those items in which verbal proficiency
is particularly important. In non-verbal tests they often surpass the Europids.

A few more examples will be given, to confirm this statement. The general
tendency towards a single conclusion makes it unnecessary to quote a large
number. The contrast with the Negroes is striking.
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 491

T. Fukuda, of Northwestern University, carried out a small study of Japanese

children in Denver, Colorado. 137 ii They comprised all the forty-three Japanese children
aged three to twelve, of both sexes, who were available in the city; thus they were an
unselected group. Their parents were all immigrants and belonged to various socio-

economic classes. The children spoke Japanese at home but English at school. Like
Yeung, Fukuda used the Stanford-Binet test. He omitted the vocabulary item and one
other that required fluency in English, but provided suitable alternatives for these. The
median IQ of the whole group was found to be 95; of those of the children who
attended public schools, 97. One girl aged ten years and two months, who had been
born in Japan, attained an IQ of 143.
The two studies that have been briefly recorded above were made on small
numbers of children. A much larger investigation, planned by Professor P.
Sandiford of Toronto University, was carried out by Miss Ruby Kerr on an
unselected group of 276 Japanese and 224 Chinese boys and girls attending
public elementary schools in Vancouver. The Pintner-Paterson Performance
Test was used, and the home-language difficulty thus avoided. The median IQ
of the Japanese (sexes not treated separately) was 1 14-2; of the Chinese 107-4.
No fewer than 80% of the total Japanese group and more than 71% of the
Chinese equalled or exceeded the median score of the Europid children of the
vicinity, with whom they were compared. Sandiford concluded that the
Japanese were 'the most intelligent racial group resident in British Columbia
with the Chinese a more doubtful second'. He obviously uses the word
'intelligent' in the sense usual in the literature of psychometry, to mean superior
in cognitive ability. He attributes the superiority of the Japanese to differential
migration ('selection'), but does not support this surmise by factual
evidence.1928, 927]
Four methods of scoring the Pintner-Paterson Performance Test are
different
recognized, and the results they give differ tosome extent. Miss Kerr used the 'year
scale' method, and her figures for mental age (and thus IQ) were derived from this. In

reporting the results obtained, Sandiford states that the year-scale method gives
'substantially accurate' results, 'a trifle higher than the true values'. There cannot be
much discrepancy, since this has been shown to give a correlation coefficient of 81
with 'Binet' (? Stanford-Binet).l9281
An extensive investigation of Japanese children was made by a group under
the direction of Terman. and reported in great detail by M. L. Darsie. I249| The
testees covered by the main part of the report were 570 unselected children aged ten to
fifteen, attending schools in the cities and towns of California. They were fluent in

English, but their parents almost without exception spoke Japanese in their homes. The
tests used were the complete Stanford-Binet and the Army beta. By good fortune the

original standardization of both these tests had been carried out on urban Europid
children of the same state. The median IQ of the Europid children, by Stanford-Binet,
was 99-5; of the whole Japanese group aged ten to fifteen, 89-5. Many of the older
Japanese children had left their schools, and it was felt that the older ones who
remained behind were somewhat unrepresentative. The median IQ of the ones aged ten
to thirteen was approximately 91. One of the most significant parts of Darsie's report is
his analysis of the way in which the Japanese and Europid testees responded to the
separate items in the Stanford-Binet test. The Japanese were found to be inferior in the
492 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

definitely linguistic items. The following table will serve as an example of the difference
between the two sets of testees when faced with an item of this type.

Vocabulary item Percentage of 12 -year-old

at level intended testees who passed in this
for children aged item

Japanese Europid

10 years 37 100
12 years 9 65
14 years 2 20
In those items, however, in which the verbal element was small or absent, the
Japanese equalled or surpassed the Europids. For instance, they did better than the
Europids in the induction item, which depends far less on environmental circumstances
than does knowledge of words.
The non-verbal Army beta test was regarded as suitable only for the younger
children. The Japanese testees aged ten and eleven got almost exactly the same mean
scores as their Europid counterparts; at age twelve the Japanese were markedly
superior.
The reader referred to pp. 485-6 for a description of the investigation of the
is

mental abilitiesof American schoolchildren of all races carried out in 1965 un-
der the auspices of the U.S.A. Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare.12161 In verbal ability, in which the Mongolids were necessarily at a dis-
advantage, the median score of the Europids was greater than that of the
Mongolids in all five grades. In non-verbal ability the median scores of the
Mongolids were superior to those of the Europids in three grades (including
both tests set to grade 3), and equal in two; the median scores of the Europids
surpassed those of the Mongolids in two grades.
'Equal' in the preceding paragraph means that the median marks of the Mongolids
fell at approximately the middle range of the seven Europid medians. In grade 12 not

every Europid regional subgroup surpassed the Mongolids in verbal ability (on median
marks); nor, in the same grade, did the latter surpass every Europid regional subgroup
in non-verbal ability.

and non-verbal tests (including both the non-verbal tests set to

In both verbal
the children of grade 3), and in all the five grades, the median marks of the
Mongolids exceeded those of the Negroes, in all the latter's eight regions, by
wide margins in every case. The median score of the Mongolids also exceeded
that of the Indianids in every case.

INDIANIDS
Apart from the Eskimids, there are four rather distinct Indianid subraces in
North America. It is not possible to treat them separately in respect of
cognitive ability, because many of the tests have been administered at schools
that have drawn their pupils of this race from all parts of the United States, and
have thus included members of all four subraces.
The most extensive investigation of the cognitive ability of Indianids has
 RACE AND COGNITIVE ABILITY 493

been that carried out under the auspices of the U.S.A. Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare in 1965 (see pp. 485-6).l2i6l In this study, as in all
other comparable ones that include verbal items, the Indianid schoolchildren
were at a disadvantage in relation to Negroes, since many of them did not
speak English as their mother-tongue, or at any rate not as their only everyday
language; and further, it is thought that their cultural environment was less well
adapted to succcess in the tests than that of the Negroes. Nevertheless, the me-
dian marks of the Indianids exceeded those of the Negroes in all five school
grades (1, 3, 6, 9, 12), in both verbal and non-verbal tests, including both the
non-verbal tests set to children in grade 3.
It must be mentioned and 12 and in the
that in the verbal ability test set to grades 3
non-verbal test set to grade median Indianid marks exceeded the medians attained
1, the
by most but not all of the eight regional subgroups of Negroes.
In none of the five school grades, either in verbal or in non-verbal tests, did
the Indianid median mark reach that of the Mongolids.
In each one of the five grades, in tests of both verbal and non-verbal ability,
the Europids of every one of the eight regions (including that in which they did
worst) surpassed the Indianids in median marks.
In tests of non-verbal ability set to grades 3 (both tests), 9, and 12, the me-
dian marks of the Indianids approached that of the regional group of Europids
that did worst (that is to say, the Non-metropolitan south region in each case).
Although one may make full suflFered by
allowance for the linguistic disadvantage
the Indianids in verbal tests, one can scarcely fail by the low IQs and
to be surprised
marks that have been reported in certain cases, even when competent testers have used
reliable tests. Garth, for instance, administered two different verbal group-tests to three

large groups of Indianids of several different tribes attending United States Indian
Schools, and reported median IQs in the lower 70s and even down to the upper 60s. 13891
As one would expect, they generally do much better in non-verbal tests, but even here
there are exceptions. A pupil of Garth's administered the Pintner Non-Language Test
to a group of 667 Indianid children, and recorded a median IQ of only 71-6. 138^1

Such a low figure as this with a non-verbal test is not characteristic of Indianids.
Jamieson, himself an Indianid, administered the Pintner-Paterson Performance Test to
Iroquois schoolchildren in southern Ontario, and obtained a median IQ of 92 5. With
the Pintner Non-Language (the same test as that by which Garth's pupil had recorded
such a very low IQ with a different set of testees), he found a median IQ of no less than
96-9.15481 It is perhaps significant that all Jamieson's testees in southern Ontario had
some element of Europid ancestry, though few of them had so much as a Europid
parent or grandparent.
There is one particular study of Indianids that merits special consideration,
because it provides one of the best examples of the use of hybridity in attempts
to estimate the eflfect of race on cognitive ability. The investigation in question
was carried out by Hunter and Sommermeir, of the University of Kansas, at an
Indian Institute in that state.15281 The testees were 711 schoolchildren of both
sexes, aged fourteen and over. They had come to the Institute from all over the
U.S.A., and no fewer than sixty-five tribes and fourteen different tribal mixtures
were represented. Nearly two-thirds of them, however, were Europid-Indianid
hybrids. There was in no case any evidence of Negro forbears. By good fortune
494 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

the ancestry of every child has been inscribed in the school records, and it was
thus possible to classify them all in one of the following groups:

1= non-hybrid Indianids
I= all degrees of hybridity below {down to } (the latter fraction indicating
three Indianid and one Europid grandparent)
^= two Indianid and two Europid grandparents
|-=all degrees of hybridity with Europids less than ^ (but the great
majority of the jS had one Indianid and three Europid grandparents)

The symbols and their meanings are taken from Hunter and Sommermeir's paper. A
closely (but not exactly) similar notation has been used in the present book (p. 472) in

describing Ferguson's work on hybridity in Negroes.

The children were subjected to the Otis Group Intelligence Test. The median
marks of the Indianids and hybrids, to the nearest unit, were as follows: I, 67;
I, 78; 91; j, 109. For comparison it must be mentioned that the median
J-,

mark of American Europids aged 15 is 122-6. A positive correlation was found

to exist between the marks scored and the number of months that the testees
had spent at the school, and also between their marks and ages. It was possible,
in the statistical analysis of the results, to make accurate allowance for these
two factors, inworking out the correlation between degree of hybridity and
marks. It was found that there was a correlation of —0-41 between the propor-
tion of Indianid ancestry and the marks obtained.
The authors say, we get a correlation of +0-41 for degree of Indian blood and
'. . .

total score with the factors of age and months of schooling constant.' It is un
questionable that '+0-41' should be '—0-41'. In their own words, 'There is a significant
positive [sic] relation between degree of Indian blood and score, the score falling as

degree of white blood falls.'

The fact that the Otis Test is partly verbal may have played some part in the
result;but of the three items that the testees found most difficult, only one was
verbal. It is noteworthy that the } testees scored considerably higher mean
marks than the I. It is rather difficult to believe that one Europid grandparent,
probably Hving in a remote part of the U.S.A. or perhaps dead, could have had
much influence of an environmental kind on success in verbal items. The
experiment supports the evidence for a genetic difference in cognitive ability
between the Europid and Indianid races.
The evidence suggests on average, to be superior in
that the Indianids tend,
cognitive ability to the Negroes of North America, but inferior to the
Mongolids and Europids of that country.
 26 Racial differences in achievement
I. Introduction

Psychologists often use the word 'intelligence' as a technical term

meaning cognitive ability. Professor E. G. Boring is quoted as saying (perhaps
by definition, is what intelligence tests measure. 271 It
in jest) that intelligence, 1 1

must once again be regretted that the unquestionable value of cognition tests
should be lessened by the attachment of a wrong label to them. The label has
misled the general public as to what it is that they assess. Achievement in the
intellectual fielddoes indeed require cognitive ability, but it requires a great deal
else besides. Intelligence is what is needed, in the wide sense in which that word

is used in ordinary speech.

It may be useful to quote a few definitions of intelligence, to give an impres-

sion of their diversity. Several authors, especially those who wrote in the early
days of cognition testing, adopted an eminently practical attitude. They were
thinking of intelligence as operating in the world of everyday experience,
without much regard for the use of the mind in highly intellectual studies. In his
lastpaper Binet Hsts and discards five definitions, and then tells us 'his favourite
theory' about the meaning of the word. 'Intelligence', he tells us, 'reveals itself
by the best possible adaptation of the individual to his environment.'l94l One
can find in the literature a number of definitions that follow this line: for in-
stance, 'conscious adaptation to new situations', 'the ability to utilize previous
experience in meeting new situations', and 'the ability to act effectively under
given conditions'. William Stern, one of the most prominent German workers
in the field of cognition testing second decade of the century, defined in-
in the
telligence as 'the general ability of an individual to engage his thought con-
sciously on new requirements; it is general mental ability to adapt to new tasks
and conditions of life'.lioioi Other authors stress the practical use of what has
been learnt. A nomenclature committee of the American Psychological Socie-
ty, reporting in the 1920s, suggested alternative definitions: 'ability to learn and
to utilize in new situations knowledge or skill acquired by learning', and 'selec-
tive adaptation through acquired knowledge'.liiisi Others, however, have
looked on the word in quite a different light, regarding it as 'the power of atten-
tion', 'the ability to reason well and to form sound judgements', and 'the ability
to think in abstract terms'. Some psychologists have adopted an almost
despairing attitude towards the attempt to define it. Raven tentatively
suggested 'an individual's innate disposition to modify his conduct in such a
way that he continues to preserve his individuality in a changing environment';
but he doubted whether the word can be said 'to be anything more than a per-
son's ability to do what an examiner thinks is "intelligent" '.18791 Spearman went
496 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

further still. he concluded, 'the truth stands revealed, that the

'In the last act,'
name has no definite meaning at all; it shows itself to be nothing more
really
than a hypostatized word, applied indiscriminately to all sorts of things/19951
One may perhaps wonder what Spearman meant by the word 'hypostatized' in
this connection.
Itseems gradually to have dawned on those who invented what they called
it might be worth while to have a look at what the great
'intelligence tests' that
philosophers of the past had written about the activities of the human mind;
and certain terms that Descartes, Leibnitz, Kant, and others had used began to
appear during the 1920s in the writings of psychometrists.
The influence of Kant eventually became particularly important. In his
Critik der Urtheilskraft he divides the faculties of the mind, taken as a whole,
into three namely, (1) Erkenntnisvenndgen (cognitive faculty), (2)
parts,
Gefiihl der Lust und Unlust
(feeling of pleasure and displeasure), and (3)
Begehrungsvermogen (faculty of desire). 5661 This classification, though well
1

known on the Continent, appears to have been largely overlooked in Great Bri-
tain until introduced by William Hamilton, the Scottish philosopher of the so-
called 'common sense' school, who used it in his lectures on metaphysics to the
undergraduates of Edinburgh University from 1836-7 onwards.
It was Hamilton who brought the word 'cognitive' into common use in
philosophy. The meaning of the term 'Cognitive Faculties' is explained in some
detail in the posthumous edition of his lectures.|464| It will suflRce here to say
that he included under this term self-consciousness, the mental processes by
which external objects are perceived, and the sensations derived from them,
referred to external causes; retention of the information so received and its
passage into the unconscious mind, with capacity for its recall; and what he
called 'the Elaborative Faculty'; that is to say, essentially the ability to syn-
thesize, analyse, and generalize the information received by the mind, and thus
to reason by deduction and induction. These are the principal mental processes
that are assessed by the best-known 'intelligence tests', and it is for this reason
that I have substituted the term 'cognition tests' (p. 438).
Such tests, however, give no indication of the testee's mental faculties that
belong to Kant's second category, which Hamilton called 'The phasnomena of
our FeeHngs, or the phaenomena of Pleasure and Pain'; and it follows that a
person may have high cognitive ability, but little or no feeling for value-
judgements. But even if he has genuine interests in intellectual subjects, he will
achieve nothing if he has not the ability to exert himself. As Binet and Simon
remarked long ago, 'Un intelligent [in their restricted sense of the word) pent
etre tres paresseux.' For success in scholastic studies, as they admitted, 'there
is need for qualities that depend above all on attention, will, character (for in-

stance, a certain docility), a regularity of habits, and especially on continuity of

effort'. 1981 Yet, as Knight remarks in his book Intelligence and intelligence

testing, 'a high degree of intelligence [cognitive ability is meant] is often accom-
panied by a temperamental aversion from continuous work, by a lack of per-
sistence and perseverance'.l599l
Spearman himself, inventor of one of the most ingenious cognition tests
(pp. 449-50) and discoverer of g, recognized the limitations of mental testing
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT I 497

as usually applied. 'Obviously', he wrote, '.

g alone would never make a big
. .

man of any sort. For

measures the cognitive aspect of mental activity. '19951
it

It is arguable, however, that in this remark Spearman undervalues his own discovery

of ^. It would have been better if he had written, 'Obviously cognitive ability alone
. . .

would never make a big man of any sort;' for it would appear that g may indicate
something in addition to cognitive ability. I have not seen nor heard any discussion of
this subject, which appears to warrant study by psychologists and statisticians. Spear-
man did not originally derive his idea of 'general intelligence' or g from the results of
cognition tests, but from data of scholastic attainment in classics. French. English, and
mathematics; and indeed he took sensory functions into consideration. 19931 Scholastic
attainment involves the second and third as well as the first of Kant's three faculties of
the mind.
Most of the methods available for the assessment of the non-cognitive fac-
tors involved in intellectual studies — the 'Feelings' and 'Conative powers', as
Hamilton called them — are not nearly so objective as cognition tests. In psy-
chological literature they are usually referred to as tests of personality or
temperament (though some authors regard the former as a wider term that in-
cludes the latter 12781). Short descriptions of some of these are given in the
textbooks of psychological testing (see especially Anastasi'slisi). They are
useful for throwing light on people's suitability for various occupations. There
is generally no question, however, of grading the testees in order of excellence.

Indeed, in the brief instructions given to those about to answer Thurstone and
Thurstone's Personality schedule,\\05i\ it is stated candidly that this is 'not a
test in any sense because there are no right or wrong answers to any of the
questions'. Persons filling up 'self-report inventories' may even in some cases
have the deliberate intention to deceive, li 81
It seems possible, however, to gain some information about the conative

faculty by objective means. The Pauli test, for instance, does measure the
capacity for sustained mental effort of a particular kind. 18991 It is applicable to
anyone who has even the most rudimentary knowledge of mathematics. The
testee is required to add together as many pairs of single-digit numbers as he
can, during the period of one hour. He must work, from beginning to end of the
test, at his maximum capacity for speed and accuracy. The test no doubt gives

important information for certain purposes, but it may be doubted whether the
results would be closely correlated with the ability to concentrate the mind
mainly on one particular intellectual subject over a period of many months or
years. Charles Darwin 'would say that he had the power of keeping a subject
or question more or less before him for a great many years';l259l and this no
doubt played a large part in his achievement.
What has been said on p. 496 may now be rewritten in the form of a short
definition of intelligence, in the straightforward, everyday sense of that word. It
is the ability to perceive, comprehend, and reason, combined with the capacity

to choose worth-while subjects for study, eagerness to acquire, use, transmit,

and (if possible) add to knowledge and understanding, and the faculty for
sustained effort towards these ends (cf. p. 438). One might say briefly that a
person is intelligent in so far as his cognitive ability and personality tend
towards productiveness through mental activity.
498 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

One of the most obvious effects of intelligence is the ability to succeed in or-
dinary examinations at school or university, or in the similar ones that psy-
chologists call 'achievement tests' but for which the term 'attainment tests' is
preferred here. If all the testees subjected to such tests had experienced the
same environments throughout life, the results would give some indication of
their relative intelligences. In practice, the environments of all the testees have
never been exactly the same; but relevant information bearing on the ethnic
problem may nevertheless be obtained. The reader of Chapter 25 will
remember that an enormous investigation of American schoolchildren was un-
dertaken by the U.S.A. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare in
1965.1216] Two of the subjects of the tests (verbal and non-verbal ability) have
already been considered, because they were essentially cognition tests; but
there were also tests of 'reading comprehension', 'mathematics achievement',
and 'general information', all three of which, with the possible exception of the
first, were attainment tests. The second of these three subjects is the most

significant for study here, because it is the least liable to be affected by home
environment. The great majority of children acquire their knowledge of
mathematics mainly at school, whereas general information depends to a large
extent on parents' conversation and the availability of newspapers at home;
and reading comprehension is affected by the mother-tongue of testees and by
facilities provided at home for reading.
be
It will remembered that in the investigation mentioned in the previous
paragraph, the testees were examined together by group-tests in their
classrooms, but that in the presentation of the results the Europids, Negroes,
Mongolids, and Indianids were treated separately. For statistical purposes
(calculation of median marks, etc.) the United States were divided into eight
regions, and the Europids and Negroes were treated separately in each of these.
The Mongolids and Indianids were not sufficiently numerous for this subdivi-
sion by be considered necessary. The reader who requires fuller in-
territory to
formation about the general plan of the investigation should turn back to
pp. 485-6 to refresh his memory.
The results of the 'mathematics achievement' test deserve study in some
detail. The tests were set in this subject to all children in grades 3, 6, 9, and 12.
convenient to begin by considering the relative attainments of Negroes and
It is

all four grades the median marks of the Indianids

Indianids in this subject. In
exceeded those of the Negroes of all the eight regions (though the Negroes of
iwo of the eight regions came close in grade 6, and so did those of three of the
regions in grade 9).
The median score of the Mongolids exceeded that of the Indianids in all four
grades, generally by wide margins. In fact, in grades 6, 9, and 1 2 the median
mark of the Mongolids almost exactly equalled or surpassed the 75th percentile
of the Indianids; that is to say, those Indianids who attained the median mark of
the Mongolids equalled or surpassed about 75% of the Indianid group as a whole.
Thus the Indianids surpassed the Negroes, and the Mongolids easily sur-
passed the Indianids. The Mongolids and Europids were much more nearly
even. In grades 3 and 6 the median marks of the Europids of all eight regions
did exceed the median marks of the Mongolids, but only by small margins. In
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT I 499

grade 9 and also in grade 12 the median marks of the Mongolids exceeded
those of the Europids of three of the eight regions; the median marks of the
Europids of the remaining five regions exceeded the median marks of the
Mongolids. It would be rash to draw any conclusion about the relative
attainment-potential of Mongolids and Europids from the marks obtained by
members of the two races in this investigation.
It isnot necessary to institute comparisons between pairs of the four races in
all their six possible permutations, as regards their attainments in the
mathematical test, but one more may be mentioned. The Europids of that
region in which they did worst in the test not only scored a higher median mark
than did the Negroes of the region in which the latter did best; they did so
much better than the Negroes that their median mark in the region in which
they did worst exceeded the 75th percentile mark of the Negroes of the region
in which the latter did best. All this applies to the tests in school grades 6, 9,
and 12, and also in grade 3, with this exception. In this lowest of the four
grades the Negroes of the two regions in which they did best scored a mark at
the 75th percentile thai Just surpassed the median mark of the Europids of the
region in which the latter did worst.
In view of the widespread belief that Negroes are at particular disadvantage
in the southern schools of the U.S.A., it is worth remarking that the two regions
in which the Negroes did their best in mathematics at grade 3 were the south
Metropolitan and south-west Non-metropolitan.
The unreliability of cognition tests, taken by themselves, as indicators of
potential intellectual attainment, has been revealed from time to time by in-
vestigations carried out on 'gifted' Europid children. It is appropriate at this
point to mention the results of attainment tests administered to Negroes who
had been shown to be gifted in cognitive ability by tests carried out previously.
Witty and Jenkins, the psychologists who had reported on the remarkable Negro girl
'B' (see pp. 487-8), subsequently made independent studies of Negroes who had

registered high IQs several years earlier. Among eight thousand Negro children in

grades 3-8 in the elementary schools of Chicago, Jenkins had detected 103 having IQs
of 120 and above. Six years later. Witty and Theman traced 84 of these young people
and administered to them attainment tests in English, social studies, mathematics,
science, and understanding of contemporary affairs. ii45l In general, they found their
I

attainment 'by no means' so outstanding as that reported in investigations of other

groups of gifted children; but since some of the latter investigations were carried out on
children with IQs of 140 and above, they finally concentrated their attention on the 24
Negroes who fell into this category. In general, the Negroes do not appear to have en-
up to the early promise suggested by their high cognitive ability revealed at
tirely lived

seem to have surpassed the average attainment of the Europid

the earlier test; but they
population. It must be admitted, however, that the exact standards of comparison do
not appear to be clearly indicated in every part of the report. Jenkins, in his paper 'The
upper limit of ability among American Negroes', reached sirnilar conclusions. He
shows that although the highly gifted Negro child usually goes on to fulfil her or his
early promise, failure is also frequent. 15491

Unfortunately 'B' does not appear to be mentioned in any follow-up report,

but Witty and Theman do record a remarkable accomplishment by one of the
500 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

children recorded in their study. ThisNegro boy graduated from grade 8 at the
age often years and six months, and from the University of Chicago at sixteen;
he went on to receive the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at nineteen. 11451 The
1

authors do not say whether he revealed any evidence of hybrid ancestry.

Theresults of the mathematical attainment test briefly summarized above

(pp. 498-9) are impressive, and it is possible to feel confident that
the whole of the message they convey is attributable to environmental causes.
In particular it seems unlikely that the environment of Indianids in the U.S.A.
is better adapted to attainment in mathematics than that of Negrids.
Nevertheless it remains true that some error might arise from environmental
differences, even with tests in a subject so little affected (in most cases) by
parental influence as mathematics; for the surroundings necessarily have more
influence on the outcome of attainment tests of the usual type, even in this sub-
ject, than on those that assess cognitive ability.

One of the principal achievements of man has been the invention and
development of language. The level of achievement in this respect varies widely
among the different ethnic taxa. One of the most primitive languages that have
been carefully studied is that of the Arunta, an Australid tribe sparsely
scattered over a wide area in central Australia, chiefly southwards from the
Macdonnell Range to the vicinity of Lake Eyre. When their speech was first
recorded in the nineteenth century, there were some two thousand of them, but
their numbers have greatly diminished since then. Those who recorded it were
explorers and missionaries, untrained in the niceties of linguistics; and they
fitted the words into the grammatical scheme of their own European tongues.
A Norwegian linguist. Professor Alf Sommerfelt, who had never visited
Australia, made a detailed study of everything that had been written about this
language and came to certain remarkable conclusions.|990l The primary words
are all of a single syllable, or have an a prefixed, and all are affirmations
expressing actions or states. It follows that they are essentially verbs; but there
isno part of the conjugation of a verb to which they can properly be assigned.
They have been compared to gerunds,13ioi but this would imply that they
resemble nouns, and as Sommerfelt says, 'The Arunta language only
expresses .action and state; the notion of the object does not exist.' Nor is
. .

there any word classifiable as an adjective, for notions of quality are not direct-
ly expressed.
The words here described as primary are the elements formatifs of the rest of
the language, for they are agglutinated together to produce all the remaining

words. All the elements formatifs are words, and are therefore not to be
regarded as prefixes or suffixes.
Only what is concrete is conveyed by the words of the Arunta language;
abstract ideas do not appear to be represented. Even the words that designate
time denote actions. Sommerfelt remarks that 'The absence of abstract ideas
manifests itself especially in numeration;' for the words regarded by travellers
and missionaries as numerals (there are, in fact, only two of fundamental
character, translated by them as 'one' and 'two') are not properly to be so
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT I 501

regarded, in Sommerfelt's opinion. The Arunta, he says, '. . . possesses nothing

that he must necessarily count', and the words translated as numerals 'differ
profoundly' from this category of words. The Arunta has no system of '. . .

names for number'.

Sommerfelt freely admits the perplexity that a European must experience in
trying to grasp the nature of the Arunta language.
It is very difficult for us to understand a system that does not know our
fundamental categories of noun, verb, adjective, and pronoun. ideas are . . .

much less differentiated than in modern languages .... We must therefore

emancipate ourselves from the conventions of the European grammarian
and try to grasp the true character of the system. gestures play a large
. . .

role .... the words are practically incomprehensible if one does not know
the situation in which they have been said.l990l
In the eighteenth century, long before there was any knowledge of so primitive a
language as that of the Arunta, a great thinker had already suggested that the earliest
words to be invented were probably verbs. Adam Smith added to the later editions of
his Theory of moral sentiments some 'Considerations concerning the first formation of
languages'. 19781 In this article he suggests that the earliest words may have been imper-
sonal verbs of the same type as the Latin pluit, ningit, and tonat, which unfortunately
cannot be translated into English without introducing the abstract idea of 'it': '(it)

rains', '(it) snows', '(it) thunders'. From such words as these, in Smith's opinion, there
might arise a general concept of '(it) menaces', associated by usage with a word cor-
responding to the Latin venit ('(it) comes'). Only later in the evolution of language
would a particular object come to be associated with this formerly impersonal verb,
and thus the noun would originate ('the lion comes'). So far as I know, Adam Smith's
anticipation of the type of language spoken by the Arunta and certain other Australid
tribes has not been noticed.
Ifone were asked unexpectedly to name the greatest intellectual achievement
of man and given no time for reflection, one's thoughts might turn first of all
towards the work of some great philosopher or mathematician or scientist, or
one might be inclined to suggest some marvellous modern advance in
technology, such as the placing of a man on the moon; but on less hasty con-
sideration one might perhaps be as likely to argue that the invention of parts of
speech, and especially of the sentence, would qualify for this distinction. This
invention appears to have been made independently in different ethnic taxa,
and there is reason to believe that it must have been a product not of any socie-
ty as a whole, but of its most intelligent members only; for when a language
comes to be dominated by mass media of communication, even in highly
of speech tend to be blurred, the sentence to be cor-
civilized societies, the parts
rupted, and ideas to be vaguely conveyed by the mere apposition of words
without logical connections. Languages are often studied and learnt without
any thought about differences in their potentiality for the precise transfer of in-
formation and ideas from one person to others; and it is relevant to the purpose
of this book to consider which ethnic taxa have evolved the clearest and which
the least clear methods of communication by words. The matter is complicated
by the spread of language from one taxon to another, often with forgetfulness
of its original tongue by a dominated people.
502 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

A language may reveal its and that of those

superiority or inferiority,
members of the taxon who were responsible for and development, not
its origin
only by its grammatical precision but also by the scope of meaning attached to
its words; for this gives clear indication of the inductive capacity of its inven-

tors. Take, for instance, the Akan languages, spoken by a compact group of
Sudanid tribes on the Guinea Coast of West Africa. A student of this language,
P. P. Brown, remarks that it is very rich in words denoting particular objects,
but very poor in those that embrace related ones under a single term.(i47l Thus,
there are five unrelated words for baskets of different kinds, but there is no
word for basket; the idea of classification seems scarcely to exist. There is a
word that can be attached to eat or sleep to make eat- time or sleep- time, and
another that converts them into eat-place and sleep-place: but these two con-
version words are never used for the abstract ideas of time and place. The
language is thus deficient in words involved in reasoning and abstract thought,
but suffices for persons principally interested in objects that can be immediately
perceived by the senses.
In the Akan language the same word is used to mean 'May I go?' 'Can I
go?' 'Shall I go?' 'Must I go?' These ideas, respectively of permission, capabili-
ty, futurity, and necessity, are not logically comprehensible under a single,
wider idea. It must unfortunately be admitted, however, that in the deteriora-
tion of the EngHsh language through the media of mass communication, 'can'
and 'could' are nowadays more and more frequently used to mean 'may' and
'might', and the superiority of English over Akan has thus begun to dwindle in
the few decades since Brown published his article.
As Brown remarks, 'The basis of thought is the seeing of relationships.' and
in this connection he notes the deficiency of Akan in prepositions. i47l Adam I

Smith had written on the significance of the preposition in relation to intellect

long before. 'A preposition denotes a relation, and nothing but a relation,' he
insists. 'But before men could institute a word, which signified a relation, and
nothing but a relation, they must have been able, in some measure, to consider
this relation abstractedly from the related objects .... The invention of such a
word, therefore, must have required a considerable degree of abstraction. '19781
It is indeed true that the full and correct use of this part of speech is a good in-

dication of intelligence in speakers of the Romance and English languages, and

its invention in any language was a notable achievement.
The inadequacy of reasoning power evidenced by the absence of group-names for
genuinely comparable objects (e.g. different kinds of baskets, in Akan) presents itself
also to the zoologist when his studies take him into the society of primitive peoples. In
the northern New Hebrides, for instance, I came across particular individuals who
possessed considerable knowledge of the local fauna, and could name a large number
of different species; but I was unable to obtain group-names for such familiar and ob-
vious taxa as butterflies and beetles.
This is a matter, however, on which the English-speaking world should not pride
itself One repeatedly hears the expression 'animals and birds'. What, then, are
unduly.
animals supposed to be? So far as one can make out, the word is used in common
speech in reference to an entirely heterogeneous sample of animal life (mammals, par-
ticular reptiles. Amphibia, and a random assortment of several invertebrate taxa).
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT I 503

One must ask oneself whether the deficiency of a language is a cause or an

effect. Brown does not commit himself as to whether Akan is deficient because
its speakers' thought has been inadequate, or their thought is deficient because
of the inadequacy of their language. Biesheuvel finds himself faced with the
same problem in his study of Negrids (presumably mainly Kafrids) in South
Africa. 'Racial groups have frequently been stigmatized as of inferior men-
tality', he says, 'because their language habits prevented them from thinking in

the same way ... as Western man.'l85l May it not be that in this passage he
puts the cart before the horse? Languages required to be invented (by gradual
improvement over long periods), and those taxa that included a sufficient
proportion of people possessing high capacity for logical and abstract thought
invented languages suited to their intellectual needs.

It would be absurd to claim any superiority of all Europids over all

Negrids, on the evidence of achievement in the intellectual field; yet it must be
allowed that the contributions of Negrids to the world of learning have, on the
whole, been disappointing, despite all the improvements in facilities for their
education. American Negroes are better known for their mass appeal in public
affairs and popular entertainment than for great achievements in such subjects
as philosophy, mathematics, science, or technology.
Just as in the case of cognition tests, so also in this of intellectual achieve-
ment, the infrequency of notable success by Negroes is often attributed to en-
vironmental causes. It is necessary to hold constantly in mind that the
characters of organisms, including man, are the result of interplay between
genetic and environmental causes, and that in some cases (e.g. eye-colour and
cognitive ability) the former prevails in a wide variety of circumstances.
It will be remembered, too, that evidence bearing on the differences between

races in cognitive ability can be obtained by studies of hybrids (pp. 471-3 and
493-4). We are concerned here not with cognitive ability alone, but with all
three factors of the mind involved in achievement in the intellectual field; and
here again evidence is available from the same source.
From the nineteenth century onwards there have been numerous reports
from Africa that the ruling families are distinguishable from their subjects by
physical characters, and that these suggest a Europid (Aethiopid) element in
their ancestry. To take only one example, Speke remarks that King Rumanika
of Karagwe (west of the Victoria Nyanza) and also his sons 'had fine oval
faces, large eyes, and high noses, denoting the best blood of Abyssinia'. 19961
This was in a region where the bulk of the population was of the ordinary
Kafrid type. Evidence from this source, however, is not of great value in the
absence of conclusive proof that superior intelligence derived from Aethiopid
ancestors had played a part in enabling the founders of such kingdoms to gain
control of native populations. The evidence from hybrids living in the United
States is much more valuable. It certainly appears that hybrids having a par-
ticularly large Europid element in their ancestry have played a dominant role in
the struggle for the advancement of Negroes in American society. This is so,
whether one looks at the first or the seventh and early part of the eighth
decades of the present century.
504 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

Several authors were already calling attention to this matter in the first

decade. H. S. Dickerman summarized the matter shortly and clearly enough in

these words: 'There are full-blooded negroes of ability, but a very large propor-
tion of those one sees in places of responsibility and honor among negroes are
of mixed race. It is so with teachers, ministers, and physicians. '12731 G. S. Hall,
writing in an educational journal in 1905, mentioned eight of the most promi-
nent Negroes of his time and called attention to the fact that neither they, nor a
score of other comparable persons, were typical members of their race.|460l He
mentions that not only quadroons and octoroons, but also those with only one
sixteenth or one thirty-second part of Negro ancestry, or even less, were
regarded as Negroes, without qualification. A. H. Stone, writing a few years
later, made same point: 'Practically all the so-called Negroes of dis-
exactly the
Negroes at all,' he claimed; and in another part of the same
tinction are not real
book, 'There can no longer be a question as to the superior intelligence of the
mulatto over the Negro — of his higher potential capacity. ... the Negro
masses [are] almost invariably led by the mulatto. 'I ioi5l In the same year R. S.
Baker made the same point in a book written to support the Negro cause. 'This
much', he remarked, 'I know from my own observation: most of the leading
men of the race to-day in every line of activity are mulattoes.'isoi Like Hall, he
made a list of them. Several occur in both lists (Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois,
sociologist, leadep of the radical intellectual group working for the Negro
cause; C. W. Chesnutt,* the novelist; H. O. Tanner, a celebrated artist; Booker
T. Washington, educationist). Baker's contribution to the subject is, however,

much more important than Dickerman's, Hall's, or Stone's, for he provides

clear photographs of some of the 'Negroes' he mentions. So far as
morphological characters are concerned, Du Bois shows no indication of
Negrid ancestry, apart from a slightly swollen lower lip; Chesnutt, Tanner, and
Mary Church Terrell (educationist) show no trace whatever. In these persons
there may have been slight darkening of the skin, though the photographs do
not reveal it. Baker says that he met men and women who asserted that they
were Negroes, but whom he could only regard as such 'in defiance of the
evidence of my own senses'. |501
Booker Taliaferro Washington seems by his own account in Up from
slaveryWMO. 11211 to have been the son of a Europid father. R. S. Baker
describes him as a [Link] Photographs show that his lips were not very
thick, t and his ear was large, with large, free lobe.l50. 557. 11201 At the age of
twenty-three or thereabouts he had a 'flowing' moustache.l507i Sir Harry
Johnston, who met him at Tuskegee in 1908, describes him as having 'an odd
look of an Italian about him' and a complexion resembling pale cafe-au-
lait.\55S] The evidence suggests that his father was a man named Tagliaferro,

either born in Italy or of Italian descent, who was an overseer in the slave plan-
tation where Booker Washington was born. 15581 His mother was certainly a
Negress. His most obviously Negrid morphological features were the
somewhat prognathous jaw and 'funnel-shaped' nose (cf. p. 331 and Fig. 60c).
* The spelling of Chesnutt's name varies in different texts.

t Sir Harry Johnston says in one of his books I558ithat Washington's lips were 'Negroid", but
photographs, including one in another book by Johnston himself,i557i contradict this statement.
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT I
505

The case of George Carver is not so clear-cut. It seems to be generally

assumed that he was of purely Negrid stock; and Sir Harry Johnston, who had
had very extensive experience of Negrids in various parts of Africa before he
met him at Tuskegee, describes him in one book as 'an absolute Negro'l557| and
in another as 'a full-blooded Negro\l55i Nevertheless, a photographl507i and

drawingl863l show that he had a strongly projecting nose, large ears with large,
free lobes, and a thick moustache. Indeed, one of his biographers describes him
at the age of thirty-six as having 'handlebar moustaches' and 'the beak of a
nose, rather Semitic, jutting from between deep set eyes\i5n7i
It has already been indicated that the bearing of hybridity on achievement in

the intellectual field could have been presented equally well by examples taken
from the 1960s and early 1970s instead of from the early years of the century.
I have made a small collection of photographs of some of the most dis-
tinguished American Negroes of modern times, which bears this out. Copies of
these could be made available for study by physical anthropologists interested
in the problem.
 27 Racial differences in achievement
II. Civilization

It IS arguable that the clearest evidence of the superiority of a race might be

derived from the ability of its members, or some of them, to create a civiliza-

tion. The difficulty in applying this argument lies in the definition of the crucial
word. There are some, indeed, who claim that civilization cannot be defined,
and others who define it in such a way as to defend narrowly conceived
political ideas. Others, Sommerfelt[99il and Radin|87ii among them, evade the
issue by calling the cultures of even the most primitive societies their
'civilizations'. No one, surely, should be at a loss who has actually lived in an
advanced and also in a primitive society. It is scarcely credible that such a per-
son could not observe differences and express them in words. An attempt at a
definition will be made here. The word 'civilization' will refer throughout to a
particular state of society, not to the process of its creation.

An attempt at a realistic definition of civilization was made nearly a century

ago by the American anthropologist Lewis H. Morgan, who had had wide
practical experience of human societies at different levels of culture. 766] He 1

recognized three grades or 'statuses', to which he gave the names of 'Savagery',

'Barbarism', and 'Civilization'. The first two names are admittedly unfortunate,
for some of the people at the lowest grade (essentially the food-gatherers, who
do not cultivate their sources of nutriment) have not been savage in the or-
dinary sense of the word, except when provoked by intolerable persecution in-
flicted by persons nominally of higher grades; and 'barbarians' is a needlessly
offensive word for people of the intermediate status. Nevertheless the classifica-
tion, apart from the terms used, has its merits.
Morgan assigns people to the intermediate grade if they have started to
make pottery; and they still remain in this grade when they begin to
domesticate animals or to use irrigation in the cultivation of plants. At the most
advanced level of the intermediate status they invent the smelting of iron from
its ores. The crucial separation of civilization from the intermediate status is

placed by Morgan at the invention of the phonetic alphabet and 'the use of
writing in literary composition'. He allows that hieroglyphic writing on stone
may be admitted as an equivalent.
Morgan may have been right in supposing that the use of a script, as op-
posed to a series of pictures representing a succession of events, is the most

salient distinguishing feature of a civilized society. open to anyone to

It is

choose a single feature that seems to him to separate civilized from uncivilized
societies, but it is unlikely that any particular criterion would command wide
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 507

acceptance. seems best to avoid all sophistication in this matter and simply
It

make a of the most obvious features by which societies, commonly

list

regarded as civilized in the everyday sense of the word, are distinguished from
others to which this term is not ordinarily applied. No two persons would make
exactly the same list; but I think it probable that most people would regard a
society as civilized if a considerable majority of the requirements listed below
were satisfied. No society exists or ever has existed in which all the
requirements were satisfactorily fulfilled. In the case of certain extinct cultures,
many of the items on the list cannot help one in reaching a decision, because
there is not enough reliable information. There may be no decipherable script
that gives sufficient information about the daily life and customs of the people.
In such cases one can only be guided by the special excellence or inferiority of
the artifacts that have resisted decay, or by the writings of explorers who
visited the country in question before the culture was changed through external
influence.
It may be suggested, then, that in societies ordinarily regarded as civilized,

the majority of the people comply with most of the following requirements.
1. In the ordinary circumstances of life in public places, they cover the
external genital organs and the greater part of the trunk with clothes. (This is
mentioned first, because the fact of a person's being naked or clothed is usually
his or her most immediately obvious feature.)
2. They keep the body clean and take care to dispose of its waste products.
3. They do not practise severe mutilation or deformation of the body, except
for medical reasons.
4. They have knowledge of building in brick or stone, if the necessary
materials are available in their territory.
5. Many of them live in towns or cities, which are linked by roads.
6. They cultivate food-plants.
7. They domesticate animals and use some of the larger ones for transport
(or have in the past so used them), if suitable species are available.
8. They have a knowledge of the use of metals, if these are available.
9. They
use wheels.
10. exchange property by the use of money.
They
11. order their society by a system of laws, which are enforced in such
They
a way that they ordinarily go about their various concerns in times of peace
without danger of attack or arbitrary arrest.
12. They permit accused persons to defend themselves and to bring
witnesses for their defence.
13. They do not use torture to extract information or for punishment.
14. They do not practise cannibalism.
15. Their religious systems include ethical elements and are not purely or
grossly superstitious.
16. They use a script (not simply a succession of pictures) to communicate
ideas.
17. There is some facility in the abstract use of numbers, without considera-
tion of actual objects (or in other words, at least a start has been made in
mathematics).
508 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

18. A calendar is in use, accurate to within a few days in the year.

19. Arrangements are made for the instruction of the young in intellectual
subjects.
20. There is some appreciation of the fine arts.
21. Knowledge and understanding are valued as ends in themselves.

A few words must be added about items 20 and 2 1 These are overlooked or
.

underrated in societies in which art is vulgarized and nothing valued unless it

serves crudely sensual or materialistic ends. Gobineau's comment on this sub-
ject is worth quoting: '. material well-being has never been anything but an
. .

external appendage of civilization. '|409l Toynbee has suggested that as an

'identification-mark' (but not as a definition), civilization might be equated with
'.. a state of society in which there is a minority of the population, however
.

small, that is free from the task, not merely of producing food, but of engaging
in any other of the economic activities —
e.g. industry and trade'.li063l This
freedom of a minority is indeed relevant to items 20 and 21, but much must de-
pend on the way in which it is used. There have been societies, properly
regarded as uncivilized, in which about one-half of the adult population
possesses the freedom in question (see p. 399).
Item 21 overlaps item 15, in so far as knowledge and understanding prevail
against superstition.
A
few of the requirements (nos. 2, 13, 20) have been met by certain peoples
still of food-gatherers, and several others by those at Morgan's in-
at the stage
termediate status ('Barbarism', as he called it). In seeking to arrive at a judge-
ment, one would bear in mind that some of the items (such as nos. 1 1-14) are
more important than others; and particular excellence in those of them in
which much variation is possible (e.g. nos. 16—18) should be offset against
deficiencies in others. The extremes of variation are to be found in such sub-
jects as mathematics (no. 17). In recent times there have been subraces and
even perhaps whole races in which mathematics may be said to have been non-
existent, while already in the remote past members of certain Europid subraces
had made considerable advances in several major branches of this subject. For
instance, an algebraic equation and its solution are given in an Egyptian
papyrus of about 1550 B.C.,(i79) and this document is said to have been
founded on a much earlier work. [793)
In this chapter we are concerned primarily with the ability of members of
various races to originate civilization. There seems to be little doubt that this
status arose independently more than once in the course of history, and cultural
interchange between one self-civilizing society and another seems to have been
sporadic, and not important in the early stages. The cultures that appear (1) to
qualify as civilized, (2) to have been built up at the start with little or no in-
fluence from any other contemporary civilization, and (3) subsequently to have
given rise to great civilizations in other parts of the world, are the Sumerian (or
Sumero-Akkadian), ancient Egyptian, Helladic-Minoan, Indus Valley, and
Sinic. All other undoubted civilizations appear to have derived, directly or in-
directly, from these, in some cases from more than one of them.
The development of civilization naturally stretched over a very long period
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 509

in each of the societies in which it arose independently or nearly so, and it

would be futile to name a date on which the process could be regarded as

having been brought to completion. Nevertheless, the order in which the five
mentioned arose is more or less clear, and very rough dates
civilizations just
may be suggested. Few would deny that the Sumerian is the earliest civilization
of which we have concrete knowledge, and one would probably not be very far
out if one suggested that it dated from the last half of the fourth millennium
B.C. The Egyptian was a little later, about the turn of the millennium; the
Helladic-Minoan somewhere in the first half of the third, the Indus halfway
through it, and the Sinic considerably later than the others, halfway through
the second millennium B.C. Different authorities would naturally give other
dates, according to their differing criteria of civilization.
A question of fundamental importance for the ethnic problem now arises, to
which everything that has so far been said in this chapter directly leads. To
what races did the peoples belong who originated civilizations? Two chief
sources of information are available for the solution of this problem: the
representations of themselves left for posterity in their works of art, and the
remains of the bodies that they interred in their cemeteries.
It is convenient to begin with the earliest of all civilizations, though the tem-

poral order will not be maintained throughout, for reasons that will become ap-
parent.
The Sumerian civilization is often called the Sumero-Akkadian, but the
Akkadians learnt much from the Sumerians, and we are concerned here with
origins. There is no intention to disparage the Akkadians, for at later stages
they added much to the joint civilization properly termed Sumero-Akkadian.
The Sumerian artists left an abundant supply of images, mostly bas-reliefs in
profile view, intended to represent the two kinds of people that formed the pop-
ulation of the southern parts of Mesopotamia in ancient times. The shaven
heads and faces of the Sumerians stand in sharp contrast to the long-haired
and heavily bearded Akkadians; but in the early period, before the incursion of
Armenids into any part of the region, the physical features of the peoples, as
opposed to their differences in coiffure and clothing, were not very marked. In
their own representations of themselves the Sumerians generally appear with
protruding occiput and extremely receding forehead. The pointed nose projects
strongly forward; it is narrow, with small alae, and straight or slightly convex;
the chin and mouth are small, the lips narrow, the eyes and ears large (Fig.
81, p. 5 10). 1737, 5801 The strong projection of the pointed nose, combined with
the recession and insignificance of the chin, give a curiously birdlike
appearance, which is emphasized when the nose is slightly convex. Almost any
book on Sumerian civilization will provide numerous examples (e.g. Dela-
The figurines are mostly less reliable as
port,l266| Fig. 3; King,l580l Figs. 3-5).
images than the bas-reliefs, because in so many cases the pointed noses have
been blunted accidentally.
There is no known human taxon, past or present, that presents precisely this
form of head and face. The closest approach to it that I have been able to find
anywhere is given by two photographs in which Kurds are seen in profile view.
These are m papers by Chantre|204l (the top left figure in his Plate XIII) and
510 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

von Luschan[685l (Fig. 2 in his Plate XXIV). If one somewhat exaggerates the
features seen in these photographs, one has an approximation to those that the
Sumerian artists were accustomed to provide; but rather a wide variety of
typesis found among the Kurdish population.

8 1 A shell-inlay plaque, to show the Sumerian head

as usually represented in the early period
The site is unknown (possibly Urui<). Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

A considerable proportion of the Kurdish people are fair, with blue eyes. The
colouring of the Sumerians does not appear to be known. The Kurds are
sometimes described as 'Proto-Nordic', but there does not appear to be any
strong reason, based on morphological features, for not attaching them to the
Mediterranid-Orientalid-Nordindid group of taxa. Chantre considered them as
descendants of the Kushites, who seem to have been the main element in the
population of the country round the Persian Gulf in ancient times. 12031
For more reliable information one naturally turns to the bones left behind in
the cemeteries of ancient peoples of this part of the world.
During the last few millennia before Christ, in the periods of the Sumero-
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 511

Akkadian and Indus Valley civilizations, two types of human beings having
different skull forms were very widely distributed in the countries we now call
Iraq, Iran, and Pakistan. It will be convenient to mclude skulls from Iran
in this discussion, although the civilizations with which we are primarily con-
cerned are those of Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley. Every scrap of infor-
mation about the ancient skulls of this whole region is worth using, for the
material is pitifully scarce. It is a sad fact that in searching in the Near East for
every little piece of pottery or other artifact of former times, archaeologists
have sometimes actually thrown away the skeletal remains disclosed in the
course of their excavations.l68il
The British anthropologists Dudley Buxton and Talbot Rice|i77i found both
types of skulls among human remains excavated at the Sumerian palace at
Kish in Mesopotamia, and at a near-by mound. These remains were assigned
to the eighth to fifth centuries B.C. The same or similar two types were found
again by the French anthropologist H. V. Vallois among remains collected at
Sialk, halfway between Tehran and Isfahan, some 415 miles east by north of
Kish, in deposits extending in date from before the beginning of the age of
metals up to the ninth century B.C.I i083l More than a thousand miles east-
south-east from here is Mohenjo-Daro, one of the best-known sites of the Indus
Valley civilization, and here again the same two types of skulls were found by
Col. R. B. S. Sewell and Dr. B. S. Guha of the Zoological Survey of India. 196 1

The civilization of the Indus Valley is often called Chalcolithic', because

copper and bronze had not entirely replaced stone in making certain im-
plements. As Mackay points out, the term used might suggest that the civiliza-
tion was rather primitive, which is very far from being true. The stone im-
plements are ribbon flakes of flint, serving as cheap knives.(694|
The physical anthropologists mentioned above give detailed descriptions of
each skull. The following account is an attempt to give an impression of each of
the two types by compressing the mass of available information into short
statements. Actually there was a considerable amount of variation.
In one type the skull is dolichocranial, or just beyond the borderline to mesocranial;
it is 'well-filled', but rather small. Superciliary ridges are slight, and the glabella
scarcely projects; the forehead does not recede strongly (indeed, it is almost vertical in

specimens regarded as female); the vault is rather high. The pterion is sphenoparietal.
Muscular impressions are not strongly marked. The face is rather long. The zygomatic
arches recede (i.e., the face has no tendency to flatness). The orbits are moderately high.
The nasion is not much depressed; the bony bridge of the nose is narrow and projects
considerably. The nasal aperture falls into the category of mesorrhine; its lower border
is usually (but not always) oxycraspedote. The palate is rather elongated, and there is a
tendency to slight prognathism. The mandible is rather feebly built, but the chin is fair-

ly prominent.
The few was rather low.
available long bones suggest that the stature
The Buxton and Rice say that in
skulls of this type are obviously Europid.
many ways they resemble the Mediterranean; Sewell and Guha say more
definitely, 'This type of skull we consider to represent the true Mediterranean
race' (i.e. the Mediterranid subrace). Vallois assigns it to the type proto-
mediterraneen on the grounds that the structure is coarser than in modern
512 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

Mediterranids, the ridges more marked, and the cranial index slightly lower. It

is permissible to describe the skulls of this type as in a broad sense

Mediterranid, with the reservation that Orientalids and Nordindids have very
similar skulls, so that certainty on this point is not easily reached when no
other part of the body is available for comparison.
Such differences as exist between these three subraces reside chiefly in the soft parts
of the body, 13021 and in frequencies of the genes for blood-group 'B' and of the set of
Rhesus factors (cf Schwidetzky(953)). Indeed, the Nordindids were formerly termed die
ostmediterrane RasseMoi] Vallois regards the Orientalids as a subdivision of the
Mediterranids (or, to use his terminology, the race sud-orientale is a sous-race of the
race inediterraneenne): and he says that the Nordindids (race indo-afghane) do not
differ fundamentally from the Mediterranids. (lossi

The skulls of the second type found and Mohenjo-Daro are

at Kish, Sialk,
also described in detail by the authors mentioned above. Once again there is
considerable variation, but it is possible to form an impression of the general
type. An attempt is made in the following paragraph to condense the main
facts into a short statement.
The skull is thick-walled and extremely dolichocranial (hyper- and even in one case
ultradolichocranial), as a result of the exceptionally long extension of the occiput
behind the external auditory meatus. It is 'ill-filled', for the sides rise almost vertically,
and then, as they turn inwards towards the middle line, they are again somewhat
flattened, and there is in some cases a keel-like ridge where they meet (i.e., the skull is
scaphocranial); but the cranial capacity is remarkably high. The glabella and supra-
ciliary ridges are prominent and the forehead recedes behind them; but the cranium

rises to a high vault (i.e., it is hypsicranial). The muscular impressions are strongly in-
dicated, and those of the temporal muscles are situated exceptionally close to the mid-
dle line. The zygomatic arches do not recede quite so much as those of the

Mediterranid type.* The face is rather long, like that of the Mediterranids. The orbits
are high. The nasion is markedly depressed. The bony bridge of the nose resembles that
of the Mediterranids in being narrow, but it projects rather more strongly. The nasal
aperture is mesorrhine or even platyrrhine; its lower border is usually oxycraspedote.
There marked subnasal and some general prognathy, and in correspondence with
is

this the palate is very long. The mandible is robust, with powerful ramus, and the chin
is powerfully developed. The bite is edge-to-edge, not overlapping.
The scanty remains of long bones again suggest rather low stature.
This brief description may be still further summarized by saying that the
skull is in several ways rather primitive, but in strong contrast with this the
cranial capacity is particularly high (higher than in Mediterranids).
A skull of remarkably similar form to
this, with an almost complete skeleton,
was discovered 1909 in a deposit of early Aurignacian age at Combe-
in
Capelle, near Montferrand in the Dordogne, central France. The discoverer
was the enthusiastic archaeologist O. Hauser, who has left a graphic account
of the circumstances in a paper containing excellent photographs and a detailed
description of the skull and the rest of the skeleton by Professor H.

* It has been stated that the founders of the Indus Valley civilization were 'flat-faced'.njJiThis
cannot be substantiated. The term is not applicable to either of the peoples who formed almost
the whole of the population of the Valley, so far as is known.
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 513

Klaatsch.1590] I take the opportunity to suggest the name Combe-Capellid, or

Capellid for short (aurignacensis Hauser in Linnean nomenclature), for people
of this type, who may be regarded as forming a subrace of the Europid race.
It is this type survive to this day in places scattered over
claimed that people of
western Europe and North Africa, and for that reason they have been called 'Eurafri-
can'. This, indeed, is the name applied by Buxton and Rice to the specimens of this
type that were found at Kish, but unfortunately it is subject to strong objections. The
name 'Eurafrican' had previously been used by Sergil959iin an endrely different sense;
and further, it is misleading, because it unintentionally suggests a Negrid element in the
ancestry. Vallois' term 'type hyperdolichocephale proto-iranieri' is too long for general
use.
Sewell and Guha at first placed their Capellid skulls from Mohenjo-Daro in a 'Proto-

Australoid race', (96 1 1 a surprising assignment in view of the very high cranial capacity
(among other features); but later, when he had had the opportunity to examine
Buxton's skulls at Oxford and Keith's at the Royal College of Surgeons, Guha became
convinced that the hyperdolichocranial ones from Mohenjo-Daro were in fact
'Caucasic'1439) or 'Caucasian'; I44ii that is to say, Europid. It was Guha's opinion that
Capellids entered what is now Pakistan during the Neolithic age, and have sur-
vived there and in India. 'Mixed with the long-headed Mediterranean race which con-
stituted the major part of the Indus Valley people in Chalcolithic times,' he writes, 'it

forms today the bulk of the population of the Peninsula and a considerable proportion
of Northern India.' |439| He does not make it clear whether he uses the word 'mixed' to
mean 'interspersed' or 'hybridized'. The latter seems the more probable, for it would
probably be hard to find a typical Capellid among the population of India, Pakistan, or
Bangladesh today.
A few brachycephalic skulls were found at Kish, and were regarded by Buxton and
Rice as probably Armenoid. invi Some were also found at Sialk, though none from the
most ancient deposits. Vallois classified the older brachycephalic skulls as Armenoid,
and provisionally assigned the more recent ones to the Alpine group. iios^i Sewell and
Guha found two brachycephalic skulls at Mohenjo-Daro. They considered that one of
these was Alpinid, while the other showed resemblances to certain Naga skulls. 9^11 It 1

must be allowed, however, that Naga skulls do not by any means conform to a single
type.
'No traces', say Buxton and Rice,[i77i 'have as yet appeared of either
Negroid or East Asiatic [Mongoloid] blood at Kish,' and with the exception of
a single skull at Mohenjo-Daro, mentioned in the preceding paragraph, the
same remark applies to the latter place and to Sialk.
At Kish and Mohenjo-Daro, then, the populations consisted mainly of
Mediterranids (or some closely similar people) and Capellids. The majority of
the skulls from Kish were Capellid,* of those from Mohenjo-Daro
Mediterranid; but there were not enough from either place to justify the
drawing of conclusions about the relative numbers in the populations. The
numbers of Mediterranid and Capellid skulls found at Sialk were almost exact-

* Valioisli083)makes a slip in saying that most of Buxton and Rice's skulls from Kish belonged
to his Groupe dolichocephale II, that is to say to the Mediterranid subrace. The British authors
say clearly that most of their skulls were what they call 'Eurafrican".
514 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

ly equal, but there were also quite a lot of brachycranials at this site, except in
the earliest period.
Since the population of Kish consisted of Sumerians and Akkadians, one is
tempted to pronounce one type of skull as Sumerian and the other as Akka-
dian, though puzzled to decide which is which. Buxton and Rice were
themselves unable to decide whether the two types corresponded to the two
elements in the population, whose dress, coiffure, and language are known from
their monuments to have been so very different. The matter is complicated by
the opinion of Sir Arthur Keith that there were not two types of skulls in an-
cient Mesopotamia, but only one variable type. 15751
Keith's skulls had been excavated by the joint British and American expedi-
tion led by Leonard Woolley.|46il Some of them had been obtained at Ur.
others from the 'later cemetery' at the neighbouring site of Al-'[Link] i57|
There is no positive evidence of the presence of Akkadians at either of these
two places, when the people represented by the skulls were living. Another an-
cient people, the prehistoric makers of painted pottery, had indeed occupied Al-
'Ubaid in earlier times, but there is no indication that any of their remains were
interred in the later cemetery. The archaeological evidence obtained by
Woolley himself led him to conclude that the skulls from Al-'Ubaid studied by
Keith were those of Sumerians belonging to the First to Third Dynasties. In
one of them there was a clay vase, 'of a type that runs through virtually the
whole period covered by the cemetery'; it bore an inscription in Sumerian
characters. Woolley concluded that this evidence alone would suffice to show
that the cemetery belonged to the fully developed Sumerian period. The skulls
from Ur were from a very much later period. Woolley's estimate was between
1900 and 1700 B.C.
Keith regarded all the skulls from Al-'Ubaid and Ur as Sumerian and
assigned them to a single taxon, which he identified as 'Arab' (presumably
Orientalid). Having examined Buxton and Rice's specimens at Oxford, he
maintained the same conclusion about these also. 'I have no doubt', he says,
'that the same race ('Arab'l now occupies the lower plains of the Tigris and
Euphrates that occupied them in ancient times. '|575| He remarks that the
diversity 'is not more than is met with in races Isubracesl of mankind con-
sidered to be pure'; but it is difficult to accept this opinion.
It seems unlikely that one could find any modern Orientalid skull with such extreme

Capellid characters as his No. II skull, shown in his Plates LXIII and LXIV. This skull
has strongly marked glabella and supraciliary ridges, and the occiput projects enor
mously; the cranial wall is seven millimetres thick along the vault and ten at the parietal
eminence. Keith admits his doubt when he makes this remark: 'It is possible that in no
Arab community of today does there exist a group of individuals with such large heads,
big brains, and massive jaws as those whose remains Mr. Woolley recovered at al-
'Ubaid the skulls from that site which he (Keith) studied and described].' Sewell
[i.e.

and Guha place Keith's skulls Nos. I. II. III. IV. and VII (all from Al-'Ubaid) in the
group here termed Capellid. 196 1

A photograph in Keith's Plate LXVI shows that his skull No. VIII (from Al-'Ubaid)
was orygmocraspedote.
There are skulls among those described by Keith that seem to fall into the
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 515

Mediterranid category (in the wide sense of that term), as well as Capellids and in-

termediates. It is not easy to draw and the

a sharp dividing-line in his material,
possibility of hybridization in southern Sumeria cannot be excluded. Vallois found no
intermediates between the types here termed Mediterranid and Capellid in his material
from Sialk.110831
Guha considered it probable that 'the Mediterranean group' were responsible for the
origin of the Indus Valley civilization. |4401 He appears to have based this opinion on the

fact that skulls of this type were more numerous than Capellid ones in the available
material.
What, then, is certain and what possible about the taxonomic position of the
Sumerians and the founders of the Indus Valley civilization? Certainly there is
no evidence of any Mongolid or Negrid element in these Europid people, nor
were they Armenids (though members of the latter taxon played a large part in
the later development of civilization in Babylonia). The people who originated
civilization in Sumeria and the Indus Valley may have been Mediterranid (with
the reservation mentioned on p. 512), or may have belonged to the somewhat
similar Capellid taxon. or may indeed have belonged to both, and may have
included hybrids between the two.
It may be remarked in passing that it would be useful to have a comprehen-

sive name for the Mediterranids and the other peoples that cannot be clearly
distinguished from them by cranial criteria. This might turn out to be a valid
taxon.

The physical anthropologist finds himself confronted with new problems

when he turns from Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley to the territories of the
Helladic-Minoan civilization. He no longer has the support of detailed, skull-
by-skull descriptions, conveniently arranged in large monographs. Instead he
must relymainly on short papers, many of them giving tantalizingly inadequate
information on account of the fragility and incompleteness of the specimens. In
some cases the investigator has actually feared to remove a skull from the
deposit in which it lay lest he should damage it in the process, and has therefore
taken such measurements as he could while it was still only partly exposed. 12921
In many cases no information is available apart from the cranial index; indeed,
from some accounts of the ancient peoples of Crete one might almost suppose
that the task of the physical anthropologist was simply to determine this useful
but very insuflScient guide to taxonomic position. Another difficulty is that
many of the descriptions are not accompanied by information about artifacts
that would make possible the assignment of the human remains to a particular age.
There is not a great deal of trustworthy information about the physical
characters of the 'pre-Greek' people of Greece who founded the Helladic
civilization. These were presumably the 'Pelasgians' of classical Greek
authors;! 1022] but most of the ancient bones that have been found in Greece in
the vicinity of the Helladic civilization cannot be referred with certainty to this
or any other people mentioned in Greek literature.
As an example one may take Virchow's careful report on a considerable number of
ancient skulls, which appear to have been a random lot from various localities. Iii03i It
seems scarcely possible to draw any general conclusions from what he says, except
516 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

that the skulls he studied varied from ultradolichocranial to brachycranial. and that
none of his descriptions fits the Capellid type.

Most of the early students of the subject, Sergi 1958. 9591 and Ripley ho.^i among them,
considered that the country was originally inhabited by people of the 'Mediterranean
race'. One branch of this taxon, called by Sergi the Pelasgi. were thought by him to

have spread across the sea from a pl-ace near the present frontier between Libya and
Egypt, some travelling to southern and eastern Italy, others to Pelasgia itself (Greece
and the country surrounding the Black Sea), and others again to Crete. 19581 Sergi
coined the term 'Ellipsoides pelasgicus'fov a type of skull thought to be characteristic of
this branch of the 'Mediterranean race'. Measurement of his photograph of a skull of

this type, viewed from above, gives a cranial index of about 66 5 (ultradolichocranial).

Both Sergi and Ripley conclude that brachycephalic immigrants subsequent-

ly spread down from the north into Greece (mainly, it seems, from Albania,
during the Christian era). It would not appear that later studies have disproved
this opinion. Even in modern times the proportion of dolichocephalic people
remains highest in the southern parts of Greece, in which the centres of
Helladic civilization were situated.
In the earliest days there seems not to have been very much contact between
Crete and the mainland, and the full influence of the island only began to be felt
in Greece in the Late Helladic phase (from about 550 B.C. onwards).! 10221
1

Our knowledge of the physical characters of the Cretan people in ancient

times is moderately satisfactory, despite the fragility of the bones. Some of the
earliest investigators, including Boyd Dawkins,|264| W. L. H. Duckworth,l292l
and Felix von Luschan,l686l were first-rate anatomists, and they made good use
of such material as they could obtain. Indeed, it is allowed at the present day
that the information collected early in the century, from 1901 onwards, is still
the best available. 153 It is not too much to say that Boyd Dawkins, with only a
1 1

few skulls at his disposal, drew conclusions that have stood the test of time. He
concluded that the early Cretan skulls he examined resembled those of the
dolichocranial pre-Greek people of Attica (that is to say, of the region of the
Helladic civilization); that this was the aboriginal taxon of the Mediterranean
shores and islands; and that the invasion by round-headed peoples occurred
subsequently. 'If this view be accepted,' he says, 'the skulls found by Mr.
Hogarth in Crete belong to the small dark Mediterranean people, the oldest, if
not the only, ethnical element in the Pelasgians of Crete.'|264l Duckworth
studied ancient skulls and modern heads, and noted the change from a high
percentage of dolichocranials (65% among males, 71% females) in ancient
times to a preponderance of brachycephals in the population at the beginning
of the present century. 12921 Writing a couple of years later to add notes on a few
more Early Minoan II and Late Minoan III skulls, Hawes found no reason to
dispute Duckworth's conclusion, though he brought evidence that a few
brachycephals were present in Crete from quite early times. 1479] The general
tendency for change from long-heads in the Middle Minoan to round-heads in
the present century was confirmed by the comprehensive study published by
von Luschan in 1913.16861
The skulls that have been described in detail give no indication that there
was ever any Capellid element in the ancient population of Crete.
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 517

A considerable number of long bones have been found in ancient Cretan

cemeteries, and these give a uniform impression of the small stature of the old
[Link] estimated mean height of adult males in early Minoan I times
was only about 163 cm (5' 4").li067l This supports the evidence derived from
skulls that the people were in fact Mediterranids.
As we have seen (pp. 509-10), the Sumerians' attempts at self-portraiture
were rather crude and unrealistic, and therefore not of much assistance to the
physical anthropologist; but the frescoes left to posterity at the Palace of
Knossos do in fact provide strong confirmation of the evidence from skulls.
There is nothing these charming representations of themselves to contradict
in

the belief that the Minoans were Mediterranids, and there is much to support it.
The profile painting of a young woman, reproduced in monochrome by Arthur
Evans in 1901l3i6| and subsequently nicknamed 'La Parisienne\ would serve
as well as any other single portrait to substantiate this statement; but Sir
Arthur's massive set of volumes on the Palace, amply illustrated in colour as
well as black-and-white, should be studied by anyone who wants to gain a
general impression of how the Minoans saw themselves. [3i7| The most famous
picture of all is that which shows the 'Cup-bearer' (opposite p. 707 in Vol. 2
(Part 2) of his book); but perhaps the most useful to the physical
anthropologist are the numerous frescoes of groups of Minoan women
reproduced in Volume 3.
One rather peculiar feature is worth mentioning. A considerable proportion
(though only a minority) of these women show a slight projection forward of
the tip of the nose. This feature is rather marked in 'La Parisienne'.
Evans himself considered that a particular portrait from the Middle Minoan II
period might represent a priest-king belonging to an Anatolian (presumably Armenid)
ruling caste. 13171 This opinion does not carry conviction. Evans was influenced by what
he regarded as an 'aquiline" nose, but the figure he reproduces (Fig. 2o in Vol. 1) does
not resemble an Armenid. and anyhow the members of this subrace did not possess
noses that could be accurately described as aquiline. Evans provides a few pictures of
persons showing Negrid characters, and suggests that 'partly negroized elements' may
have been brought to Crete as captives.
No one has ever suggested, on evidence either from skulls or pictures, that
any non-Europid people participated in the origin or development of Cretan
civilization.

Contrast between the scarcity of well-preserved ancient skulls from Hellas

and Crete on one hand and their abundance from Egypt on the other is striking
in the extreme. More study has been devoted to the craniology of ancient Egypt
than to that of any other country in the world. |76ii Our knowledge of the skulls
is largely due to the studies of a British anthropologist, G. M. Morant, who

analysed statistically not only the detailed measurements made by his

collaborators on nearly one thousand skulls, but also the data included in every
available publication on ancient Egyptian skulls that dealt with more than
twenty specimens. 76 He thus had at his disposal a mass of detailed
1 1 1

information derived from five thousand skulls in all, covering all major periods
from predynastic to Roman times. In addition, whole skeletons and hair from
518 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY
mummies have been available to many investigators, and very numerous
monuments depict the ancient Egyptians as their artists saw them.
Frompredynastic times onwards a principal part of the population of Egypt appears
to have been composed of a section of the Aethiopid subrace (pp. 225-6), but with this
stock there coexisted for a time an 'Aeneolithic' (Chalcolithic) people that disappeared
before the beginning of the First Dynasty. The skulls of the latter people show that they
were related to the main population, but distinct from it.i76ii Whether they vanished by
extinction or by incorporation is unknown, but since they founded no civilization, they
are not immediately relevant to the subject under discussion here.
In their monuments the dynastic Egyptians represented themselves as having
a long face, pointed chin with scanty beard, a straight or somewhat aquiline
nose, black irises, and a reddish-brown complexion. On the evidence of their
mummies it would appear that the head-hair was curly, wavy, or almost

straight, and very dark brown or black. Facial and body-hair was scanty apart
from the chin of males. The skeletons show that stature was low, and
tuft
the bones are slightand suggest a rather feeble frame. The skulls stand near the
dividing-line between meso- and dolichocranial, with bulging occiput; viewed
from on top they appear coffin-shaped or ovoid; supraciliary ridges are poorly
developed or absent; the forehead is nearly vertical. The cheeks are narrow, the
nose rather broad. The lower jaw is feeble, and the pointed chin confirms the
reliability of their images. There is some tendency towards projection of the
face and jaws (mesognathy) (cf. Smith [98 il).
Sergi, the originator of the idea of a 'Mediterranean race' ('stirpe
mediterraned'X regarded the Aethiopids in general as a part of its 'African
branch'; [9581 and there is general agreement among those who have written on
this subject that the Europid element in the Egyptians from predynastic times
onwards has been primarily Mediterranid, though it is allowed that Orientalid
immigrants from Arabia made a contribution to the stock. [98 1.3021 It is agreed,
too, by the British anatomist Elliot Smith,[98il who worked for many years in
Egypt, and by Morant,[76i| that the Negrid contribution to the Egyptian stock
was a small one. Morant showed that all the sets of ancient Egyptian skulls
that he analysed statistically were distinguishable by each of six criteria from
Negrid skulls (represented by a considerable number of specimens from each of
eight different Kafrid, Palaenegrid, and 'Northern Negro' tribes); and he con-
cluded that the whole of the Negrid contribution (if indeed there were any, for
he would not decide definitely on this point) must have been made in
predynastic times.
Morant's six criteria were all associated with the facial part of the skull. The nasal
height (NH,R)* of the Egyptians was significandy greater, the nasal breadth (NB) less,
and the nasal index (100 NB/NH,R) therefore much less; and the tendency of the
Negrid face towards prognathy resulted in significant differences in the basilar angle
(3-=^), and especially in the profile and nasial angles (P-= and N-^).

Although the inhabitants of Egypt throughout the dynastic period were

similar to one another in many respects, they were differentiated at first into
* The meanings of the symbols given in capital letters in this paragraph are familiar to
students of craniology. They are given here for the sake of precision. For explanations of them
see Morant's paper, ^'
t or better, that by Fawcett and Lee. n : :
1 1 1
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 519

two local forms, one of them occupying the Fayum and parts of the country in
the vicinity of the lower Nile, and the other living far upstream, in the region
called the Thebaid. In anthropological studies the former region is referred to
as 'Lower Egypt', though it does not correspond exactly with the modern
province of that name; the other is called 'Upper Egypt'. The Upper Egyptians
had narrower skulls, and consequently somewhat lower cranial indices (com-
monly about 73-5, in comparison with 75 or rather more among the Lower
Egyptians) and one may condense a very large body of statistical data into a
few words by saying that in all the six criteria by which Egyptian skulls can be
distinguished from Negrid ones, the Upper Egyptian skulls approximated at
first a little more closely towards the Negrid condition than did those from

Lower Egypt. This differentiation did not persist, however. Extremely gradual-
ly, as one dynasty succeeded another, over an immense period, the skulls of the

Upper Egyptians changed, until at last they were scarcely distinguishable from
those of the Lower Egyptians, even by the most refined statistical
techniques. 17611 Morant considers two possible causes of the change: either mis-
cegenation in Upper Egypt on a very large scale, with eventual predominance
of the Lower Egyptian element, or an independent evolutionary change in the
Upper Egyptian population. He does not decide the question, but the former
possibility seems much the more probable of the two. Eickstedt maintained a
third opinion, that the Upper Egyptians were pushed out of the country
towards the south by their relatives from downstream. |302| Whichever
hypothesis is correct, the population of the whole country became almost
homogeneous, with attenuation of the Negrid element. The Fellahin and Copts
of modern Egypt are regarded as scarcely modified descendants of the Egyp-
tians of late dynastic times.

In turning from the origin of the Egyptian to that of the Sinic civilization we
leave behind us what might be regarded as an almost overwhelming mass of
skeletal material to find ourselves faced with a disappointing lack of it. The
Sinids are, however, on the whole, remarkably uniform in physical characters
over huge areas, and there is no reason to think that markedly difierent ethnic
taxa occupied any part of China from the beginnings of civilization to the pre-
sent day.
The Shang Kingdom (about 1500-1100 B.C.) roughly coincided with the
Shansi Province of modern China. An Yang and the other archaeological sites
are situated in the vicinity of the Hwang (Yellow) River. There had been
traditions of an ancient kingdom in this region since very early times, but until
the present century there was no it. Inscribed bones
positive information about
and had been found from time to time since the last year of the
tortoise-shell
nineteenth century, and in 1928 the first expedition was sent by Academia
Sinica to excavate in the vicinity of An Yang. The ancient traditions, which had
been viewed with some scepticism by Chinese scholars, were now amply
confirmed. 65, 3401 Whether, from the available evidence, the Shang culture can
1 1 1

be regarded as fulfilling the requirements of the items listed on pp. 507-8 must
be regarded as uncertain; but there can be scarcely any doubt that the move-
ment towards civilization in China started here. By L. H. Morgan's criterion
520 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

there can be no doubt at all, for the Shang people unquestionably had an actual
script,not mere picture-writing (item 16), and that script was a very archaic
form of the Chinese characters as they have been known ever since. The Shang
people made and cast bronze (item 8), and they domesticated several species of
animals (item 7); glazed pottery has been discovered, almost certainly turned
on the wheel (item 9). It is not known, however, that they built in stone or brick
(item 4);and they appear to have been grossly superstitious (item 15). Inscrip-
tions have been found on more than one hundred thousand fragments of bone
and tortoise-shell, and these appear to be mostly questions put to dead
some cases.|ii651
ancestors, with replies in
The Chou Dynasty replaced the Shang about 1 100 B.C., but the culture and

apparently the people survived; indeed, Fitzgerald regards the Shang culture as
'the direct ancestor, or rather the childhood, of the later Chinese culture'; and
he considers that a considerable proportion of the Chinese people of today are
the posterity of Shang ancestors. I340| In the existing state of knowledge it must
be regarded as probable that the Shang people belonged to the local forms of
Sinids that inhabit the region of the Hwang River today and are called by Liu
the Huanghoids. 16751 Liu says that they are popularly known in China by a
term meaning 'the Northerners', and he claims that they occupy the 'cradle' of
the Chinese people and their culture. (For the physical characters of the
Huanghoids, see Appendix 1, p. 538.)

—
The five civilizations that have been mentioned- the Sumerian, ancient
Egyptian, Indus Valley, Helladic-Minoan, and Sinic —
seem to have been the
only ones that originated independently or nearly independently. One must say
'nearly',because it would appear that no civilization, except the first, originated
in complete independence of any other, unless one regards the Andean and
Middle American cultures as civilizations (pp. 521-5 and Appendix 13,
558-9). In his book East-west passage, Michael Edwardes claims that com-
plete 'idea-systems' do not travel, but only fragments tend to be
transmitted. 12981 Fragments do seem to have reached the Sinic world from
Europe in very early times. For instance, the bronze socketed celt appears to
have spread from Europe across Siberia and reached China during the Chou
period. 13401
It can scarcely be doubted, however, that 'idea-systems' do move about, for

what Toynbeel 10631 calls 'affiliated' and 'satellite' civilizations receive more than
fragments from pre-existing sources. It seems doubtful whether these two types
of civilizations can be sharply distinguished from one another, but it is un-
questionable that certain civilizations owe some of their main characteristics to
others that established themselves earlier, and in this sense they are dependent,
directly or indirectly, on the independent or nearly independent ones. Thus, for
instance, the Hittite was ultimately dependent on the Sumerian (through the
Sumero-Akkadian), the Mycenaean and Hellenic on the Helladic-Minoan, the
Hindu on the Indus Valley, the Japanese on the Sinic, and so on; but each
developed characters of its own. Some civilizations have been dependent on
two or more others. All the great independent and dependent civilizations
developed among Europid and Mongolid peoples.
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 521

The only race other than the Europid and Mongolid in which any close ap-
proximation to civilization ever originated is the Indianid. Two subraces of this
race achieved this distinction, the Andids in western South America and the
Zentralids in Central America. The most obvious physical differences between
these two subraces are briefly described in Appendix 12 (pp. 556-7). These In-
dianid cultures almost certainly originated independently of all the civilizations
of the Old World, although several remarkable similarities do exist (for in-
stance, certain weaving techniques and cire perdue metal-casting in the Andean
culturel 10631). These two Indianid cultures seem also to have originated in-
dependently of one another, though 'fragments" do appear to have made their
way to and fro between them from time to time, despite their wide geographical
separation;! 10821 and there appears to have been sporadic interchange between
theAndean and Polynesian cultures. [64. i68l
In the Andean region and also in Middle America, the conquerors — respec-
tively the Incas and Aztecs —might almost
be said to have been absorbed by
the peoples they subjected; for although, to a varying degree, the rulers im-
posed uniformity on the subject tribes, the latter had already created for
themselves the basis on which the advance towards civilization took place.
L. H. Morgan placed both the Andean and the Middle American cultures in
what he called the 'Middle Status of Barbarism'; that is to say, not even in the
highest category of the intermediate range. He relegated them to this status on
the grounds that they did not know how to smelt iron from its ores, had not in-
vented a phonetic alphabet, and did not use writing in literary composition. 17661
If, however, he had had the knowledge that is available today, it is doubtful

whether he would have allowed deficiency in these elements of culture to weigh

quite so heavily against others in the scale. If the matter be judged by the items
listed on pp. 507-8, one may perhaps claim that in the period before the
Spanish conquest in the 1530s, the Andeans were civilized in ten (nos. 1, 2,
4-8, 14, 19, and 20) and perhaps marginally so in five others (nos. 3, 13, 15,
17, and 18); (cf. Baudin;l64i Burland;[i68l Hemming[486l). In items 11 and 12,
both concerned with the legal system, and item 21, it seems impossible to reach
a firm decision. In three important items (nos. 9, 10. and 16). however, they did
not reach the level of civilization. They had no properly established monetary
system, but relied mainly on barter; they had no knowledge of the use of the
wheel for any purpose; and they had no script. Hemming, in his work on the
Spanish conquest, emphasizes three inventions that they lacked, namely
writing, the wheel, and the true arch, 'three discoveries that we would regard as
fundamental' in deciding whether the usual standard of civilization is
reached; 14861 but the superb craftsmanship of their stonemasons in most
respects surely outweighs one shortcoming. Too much emphasis, however,
may perhaps have been laid by some authors on their quipu, a device con-
sisting of knots and loops arranged on strings in such a way as to record
numbers on a denary* system. The quipu was useful for sending exact

* 'Denary' is used here in preference to 'decimal*, because the latter word is liable to cause
misunderstanding. The statement that a particular tribe or nation uses 'decimal' numeration may
give rise to the impression that fractions of unity are represented by decimal notation, when in
fact the people concerned have no knowledge of this method.
522 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

numerical information from one place to another, as it was light and easily
it could not be used in calculation.! i79l
carried; but
The people of Middle America originally comprised several nations that
shared a basic culture, with local variations. Their achievement was unequal,
but customs that had grown up in one nation tended to spread gradually to
another. Some of them attained a high culture in certain respects. Whether they
are entitled to be classified as civilized will be briefly considered in the light of
evidence from several independent sources. 99. 174. 382. 695. 944. 1043. 10821
1

The Maya, whose territory included what are now Guatemala. British Hon-
duras, the western end of Honduras and of El Salvador, with neighbouring
parts of Mexico, were the first nation to rise to a high cultural level and the na-
tion that eventually rose highest. What has been called their 'meteor-like glory'
was limited to six centuries starting about A.D. 300.M043I Thereafter there was
an unexplained dispersal towards Yucatan and elsewhere, and a marked
decline resulting in an actual collapse of culture before the Spanish conquest in
the second quarter of the sixteenth century. Meanwhile the Aztecs had arrived
in the neighbourhood of what is now Mexico City, had adopted the culture of
the local people, and to a certain extent had dominated those of a considerable
part of what is now southern Mexico. The Aztecs were at the summit of their
cultural advance when Cortes landed in Middle America in 1519.
In mathematics, astronomy, and the calendar (items 17 and 18). the Middle
Americans, especially the Maya, were greatly superior to the Andeans. and in-
deed to the members of every ethnic taxon that has ever existed other than cer-
tain subraces of Europids and Mongolids. The Mayan system of numeration
was vigesimal (i.e. based on the number 20), with the exception that uinal, 20
units, was followed by a set of only 18 numbers, and this stage is numeration
was thus duodevigesimal instead of vigesimal. This irregular step was no doubt
introduced because it was convenient in the construction of the calendar, since
they counted their year as consisting of (20 x 18) 5 days (see Appendix 13,
-1-

pp. 558-9). It is often said loosely that the great virtue of Mayan mathematics
was that they introduced a symbol for zero. This, in itself, is a rather trivial
matter. What is essential is that they invented a 'local value' (or 'place-
notationaP) system of numeration that involved zero; that is to say, a system in
which the value of each numerical symbol depended on its position in a series
of such symbols, and the zero took its place (if required) in this series. The in-
vention of a local-value system with zero was a great mathematical achieve-
ment, as Laplace remarked long ago. In writing on this subject he was unaware
that the Maya had invented the idea and applied it to their vigesimal system
before the Indian mathematicians had thought of it and used it in denary
notation; but his remarks on the subject in the third edition of his Exposition
du systeme du monde\6M\ are applicable here, with the necessary alteration of
'India' to 'Middle America' and 'ten' to 'twenty' in the first sentence.
It is from India that there comes to us the ingenious method of expressing

all numbers by ten characters, by giving them at the same time an absolute

value and a value of position; a shrewd and important idea that now appears
to us so simple that we are scarcely aware of its merit. But this simplicity
itself, and the extreme facility that results from it in all calculations, places
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 523

our system of arithmetic in the first rank of useful inventions; and one will
appreciate the difficulty of reaching it, if one considers that it evaded the

genius of Archimedes and Apollonius, two of the greatest men by whom an-
tiquity honours itself.|634i*
It is important to realize that this Mayan invention was undoubtedly in-

dependent of the Hindu, which is almost everywhere in use today. Not only
was it vigesimal instead of denary, but the symbols were entirely different and
their sequence was vertical, not horizontal.! 179| The independent origin in
different parts of the world of something so intellectually demanding as the idea
of local value with zero provides a striking disproof of the diffusionist doctrine
in its extreme form, according to which nothing has ever been independently in-
vented more than once.
The Babylonians introduced a place-notational method for writing numbers into
their sexagesimal system at some time between 2300 and 1600 B.C.; Ii79i that is to say,
probably about two millennia before the beginning of the 'classic' period of Mayan
culture. It is a strange fact that they did not use a symbol for zero until long afterwards,
and their use of the method was therefore completely satisfactory only in those cases in
which this symbol was not required. They at last introduced a symbol for zero about
200 B.C., but they are said not to have used it in calculations. \\t)\
The sexagesimal numeration of the Babylonians and the vigesimal-duodevigesimal
system of the Maya must have made their multiplication tables very difficult to commit
to memory. The denary system of Hindu-Arabic mathematics, now used almost un-
iversally throughout the world, is much superior.

Some of the Middle American peoples, especially the Maya, made

remarkably accurate astronomical observations, though they were han-
dicapped by their failure to invent instruments to help them in this work. Their
measurement of the length of the year was good enough to provide a basis for
reliable calendars. Middle American calendars, based on that of the Maya,
merit study because they furnish a good example of talented people falling a lit-
tle short of maximum achievement by the introduction of unnecessary com-

plications. They are comparable in this respect, though on a very much higher
plane, with the systems of 'kinship" notation used by certain primitive tribes.
Many descriptions of these calendars are too short to provide the requisite in-

formation, while others are unnecessarily complicated ways of explaining un-

necessarily complicated systems. The attempt is made in Appendix 13 (pp.
558-9) to provide a clear but not oversimplified account of the Aztec calendar,
which is very similar to that of the Maya.
The Middle Americans attained high standards in architecture, even though
they never approached nearer to the true arch than its corbelled counterpart.
Their pyramidal temples were huge and magnificent. Great cities were built
that astonished the Spanish invaders. [6951 The Aztec capital is said to have
accommodated a population of about three hundred thousand. i082l I

When all these great achievements are held in mind, one might be inclined to
pronounce these people as civilized without further consideration. But further
consideration is precisely what is necessary. It must be remembered that the
* In the second edition of his Exposition, 1633] Laplace had hesitantly attributed the invention to
Archimedes.
524 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

Middle Americans had nothing that could properly be called a narrative script.
Their numerals were inscribed, sometimes on stone, sometimes on surfaces
beaten out from the bark of a particular tree and folded in a special way to
form what may be called a book; but nearly all of their inscriptions were con-
cerned with numbers and the calendar. Their hieroglyphs were mainly
ideographic, though some only indirectly, through use of the 'rebus' or pun
principle. There was no way of writing verbs, and abstract ideas (apart from
number) could not be inscribed. 1382. 1082| It would not appear that the technique
even of the Maya lent itself to a narrative form, except in a very limited sense.
Most of the Middle Americans conveyed non-calendrical information only by
speech or by the display of series of paintings.
On the basis of what has already been said, one might still be inclined to
classify the Middle Americans, or at any rate the Maya, as civilized; but
anyone who does not happen to have studied their culture will learn with a
shock that they had no weights (unlike the Andeans), no metal-bladed hoes or
spades, and no wheels (unless perhaps a few toys were actually provided with
wheels and really formed part of the Mayan culture). 1382, i043I Throughout
Middle America exchange was effected by barter; and money, in the accepted
sense, can scarcely be said to have existed. Beyond all this, the Middle
Americans were excessively superstitious. Their religions, which actually
governed their lives, contained no other element than superstition. Their entire
concentration was on trying to understand and propitiate the magical in-
fluences that were supposed to govern their lives. As Vaillant tersely remarks of
the Aztecs, 'Religion ... did not enter into the fields of ethics,'|i082i and this
statement was equally applicable to the other nations.
There was one particular feature of Middle American culture that seems
decisive, for it makes it almost impossible to regard these people, so talented in
many respects, as civilized. It was their custom to make war with the sole pur-
pose of obtaining prisoners, who were kept in cages until required and then
killed at special ceremonies by a cruel method involving the slitting open of the
living body and the tearing out of the still-pulsating heart. Special festivals were
held during every twenty-day cycle of the year, and prisoners were slaughtered
in this way at most of these. At one festival each year, babies were killed in-
stead. Exact details of the procedure at each of the eighteen festivals each year,
as practised by the Aztecs, are given by Bancroft in Volume 2, Chapter 9, of
his book on The native races of the Pacific states of North [Link] He
gives a of the references on which he bases his account. A summary of it is
list

given by Vaillant. i082i On special occasions huge numbers of prisoners were

I

slaughtered. Twenty thousand are said to have suffered at the dedication of the
enlarged Great Temple.l i082i Whether this figure is exaggerated one cannot tell;
but it was confirmed by educated Aztecs, and certainly the Spanish con-
quistadors counted thousands of victims" skulls placed on a special rack at the
capital city ;1 10821 and helplessly they saw the gruesome process enacted on
their fellows who had been taken prisoner.16951 All this was no temporary
aberration, due to the fanaticism of some particular dictator; on the contrary, it
was the settled custom of the people from remote times, as ancient monuments
show.
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 525

The slaughter was not all. During the long period of the Aztec domination,
the custom of eating the flesh of sacrificed persons became almost universal. |55|
It has been claimed from time to time that the Maya practised ritual slaughter

and cannibalism less frequently than the people of the other nations of Middle
America; but it was in fact an essential part of their way of life.l382l
Incidentally, it is a curious fact that some of the few Mayan hieroglyphs that
can be deciphered so as to give information in narrative form are descriptions
of the preliminaries leading up to slaughter and the process of incision
preparatory to the tearing out of the heart. 353 1

The slaughter and eating of prisoners was intended to propitiate the gods,
and for this reason the suggestion has been made that the eating 'was not can-
nibalism in the general meaning of the word'. 13821 It is evident, however, that the
motives of the eaters were mixed. For instance, the Maya reserved the hands
and feet of the victims for the high priest and supreme lord, as 'the most
delicate morsels'; and at one of the cyclical feasts, merchants were accustomed
to invite friends to 'partake of the human flesh and other choice viands'. 55 As 1 1

to the 'general meaning' of the word, cannibalism is defined in the Oxford New
English dictionary as 'The practice of eating the flesh of one's fellow-
creatures' [782] and in the American Century dictionary as 'The eating of human
flesh by human beings'.lii39l
The mathematics, astronomy, and calendar of the Middle Americans
suggest unqualified acceptance into the ranks of the civilized, but other features
of their culture flatly forbid it. The Andeans must be regarded as coming closer
to the mark, without reaching it. In attempting to assess the achievement of
these two Indianid peoples it must be remembered that they were completely
isolated from the civilized world and very nearly so from one another, whereas
the civilizations of the Old World, even those regarded as 'independent', did
have some influence on one another, with the exception of the Sumerians in
their early phase.

There can be little doubt that civilization has always originated and
developed through the presence in a population of a small proportion of very
talented people. Although this thought must have been present in many minds,
one does not often come across a direct statement of it in print. The French
evolutionary biologist J. B. Lamarck stated it with characteristic vigour (and a
good deal of exaggeration) in a discourse delivered in 1802 or thereabouts and
subsequently printed. 1627] E. L. Thorndike, Professor of Education at Columbia
University, expressed the same idea in much more moderate words in a book
published in 1910. His statement is as clear as can be. 'The origination of ad-
vances in civilization is a measure of ability,' he wrote, 'but the abilities that
have originated them have probably been confined to a very few men.' He
points out the factors that result in the presence of these few men in a pop-
ulation:
. . . the chance of men of great gifts being born is the result not only of the
central tendency* of a race and its variability, but also of its size. Other
*Thorndike explains at the beginning of his book that he uses the term 'central tendency' to
mean the median.
526 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

things being equal, there is a far greater chance of the birth of a man of great
ability in a tribe of a million than in one of a thousand. Since one such man

may add to the knowledge and improve the habits of the entire group
regardless of its size, civilization will progress more rapidly in large than in
small groups, in a condition of isolation, l losol

Thorndike introduces the words 'in a condition of isolation' to indicate that

may exist in a population, small or large, as a result of its having
civilization
been introduced from outside, even though the factors necessary for its origin
and development were not present in the population itself. It must be remarked,
however, that if civilization had never arisen independendy in a particular race,
that race would presumably be less likely to originate new advances than
would the race that had created the civilization that was introduced. It is also
true that there are ethnic taxa that have not yet proved their capacity to absorb
civilization from outside (though this does not mean that such absorption is

necessarily impossible).
Professor A. R. Jensen has referred briefly to this subject. 'It may well be

true', he says, 'that the kind of ability we now call intelligence was needed in a
certain percentage of the human population for our civilization to have
arisen.' (551 This can, indeed, scarcely be doubted; but the other faculties of the
1

mind besides cognitive ability (which is what Professor Jensen means by

'intelligence') must have been necessary as well.
If it be accepted that the independent origin and development of civilization
result from the activities of a small but significant proportion of the members of
a particular ethnic taxon, the existence of these exceptional individuals
might be regarded as a secondary character of that taxon, just as (for instance)
the existence of a small but significant proportion of the Australids having a
fronto-temporal pterion is a secondary character of that taxon, which dis-
tinguishes it from those taxa in which this form of pterion very rarely occurs
(see pp. 298-300).

The term 'group intelligence' is sometimes used in psychological literature.

The idea behind the use of this term seems to be that wide dispersal of mental
ability among the members of a population may be more important than the
presence in of a small proportion of people of very high intelligence (though
it

the presence of the latter would in fact almost necessarily be associated with
high median intelligence of the group as a whole). It has been suggested that the
best indication of high 'group intelligence' is the ability of the group to survive,
and that for this reason any test of mental ability that gives rather similar
results with all test. Lest anyone should
surviving populations must be a good
doubt the seriousness of this suggestion, quote the relevant passage.
I

The simple fact is that these primitive folk are our contemporaries. In
other words, they are still here, and in many cases are maintaining
themselves against pressure and competition from 'superior' peoples.
Hence, any test that relates the divisions of mankind closer together must
be, generally speaking, the best measure. 18521
The author of these words quotes a particular test (the Porteus Maze Test)
that is 'good' by this criterion. Two points must be noted. First, if one were to
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 527

devise a very simple test, it would necessarily be 'good' by the criterion just

stated. Yet one could devise such a simple maze (not on paper, but on the
ground) that dogs and other intelligent animals could perform it as certainly as
human beings. In just the same way, a little child may be as successful as a
mathematical genius in multiplying two by two. Secondly, mere survival is not
a reliable criterion of mental ability. Multitudes of species of animals, both
vertebrate and invertebrate, are able to survive, some of them in huge numbers,
yet no one would be likely to claim that all these animals are comparable in in-
telligence with any normal human being. It would be absurd to make survival a
surer test of intelligence than the capacity to advance towards civilization. Sur-
vival is only one element in that advance —
an element shared by every one of
the millions of species of animals that exist today.
Explanations are frequently suggested for the failure of certain peoples to
make this advance. Thus Professor A. Sommerfelt excuses the fact that the
Arunta had no numerals (in the proper sense of the word) on the ground that
'The Arunta who lives far from all influence of whites has no need of a system
of numerals comparable to ours. He possesses nothing that he must necessarily
count, no domestic animals, no merchandise, no money. '|990l One is left to
assume that if they had had something to count, the Arunta would have in-
vented numerals. But why had they nothing to count? Why were they content
with this situation? One is forcibly reminded of John Stuart MilPs remark that
it is 'better to be Socrates dissatisfied than a fool satisfied'. 7451Members of all
1

ethnic taxa of man must have experienced stages in their histories at which they
possessed no domestic animals, no merchandise, and no money, but in many of
these taxa there were people who were not satisfied.
The failure of Negroes and members of certain other taxa, living in civilized
countries, to reach the same average scores in cognition and attainment tests as
Mongolids and Europids has often been attributed to environmental causes
(pp. 448-9, 469, 483, and 488-9). In just the same way, it has repeatedly been
suggested that those ethnic taxa that have never attained to civilization by their
own endeavours in their native lands have been held back by the unfavourable
nature of their habitats. Some authors are dogmatic on this subject.
Sommerfelt, for instance, says that the differences between 'peoples and tribes'
are due to 'natural surroundings and history, not to innate characteristics of
these peoples'.l99i] This, however, is not by any means always the experience of
those who have actually travelled among primitive peoples in their natural en-
vironments. Livingstone, for instance, was struck by the mental differences
between members of different races living in the Kalahari Desert. The
Bakalahari, a Kafrid tribe, had been forced into this environment in the remote
past.
Living ever since on the same plains with the Bushmen, subjected to the
same influences of climate, enduring the same thirst, and subsisting on the
same food for centuries, they seem to supply a standing proof that locality is
not always suflScient of itself to account for differences in races. I676I

And how, on the environmental hypothesis, can one explain the fact that the
Negrids inhabiting the tropical rain-forest of central Africa made not even a
start in mathematics, while the Maya of the Guatemalan tropical rain-forest,
528 SUPERIORITY AND INFERIORITY

equally cut off from all contacts with civilized people, made astounding
progress in this subject, and at one time were actually ahead of the whole of the
rest of the world in one important branch of it? (See pp. 522-3.)
It would be wrong to suppose that civilization developed wherever the en-

vironment was genial, and failed to do so where it was not. Indeed, it might be
nearer the mark to claim the opposite. It has been pointed out by an authority
on the Maya that their culture reached its climax in that particular part of their
extensive territory in which the environment was least favourable, and in repor-
ting this fact he mentions the belief that 'civilizations, like individuals, respond
to challenge'.! 1043) Similarly A. H. Brodrick, in his book Man and his ancestry,
says that civilization came to Europe from the east, 'where the change of
climate had driven men to exercise their ingenuity in new conditions'.! i42l The
Sumerians found no Garden of Eden awaiting them in Mesopotamia and the
adjoining territory at the head of the Persian Gulf, but literally made their en-
vironment out of unpromising material by constructing an elaborate system of
canals for the drainage and watering of their lands. A very large number of
Aztecs and members of several other Middle American tribes lived and made
their gardens on artificial islands that they themselves constructed with their
hands. These are nothing more than particularly striking examples of the fact
that the environment oi all but the most primitive human beings is to a large ex-
tent man-made; and it is made not by instinct, like that of certain animals, but
by the use of reason. No specialist in the physical geography of America,
ignorant of its human history, could guess that the Andes with the narrow
coastal strip beside the mountain range constituted the environment of the
highest culture that the Indianids ever attained in any part of the continent. It is
true that less cultured tribes may be pushed aside into exceptionally un-
favourable environments, but the idea that environment determines culture,
whether at the pre-civilized or civilized state, is untenable.
It is sometimes argued that a few thousand years are a short time in relation

to the whole period of man's existence, and that consequently one should not
lay much stress on the time at which the civilized state has been attained. It will
never be possible to find out with certainty whether any of the races in which
civilization did not appear independently would ever have attained it in-
dependently if given sufficient time, because no considerable tract of inhabited
country exists anywhere today to which some inkling of civilization has not yet
penetrated from outside, or will not soon penetrate. Two facts, however, must
be borne in mind in this connection. The first is the unreality of orthogenesis.
The section of Chapter 8 concerned with this subject (pp. 138-46) was in-

troduced specifically in relation to this question. There is no internal driving

force within organisms, causing them automatically and necessarily to evolve.
Evolution is not related to development in the embryological sense; the two
processes have nothing to do with one another. Secondly, one must not un-
derestimate the immense advance made by certain races of man in passing
from the food-gathering to the intermediate status of culture. That passage has
been well named 'the Neolithic revolution',l2i5l and genius was needed then,
it was needed later on when further progress was made in the origin and
just as
improvement of civilization. It must not be forgotten that certain races of man
 RACE AND ACHIEVEMENT II 529

not only never attained independently to the status of civilization, but never in
dependently reached the intermediate phase.*
It must also be borne in mind that most of the Indianid subraces never made

any close approach to civilization by their own unaided efforts, and some of the
Mongolid and Europid subraces (the Ainuids, for instance, among the latter)
have played no major part in the origin and advance of civilization (though
other subraces of these two races, in which civilization did not appear in-
dependently, have played important parts in its subsequent history).

* It is probable that many ethnic taxa that have not yet made any important contributions to

the advancement of man could progress rapidly by encouraging the intermarriage and fertility of
their most intelligent members.
CONCLUSION
 Conclusion

To THE reader who has followed this account of a vast and very diverse
subject throughout the long journey to the present page, it is perhaps un-
necessary to point out the coherence of the available evidence bearing on the
ethnic problem. One might conceivably have found that civilization originated
among ethnic taxa regarded on morphological evidence as primitive (pp.
124-9) or particularly paedomorphous (pp. 137-8), or among those that were
less successful than others in tests of cognitive ability or scholastic attainment.
Nothing of the sort is revealed by scrutiny of the actual facts. The Australids,
shown to be primitive by morphological criteria (Chapter 16), did not progress
on their own initiative beyond the food-gathering status; nor did those classic
prototypes of paedomorphosis, the Bushmen or Sanids (Chapter 17). A parallel
conclusion is forced upon us if we look at the results of cognition and attain-
ment tests carried out on members of various races living under conditions of
civilized life (Chapter 25 and pp. 498-9). The Mongolids and Europids did best
in both of these types of tests; they were followed (at some distance) by the In-
dianids. and the Negrids were still less successful. In conformity with these
results, the races among which civilization originated and advanced were the
Mongolids (pp. 519-20) and Europids (pp. 509-19); two Indianid subraces ap-
proached nearer to civilization than any other taxon (pp. 521-5), and indeed in
certain respects (though certainly not in others) one of these subraces advanced
to an impressively high level of culture (pp. 522-3); and here again the Negrids
fell behind (Chapter 20). The reader will not have overlooked the fact that

repeatedly, in each relevant context, the possibility of environmental causes has

been reviewed in some detail and rejected as an insufficient explanation of the
facts (pp. 397-400, 448-9, 469-73, 488-90, and 527-8).
Emphasis has been laid in this book on the morphological differences
between typical members of diff'erent races. Any reader who may be inclined to
minimize these differences might care to refresh his memory by turning once
more to Fig. 56. Chapters 11, 12, 13, 16, and 17 are mainly occupied with
this subject, to which insufficient attention has been paid in recent years. Most
of our knowledge about the structural differences between the various taxa of
man is derived from study of bones and external characters. Cranial capacity
is, of course, directly relevant to the ethnic problem, since it sets a limit to the

size of the brain in the diff'erent taxa; but all morphological differences are also
relevant in an indirect way, since it is scarcely possible that any taxa could be
exactly the same as one another in all the genes that control the development
and function of the nervous and sensory systems, yet so different from one
534 CONCLUSION
another in structural characters in other parts of the body as many taxa in fact

are. Apart from this, considerable morphological differences in the brains of

different taxa have in some cases been observed (pp. 292-5, 319, and 322).
The decrease in interest in major morphological differences between human
taxa is due to the fact that no one has discovered how to investigate genetically
the system of polygenes (pp. 158-9, 190-91, 203, and 458) that controls the
development of the structures in question; and there is a disposition nowadays
to ignore whatever cannot be traced to its causes. Yet facts are facts, and re-
main so whether or not at a particular stage in the progress of biology one can
explain them. Attention is focused today on those 'secondary' differences (pp.
185-91) that are due to genes that can be studied singly and occur in most
ethnic taxa, though in different proportions in different taxa. The study of these
genes has been of great intrinsic interest, but it has necessarily led, from its very
nature, to a tendency to minimize or even disregard the extent to which the
ethnic taxa of man do actually differ from one another (pp. 188, 190-91, 203,
and 458).
There is one point that I particularly want to take this opportunity of
stressing. It is the absurdity (for no weaker term is applicable) of classifying
various taxa together as 'coloured',* and even suggesting that no other
character than the pigmentation of the skin distinguishes one human taxon
from another. It is not necessary to repeat here what has already been said with
sufficient emphasis on this subject (pp. 15-16, 159-60, 181-2, and 307); but it
may be remarked that the error stands in relation to physical anthropology as
illiteracy does to the study of literature, and no educated person should be guil-
ty of it.

Here, on reaching the end of the book, I must repeat some words that I
wrote years ago when drafting the Introduction (p. 6), for there is nothing in
the whole work that would tend to contradict or weaken them.
Every ethnic taxon of man includes many persons capable of living
responsible and useful lives in the communities to which they belong, while
even in those taxa that are best known for their contributions to the world's
store of intellectual wealth, there are many so mentally deficient that they
would be inadequate members of any society. It follows that no one can
claim superiority simply because he or she belongs to a particular ethnic
taxon.
Nevertheless, the facts summarized in the first paragraph of this Conclusion
must be borne in mind. One must deny, as Rousseau did long ago, the 'fine dic-
tum of morality' that men are everywhere the same. We may reject many of his
speculations about the nature of primitive man, yet grant his earnest wish,
printed in the original French at the very beginning of this book, that we should
'learn to know men by their conformities and by their differences'.

* What is said in this paragraph does not refer to the word 'Coloured' when used as a
technical term to distinguish a particular hybrid population in South Africa from the Negrids and
Europids of the same country.
APPENDICES
AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
 1 The physical characters of certain
Mongolid subraces

The Tungids, and Palaemongolids are chosen for description here,

Sinids,
since these are the subraces most frequently mentioned in the book. The
Mongolids are differently classified by different authors, some of whom give
different names to the same subrace (e.g., Lundmanl682i calls the Tungids 'die
altaide Rasse\ and Liu[675l regards the Palaemongolids of southern China as
the 'Chukiangid subtype' of the Sinids). The attempt is made here to give a
short description of themost obvious physical features of each of the three sub-
races, as represented by their most typical members. Several of the piiysical
characters that distinguish the Mongolids from other races of mankind are
more strongly marked in the Tungids than in any other Mongolid subrace.
Lundman describes the 'gobide\ one of the local forms of Tungids, as having
'sehr extreme Mongolenziige'.iesi] For this reason the Tungids are described
first, and the characters of the other two subraces then presented by com-

parison.

The Tungids ('Mongols') are the principal inhabitants of Inner Mongolia,

Mongolia, and Central Siberia. The Tungus are one of the many tribes of
Tungids.
The stature is medium to low. The trunk is broad, and long in relation to
total height. The head is very brachycephalic. The zygomatic arches project
strongly. The forehead is low and receding. The face is broad and particularly
flat. The chin does not usually recede in males.

The mesorrhine nose is broad and flattened in the region between the eyes;
the bridge is rather low, and straight or somewhat concave. The eyes are far
apart. The space between upper and lower eyelids is horizontal and slit-like; the
Mongolenfalte (pp. 208 and 415) is strongly developed. The lips are slightly
thicker than those of Europids.
There is very little body-hair and little facial hair in males.
The skin is yellow to yellow-brown and the eyes dark brown.
(The skull of Tungids is mentioned in Chapter 13 (pp. 220-21).)

Most of the inhabitants ofChina (including Manchuria), except Tibet and

the part bordering on the South China Sea, are Sinids. Members of this sub-
race differ from the Tungids in being rather tall and slender, with longish legs.
The head is mesocephalic and very high (hypsicephalic). The forehead and chin
recede slightly. The zygomatic arches are less prominent than those of the
Tungids.
538 APPENDIX 1

The mesorrhine nose is straight, and long from sellion to tip. The space
between upper and lower eyelids is more widely open than that of the Tungids
except at its lateral extremity, where in many cases it rises to give slight
obliquity to the eye. The Mongolenfalte is not strongly developed.
The most familiar form of Sinid anatomy is shown by those who dwell in the
drainage-basin of the River Yangtse-Kiang and are called by Liu[675l the
Changkiangids; but the northern Chinese, who inhabit the valley of the River
Hwangho and are also well represented in Manchuria and Korea, are regarded
by some as approximating more closely to the archaic form from which the
Changkiangids arose by hybridization. The northerners, called Huanghoids by
Liu, differ from the Changkiangids principally by being taller and having longer
heads and less flat faces; their eyes tend to be slitlike and provided with a
Mongolenfalte; the nose is narrow and in some cases slightly aquiline.
The Manchu of north-western Manchuria used to constitute a distinct type,
described in great detail by Baelz[4i] under the name of 'der koreanisch-
mandschurische Typus\ It seems uncertain whether these people have main-
tained their identity since Baelz wrote, some seventy years ago. They were not
confined to their homeland, but extended also to Korea and Japan, in which
countries they seem at one time to have been especially numerous
in aristocratic circles. The chief distinguishing features were extreme
brachycephaly combined with a narrow face and somewhat aquiline nose; the
alae were not sharply marked off" from the rest of that organ. The eyes were
slitlike and long, and rose upwards laterally; the Mongolenfalte was present.

The mouth was small; the chin narrow and receding. Many portraits of
Japanese women painted in the second half of the eighteenth century appear to
be stylized representations of members of this taxon.|49l The women in question
could not conceivably have been Palaemongolids. Baelz considered that the
type was formerly emphasized in Japan by deliberate sexual selection of par-
ticular women.
There are a number of points of resemblance between the Korean-
Manchurian and Huanghoid types, but they seem to have differed considerably
in the length of the head, if the descriptions are correct.

The somewhat paedomorphous peoples grouped together by EickstedtI302i

as Palaemongolids have a very wide distribution from Japan (where they form
the bulk of the population) through southern China, Tibet, and Indo-China to
the Malayan Peninsula and Archipelago; but they have become considerably
hybridized with other taxa in various parts of their range.
The stature is short, generally below that of the Tungids. The head is less
markedly brachycephalic. The forehead, unlike that of Tungids (and most
Sinids), rises steeply. The face is wider in its lower part and less flattened than
that of the Tungids. The chin recedes, especially in women.
The nose mesorrhine and short from sellion to its rounded tip; its bridge is
is

low and the alae tend to spread rather widely. The eyes are oblique (highest
laterally) and are held much more widely open than those of the Tungids and
Sinids; the Mongolenfalte is weakly developed or absent. There is slight
alveolar prognathy. The mouth is large and the lips somewhat swollen.
 APPENDIX 1 539

The brownish-black or black scalp-hair is finer than that of Tungids and less
rigid.
The skin is pale brown or yellowish-brown.
 2 A classification of the genera of Primates
mentioned in the book

Suborder Superfamily Family Genus

Tupaia (tree 'shrews')

/Prosimii Lemur (lemurs)

Galago (bush babies)

/Ceboidea .... Cebidae . Cebus (capuchin monkeys)

(American monkeys)
(Cercopithecus (guenons)
PRIMATES^
Papio (baboons)
Mandrillus (mandrill)
Macaca (rhesus monkey, etc.)

Presbytis (leaf-monkeys)

\ Anthropoidea/ f Hylobales (gibbons)

Symphalangus (siamang)

Proconsul
I
Drvopithecus
')ryopith (fossil 'tree apes")
Pongidae(apes)
"= < „ '
.,,
'^
\ Ramapitnecus
lamapit

Pongo (orang-utan)
Hominoidea Gorilla (gorilla)
^ (hominoids) \Pan (chimpanzee)

Australopithecus ('ape-men')
\ Hominidae Pithecanthropus (Java and Pekin Men)
Homo (modern man)

For more comprehensive and somewhat different classifications, see es

pecially Simpson. 1968. 9721 Some modern and Pekin Men
authorities place Java
in the genus Homo, and the gorilla with the chimpanzee in Pan. The gorilla
was first placed in the same genus as the chimpanzee by Richard Owen in
1853.(8141
 3 The nomenclature of the Australasids

Some readers may require the following explanation of the choice of

names for the subspecies (race) australasicus Bory. 1825. and for the subraces
australasicus Bory, 1825, welaninus Bory, 1825, and tasmaniamis Gregory,
1921.
The name alfuri was formally bestowed by von Eickstedt on a taxon com-
prising the Australids. Melanesians,and Papuans. I303l He adopted it 'ex Lesson
1827'. Lessonl66il applied the name Alfourous to two separate 'Rameaux' of
the Race Noire, namely the Alfourous-Australien (Australian aborigines) and
the Alfourous-Endamene (who seem, so far as one can judge from his brief
description, to have been some of the peoples, related to the Senoi of the Malay
Peninsula, scattered in remote parts of various East Indian islands). There are
two reasons for not accepting the name alfuri. (1) Bory's australasicus has
priority of two years. (2) Lesson and von Eickstedt referred the names
Alfourous and alfuri to what were clearly infrasubspecific taxa. It follows from
the International code of zoological nomenclature\\o\4\ that alfuri cannot be
the correct name of the subspecies.
Bory de Saint Vincent made the Australian aborigines the eighth of the 15
'especes' into which he divided mankind. i28i He gave it the name of 'Homo
I

Australasicus'. From this taxon he excluded the Melanesians and Papuans; but
it appears to follow from clauses 1.24(a) and X. 45(d) o^ the Code that the

taxonomist who subsequently brings them into the same taxon as Bory's
Australasicus must include them under the same name. It must be remarked
that Bory does not use the terms 'Leiotriques' and 'Oulotriques' as formal
categories that could be regarded as taxa major to Australasicus; he divides
Homo directly into 'especes'.
The Melanesians and Papuans present problems of both classification and
nomenclature. Bory(i28l separated sharply his 'espece' Homo Melaninus from
the 'race Papoue' of his 'espece' Homo Neptunianus (which also included the
Malays and Polynesians). Von Eickstedt seems to have supposed that Bory
was describing under these terms respectively the Melanesians and Papuans,
and he therefore adopted the names 'melaninus Bory' and 'papuensis ex Bory'
for the two peoples. 1303 Actually Bory's Melaninus included the population of
1

most of New Guinea, and the 'race Papoue' was an ill-defined hybrid taxon
(Neptunianus x Melaninus) occupying only one peninsula of New Guinea
with a few little neighbouring islands.
It is questionable whether the Papuans as a whole can be regarded as sub-

racially distinct from the Melanesians. Some Papuans have convex noses, with
542 APPENDIX 3

the tips turned down, and in certain cases the nasal bones are very narrow at
their upper ends; some of the skulls are higher than those of most Melanesians.
Still, the general resemblance is close, and it seems safer to make a single

taxon. If so, melaninus is clearly the correct name. The common name
'Melanesid' is used in this book for the subrace melaninus, despite the fact that
von Eickstedt used it (in the form 'die Melanesiden') both for the inclusive
taxon and also as one of his names for the Papuans only. 13021
It seems justifiable to include the Tasmanids in the race australasicus, for

they showed many resemblances to the Melanesids and more distantly to the
Australids. Most writers on the subject emphasize the difference in the form of
the hair, which was 'woolly' rather than 'frizzy' or curly, and grew in spiral
tufts. It appears to have been considerably shorter than that of the Melanesids,
but there has been some misunderstanding about this. The Tasmanids paid
great attention to their hair, which they cut short, tuft by tuft, using one stone
as a knife and another as a chopping-block.|989l Although the skulls of
Tasmanids are similar in many respects to those of the rest of the race, there
are several statistically significant differences between theirs and those of 'type
A' Australids. 17631 The most obvious of these is the remarkable projection of
the parietal eminences, which results in the maximum breadth of the skull being
greater than that of the Australids, though the transverse diameter of the skull
in every region except the parietal is less than in the latter subrace. The aper-
tura pyriformis is even wider in proportion to its height than in the Australids,
and the distance in a straight line from the nasion to the prosthion is
remarkably short. The orbits are very low in proportion to their width.
The Tasmanids became extinct (apart from their hybrid progeny) in
1877,1989] but no one seems to have brought them into the Linnean system of
nomenclature until 44 years later, when Gregory proposed the name
tasmanianusMi7>\
 4 List of Australid skulls that show certain
features particularly clearly

Collection Serial no. Special feature

British Museum 1911/1 1/14/5 Very large and heavy skull

(Natural History)

1897/10/10/2 Very thick bones

AUS. 30.987 Typical orygmocraspedote, and outer border of or-

bit widely rounded

AUS. 101 6. Orygmocraspedote though not prognathous

AUS. 30.989 Typical bothrocraspedote

AUS. 20. Well developed nasal spine, although orygmocras-

pedote and with strong alveolar prognathism

AUS.30.438 Ditto

AUS. 80.5 Extreme alveolar prognathism

AUS. 30. 442 Strongly developed posterior lacrimal crest

AUS. 30. 984 Very short ethmo-lacrimal sutures, especially on

right side

AUS. 50. 994 Long lower canine tooth on left side

Department of 836/) = 987 Typical amblycraspedote

Zoology, Oxford

838a = 995 Typical pseudo-oxycraspedote, and outer border of

orbit widely rounded
 5 Types ofaperturae pyriformes found in
Australid skulls

The TABLE below records the structure of the lower border of the apertura
pyriformis in all those skulls and parts of skulls in the British Museum
(Natural History) and the Departments of Zoology and Human Anatomy at
Oxford in which this part could be observed. Intermediates have been assigned
to the category to which they approximate most closely, except those that
stand so exactly between two categories that this was not possible.

Type of craspedoty No. of specimens

Epalxi-
Intermediate between epalxi- and orygmo-
Orygmo- 46 } 80
Intermediate between orygmo- and ambiy 10
Ambly- 18

Intermediate between ambly- and bothro- I

Bothro 12
I ,f,
Pseudo-oxy- 4 J

Intermediate between pseudo-oxy and epalxi 1

The shows that 80 specimens lacked complete separation by a ridge (or

table
ridges)between the nasal floor and the alveolar slope. In 17 a ridge or ridges
separated the nasal floor from the alveolar slope. (One could not be assigned
with confidence to either group.)
 6 The rock art of the Bushmen (Sanids)

In some of those ethnic taxa that never advanced on their own initiative
beyond a very primitive mode of life, there have been certain individuals who
have attained remarkable proficiency in particular domains of culture. The
Bushmen provide an example; for their rock art, practised at a time when they
were still living as food-gatherers, is justly celebrated. Some of the artists,
chiefly living in the more central part of Sanid territory, engraved on rock sur-
faces; others, mostly in the peripheral districts, were painters. It will suffice to
confine ourselves to the latter here.
In many parts of southern Africa the outcrops of granite have weathered in
such a way as to leave roofs overhanging shallow recesses, providing partial
protection from the elements. The process of weathering has given a smooth
surface to the back walls of some of these shelters. On many of these con-
venient substitutes for canvas, spread out to the light of day and often covering
an expanse of several yards, a magnificent set of coloured pictures greets the
eye.
Some authorities, notably Frobenius,l370l have been inclined to attribute the
origin of the art to the spread of culture from distant parts of the world; but
there is no positive evidence that any foreigners did actually visit the territory
of the Bushmen at the time, many centuries ago, when rock art was es-
tablishing itself and developing. There seems doubt that Bushmen
to be little

painted all the pictures that survive today, and no reason to suppose that
members of any other taxon taught them how to do it.
Those who actually knew the Bushmen of the nineteenth century provide
clear evidence that the paintings on the rock faces of southern Africa were the
work of members of their taxon. Gustav Fritsch, one of the best authorities on
native customs in that part of the world, attributes the paintings to them
without the slightest hesitation. |367| George Stow, author of a classical work.
The native races of South Afnca^\Q\b\ probably knew the Bushmen of old
better than anyone else. He lived in southern Africa from 1843 onwards and
was still there when he wrote the preface to his book in 1880.* He was in-
timately acquainted with many of the old Bushmen, who remembered well the
events of earlier times. He obtained a considerable amount of evidence bearing
on the identity of the artists and had no doubt that they were Bushmen.
Theophilus Hahn worked among the Bushmen of south-western Africa in the
sixties and seventies of the nineteenth century, studying five tribes that oc-
cupied part of the long mountain range that stretches northwards from the
* It was not published till 25 years later, after his death.
546 APPENDIX 6

lower course of the Orange River. He found artists of all five tribes actively
engaged in painting the rocks. 1458]

Those who have been inclined to attribute the origin of the art to external in-
fluence, and have even doubted whether Bushmen were the artists, seem to
have overlooked the significant anatomical features of the human form as
represented stylistically in the paintings. The short, horizontal penes and
emphasized buttocks of the men, and the pelvic posture (p. 322), steatopygia
(pp. 317-18), steatomeria (p. 318), and often ludicrously exaggerated labia
minora of the women (Fig. 55) are obvious Sanid features in a very large
proportion of the pictures. For an extreme example of emphasis on the
peculiarities of the female anatomy of Sanids the reader is referred to one of
George Stow's copies of Bushman paintings, reproduced as Plate 7 in Rock
paintings in South Africa, edited by Dorothea [Link]
Negrids are seen in a small proportion of the Bushmen's paintings. The ar-
tists adopted a more lifelike style in representing members of taxa other than

their own. Naturally enough they made the Negrids considerably larger than
members of their own taxon, and frequently they showed clear appreciation of
some rather inconspicuous ones,
other distinguishing features, including even
such as the projecting heel and the toe-region, which is much more widely
splayed than in their own feet. These two minor features as well as the
prognathous face are very clearly shown in the realistic picture of a Negrid in
another collection of Stow's copies of Bushman paintings (Plate 1 1 in another
book edited by Bleek(ioi8l). In the same picture there are two Bushmen, painted
in the stylistic manner in which the artists represented members of their own
taxon.
If, however, the Bushmen had left us nothing but paintings of human beings,

we should have had no means of knowing that there were experts in naturalistic
art among them. This was reserved for paintings of animals, many of which
may be pronounced masterpieces genre for their delicate beauty, ac-
in their
curacy, and technical excellence. Hahn must
be referring to the animals when
he says that the forms 'are more accurately conceived and more correctly
depicted than in many old Egyptian and Indian paintings'. 14571 Anyone who
has seen the rock paintings of southern Africa is likely to confirm Fritsch's
comment, that 'Nature was instructress to the Bushman for the pictorial
representation of the objects that surrounded him. '13671 Two very small details
from rock paintings in Mashonaland, Rhodesia, are shown in Fig. 82, to
provide a glimpse of the Bushmen's naturalistic art. Each of the original pain-
tings covered about five feet by four. Careful copies of them by Mrs. E. Good-
all, in colour, are included in the fine work Prehistoric rock art of the
Federation of Rhodesia and [Link]]
One of the most interesting features of Bushman art is the custom of com-
bining visually realistic and highly schematic forms in the same picture. A pain-
ting in a gorge in the Brandberg Mountains, north of Walvis Bay in South West
Africa, provides an example of this. It is reproduced in colour in the book on
Bushman art by Obermaier and Kiihn. 18091 Five antelopes, moving in single file,
are seen. They are represented naturalistically, apart from the colours, but they
are being chased by an utterly fantastic human being. As usual in represen-
 '^^•

'^•

82 Bushman art: small details from two rock paintings in Mashonaland, Rhodesia
A, an antelope, with male and female Sanids. B. an antelope, with part of a hippopotamus below and an in-

determinate object above.

Copies made by Mrs. E. Goodallfrom the original rock paintings. Her copies of the complete paintings, in
colour, are reproduced in Summers. 1 1025
548 APPENDIX 6

tations ofmembers of their own taxon, the hunter lacks facial features; but he
more than makes up for this deficiency by the possession of two butterfly wings
and four spidery limbs, each represented by a single line, bent at the joints. The
arms are outstretched in front, as though to grasp the hindmost antelope. The
contrast between naturalism and fantasy is striking and highly reminiscent of
surrealism.
Actual animals and stylized Bushmen, with their accoutrements, are the
principal subjects in most of the paintings; but in some of them there are also
imaginary beasts and strange inanimate objects, not resembling anything pre-
sent in the real world. Frobenius refers to the latter as 'absolutely inexplicable
delineations, which are so peculiar in comparison with the other pictures that
we can do nothing better than comprehend them under the general idea of
Formlinge. Tuberous roots, rock boulders, and other motifs are here in such
wonderful confusion, that a comparative study lasting many years would be
necessary to solve the riddle of the whole subject. '|370| Frobenius does not
explain why he chose the word 'Formlinge' for these strange objects, but it has
found its way into the literature of Sanid rock art. It is (or was) sometimes used
in Germany for blocks of compressed coal-dust.
The recognized artists are known to have been males, and as a general rule
only the exceptionally talented members of the communities were entitled to
decorate the shelters and caves. The handiwork of particular painters can be
recognized by experts, and it appears that certain individuals may have left
their imprint on rocks situated more than a hundred miles apart.l207l
It was customary in many cases to paint one picture on top of another, and

this has made it possible to trace the gradual evolution of the art from uniform
colour-wash to bichrome and polychrome paintings, with concomitant im-
provement in the ability to represent animals as seen from different points of
view. It is significant that composite pictures in which white Angora goats are
represented belong exclusively to the polychrome period. These animals were
first brought to southern Africa in 1689.1809] The artists relied on haematite, in

its various forms, for their yellows, yellow-browns, and reds; charcoal for

black; kaolin, chalk, and zinc 'oxide' (carbonate is more probable) for
white. [458, 809]
The significance of the Bushmen's paintings has been much discussed. A
magical or religious meaning has been attached to them by certain authors, es-
pecially Kiihn. 18091 It is true that some of them appear to represent religious
ceremonies; but if so, the artist would have been acting simply as a recorder of
events, like a press photographer, without any intention of trying to influence
the course of aff'airs by the magic of his art. Stow, Hahn, and Sollas deny most
positively that artists painted for any religious or magical purpose; they insist
that the Bushmen practised their art because they valued it for the pleasure it
gave.[1016, 457, 458, 989]
Whatever may have been the motive behind some of the more abstruse pain-
tings, thegenuine artistry of the Bushmen is recognized by nearly all who have
studied their work. Even the best reproductions scarcely do justice to them.
Summers allows this, in his foreword to the work, already quoted, on the rock
art of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.l i025l As he says, the pictures in the book are as
 APPENDIX 6 549

accurate as they can be made, but they lose a great deal of their vividness in
reproduction. To appreciate these works of art at their full worth one needs to
step from the open veldt to the entrance to a rock shelter, and see them thus
suddenly displayed. In describing the painting of animals in the White Rhino
shelter in the Matopo Hills, Rhodesia, Cooke says that it 'shows what complete
mastery the artist had over both his subject and his materials'. 223 Verworn 1 1

reproduces a painting of a rhinoceros and remarks that 'The extraordinarily

naturalistic posture and movement in the reproduction is characteristic.'! i098l
So, indeed, it is; but the Bushman's art had the merit of not restricting itself to
naturalism. The artists maintained what was excellent in the work of their
ancestors, while showing readiness to explore in new directions. Sollas sums up
their achievements in these words, 'They haunt no more the sunlit veldt, their
hunting is over, their nation is destroyed; but they leave behind an imperishable
memory, they have immortalized themselves in their art.'l989|
Bushman art is important in several ways in studies of the ethnic problem.
Above all, it shows how a taxon may be eminent in one of the factors of
civilization, even if deficient in most of the rest. As Hahn remarked, in words
for which there is unfortunately no English equivalent, '.
der Sab [the
. .

Bushman] ist ein "verbummeltes Genie" '.\45i\ Verbummelt he may have been,
but the artist of this subrace was a genius nevertheless; and the capacity to
produce occasionally a person of this calibre was an important secondary
character of the taxon — a character that should warn us to think hard before
making any dogmatic statement about the superiority of one taxon over
another. Only a small proportion of people in most races of mankind could
even imitate successfully — —
far less initiate and perfect the rock art of these
simple people. It must be remembered, too, that although the artists were few,
they flourished because other members of their communities were endowed
with the faculty of appreciating their work.
 7 Classified list of the chief Negrid tribes
mentioned by the seven explorers

In THIS list the names of all tribes are spelled exactly as the explorers spelled
them. Readers who are familiar with the names of the Negrid tribes of Africa,
as written in the accepted modern most of
spelling, will be able to recognize
them. In some cases the explorers used incorrect names, or did not name the
people of a particular district; in other cases two authors used different names
for the same tribe. In these cases, where possible, the correct modern name is

given in italics.
Some of the tribes mentioned by the explorers are better regarded as sections
of larger tribes, but it has seemed right to list the names of the smaller sections
here, for the convenience of readers of the explorers' books.
Certain tribes occupying lands near the border between Kafrid and
Palaenegrid 1 territory are intermediate in physical characters, and a few of
those that I have classified as Palaenegrid 1 might almost as well be regarded
as Kafrid (and perhaps vice versa).

Bakerlsil
PALAENEGRID 3. Madi,* Makkarika (? = Azande)
KAFRID. Banyoro
NILOTID. AcholU Bari, natives of Ellyria, Kytch, Nuehr {=Nuer),
natives of Obbo, Shir
Du Chaillul2ooi
PALAENEGRID 1. Apingi, Ashira, Bakalai, Camma = Commi,
Mpongwe, Oroungu, Shekiani
PALAENEGRID 3. Fang {=Pangwe)
Fynnl3731
KAFRID. Zulu (a combination of many tribes)
Galtonl377i
PALAENEGRID 4. Ghou Damup {^Bergdama = Haukhoin)
KAFRID. Damara = Ovaherero, Ovampo
Livingstone[676l
PALAENEGRID 1. Balonda i=Lunda), Banyeti, Barotse i=Lozi\
Bashinge, Basongo, Batoka, Chiboque (? = Chokwe)
KAFRID. Bakalahari, Bakuena = Bakwain. Bamangwato, Banyai,
Batonga, Bechuana, Makololo

* The Madi of Baker and Speke were not the same tribe as the Madi of Schweinfurth, nor the
A-Madi of the latter author. These were three separate tribes. See Schweinfurth, i')5iiVol. i, p.
523 (footnote).
 APPENDIX 7 551

Schweinfurthl95il
PALAENEGRID 3. A-Banga, A-Madi,* Babackur, Bongo, Kredy,
Madi,* Mittoo, Monbuttoo (=Mangbettu), Niam-Niam = Zandey
{=Azande)
NILOTID. Dinka, Dyoor, Nueir {=Nuer\ Shillouk
Spekel996i
PALAENEGRID 3. Madi*
KAFRID. Waganda {=Baganda), Wanyambo. Wanyamwesi, Wan-
yoro {=Banyoro\ Wasagara, Wazaromo, Wazinza
 8 Livingstone on evolution by
sexual selection

A NOTEWORTHY fact about Livingstone, which seems to have been

overlooked by historians of biology, is that he made a very short but very
significant remark on sexual selection in relation to evolution. This was
published in 1857, the year before Charles Darwin's preliminary paper was
read before the Linnean Society, and two years before it was published.
Livingstone remarks on the small size of most kinds of domestic animals in
tropical Africa, and goes on: 'It is not from the want of care in the breeding, for
the natives always choose the larger and stronger males for stock, and the
same arrangement prevails in nature, for it is only by overcoming their weaker
rivals, that the wild males obtain possession of the herd. Invariably they show
the scars received in battle.'l676l In his preliminary paper Darwin calls attention
to 'the struggle of the males for the females. These struggles are generally
decided by the law of battle. . . The result of the struggle among the males
.

may be compared in some respects to that produced by those agriculturists

who pay less attention to the careful selection of all their young animals, and
more to the occasional use of a choice male. '12531 Darwin introduced the term
'Sexual Selection' in 1859, in the first edition of his work On the origin of
species.\254\ He defines it as the form of selection that 'depends, not on a
struggle for existence, but on a struggle between the males for possession of the
females; the result is not death to the unsuccessful competitor, but few or no
offspring. Generally, the most vigorous males, those which are best fitted for
their places in nature, will leave most progeny.' In his book on The descent of
man, and selection in relation to sex, published in 1871,12581 Darwin records
Livingstone's remark about scars received in between males, but he
fights
makes no mention of the latter's idea of evolution through sexual selection,
which is clearly implied in Livingstone's words recorded above.
 List of all plants mentioned by the seven
explorers (p. 343) as having been cultivated by
Negrids, except those that cannot be
identified with tolerable certaintyfrom the

information given

Many O f the names in the list below are not those used by the explorers.
The plants most frequently mentioned by the explorers are named in heavy
type; those very seldom mentioned are placed within parentheses.

Place of origin
Moraceae (Ficus nalalensis, bark-cloth tree) indigenous
Cannabinaceae (Cannabis saliva, Indian hemp) central Asia
Euphorbiaceae Manihot utiUssima, cassava tropical America
Papilionaceae Arachis hypogaea, ground-nut South America
{Phaseolus vulgaris, runner-bean)
{P. mungo. Urd bean) ? indigenous
P. lunatus, butter-bean ?Asia
(Vigna sinensis. Catiang bean) India
(Canavalia ensiformis, horse-bean) West Indies
Voandzeia subterranea, Bambarra ground-nut ? indigenous
Convolvulaceae Ipomoea batatas, sweet potato
Pedaliaceae Sesamum indicum, sesame indigenous
Labiatae (Hyptis spicigera. kendee) ? America
Solanaceae Nicotiana rustica, Mexican tobacco Mexico, Texas
N. tabacum. South American tobacco South America
Cucurbitaceae Cucurbita maxima, pumpkin
Cucumis melo, melon
cucumber)
(C. sativus,
(Citrullus vulgaris, water-melon) indigenous
Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea sp., yam
Bromeliaceae (A nanas sativus, pineapple) South America
Gramineae Pennisetum typhoideum, bajra
Sorgum durra, dhurra
Eleusine corocana, telaboon
Zea mays, maize South America
(Triticum vulgare, wheat)
(Oryza saliva, red rice) India
Panicum miliaceum, millet Egypt, Arabia
Saccharum officinarum, sugar-cane tropical Asia
Palmae (Borassusflabellifer, Palmyra palm) indigenous
Elaeis guineensis, oil-palm indigenous
(Cocos nucifera, coconut)
Araceae (Richardia (Calla) africana). Arum uly indigenous
Colocasia anliquorum, taro
Musaceae (Musa enseie, ensete) indigenous
M. sapientium, plantain and banana
 10 Remarks on the grading of competitors
in sports by body-weight, and the
advantage thus given to members of certain
ethnic taxa

The advantages gained by members of certain taxa through their greater

stature or bulk have been mentioned on pp. 421-5. It must be pointed out,
however, that in those events in which competitors are graded into groups by
body-weight, advantage may be gained by nations in which the population con-
sists largely of people belonging to taxa in which small stature is one of the
characteristic features. This results from the establishment of a number of
categories for small persons of different weights. Thus in free-style wrestling
there are separate competitions for flyweights, bantamweights, featherweights,
and welterweights; and in the Olympic Games medals are awarded for success
in each category. In a nation consisting mainly of Sudanids or Nordids, for in-
stance, only a small proportion of the population would be eligible for any of
these competitions. In a predominantly Palaemongolid nation, on the contrary,
one could select from a large proportion of the population. Japanese,
predominantly Palaemongolid, have won no fewer than six gold, three silver,
and three bronze medals for free-style wrestling in the categories mentioned
above. They have never won any medal for free-style wrestling in the
middleweight, light-heavyweight, or heavyweight categories.*

•The Olympic records were analysed over the period 1896-1968.

 1 1 Notes on the differences between the
skulls of dog and jackal

T. H. Huxley distinguished what he called Thooid' (doglike) from

'Alopecoid' (foxlike) species of Canidae primarily on the basis of a careful
comparison of a single Thooid skull (that of the South American wild dog,
Canis azarae) with a single Alopecoid one (that of the common red fox, Vulpes
vulpes).\539\ The purpose of this note is to call attention to certain features that
differed in these two particular specimens but do not serve to distinguish skulls
of the jackal, Canis aureus indicus, from those of the common red fox, Vulpes
vulpes vulpes, though these two species are respectively Thooid and Alopecoid.
The ascending processes of the premaxillae do not ordinarily reach the
anterior processes of the frontal in the fox; indeed, they do not approach them
more nearly than they do in the jackal. The last premolar and the two molar
teeth of the upper jaw are set in a similar curve in jackal and fox; their arrange-
ment does not approximate more nearly to a straight line in the jackal. In the
external form of their skulls the Thooid (jackal) and Alopecoid (fox) are more
alike than anyone would be likely to expect from reading Huxley's conclusions
based on single skulls only of C. azarae and V. vulpes, though the separation of
the two genera is fully justified on other grounds.
 1 2 The physical characters of
Andids and Zentralids

The purpose of this Appendix is to provide the evidence on which the two
Indianid subraces that came closest to civilization are assigned to separate sub-
races. Naturally they both present certain features common to most Indianids,
such as scantiness of facial hair in males, thickness and rigidity of the in-
dividual hairs of the scalp, dark brown iris, swollen thorax, wide shoulders and
pelvis, and very high frequency of the gene for blood-group 'O'.
The following account of the most obvious physical features of the Andids is
based mainly, but not entirely, on the careful observations made by the French
zoologist Alcide d'Orbigny, who had the advantage of studying them before
any extensive hybridization with immigrants had occurred. (8 1 1

The stature of the Andids is low-medium, adult males averaging about 1-60
m. They are rather massively built and the trunk is very long in relation to total
height. The scalp hairs are very long and very straight. The head is
brachycephalic. The face is wide, but the zygomatic arches do not project
excessively. The forehead is broad and low, and its lowness is exaggerated by
the insertion of the scalp-hair far down on it: it retreats moderately, the vault
being highest at the back. (One of the tribes, the Aymara, used to exaggerate
this feature artificially to such an extent that at first glance one would not
recognize the skull as human.) The nose is very characteristic. It is rather
broad, long from sellion to tip, and markedly aquiline; the alae spread widely.
The chin is short vertically, but rather massive and not retreating. The eye-slits
are narrow and horizontal; the margin of the upper eyelid falls at the nasal side
as an Indianerfalte (plica naso-marginalis).[i2i The cornea is pale yellow. The
ears are long, narrow, and very obliquely placed. The skin is moderately dark
olive-brown.
Among secondary characters one may mention the presence of a Wormian
bone, the epactal, between the parietals and the occipital. This occurs so
frequently, in both normal and artificially deformed skulls,l268] that it receives
the name of Tnca bone'. Some members of the subrace have a distinctive
odour, the same in both sexes.
Orbigny stresses strongly the peculiarities of the Andids (or 'Race Ando-
Peruvienne\ as he calls this taxon). 'The Peruvians', he remarks, 'differ entirely
from all other races in the world.' It is significant for the subject of the pre-
sent book that he qualifies this rather exaggerated statement by adding, '. . . it is

an altogether distinct type, that is similar only to the Mexican peoples' (i.e.

presumably the Zentralids).

The following brief account of Zentralid anatomy is based principally on
Eickstedt's account. [302!
 APPENDIX 12 557

The stature is about the same or perhaps a little less than that of the Andids,
but the Zentralids are more slender. They are more brachycephalic than the
former subrace. Except in skin-colour, the face resembles that of Europids
more closely than does that of any other Indianid subrace. The zygomatic
arches do not project so much as in the other subraces, and the forehead is
steep, high, and narrow, which is exceptional in the Indianid race. (The Maya,
however, like the Aymara among the Andids. used formerly to flatten the
forehead artificially in some cases.) The nose is generally straight or slightly
convex, but never actually aquiline. The tip is pointed, but the organ is rather
broad, with fairly wide alae. The mouth tends to turn downwards at the sides,
especially in females. The chin is broad and rather square, and retreats
somewhat. The eyes are very different from those of the Andids in being held
widely open, to show a somewhat almond-shaped space between the eyelids;
there is no Indianerfalte. The skin is rather dark brown; darker, in fact, than
that of any other Indianid subrace of Central or North America. There is a dis-
tinctive body odour.
 13 Middle American calendars

The solar year was clearly recognized by the Aztecs. It was regarded as
consisting of 365 days. It seems uncertain whether they realized that the year

was in fact about 0-24 day longer than this, and if so what method, if any, was
adopted by them to correct the resulting cumulative error.i i082l
There was no attempt to use a lunar month. In accordance with the
vigesimal system of numeration, days were counted in groups of twenty. Each
of the twenty days was given a name, and these were always used in the same
order. These six will serve as an example: 'reed', 'jaguar', 'eagle', 'vulture',
'motion', and 'flint-knife' (in that sequence). It seems that when the calendar
was instituted, the first New Year's Day was 'reed". When eighteen cycles of
twenty days each had been completed, there remained five days ('reed',
'jaguar', 'eagle', 'vulture', and 'motion') before the next New Year; thus the
latter started on 'flint-knife'. The following New Year started five days later in
the series again with 'house', and the next five days later again with 'rabbit'.
After that 'reed' was once more, necessarily, the day on which the next New
Year must start; and these four ('reed', 'flint-knife', 'house', and 'rabbit') were
the only days on which a New Year could start.
A separate cycle, of thirteen days, operated continuously alongside the 20-
day cycle. The days of this short cycle were distinguished by numbers instead
of names. It seems that the very first New Year's Day started, for some un-
explained reason, on day 2 (cf. Vaillant|io82i).

Thus each day was given a number in the 13-day cycle and also a name in
the 20-day cycle. The first New Year's Day having been '2-reed', the very next
day was '3-jaguar'; this was followed by '4-eagle' and '5-vulture' and so on un-
til thirteen days had been completed, when the shorter cycle began again with

'1 -death's-head' (the latter being the name of the fourteenth day in the longer

cycle). The result was that every day received a different combination of
number and name from all other days until 260 (= 13 x 20) days had passed,
when the turn for '2-reed' came round again, and the same sequence as before
began to be repeated endlessly. The reader who cares to work it out for herself
or himself will find that when 365 days had been completed, the next New
Year's Day fell on '3-flint-knife', the sixth day after the eighteenth 20-day cycle
had ended.
If, then, the first year started on '2-reed', the next began on '3-flint-knife', the

next after that on '4-house', and the one following on '5-rabbit'; 'reed' appeared
again on the next New Year's Day in the form of '6-reed'. When 52 (= 13 x 4)
years had elapsed, '2-reed' at last occurred again on New Year's Doi' (though it
 APPENDIX 13 559

had recurred repeatedly on other days). The recurrence on New Year's Day
follows from the fact that the lowest common multiple of 365 and 260 days is
365 X 52 days, i.e. 52 years. This explains the immense emphasis placed by the
Aztecs on the period of 52 years. It was supposed that when this cycle was
completed, the world might come to an end; and tremendous rejoicing greeted
the rising of the sun on the day on which it had been thought possible (genuine-
ly, it seems) that another dawn might never come.

The Maya are regarded as the inventors of the Middle American calendars.
The Aztecs' system was very similar to theirs, but differences existed. In par-
ticular, the Maya were able to extend their calendar back into the remote past,
whereas the Aztecs had no method of distinguishing one 52-year cycle from
another,! 1082] and considerable difficulties are encountered by historians as a
result. The names of the days in the 20-day cycle referred to the same objects
in the two calendars, but each nation used its own language to designate them.
The Maya clearly recognized that the year was slightly longer than 365
days,l382| and they are said to have introduced a system of intercalary days
almost as exact as our own.l99i
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1 172. Zuckerkandl, E,, 1875. Reise der osterreichischen Fregatte Novara inn die [Link] in den
Jahren 1857, 1858, 1859. Anlhropologischer Theil. 1 Abl. Cranicn der Novara
Sammlung. Wien (Staatsdruckerei).

Sources of information not contained in /minted iro/As

1 173. Anon., 1962. Exhibit of trade goods at the Uganda Museum. Kampala (Spckc Centenary
Celebrations).

1174. Asher, M., 1970. Personal communication.

1175. Balsan, F., 1962. Personal communication.

1176. Blacker, C. E. D., 1966. Personal communication.

1177. Carrington, D., 1966. Personal communication.

1178. Cooper, H., 1969. Interview on television by the British Broadcasting Corporation
(B.B.C.l) on 1 1 October.
1179. Donnellan, P., & Lyttbn, D., 1966. 'The Abbey of the English." Television film (B.B.C.l).
22 December.
I ISO Hartman, M., I'»fi'', \ppc;il mi hchalf of the \iii,ilciii- Alhlolic Assin.i:ilii>n nn tolcMMcui
(B.M.(M). Ui Ocmlvr.

1181. McManus, J. F. A., n.d. Personal communication.

 Index

Page-numbers printed bold type refer to subjects of greater importance than

in
others listed under the same heading; those printed in italics refer to il-
lustrations; those enclosed within parentheses are less likely than the rest to
refer to information required by readers.
The Index does not cover the preliminary pages (pp. i-xviii), to which the
reader should refer for the tabulated matter given in them (chapter-headings,
etc.). It is concerned chiefly with facts, theories, events, peoples, investigators,

and authors of books and papers. Few geographical names are listed, apart
from those (such as Ife, La Tene, Mohenjo-Daro, and Zimbabwe) that are in-
timately bound up with the main theme of the book. For a list of the chief
Negrid tribes mentioned in the book, see pp. 550-5 1. For a classified list of the
chief human races and subraces mentioned in the book, turn to the end of it
(pp. 624-5).

Abendland, 52-3 Alpinids, 57, 58, 117, 212-16, 224-5, 256,

Abram, 243-4 257, 269; inferiority of (Lapouge), 46-7;
abstract ideas in primitive languages, 500, 502 primary characters, 213—16, 214, 215;
Achatinellidae, 146 secondary characters, 216; skulls, 214; dit-
Acholi, 366 to, compared with those of Tungids,
'Acropolis' at Zimbabwe, 405, 406 220-21
Adachi, B., 171. 175 Al-'Ubaid, 514
Adanson, M., 227 amblycraspedote, 284, 286
adastogenesis, 69-70, 85 Ammon, O., 224-5
Addison, 154
T., Ammonoidea (ammonites), 132-4, 133
adrenal glands, 154 Anastasi, A.. 453
Aelian, 375 ancestry of man from pre-Cambrian times,
Aenoiithic culture, 518 66
Aethiopids, 12, 225-6, 227, 230, 232-3, 518; A ncylostoma. 400
participation in ancestry of Kafrids. 333; Andaman Islands, 221
ditto,of ruling Negrid families, 503 Andeans, see Andids
Affenspalte. 293, 295 Andids, 174; blood-groups, 186-7; culture,
Agassiz, L., 130 521-2, 525, 528: physical characters. 556
fl-glands, 163, 165-71 Andree, R., 175
Aichel, O., 312. 415-16 angles used in craniometry, 194
Ainuids, 158, 173, 529 Anglo Saxons, 257, 266. 279, 282
Akan language, 502 Anopheles. 74-6. 76, 95
Akkadians, 509, 514 anteater. spiny. 326
aia of nose. 237 Antennendolch, 250
albinism, 158, 160, 297 'anthropoid apes', distinction from Anthro-
Alfuri (Alfourous), 541 poidea. 271
Alix, P.-H.-E., 113 Anthropoidea, 271
608 INDEX
Anlhiis (pipit). 1 15 Azande, 349-96 passim: cannibalism, 392;
anti egalitarianism, 40, 45 conjugal affection. 377
ants, Livingstone's study of, 346 Aztecs, 521-8 passim: cannibalism. 525
An-Yang, 519
apertura pyriformis, 194, 196, 219, 282-6, 'B*(American Negro girl of exceptionally high
284. 285. 544: in Alpinids, 216; in Sanids, 487-8. (499)
IQ).
321 Babylonian mathematics, 523
Apis mellifera (honey-bee), 116 Badaga, 220
'apocrine' glands, see o-glands Baden (Grand Duchy), population of, 224
Apollonius, 523 Baeiz, E., 538
'Arabs', 227, 242 Baer, K. E. v., foreshadows recapitulation
Archimedes, 523 theory, 130. 134
'archi-Mollusc', 124, 129 Baikal, Lake, 83-4
architecture. MiddleAmerican, 523 Baikaiidae, 83-4
Arier.60 Bakalahari, cultural difference from Bushmen
Armenians, 36, 247 of Kalahari Desert, 527
Armenids, 13, 117, 223, 227, 239. 240. 242. Baker, Florence (Florence von Sass), 348-9
244, 414-15. 513. 515; blood-groups. 242. . S.. 504
R.
243: heads. 239. 240; contribution to , W., 336, 337. 338, 343. 348-9. 352.
S.
civilization, 246-7; skull, 239 353. 360. 364. 366-400 passim
Armenid-Orientalid hybrids, 225 Balas, lolande, 422. 423
art; Ife, 412-17, -//.?; Negrid, 381, 412, 413: Baluba. 331
Sanid, 545-9, 547 Baiunda, 329
Arunta, 500-01. 527 Bambutids. 101. 114. 305. 320. 331. 349
Aryan (Arier, L'Aryen). 37, 47-8, 59, 60 Banyoro. 369. 397
Ashkenazim, 246; blood-groups, 242. 243: Barakwengo. 320. 324
Armenid-Orientalid ancestry. 242; 'barbarism', definition, 506
physical characters, 238-9, 241-2, 241 Bari, 336
Ashley-Montagu, M. F., 299-300 bark cloth, 366, 377
assortative mating, 462 Barker, E., 46
Assyrians, 242, 244 Barnicot, N. A., 320
astronomy. Middle American, 523 Barteis, P., 322
attainment ('achievement') tests. 485. 497, Bascom, W. R., 412. 414. 415
498-9 Bate, H. M., 414
augury, 363 of cognition tests, 456
'batteries'
australasicus. 278, 541-2 Baudin, L., 521
Australasids. (6.) 276-7. 541-2 beads as trade goods, 350
Australids. 134. 184. 320. (533); a-glands. Beaker folk, 266, 267
170-71; apertura pyriformis. 283. 284: Bedawin. 242. 243. 244
blood-groups, 301; brain. 292-5. 293: Beddoe, J.. 244, 264; railways, effect on
colour-blindness. 302; external characters, human hybridization, 84
274. 295-8. 297. 301-2; hairless, 296; in- Bede, Venerable, 14-15
telligence judged by Gallon, 43, 43: odour, Beer, G. R. de. 269, 376; on recapitulation,
176; phenyl-thiourea tasters, 302; plica 136
semilunaris, 295; postcranial skeleton, bees, domesticated by Bongo, 374
289-92. 300-01; primary characters. Beinhaus 251
at Hallstatt,
278-98; sacrum. 287. 291; secondary Belgae, 256, 259, 264; first immigration to
characters, 298-302; skin-colour, 297-8; British Isles, 258
skull, 277. 279-89, 284. 287. 298-300. Bene Israel. 233
543; 'types A, B, and C, 278 Benin, bronze-casting, 414
Australopithecinae (australopithecines), 96, Berbers, 227, 228, 230. 352; early immigra-
272. 275 tion into Negrid Africa, 334
Aiistralopilhecus. 280. 283. 288 Berchem, B. van, 91-2
Auvergnats. 256. 257 Berg, L. 'Nomogenesis', 141-2
S.,
avoidance of hybridity between species. 87 Bergdama ('Ghou Damup', 'Haukhoin'), 40,
axillary organ, 165-6 331-2, 333; contemptuous terms for. 425,
axoloti (Ainblystoma). 137 426; primitive dwellings, 370
Avmara, deformation of head, 556 Bernatzik, H. A., 329
 INDEX 609

bestiality. 96 Broom, R.. 272, 288

Bible, bootcs of. in unexplored Negrid Africa. Brosnahan, L. F., 117

325 Brown, P. P., 502
Biesheuvel. S.. 469 Browne, Thomas, 152, 192: skin colour of
bilingualism. disadvantage in cognition tests. man, 227
486. 490 Bruce, James, 233, 359, 375
Binet. A.. 438-^1. (452.) 456. (482.) 490. 495. Brythonic speech, 268, 269
496 Buchanan, George, 268
Binet-Simon 'intelligence' tests. 439-41 BufTon, G. L. L. de, 32, 8 1, 94: defines species,
'biogenetic law'. Haeckel. 132, 135 73
Blacker. C. E. D., freedom of Japanese from Burland, C. A., 521
axillary smell,"'* 173 Burt. C. 455. 460. 462, 463
,C. P., 50 Bushmen, see Sanids
Blackfoot (Indianid tribe), possible 'Gulick organs of female Sanids. 317
'butterfly'

effect" in ancestry, 147 Buxton, L. H. D.: nasal index, 310: skulls

Blanchard. R.. 317 from Sumerian palace at Kish, 446
Bleek. Dorothea, 546 Byron, weight of brain, 431
blondness, 218-19
'blood' as word used to indicate genetic
relationship, 14 Caesar, Julius. 183: his opinion on degree of
Blumenbach, J. F.. 3. 9. 21, 24, 25. 25-7, 63, civilization of ancient Britons, 263—4: in-
73. 91. 95, 195, 204-5, 314; skulls in vasions of Britain, 261^
human taxonomy, 193 Cain, A. J., diagram showing meanings of
Boas, F.. 201: reality of subraces, 212 'species', 69
Bobertag, O., 443 calculation, numerical: regarded as 'primary
body-odour, see odour factor' in cognitive ability, 455, 456:
Boers, 345 sometimes highly developed in feeble-
Boessneck, J., 362 minded persons, 457
Bolk, L., 303-4. 320: orthogenesis, 139 calendar: Aztec, 523, 558-9: Mayan. 523,
Bombay (Speke's headman), 388 559
Bongo, 367-96 passim Callan, H. G., 106
Bonin, G. von, 285. 294 camel-routes, ancient, across Sahara, 336
Bonser. F. G.. 447. 453 Camper, Petrus, 9, 28-30, 29. 32, 194, 328
Borne. Ludwig, 235 cancer caused by ultraviolet light, 155
Bory de Saint Vincent, G., 223-4. 541 canine fossa, 197, 282
Bos indicus and B. primigenius. 357, 358. 359 Canis (see also dogs), hybrids between
Boskop skull, 321 species. 74
bothrocraspedote. 285. 285. 286 cannibalism: in Middle America. 525; in
Boule, M., 1 Negrid Africa. 390-93: Montaigne's views
in, 425
boxing, physical features helpful on, 15
'B.P.'(symbol used in dating the past). 273 canoes in Negrid Africa, 371-2
brachycephaly among Negrids. 331 Cape Coloured population, 97
brachycranial, definition. 193 Capellids, 513, 514. 515, 516
brain: of Australid. Europid. and orang-utan. Capra (see also goats): hybridization with
293: nervous pathways in, compared with Ovis. 94-5
telephone exchange, 437: size of, in man, Carabelli's tubercle, 200-01, 208, 210
428-31, 430. 432, 433: size of. in rats, in Carduelis. 94
relation to mental brightness and dullness. Caribs, 17
432-3: small size in Australids. significance Carlyle, Thomas, 353, 394
of, 432. 433 Caroline Islander, 296
Braunholtz. H. J..413, 414 carotene pigment in skin, 150
Brinkmann, R., 133 Carver, George, 505
British Iron Age art. 258, 261. 261-2, 263 carving of wood by Negrids, 372
Broca, P., 85, 91, 93-4, 96, 98, 256, 425 caste, 12, 80

Brodrick, A. H., 528 Caswallon (Cassivellaunus), 262

Broken Hill man ('Homo rhodesiensis'). 82, Cat, C. N. le: dispute with Rousseau, 17-18;
96. 136. 280 on body odour. 74 1

bronze castings, 414-17, 413 Cattell's 'Culture free" test. 451

610 INDEX
cattle in Negrid Africa, 357-60, 358 classification; of Primates, 540; principles of, 66
'Caucasian', origin of the name, 204-5 Cleanliness of body among Negrids, 367
Caucasiana, a Varietas of man (Blumenbach), cline, 78
26 cloth as trade goods, 350
caudal flexure man, 304
in Cochin Jews, 233
Celtae of Julius Caesar, 256 cognition; defined by Hamilton, 496; en-

Celtic Iron Age culture, 248 vironmental effects, 488-9

language, 268-9 cognition tests; 'alpha', 474-80, 476. 477.
'Celts', meanings attached to the word, 183, 478. 479: 'beta\ 474. 479-80, 484, 487,
(212,) 268 491. 492; Binet. 461; Binet-Simon.
cephalic index, 194 439-41. 456; 'calibration' of tests. 446;
Cercopidae, Livingstone's study of, 346 Cattell's 'Culture-free'. 451; Davis-Eells

Cercopithecidae, 292 Games. 484; Dearborn A, 484; Dominoes.

Cercopithecus, 167, 170 465; Hector's Pattern-Completion. 457;
ceruminous glands, 161, 167. 208 Kuhlmann. 446; Kuhlmann-Anderson.
Chadwick, N. K., 264 484; McCall Multimental, 463. 487; Min-
Chaillu, P. Du. 113, 175, 297, 337. 341, 343, nesota Spatial Relations, 456; National
347-8, 353. 354, 364-99 passim Intelligence Test, 463, 480, 484; non-

Chaka. 340. 344. 350. 362. 389-90, 395 verbal. 442. 449-52; Otis. 456. 487. 494;
Chalcolithic cultures. 511, 518 Piaget. 451-2; Pintner-Cunningham. 449.
Challenger, H.M.S., 276 484; Pintner Non-Language, 493; Pint-
Chamberlain, Houston, 48-50, 59 ner-Paterson, 491; Raven's Mill Hill
Changkiangids, 538 Vocabulary. 465; Raven's Progressive
Chantre, E, 242, 509-10 Matrices. 449. 450. 457. (465. 475.) 484-5;
Charonia, typical gastropod, 1 19, 120. 121-3, Simplex. 460; Spearman's Figure Classifi-
124, 125 cation. 449-50. 457; Stanford-Binet.
Chesnutt, C. W., 504 444_6, 447. 457. (460.) 474. 485. 487. 490.
cheveux crepus and frises. 226 491; Yerkes-Bridges Point Scale. 474. 482
chiasmata, 107, 707 cognitive ability; analysis into 'factors'. 452;
Childs. H. C, 443, 448, (468) definition. 438; racial differences, evidence

chimpanzee. 167. 290. 291. 321. 385, 540: from hybrids. 471-3, 493-4; tests of, for
first anatomical study of, 3 intelligence at-
1 ; adults, 445-6
tributed to it by eighteenth-century 'Coleman Report', 485-6. 498-9
philosophers. 22-3; races, 112-14; percen- Collignon. R.. 227
tage of 'tasters'. 187-8; pygmy, 303; colour of hair. 153-4. 157
regarded as Homo by Linnaeus, 31; skull, of skin: environmental and genetic in
199 fluences. 158-9, 227; undue emphasis up-
chin, 288 on, in popular speech and writing, 159-60,

Chinese; odour of, 174; porcelain at Zim- 534: unimportance of. in taxonomy. 148.
babwe, Khami, and Dhlo-Dhlo, 407 159. 181: ditto, recognized in seventeenth
Chou dynasty, 520 century. 15-16; unrelated to intelligence.
chromatids, 107, 107 159
Chukiangids. 537 'Coloured' population of South Africa. 228.
circumanal organ. 167 534
circumcision, 367 Combe-Capelle skull, 512
cire perdue casting in bronze, 4 1 conative faculty, 497
civilization, 35, 36, 437; capacity to initiate, contempt, interracial, 425
325, 508; definition. 506. 507-8; Gobineau convergent evolution, 39-40, 275-6
on. 37-8; not achieved by very paedo- convolution of cerebral cortex, in relation to
morphous taxa. 324; origin. 508; origin due intellect, 431-2

to proportion of talented people,

small Cook, James, 314
525-6; survival not evidence of its Cooke, C. K., 549
existence, 527; unfavourable environments Coolidge, H. J., 14
no barrier 527-8; when
to, initiated, in rela- Coon, C. S., 11, 39, 269, 275
tion to origin of life, 66 Cooper. H.. 424
Clark, J. D.. 405, 409 coordinate methods in craniometry, 198-9
Clarke, W. E. Le G., 272 copper mines, possibly Negrid, 373
Clarkson, T.. 9 Copts, 519
 INDEX 611

correlation coefficient (r). 453-4; between Degeneratio of Blumenbach. 26

cognitive of persons related in
abilities degeneration of Gobineau. 36
different degrees, 462-3, 464, 465; between Delaport. L., 509
physical characters of persons related in denary numeration. 521. 523
different degrees, 461-2 denaturing of animals through domestication,
Corriis corone and C. comix. 89-90. 90 91-3
Cosmoceras (ammonite), 133, 133 dendrites. 433-4, 435. 436
Covilha, 338 Deniker, J., 175, 227, 242, 425
Cowan, Dr., 340 dermis, 148
cranial index, 193; derivation from cephalic, Descartes, R., 496
236 Desor's larva of Lineus, 135
craniometry, 193-200 Devaux, 6., 304
'crepiie' scalp-hair (chevehire). 308 {see also deviation from an average, law of. 40-43. 41
cheveux crepiis) Dhlo Dhlo. 402, 407, 408
and posterior, 285, 285, 286
cristae, anterior Diaspora, 245
Cromagnids, 11, 96, 119, 227 Diaz, 338
Cromwell, Oliver, weight of brain, 429-31 Dickerman, H. S., 504
Crow, J. F., 489 dimorphism and polymorphism. 185-9
crows, (see also Corvus): carrion and hooded, Dinarids. 182. 183. (190,) 423
distinction by odour. 173 Dingane, 381, 390
'culture-fair' and 'culture-free" tests. 446, 447, Dingiswayo, 340
448-9. 469, 483 Dinka, 330, 360-70 passim. 390, 391. 394
'culture hypothesis', 489 Diodorus. 257. 258
Cunningham, D. J., 289. 321 dirtiness of body, examples among Negrids,
'Cupbearer', 517 368
Cuvier, Frederic, 93, 316 'Disentistyptis'. 213
,Georges, 92. 314. 316; weight of his disisolation, 83
brain. 430. 43 1
Disraeli, B.. 235
Cypraea (cowry), untypical gastropod, 122 dizygotic twins, degree of resemblance in

Cynocephalus. 167, 170 cognitive ability, 464, 466

Dobzhansky, T.. 11; definition of 'species', 74,
Dagara, King of Karagwe, 383, 396 75. 80, 114
Dale, I. R., 366 dogs, 357; ancestry of, evidence against
Dalofalids, 219 recapitulation, 136; domestication, 362-3;
Damara. see Ovaherero intelligence of, compared with human by
dances of Negrids, 380-81 Galton, 43, 43; mental differences between
Dapper, O., 313 breeds, 427
Darlington, C. D.. 117 dolichocranial skulls; definition, 193; extreme
Darsie, M. L.. 491 examples, 280
Dart, Raymond. 280 domestic animals introduced mto Negrid
Darwin, Charles, 92, 93, 138. 148. 295. 374. Africa, 356-64, 358
427-8. 438, 447, 497, 552; evolution domestication of animals; availability of
vithout origin of two or more species, suitable species in Negrid Africa, 374-7;
69-70; first remarks on evolution of man. scarcely begun by Negrids, 373-4
39; opinion on mental differences between doors of Negrids' houses, 370
human races. 40; recapitulation theory, dopa, 152
130, 134; species and 'varieties' in-
131. Dreger, R. M., 483
distinguishable, 65; statement on natural Drennan, M. R., 305, 317
selection, 145 Dreyer, T. F., 323
Daubenton, L., 73 Driesch, H.; 'elimination principle', 142;
Davis Eells Games. 448 entelechy, 141, 142
Dawkins, Boyd. 516 'drift', 146-7
Dean. G., 189 Drosophila. 1 1

deduction, 'primary factor' in cognitive ability, Drury, J.. 317

455. 457. 458 Drvopithecus. 213. 280
deer-mouse, see Peromyscus Du Bois, W. E. B., 504
definitions in cognition tests. 441—4 Dubois, E.. 71, 294
degenerate forms, 118 duck-billed platypus, 326
612 INDEX
Duckworth. W. L. H., 288, 294. 322, 413, 516 of race, 204-5; odour, 174, 208; physical
Duffy blood-group system, 230 characters, 205-11; postcranial skeleton,
duodevigesimal numeration, 522 208; primary characters, 207-10; pterion,
Diirer, Albrecht, 197, 198, 327 209; response to attainment tests, 498-9;
Dutch, blood-group frequencies, 190, 242—3, response to cognition tests, 471-89 passim:
243 sacrum, 287: secondary characters, 210-
dyeing of body by ancient Britons, 262-3 211; subraces. 211-20
Dyoor, 352 Euterbriiste. 295
Evelyn. J.. 429
ear-wax, 171 exaitolide. 170
Ebert, J. D., 144 executions by Negrids, 386-90
echelle m'etrique d'intelligence. 439 explorers of 'secluded' area of Negrid Africa,
ecological niches, 100 their routes. 337
Edwardes, M., 520 eye-colour of man. 157
Eggeling, I. R., 366 eyelid, 'third'. 209; see also plica
e-glands, 166 eyes. Europid and Mongolid, 209
Egyptian civilization, origin, 508. 509. 520 Eysenck, H. J., 487
Egyptians, ancient; external characters, 518; Ezekiel, 244
skulls, 517-19
Eickstedt, E. von. 68. 117. 174. 320. 323. 328. 'facial line' of Camper, 194, 28-9, 29
538; his Trivialnamen for human races and Falasha, 232-3
subraces. 205 Fang (Fan), 310, 350. 352. 356, 367, 370,
Eimer. H. T., 140 392, 393; cannibalism, 390-91
eland, 376 Farewell, G. P., 340, 344
Elderton, E. M., 463 Fawcett. C. D.. 518
elements formatifs of Arunta language, 500 Fechner. G. T., 197, 198
elephant, 376-7 Felis librca, 374
Ellis, Havelock, 170. 175 Fellahin^519
'end-feet', 434, 436 Ferguson, G. O., 471-3. 482. 494
endogamy. 232 Fetalisation (Fetalisierung). 303-5
Eiitoconcha (degenerate gastropod). 122-3. 24 1 fetishes. 382
environmental influences; on cognitive ability. fire,production of. by Negrids, 372
459; on skin colour. 459; interplay with firearms as trade-goods, 350
genetic influences. 459 Fisher, R. A., 146, 183, 462
environments; effect on results of cognition Fissurella. 125-6, 126. 127
tests. 489-90; genial, not essential to Flemming. W., 105
civilization,527-8; man-made, 528 Fleure, H. J.. 265
epactal bone, 556 Forbes, Lieut., 410
epalxicraspedote, 285 Ford, E. B.. 146
epidermis, 148, 149 foreign incursion into Negrid Africa, 334—42.
epipteric bones. 300 337
'equality' and 'inequality'. 6. 421 Formenkreis. 5. 79. 82-3. 118, 191
Equidae, evolution of. 144 Formlinge. 548
Erasmus. 14 fossa praenasalis. 285. 285
ergosterol. 156-7 fowls (Gallus). 357. 363
Erienmeyer-Kimling. L.. 463 Fox. A. L.. 187-8
Eskimids. skull. 87. 195-7. 196 fox. skull of. 427
ethmo-lacrimal suture. 286. 287. 288 France, population of. 223-4
ethnic problem, defined. 6 frave. 88
ethnic taxon, defined. 4 Freeman. F. S.. 451. 452
eugenics, 50, 57, 146. 529 Frick. Dr.. 51
'Eurafrican'. 513 Fritsch. G.. 307. 317. 323. 545. 546
Europids; blood-groups. 210-11; brain. 208. Frobenius. 414-16 passim. 545
L..

293: dark-skinned. 160; external frontal bones, grooves on. 300

characters. 208. 209, 210: eye. 209. 209: Fukuda. T.. 491
haptoglobins. 186; hybrids, interracial. Fulbe. 227-8. 333. 335. 397. 416
225-31; ditto, intersubracial. 223-5; inter- Fynn. H. F.. 337, 340. 343. 344-5. 367.
nal organs other than skeleton, 208; name 379-96 passim
 INDEX 613

g ('genera! intelligence' or 'general factor'. Great Britain, ancestry of population. 217.

Spearman), 454, 455, 456, 457 266-8
Gall. J. G., 106 great tit (Parus major), species or races?. 79

Galla. 12. 359; freedom from Negrid odour, Greeks of Attica, their intelligence assessed by
175 Galton. 43. 43
'Gallokelten', 256, 257 'Greek profile". 220
Gallus. see fowls Gregory, afterwards Pope, first impression of
Gallon, F.; student of mental ability and its Anglo-Saxons. 14-15
inheritance. 40-44. 41. 43. 235. 461: , W. K.; recapitulation theory. 136;
explorer. 337. 340. 341. 343, 346-7. 363, evolution of human 273
dentition.
368. 384-400 passim. 426 grinding of corn by Negrids. 372
Gama. Vasco da. 338 ground-bow. 378
Ganzprofilwinkel. 281 'group factors' in cognitive ability. 455
Garrett, H. E.. (452); argument against selec- 'group intelligence", 526
tive migration,480; 'overlap'. 486 Guha, B. S., 511, 515
Garstang, paedomorphosis. 137; re-
W.; guinea-fowl. 375
capitulation. 136 'Gulick eff'ect". 146-7
Garth. T. R., 483, 493 Gulick. J. T.. 'monotypic evolution'. 69
Gastropoda, for examples of typical, gulls (Lartis). species or races?, 76-9, 77
specialized, degenerate, and primitive
forms. 120. 121-3, 124 Haacke. J. W.. 138
Gates, R. R., 222 Hackett. L. W., 75
Gattiing. Kant's term. 81 Haeckel, E.. 59. 134; 'Indogermanic race". 40;
Gav. A., circumanal organ. 167 recapitulation theory. 131-2
Gayre. R.. 405. 408 Hagen, E.. 452
Gazella grand and thomsoni. 86-7 Hahn. T.. 548. 549
Gedda. L.. 228 hair, red, 265
gene-frequency. 186. 191 tufted. 308
.

'general intelligence' or 'general factor', see g hair-colour; of 'Celts'. 257; in Great Britain,
Geoffroy-Saint-Hilaire. £., 23, 316 264-5
'geographical race". 73 hairless Australid, 296, 297
George. F. V. de G.. 202 hairy pinna, 301-2
Gerasimov. M.. 96 Haldane. J. B. S.. 187
Germanen. 257
51. 59. 216. 256. Halicore (dugongs). 129
GhouDamup. 33I.333.426(s?eo/soBergdama) Haliolis. 125. 126. 127. 128-9
Giacomini. C. 322 Hall. G. S.. 504
'gifted" persons, definition. 443 Hallstatt. 252; Beinhaus. 212; culture in
Glasinac. 252. 252-4, 253 Great Britain, 258
Glass, B.. 229 Hamilton, W., 123, 496
Gmelin. J. F.. 24 Hannibal. 377
goats (Capra). 357, 361; hybridization with haptoglobins. 185-6. 210. 302, 320
sheep. 94-5 Hardy. A. 137 C
Gobineau. A. de. 33-8. 34. 59. 60. 508 hashish, 356
Goddard. H. H.. 443 Haukhoin, 331-2, 354
Goethe. J. W. von. (33,) 206 Hausa, 228, 335
gold coinage, introduced into Britain, 259 Hauser, O., 512
gold, trade in. in relation to building in stone at Hawkes. C, 262
Zimbabwe, 407 etc., J.. 262
,

Golgi-Cox technique, 433-4 head, human, external anatomy. 236-8, 237

Gondokoro. 348 Hector. H.. 450. 457
Goodall, 546, 547
E.. Heidelberg Man. 288. 289
Goodsir. 289 J.. Heine. Heinrich. 235
Gordon-Brown. A.. 376 Helladic-Minoan civilization. 508. 509.
gorilla. 168. 291. 297, 347, 540; races. 114 515-16, 520
Gottesman. I., 466I. Hellenic civilization, 520
Grant, J. 349
A.. Hellman, M.. 273
.Madison. 56-8, 59 Helmholz. H.. 205-6
Gratiolet. P.. 39. 113. 322 Hemming. J.. 521
614 INDEX
Henry. Prince of Portugal, 335 Ibn Yasin, 334
Herder, J. G., 22 'identical' twins, see monozygotic twins
Herminia barbalis (fan-foot moth). 162, 163. idols, 382-3
165 Ife heads, 41 1-14; taxonomic position of the
Hickman, H.. 351 originals, 414-16
hierarchy of taxa. 68 'Inca bone", 556
Hiernaux. J.. 326-7 Incas, 521
258-9. 259. 260
hill-fort, index, lumbo-vertebral, 290-91
Hill-Tout. C. 134. J36 'of nigrescence" (Beddoe), 264
Hindu: civilization. 520; denary numeration. , sacral. 291
523 Indianerfalte. 416, 556
Hiorns. R. W.. 230 Indianids; their cultures. 521-5; responses to
Hippalus, 338 cognition and attainment tests, 492-4, 498,
Hitler. A.. 9, 33. 34, 59-61 533
Hittites. 242, 244. 520 Indogermanen. 52, 59
Hivites. 13 inductive capacity; important in certain
Hoernes, M., 252, 254 branches of biology. 458: regarded as a
Hofler, M.. 256 'primary factor' in cognitive ability. 456.
Holl. M., 216 457
Home. H. (Lord Kames). 21. 175 Indus Valley civilization, origin. 508. 509. 520
Hominidae (hominids). 66, 271 intelligence; definitions. 438. 439, 495-6, 497
Hominoidea (hominoids), 32. 271 intelligence quotient, see IQ
Homo: dinaricus, 47; erectus. 66. 71. 82. 'intelligence tests', see cognition tests
272-5; europaeus. 216: neanderthalensis. intermediates between ethnic taxa, 100, 211
see Neanderthal man: rhodesiensis. 67; International code of zoological nomen-
sapiens. 205, 275; sapiens albus. 205 66-8
clature.
hongo. 348, 349, 350 introgression. 90
hookworm. 400 Inyanga Terraces. 401-2
Hottentots. 19. 20. 21. 26. 97. 305-6. 313. IQ: definition. 442-3; high, often accom-
317. 318. 340 panied by mental laziness. 496: origin of
'Hottentot Venus' (Bushwoman). 315. 316, the term, 443-4
317, 318, 321. 322 IQs; of offspring of fathers of different
Hotz, H., 35 cognitive abilities, 460-61; of offspring of
houses of Negrids: circular. 369-70, 369: fathers of different social classes, 460; of
'mud huts'. 370; rectangular. 370. 371 persons related in different degrees, 461—4,
Hp. see haptoglobins 465
Huanghoids. 520. (538) Irish elk. 143
Hue, £., 174 Iron Age art in Britain. 258. 261. 261-2. 263
Hume. D., 18, 19 iron; forging of, 353; smelting of, 352
Hunter, John (physician), 24—5, 73-4 Irula. 222
189,
(surgeon), 74 Isaacs. N., 344
, W. S.. 493-4 isolation: effects of, 221-3; ditto, on small
Huschke, E., 430 human populations. 325; resulting in
Huxley. J. S.. 78 primitiveness. 271
. T. H.. 3, 32, 65.101, 181, 204. 289. izinyanga. 382
304, 458, 555
Hyatt. A.. 69. 132-3. 140, 142 jackal, skull. 427
hybrid belt or zone, 89-90, 90 Jacobs. J.. 235
hybridity (hybridization), II, 12. 211; among 'Jaconids'. 424
early Britons. 266; domestication, caused James. T. C. 265
by, in animals. 91-5; ditto, in man. 95-8: Jamieson. E.. 493
Gobineau on effects of. in man. 36. 38; Japanese: civilization. 520; failure in certain
intergeneric. 94; interracial, 225-31: inter- sports. 421. 423. 424;freedom from body-
subracial, 223-5; nomenclature of, 93-^, odour, 173; success in certain sports, 554
228; types 'A', 'B'. 'C. in man. 228; under Jarvik, L. F.. 463
natural conditions of animal life. 89-91 Java Man, 272. 275. 282. 283. 286. 540;
Hylobates. 168, 321 cranial capacity. 279
hypsibrachycephalic head, 238 Jenkins. M. D.. 487-8. 499
 INDEX 615

Jenkins. T., 320 Kolliker, A.; branched pigment-cells in human

Jensen, A. R., 456, 465. 488, 526 skin. 151; circumanal organ. 167
Jepson, G. L., 139, 144 Kollman, introduces Neotenie, 137
J.,

Jerie, H. G., 198 Koran Negrid Africa, 335

in

Jews, 33; attitude to, of Chamberlain, 49-50; Korana, 97, 305. 315. 317. 318
Galton, 44; Gobineau, 36-7; Grant, 56, 59; Koreans. 171
Hitler, 60, 61; Lapouge, 48; Nietzsche, 46; Kossinna, G., 51-2, 59
Spengler, 53, 55; Treitschke, 59; definition Kota, 222-3
of, 234-5; description of, in Bible, 14; Krause, W., 166, 170
Dutch, blood-group frequencies, 242-3, Kroll, H., 357, 362, 363
243; early penetration into Negrid Africa, Krushchev, N., typical Alpinid, 213, 215
334; groups of, ethnically distinct from Kuhlmann, F., 443, 444, 448
those of Europe and U.S.A., 232-4; Kuhn, H.. 546
'illustrious' and 'eminent', 235; immigrants kulbeda. Negrid weapon, 354, 355
to U.S.A., cephalic indices, 201-2; origin !Kun (Sanid tribe), 320
of, 243-5; Russian, blood-group frequen- Kurds, 509-10
cies, 242-3, 243 Kurumba, 222, 305
Job, attitude to food-gatherers, 13 Kushites, 510
'jocko', 32 Kwoh Tsuen Yeung, 490
Joest, W., 175 Kytch, 360, 366; starvation among, 397
lohnston. Sir H.. 175, 391. 504
Judeus (Judeos), 234 labia minora of Khoisanids, 313-17, 315: fan-
ciful representation, 311
Kafrids, 226, 229, 306, 318, 328, 329, 333, Labillardiere, 314-16
336, 341, 343, 369 Labouret, H., 336
Kagan, J. S., 466 Lacepede, E. de, 92
Kalmuks, 220; odour, 174; skull dis- Lacerda, Dr.. 339
tinguishable from Negrid's by blind man, 288
lacrimal crest, posterior, 287.
26 Lamarck, J. B., 525
Kames, Lord (H. Home), 20-21 lampbrush chromosomes, 105-9, 106. 107,
Kamurasi, 350, 388, 395 108
Kant, Immanuel, 48, 100, 227, 382; ethnic Langerhans, P., recognizes melanocytes as
problem, 18-19; evolution, 81-2; species cells, 151
problem, 80-82; three faculties of the mind, languages; 116-17; evidence of in-
bees',
496 telligence, 500-03; genetic element in
Karagwe, 339 pronunciation, 117; Negrids', 393
Kaze, 339, 342 Lankester, Ray, on 'archi-Mollusc', 124, 129
Keith, Arthur. 11, 293, 294, 513, 514 'La Parisienne'. 517
Keller, C, 362. 363 Laplace, P. S., 522, 523
Kepplerites (ammonite), 133 Laplanders, attitude to, of S. S. Smith, 21 {see
Kerr, Ruby, 491 also Lappids)
Khami, 339, 402, 404. 405, 406. 408 Lapouge, G. V. de, 46-8, 59
Khazars (Cozars), 234 Lappids (Laplanders); blood-groups, 187;
King, J. S., 344 skull, 87, 195-7, 196. All
L. W.. 509
,
Lartet, t.. 273, 274
. R., on Todas, 222 Larus (gulls); species or races?, 76—9, 77:
Kish, 511, 512, 513 hybridization, 95
Kisimi Kamala, 41 Lassalle, P., 235
Kitchener, Lord, 215. 218-19 La Tene, 252, 254. 254, 258, 261
Klaatsch, H.. 513; recapitulation theory. 134 Latimeria. 88
kladogenesis, 69, 70, 85 Latuko (Lotuko), 226
Kleinschmidt, O., 82-3 lavatories used by Negrids, 368
Klenke, W., 424 'law of priority' in zoological nomenclature,
Klineberg, O., 448, 476, 477, 478, 479, 67
480-81 Lawrence, E., 460
Knight, R., 456, 496 Laycock, T., 169
Koelle. S. W., 410-11 Lee, A., 462, 518
Koenigswald, G. H. R. von, 272 Leers, J. von, 56
616 INDEX
Leguat, F..313 Marshall, W. E.. on Todas. 222
Leibnitz, 496 Martial. 258
Lepidosiren, 88 Masai. 175. 226
leptorrhine, 238 "matching' of children in cognition tests. 482
Lermontov. M. Y.. 181 mathematics; Babylonian. 523; Hindu, 523;
Lesson, R.-P., 541 Mayan, 522-3
Lesueur, C. A.. 314-17 Maupertuis, P. L. M. de, 160; on intelligence
Leutholf (Ludolfus). I., writer on skin colour of apes, 23
in 1691, 16 Maya. 522. 523; cannibalism. 525; deforma-
Levdig, F., branched pigment-cells in skin. tion of head. 557; mathematics. 522-3,
150-51 527-8
Li, C. C. 229 Mayaud. N.. on gulls (Lams). 76, 78
Lineus (marine Nemertine worm), 135 Mayr. E.. 272
Linnaeus, C; classification of man, 24; ethnic maze tests. 526-7; tried with Australian
problem, 24; names Homo sapiens. 67; aborigines. 469-70
places anthropoid apes (pongids) in genus mboundou. 387
Homo. 31-2 McCown. T. D.. 1

Linyanti, 373; largest town in 'secluded' area, McGurk. F. C. 489

371 Meckel. J. F.. foreshadows recapitulation
Lira, natives of, 366-7 theory. 129
Liu, C. H.. 171, 174, (490.) 520, 537, 538 "Mediterranean race' of Sergi. 516, 518
"living fossils". I 24 Mediterranids, 50, 57, 117, 219-20, 245;
Livingstone, David, 311. 330, 337. 339. 340, among ancestors of modern British popula-
343. 345-6, 349-400 passim. 401, 527; tion, 265; external characters (head), 230:
theory of sexual selection, 552 skulls in sites of ancient civilizations,
Llwyd, E., 268 511-17 passim
local forms, 4 Megaceros giganteus (Irish elk), 143
local value system of numeration. 522-3 Meiners, C, 27
loggoh kuUuttv. 353. 377 Meinhard, H., 413, 414
Long, E., 23, 175 Mein Kampf. 9. 33, 59-61
Loxodonta africana (African elephant), 376-7 Melanesians, 276, 541-2; skull, 277
lumbar curve, 289-91 Melanesids. 183, 542; pterion, 299
iumbo-vertebral index, 290-91, 321-2 melanin; chemistry, 152-3; granules (colour,
Luschan, F. von, 312. 510, 516 origin, racial differences in abundance),

Lycaon pictus. (345.) 374 151-2; protects against damage by ultra-

violet light. 155
melanin stimulating hormone. 154-5
Macaca mulatta (rhesus monkey), sexual melaninus (subrace of australasicus). 278
stimulation by scent, 162. 164 melanocytes; in dermis of monkeys, pongids,
Machairodus (sabre-toothed cat), 143 and man. 158; in epidermis of man. 149.
Maiden "Castle'. 248-9. 259. 260, 405 151
Maimon. Solomon, 235 memory; conceptual and rote, distinction
Makololo, 369, 371, 380-99 passim between. 456; rote, often highly developed
Malinke, 335 in persons of low IQ. 456; rote, regarded as
Malpighi, Marcello, structure of skin, 148 a "primary factor' in cognitive ability. 455
mamma, primary (^areolata), 295, 296 Mendelssohn. Felix. 235
Manchu, 538 Menilek. 233
Mandrillus sphinx (mandrill); blue skin of, mental age. origin and definition of the term,
157; sexuallv attracted by certain women, 442-3
92-3 Merrill.M. A., 444
maps; showing distribution of Corvus cowrie. Merychippus, side-branch in evolution of
C. corni.x. and hybrids, 90; of races of horse, 144
Triturus cristatus.103; of races of chim- mesocranial. definition, 193
panzee, 112; of races of Negrids, 328; of mesorrhine, definition, 238
explorers' routes in Africa, 337 metatarsal brushes of deer, 161
Marathon race, 423 Meyerbeer. 235
marimba, 378-9 Meyerowitz. E. L. R.. 413
Marshall, J., 322 .H. and V.. 413
 INDEX 617

Middle American culture, 520, 521-5; Africa, 378-9; introduced into Negrid
slaughter and cannibalism of prisoners, Africa. 351
524-5 musk. 164-5, 168-9
Mikiouho Maclay (Miklucho-Maclay), N. musk-deer, 164
von. 280. 296 musk-rat, 165
Mikoyan, President, 240 Muslim influence on Negrid culture, 334-5
Mill, John Stuart. 527 Mutesa, King of Buganda, 366, 367, 383, 388
Miller, K. S.. 483 mutilation of body among Negrids, 367
Minkopis. 221 Mwata Yamvo, 370
Minoans. paintings of. 517 Mvcenaean civilization, 520
mirror, bronze, of British Iron Age, 263
Missiroli. A.. 75
Mittu. mutilation of lips, 367, 368 Naga, 513
340
Moffat, R., Nagada culture, 357, 360, 361

Mohenjo-Daro, 511, 512, 513 Nageli, C. von, 140. 142, 143

Moll's glands, 167 nakedness, 366-7
inolote. 353 Naletale, 402, 408
Monboddo, Lord, regards chimpanzees as Naliele, 339, 340

men. 23 naming of species, 66-8

Monbuttu, 352, 363-73 passim. 384. 393; Nandi, 389
cannibalism. 393; intelligence, 397 national groupings disguise racial and sub-
Mongolenfahe. 209, 312, 415. 537, 538 racial differences, 112

Mongolids. 6, 275, (533); o-glands. 171; eyes. National Socialism (Nazism), 33, 44. 45, 46,
209: odour. 173; response to attainment 51-3. 56
tests, 498-9; ditto, to cognition tests. 490. 'Nature and Nurture", 461
491-2; special strengths and weaknesses in Nauplius larva, 131, 135
response to cognition tests. 491-2 Nautilus, primitive mollusc (cephalopod), 126
'mongrel" British population, 267 Navarro, J. M. de. 262
monogenism. 21, 37 Neanderthal man, 10-1 1. 71, 82. 89, 96, 134.
Monotremata, 326 321
monozygotic ('identical') twins; resemblances Neapolitan immigrants to U.S.A., cephalic in-

in cognitive ability, 461, 462—4, 465. dices, 201-2

465-7; 'selective placement', 464 Necturus. 137
Montaigne. M. de. on cannibals. 15 Negerfalte. 4 1 6
Montandon, G., 331 anatomy of, studied by
Negrids; a-glands;
Montelius, O., 252 Camper. 29. 29-30; Sommering, 27-8;
Montesquieu. C. de S.. 18. 21 Tiedemann. 30-31; attitude towards, of
'Moors'. 226-7 Blumenbach. 27; Galton. 42. 43, 43\
Morant. G. M.. 1 19, 195, 197. 257, 282, 302, Gobineau, 37; Kant, 19; Meiners. 27;
517-19 passim Pouchet. 38; Tiedemann, 30; cannibalism,
Morgan, L. H., 506, 519, 521 390-93; carpentry, 372; clothing, 366-7;
morphology as principal basis of taxonomy, concubinage, 378; dances, 380-81;
191 domestication 356-64,
of animals, 354,
Morton, F., 252 358. 373-4; environment as cause of
Moschus moschiferus (musk-deer). 164 backwardness, 397-9; executions, 386-90;
Moses on bestiality, 96 fire, production of, 372; geographical
mosquitoes, malarial and others. 74-6, 76 knowledge, 395; grinding of corn, 372-3;
Mtilikwe River. 401 haptoglobins, 186; heads as represented by
Muhlhart. 248, 255 artists of former times, 327. 327-8; history,

mule, 73 knowledge of. 394-5; houses, 369-70;

Miiller, F., recapitulation theory, 130 hybrid, described Negroes, 230: ill-
as
. H. J.. 151 nesses, 399-400; indigenous culture,
. Johannes. 122 366-400; insanity, rarity of. 397; intellect,
Munza, King of Monbuttu. 370, 393; his as judged by explorers, 393-7; languages,
lavatory, 368 393; lawsand punishments, 385-90;
Mursell, J. L., 452 laziness of men, 399; marriage customs,
muscone, 164 377; music, 378-80; odour, 175-6;
musical instruments; endemic to Negrid physical characters, 325-33, 327: pottery.
618 INDEX
Negrids (contd.) nose; breadth of, in relation to environment,
372; pterion. 299; regarded as in- 310-11; Europid. 209, 210: Negrid, 2/0;
distinguishable from other sub-Saharan trichterfdrmig. 331. 332
taxa. 326; religions, superstitions, ethical Nuer. 332. 366
principles, 381-5; scientific knowledge, ex- numbers, names for. non-existent in Arunta
tent of, 396; scripts, invention of, 409-11; language. 501
sculpture. 381. 412. 413: skull, stated to be numeration, systems of. 522-3
identifiable by blind person. 26. 192; social nymphae. see labia minora
life. 377-8; starvation among. 397; sub-
races and their geographical distribution.
328. 328-33; symbols for subraces. 329; Obalufon II. 412
tribes, classified list. 550-51; villages, Obermaier. H.. 546
370-71; wheel, ignorance of, 373; writing, oceanic islands. 80
ignorance of, 394 odours;discrimination. 172-3; endogenous
Negritids. 114. (231.) 292 and exogenous. 172; human, significance
Negroes of North America, hybridity among. of. 176-7; of Andids. 556; of Australids.
227. 228-3 1role of hybrids in struggle for
;
176; of Europids. 173. 208; of Mongolids.
advancement of Negroes, 503-5 173; of Negrids, 175-6; of Zentralids, 557
, response to mental Oken. L.. 68
tests; attainment ('achievement') tests. Olokun. 412
498-9; cognition tests. 471-86; examples Olympic Games, 421. 422. 423, 554
of high IQ. 486-8; mean IQ. 485: strengths Ondatra zibethica (musk-rat). 165
and weaknesses in cognition tests. 488; sur- Opisthobranchia. 276
prising result from New Mexico. 475 orang-utan. 168. 290. 291. 321; anatomy.
n'egrdides of Grotte des Enfants. 119 studied by Camper. 29. 29. 32; by
'Neolithic revolution". 528 Tiedemann. 30; apertura pyriformis. 283.
Neopilina, primitive mollusc, \26-l 284: brain. 293. 19
Neumayr. M.. palaeontological evidence for Orbigny. A. d'. 556
orthogenesis. 139-40 orbitale. 236. 237
neurones of human cerebral cortex. 435. Orientalids. 12. 13. 226. 227. 228, 242, 244,
435-6 514
New Hebrides. 121. 174. 183; deficiency of Ornithorhynchus. 129
group-names in language. 502 orthogenesis, 138-46, 528
Newman. H. H.. on twins, 182 orthoselection, 143
newt, see Triturus orygmocraspedote, 283, 284. 286. 514
Niam-Niam. see Azande Osborn. H. F.. on 'aristogenesis'. 142
Nietzsche. Friedrich. 44-6. 54. 58-9 Osborne. R. H.. 202
Nilgiri Hills. 221-2 osmidrosis axillae. 173
Niio-Hamites. 12. 226. 328. 333. (334) Osteuropids. 117. 181. 219
Nilotids. 226. 328. 329. 330. 332. 336. 343. Otz Valley, Tyrol; ossuaries. 216; population
390; fire, production of, 372; houses, 369; of. 212

nakedness. 332. 366-7 Ovaherero (Damara). 333. 354-97 passim

niveau intellectucl (=mental age). 441-4 Ovambo. 363-98 passim
passim "overlap" in cognition tests, 486

Nok culture. 412 Oris, see sheep

nomenclature, zoological, principles of. 66-9 Owen, Richard. 291. 540

non-adaptive evolution, 146-7 oxycraspedote. 283. 284
'non-metricaP characters. 283
Nordids. 6. 117. (231.) 248. 256. 257. 267, paedomorphosis. 114. 137-8. 303-5. 304.
280; apertura pyriformis, 283, 284; blood- 307-12 passim, 311. 319-24 passim. 436
groups, 211; primary characters, 217-19; Paiwan (Taiwan tribe), 188
resemblances to Mediterranids. 219; secon- Palaemongolids; advantages gained in certain
dary characters. 219; skull. 214; supposed sports by grading of competitors, 554;
superiority, 46-8. 56-7. 59 external characters, 538-9; physical disad-
Nordid-Mediterranid hybrids. 225 vantages in certain sports. 421-4 passim
Nordindids, 12, 512 Palaenegrids. 101. 110. 328. 329-33. 336.
North America, suitability for study of racial 343. 354. 367
differences in cognitive ability, 471 pale skin, functional significance. 156-7
 INDEX 619

Palestine, early man in, 1 1 ; human hybridiza- (nictitating membrane, 'third eyelid'), 27,
tion in Biblical times, 12, 13 30. 32, 208, 295, 322; tarsalis medialis, 416
Pan, see chimpanzee Pliny. 257
Pan 1. Pan 3, Pan
Pan 2, 4, explanation, 333 Poch. R., 307. 317, 323
Papuans, 276, 541-2 Poecilia, 86, 95
parallel evolution, 275 polygenes, 110-11, 158-9, 190-91, 201, 203,
Park, Mungo, 335 455, 458, 533, 534
Parus major (great tit), species or races?, 79 polygenist theory of human diversity, 38-40
Pauli mental test, 497 polymorphism and dimorphism, 185-200,
Paviow on 'precession des caracteres', 133 211
P-Celtic speech, 258 Pongidae (pongids), 66, 272, 292
Pearson, Karl, 50, 462 'pongo', 22, 30
Pekin Man, 66, 71, 272-89 passim, (298) Pontoppidan, 77
Pelasgians, 515. 516 populations, as distinct from ethnic taxa, 5
Pelseneer, P., 276 porphyria, 189
Pelloceras (ammonite), 133 Porteus, S. D., 469; his Maze Test, 526
'penetrated' area of Negrid Africa, 334-5 Portuguese incursion into Guinea coast. 335
penis; of Nilotids, 329, 332; of Palaenegrids, Potamochoerus porcus, 374
331; ofSanids, J/7, 319; Zulus' sheath for, Pouchet, G., 38
367 pre-orbital glands of Bovidae. 162
percentile ranks, 445-6 prepositions, use of, as evidence of in-
Pereira. 340 telligence, 502
performance tests, definition, 442 Presbytis,100
Peromyscus maniculalus (deer-mouse), primary and secondary characters, 185-91
experiments on racial differences in habits, Primates, classification of, 540
115-16 primitive characters of Australids, critique of
Peron. F., 314-17 Morant's remarks, 302
personality tests, 497 primitive forms, 124-9. 126, 128, 272-5
Peters, H. B., taxonomist of man, 68, 204. 205 Pristiurus (dogfish), 105, 106
Petersen, J., 488 Pteropoda, 276
Petherick, B. H. and J., 344, 391 Plerotrachea, untypical gastropod, 122
phenyl-thiourea, 187-8, 210, 302 pygmy chimpanzee, 113-14, 138, 303
pheromones, 161
Piaget, 451-2, 456 Q-Celtic speech, 258
Piaggia. C, 380, 392 Quetelet, A., law of deviation from an average,
pigeons, mental differences between breeds, 40-42. 41
428 Quipu, 521-2
pigs, introduction into Negrid Africa, (357,)
361-2 r (correlation coefficient), 453-4
Pilidium larva of Lineus, 135-6 rababa, 351, 379
Pintner, R., 488 Race Ando-Peruvienne, 556
pipit, see Anthus 'race kymrique'. 256
Piscicola (leech), pigment cells, 149, 150-51 race, meaning of the term. 4, 99-117
pitch, acoustic, ability to discriminate, cor- Racen of Kant, 81, 82
related with g, 454 Rachel, £lisa, 235
Pithecanthropus, 66, 71, 82, 96, 134, 199, racial differences in habits among animals,
272-81 passim, 302, 425 (see also Java 111, 114-17
Man and Pekin Man) Radin, P., 506
Pitt-Rivers, A., 414 railways, effect on hybridization (Beddoe), 84
place-notational system of numeration, 522-3 Ramapithecus, 273
plants cultivated by Negrids, 354, 356, 553 Ramon Cajal, S., 434
Plate, L., orthoselection, 143 Randall-Maciver, D., 281
platyrrhine, definition, 238 Rassenkreis, 83
Plesianthropus, 280 rats, production of bright and dull stocks by
Pleurotomaria quoyana and P. adansoniana, selection, 432
'living fossils', 128, 128 Raven, J. C, 449, 450, 457, 495
plica; naso-marginalis,416. 556; naso- Ray, John, stated to have defined the word
palpebralis superior. 209, 415; semilunaris 'species', 73
620 INDEX
Realgattung of Kant, 81-2, 100 depopulation, 306; external characters,
Reaumur, R. A. F. de, 93 307-19, 310, 311, 31 5\ female reproductive
'rebus' hieroglyphs of Middle Americans, 524 organs, 311, 313-19; finger-prints, 320;
recapitulation theory, 129-36, 131, 133 head, 308-13, 310; hybrids with Negrids,
recruits to American Army, responses to 309, 320; male reproductive organs, 311,
cognition tests, 473-80 319; paedomorphous characters, 307-10
rectilinear evolution. 139 passim, (312.) 319, (320, 321,) 322, 323;
Reed, T. E., 229 pongid characters. 321; postcranial skele-
ton. 321-2; regarded as not related to
Reicher, M., 220-21
Reihengraber, 251 Negrids or Mongolids, 323; rock art, 311,
Reil, insula of. in Australids and Pongids, 295
317. 545-9. 547; skin-colour. 307; skull,

religions, superstitions, and ethical principles

320-21
among Negrids, 381-5 sansa. 379

Rensch, B., 69. 83-4 Santiana, A.. 186-7

Retzius. A., 293 Sass, Florence von (Lady Baker), 348-9
Rhyne. W. ten, 313. 316 'saturation' in studies of cognitive factors, 454
Rice. T., 511, 513, 514 Sauser, G., 212, 216
rickets, protection against, by ultraviolet light, 'savagery', definition, 506
156 scaphoid skulls, 276
Ripley, W. Z., 204, 256; on the name Schiefferdecker, a-glands, 166-7, 170

'Caucasian', 205 Schistosoma, 400

roads made by Negrids, 371 Schneck. M. R.. 452
robaba, see rababa Schopenhauer, 33, 60
Roberts. D. P.. 230 Schotte, J. P.. 175

Robertson, C. 291 Schuster. E., 463

Robin, C, 166 Schwab. Col., 255
Robinson, J. T.. 288 Schwarz. E.. 113
rock art of Sanids. 311 317. 324, 545-9, 547
.
Schweinfurth. G..113. 336, 337, 343, 344,

Rode. P., 113 349, 353. 360-81 passim

Rothenstein, W., 413 Schweppenburg. H. G. von. 79
Rousseau, J. chimpanzee, 22-3;
J.; on Schwidetzky. Use. 186. (512)
recognizes and differences
conformities scent-organs, 161-2, 163, 165
among ethnic taxa, 16-17, 534 scents; directive, 162; sexually stimulating,

routes of explorers in 'secluded' area of Negrid 162. 164; species-recognition, 161

Africa, 337 'selective migration'. 480

Rozwi, regarded as builders in stone in Negrid Serbo-Croats. 253. 253
Africa, 405 Sergi. G.. (513.) 516. 518
Riickert, J.. 105 Serinus canaria (canary), 94
Rumanika, King of Karagwe, 383, 396 Sewell, R. B. S.. 511, 513

Russia, races and subraces of, 190 sexagesimal numeration, 523

Russians, blood-group frequencies, 242-3, sexual partners, selection of, 85-9
243 sexual selection, 318, 552
Shang kingdom, 519
s (specific factor of Spearman). 454 Sheba. Queen of. 233
sabre-toothed cat, 143 sheep, 357, 360-61; hybridization with goat,
sacral index, 291 94
sacrum, Australid and Europid. 287, 291 shield, bronze, of British Iron Age, 261
sagittal plane. 193 Shields. J., 464. 466-7
Saint-Hilaire. see GeofTroy-Saint-Hiiaire, 6. Shillouk. 363, 366. 369
St. Paul urges toleration between ethnic taxa, Shona, regarded as early builders in stone in
14 Negrid Africa, 405
salt mine near Hallstatt, 250 Shuey. Audrey M., 481, 483-5, (488,) 489
San, meaning of the word, 306 Sialk. 511
Sandiford. P.. 463 Sibirids, odour, 174
sanga, 358. 359 sickle-cell anaemia. 188
Sanids (Bushmen), 114. 184. (231.) 305, 340, Sikhs. 222; blood-groups. 187
365, 527. (533); blood-groups. 319-20; simian notch. 301
brain, 319, 322; cranial capacity, 308; Simon, T., 439-41, (452.) 456, 496
 INDEX 621

Simpson, G. G., 70, 144, 199. 540 421, 422, 423-5; relevance or irrelevance
Sinanlhropus (Pekin Man), 66. 71 to ethnic problem, 421-5
Singer, R.. 189 Sri Lanka (Ceylon), racial boundaries of
Sinic civilization, origin. 508. 509, 519-20 animals in, 100
Sinids. 6. 191, 537-8; local forms, 17, 538: Srinivasa Ramanujan, Indian mathematician,
percentage of 'tasters', 188 457-8
Sitta neumayeri and syriaca. 87 standard horizontal plane; of human head,
skin; colour of, influence of sunlight, 227: 236, 237; of skull, 281
microscopical structure, 148, 149, 150 standard scores in cognition tests, 446
skull; adult and infant, compared, 309; Stanford-Binet test of 'intelligence', 444-5,
breadth of, defined, 193; dog and jackal. 446
compared, 427, 555; indices representing statistical studies, errors in interpreting, 119
form of, 193; length of. defined, 193; steatomeria. 315. 318
taxonomic value, 192-203 steatopygia. 315. 318
slavery. 364-5 Stegman. B.. on gulls (Larus) and tits (Parus),
Smith, Adam; prepositions, 502; theory of 76-9
primitive language, 501 Steinberg, A. G.. 320
, Elliot; ancestry of ancient Egyptians. Steller.G. W., 174
518; sulcus lunatus, 293 Stern, W., 174, 443. 495
S. Stanhope. 21-2. 25
. stink-glands of skunk. 161
smoking, effect on olfactory sense, 172 stirps. meaning of the term. 5
Sneath, P. H. A., 199 Stoddard. L.. 58. 59
'socio-economic status' in relation to results of Stone. A. H.. 504
cognition tests. 489 stone buildings; in Angola. 402; in the
Soemmerring. see Sommerring secluded area of Negrid Africa, 401-2, 403,
Sofala. 338; in relation to building in stone at 404. 405-9. 406
Zimbabwe, 408 Stow, G. W.. 306, 545-6, 548
Sollas. W. J.. 548. 549 Strandioopers. 97, 306, 321
Somali, head of, 230 Stresemann. E.. and Timofeeff-Ressovsky.
Sommerfelt, A., 500-01, 506. 527 N. W.. on gulls (Larus) and other birds.
Sommermeir, E.. 493-4 76-80
Sommerring, S. T., 9, 27-8, 227 Stuart. J.. 345
sorcery, trials and punishments by Negrids. subnasale. 236. 237
387 subrace. meaning of the term, 4
Sorokin. P., balanced critique of ethnic subspecies, equivalence with race. 4
problem. 61 Sudanids. 318. 320. 327, 328, 328-9. 335;
spacial relations, capacity for recognition of; blood-groups, 229
important in certain branches of biology. sulcus, central (Rolando's), 217
458; regarded as 'primary factor' in sulcus lunatus; Australids, 293, 294-5;
cognitive ability, 456, 457. 458 australopithecines, 294; Europids, 293,
Spearman, C. E., 449-51, 452-5, 457. 495-7 293: Java Man, 294; pongids, 293, 294
passim Sumatran, apertura pyriformis, 285
speciation by hybridity. 90-91 Sumerians; their arched harp, 351; biblical
species, meaning of the term; 4. 65—84; marriage custom, 244; civilization. 508,
genetical sense. 73; morphological sense, 509, 520. 525, 528; external characters,
72-3; palaeontological sense. 69-72 509-10, 510; skulls, 511, 514
species; naming of. 66-8; not fundamentally Sumero-Akkadian civilization, 509, 510-11,
distinguishable from races, 76-9, 98 520
specific factor, s, of Spearman, 454 Summers. R.. 405. 548

Speke, J. H., 336, 337, (338, 339,) 343, 348. Sunderland, E.. 265
349-53 passim. 366-97 passim Sunne. D.. 482
Spengler, Oswald. 52-6, 58-9; his assessment superciliary ridges, possibility of independent
of famous thinkers, 53-4 evolution, 280
spiny anteater, 326-7 superiority and inferiority; general remarks, 6;
'splitters' and 'lumpers' among taxonomists, views of 18th-century philosophers, 17-22;
110 detailed treatment. 419-529
sports; classification of competitors by weight, surrealism in Bushman art. 548
554; physical features affecting success in. Sus. see pigs
622 INDEX
Sylvester.J. J., 458 Treitschke. H. von. 44
Symphalangus (siamang), 289 Trichechus (manatees). 129
synapses, 433, 436, 436 trichterformig nose, 331, 332
Synapta (host of Entoconcha), 120, 122 trinomial system of nomenclature, 68, 99-100
Syrians, 227 Triturus cristatus; chromosomes, 105, 108;
Sy sterna naturae of Linnaeus, 67 genetical differences between races, 102-4;
geographical distribution of races, 103;
'tablier\ 19, 20, 26, 314, 315, 316 hybrids with marmoratus, 105; neoteny,
T.
Tabora, 339 137; races, general account, 101-111, 102,
Tacitus, 257 103, 108
Tamanovalva (gastropod with bivalve shell), 'trivial names' (Trivialnameri) in taxonomy, 68

720, 122 Trochus (top-shell), 119

Tanner, H. O., 504 Tryon, R. C, maze-learning by rats, genetical
Tapirus indicus, 145 study, 432
Tasmanids (Tasmanian aborigines), 276, 302, Tsung, 233
541 Tswana, 333
and 'non-tasters' of phenyl-thio-urea,
'tasters' tubercle. Carabelli's. 200-01
187-8 Tungids, (231,) 423, 537; skulls compared
Tatars (Tartars), 234 with those of Alpinids, 220-21; Tungus
taurodontism, 208 tribe, freedom from axillary odour, 174
Taurotragus oryx (eland), 376 Tupaiidae ('tree-shrews'), 129, 273
taxon, meaning of the term, 4 Turanids, 12, 225
taxonomy; importance of understanding prin- Turgenev, 181
ciples of, in study of ethnic problem, 118; Turkana (Aethiopid or Nilo-Hamite tribe),
meaning of the word, 4; nomenclature in, 226
66-9; 'political'. 111, 119 Turner, W., 289-91
Terman. L. M., 443, 444, 448, 468, 487, 491 twins; evidence bearing on genetic and en-
Terrell, Mary C, 504 vironmental influences, 202-3; killing of
tetrad equation, 454 one of each pair by Negrids, 387 {see also
Thierry, A., 256 dizygotic twins and monozygotic ('iden-
Thomson, A.; nasal index, 310; prognathism, tical') twins)
281 two-storeyed building, nearest approach in
,D'Arcy, 141, 197-9, 445. 455, 456 secluded area of Negrid Africa, 402
Thorndike, E. L., population-size in relation to Tyler, L. E.. 483
presence of persons of high intellect, 525-6 'type', technical term in zoological taxonomy,
R. L., text book of mental testing. 452
, 67
Thurstone, L. L.; personality test, 497; typical forms, 205-6
primary cognitive abilities, 455, 456 tyrosine and tyrosinase in synthesis of
, T. G., 455, 497 melanin, 153-4
Tiedemann, F., 9, 30-31 Tyshkyevich, Tamara, 422. 424
Tikkitikki, 349 Tyson, Edward, anatomy of chimpanzee
Timofeeff-Ressovsky, N. W., see Stresemann ('orang-outang'), 31-2
Toala, 287, 305
tobacco, trade-goods in Negrid Africa, 356 'Ubermensch' (Nietzsche), 45
Tobias. P. V., 307 uinah 522
Todas. 147. 221-3 Ujiji, 342
tools for making other tools, a purely human ukuhlobonga (Zulu contraceptive measure),
achievement, 353 377-8
Topinard. P.. 221, 329, 331
UNESCO; formal statement of 'species', 65;
torus, mandibular, 191 'Jew', 232, 234, 235
meaning of
Toussaint I'Ouverture, 43 uniformity resulting from isolation, 221
J. M. C, assessment of ancient British
untypical gastropods, 120
,

art. 261-2, 264 366

Unyoro, clothing of natives,
Toynbee. A. J., 'identification mark' of Ur, 243-4
civilization. 508
trade-goods, foreign, in Negrid Africa, 350-51
tragion, 236, 237 Vai script, 409-11. 410
tragus, 236, 237 Vallois. H. v.. II, 511, 513, 515
 INDEX 623

Varietas prima or primigenia (Blumenbach). secluded area. 372. 373

26 Wiiberforce. W.. 9
Varro, 375 Wingfieid, A. H.. early work on correlation
Vaugondy, R. de. on Indians as 'Europ'eens'm between cognitive and degree of
ability

1778, 16 relationship, 463

Vavilow, N. I., 141 'witch-doctors', 382
Veddahs. 189. 305 witches, 382
Vedder. H.. 426 Witty. P. A.. 487-8. 499
verbal tests of cognitive ability, definition, 442 woad. use of. by ancient British soldiers,

Vernon. P. E.. 452. 455, 456 262-3

vigesimal numeration, 522 Wolf. L., 176, 331
villages of Negrids, 370-71, 369. 371 Wolfle, D., 455
Villiers. H. de. 317, 318 Wolof. 318. 335
Vincent, L., 317 Woodward. M. F.. describes 'living fossil'

Virchow, R.. 248, 317. 515; recognizes Sanids Plevrotomarja. 128

as paedomorphous. 307 Woodworth. R. S.. 483
Viverra (civet-cats). 164-5 Woolley. L.. 514
Viviparus (pond-snails), supposed example of words, comprehension of. regarded as
orthogenesis. 139-40 'primary factor' in cognitive ability. 455,
Vogt, Carl, 39-40, 48. 295 456
•Volk'. 51. 53-5 Wright, Sewall, evolution by 'drift', 146-7
Voltaire, F. M. A.: on Britons of Iron Age.
270: on ethnic problem. 18. 19-20 X-rays, use of, in craniometry, 194, 201
xylophone used by Negrids, 378-9
Waganda: cleanliness. 367; clothing at
Mutesa's court, 366
Yerkes, R. M.. cognition tests of American
Wagner, R., on weight of human brain. 429.
430. 431, 432
Army recruits, 474-81 passim. (488)
Yoruba, 332. 412-16 passim
Wahima. Aethiopid hybrids, 226
Yule, G. U., coefficient of correlation between
Wallace, Alfred Russel. 357
physical characters of persons differently
wanderoo. 100
related, 461
Wanyoro. 329. 354
Washington. Booker T., 504
'wattle' organ of female Sanids, 317 Zakharov. Marshal, extreme Alpinid, 213,
Watusi, 359 215
weapons made of iron by Negrids. 354. 355 Zarathustra. 44-6
weaving. 351 zebu, 357. 358. 359
Wecker. S. C. selection of habitat by deer- Zentralids; culture, 521-5 passim: physical
mouse. 115 characters, 556-7
Weddids, 189, 305 zero, symbol for. in piace-notational system of
Weidenreich. P.. 71, 84, 272. 282. 286, 300 numeration. 552-3
Weiner, J. S., nasal index. 310-11 Zeuner, F. E.. 376
Welcker. H.. cranial capacity. 429. 431 Zimbabwe, 402, 403. 405-9. 406: radio-
Welsh population; ancestry. 265. 267; blood- carbon dating. 405
groups, 265 zoology, importance for anthropologists, 3,
wheel, ignorance of; by Andeans, 521; by 181"
Middle Americans, 524; by Negrids of Zulu, 352-9 passim: 367-89 passim
 Table of races and subraces

The table includes most of the modern and recently extinct races and
subraces of Homo sapiens L. that are mentioned at all frequently in this book.
The Bambutids (African pygmies) and Negritids (Negritos) are omitted,
because their affinities with other ethnic taxa are still obscure. The names of the
taxa as printed on this page are intended to accord with the International code
of zoological nomenclature, \\Q\M but the code does not lay down strict rules for
taxa minor to subspecies. The classification is the author's.

Subspecies (races)
 TABLE OF RACES AND SUBRACES 625

The classification on this page agrees exactly, line for line, with that on the
opposite page, but the names of the taxa (except Australasid and Melanesid)
are those introduced by Eickstedtl303l and Petersl836l as standardized
'Trivialnamen'. These authors have done more than anyone else to clarify the
nomenclature of the ethnic taxa of man.

Races