Gum Arabic Value Chain in East Darfur
Gum Arabic Value Chain in East Darfur
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List of Tables
Table 1: Types of actors, genders and locations
Table 3: Socioeconomic characteristics of the surveyed actors in the Gum Talha value chain
Table 5: Taxes and duty fees on gum Talha for 2013 and 2016, and beneficiaries
List of Photos
Photo 1: Group discussion with gum producers in Um Sigayi weekly market
Photo 4: Natural stands of Talha (A. seyal) in Gemayzia, Abu Jabra locality
Photo 8: A female gum producer selling gum to a village trader in Boro market
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List of Figures
Figure 1. The conceptual framework
Figure 3: The sales channels for Gum Talha from East Darfur
Acknowledgements
The author, Dr. Yahia Omar Adam, is very grateful for the cooperation and support of the staff of
the United Nations Environment Programme (UN Environment) and the Forests National
Corporation (FNC) in Ed Daein who facilitated the field survey and accompanied me to the sites
of the 'Natural Resource Management for Sustainable Livelihoods' project in East Darfur. The
consultant also extends his gratitude to the UN Environment team in Khartoum.
Thanks also go the enumerators for their intense commitment over long hours in difficult
conditions. In particular, thanks are extended to Mr. Adam Ibrahim, Mr. Mohamed Abuelgasim,
Samia Madibo and Salma Abdulrahman from the FNC. Special thanks go to the drivers (Yosif and
Mohamed) who ensured the field travel was on schedule.
Appreciation is also extended to Mr. Abdalla Adam Osman (the Director of the FNC East Darfur)
and Mr. Abdalla Hemidan (Project Manager, UNOPS) for their diligence and assistance during the
data collection. Very special thanks are also extended to all of the traditional leaders who
accompanied and introduced us to the local people in the visited areas. My thanks also go to all
the actors who deal with Gum Talha activities in the study areas for their welcoming reception
and their provision of the required data.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Acronyms
o
C degrees centigrade
MT metric tons
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Executive summary
This report describes the findings of a comprehensive and detailed value chain analysis for gum
Talha, which sought to: i) identify the product chain, the actors involved, their activities and
framework conditions; ii) determine the economic benefits and their distribution among the
actors and how these benefits are maintained and controlled; iii) identify key constraints and
bottlenecks and propose potential market-based solutions to develop the market chain of gum
Talha; and iv) suggest interventions and a framework to develop the gum Talha value chain so
as to increase benefits for the producers and the other actors.
The study, conducted in February 2016, used snowball sampling to select 197 study participants
(130 producers, 50 village traders, 15 town traders/agents and two companies/exporters) along
the value chain. Primary data was collected using semi-structured interviews, key informant
interviews, group discussions and direct observations. The quantitative data was analyzed using
SPSS version 20 and Excel 2010, while qualitative data was analyzed using text analysis.
The actors in the Gum Talha value chain include producers, village traders, town traders/agents,
companies/exporters and consumers in international markets. The study found that the profit
margin for the rural collectors was 48.76 per cent, while that for village traders was 54.94 per
cent, and that for town traders was 6.4 per cent. The main cost items for the rural producers
include food (45 per cent), labour (22 per cent), drinking water (18 per cent), gum transportation
(9 per cent), medication (4 per cent) and tapping tools (2 per cent).
The study identified the major constraints and bottlenecks at the local level as: low gum prices,
lack of market information, lack of producers' organizations, lack of financial credit, lack of
training on gum cleaning and drying, lack of drinking water, low regeneration capacity of Hashab
trees and poor tree management. The report concluded that the Gum Talha market chain profits
mainly the processors and exporters.
In view of the study findings, the following interventions are recommended: establish drinking
water points; build the capacity of gum producers; develop a market information system;
facilitate access to financial credit and establish Talha stands (with community involvement).
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
1. Introduction
1.1 Background
Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) have received greater attention in recent decades due to
their potential to contribute to rural livelihoods and national economies (Arnold and Perez, 2001).
The forests and woodlands of Sudan are a potential source for NTFPs and the sound
development of these products could have a significant impact on livelihoods (Adam et al., 2013),
especially among poor communities in dry land areas who have few options for economic
development due to harsh climatic conditions (Adam, 2015).
NTFPs extracted from the woodlands of Sudan are consumed and traded locally and are also
exported. Gum Arabic is one such NTFP. Gum Arabic not only offers an income and indemnity to
farmers against seasonal fluctuations in the prices of their agricultural products (FAO, 2011), but
is also an important source of foreign exchange to Sudan, annually injecting between 100 and
120 million USD into the economy, making it the most important NTFP in Sudan (Abdelmagid,
2014).
Prices in the international market for Gum Arabic have fluctuated greatly year to year, however,
and production of Gum Arabic saw an overall decline in the three decades between 1970 and
2000. Between 1969/70 and 1973/74 production declined from about 35,000 tons to about
23,000 tons. This decline was reportedly due to drought. In subsequent years, production
fluctuated and in 1984/85 fell to 11,000 tons, again due to drought. Production continued to
decline overall, and in 1991/92 fell to about 7,000 tons. This time the decline was attributed to
locusts. Subsequently, prices for Gum Arabic rose and production increased to about 39,000 tons
in 1994/95. When prices fell, however, production declined accordingly, reaching a low of about
3,000 tons in 1999/2000.
Gum Arabic is mostly produced by rural producers in traditional rain-fed farming areas, including
in Gedarif, Sinnar, Blue Nile, White Nile, all three states of Greater Kordofan and all five states of
Greater Darfur. These areas contain up to 20 per cent of Sudan’s population, or around 6 million
people, who are among the poorest and most vulnerable in the nation in terms of food insecurity
(Couteaudier, 2007).
Gum Arabic is derived from two acacia species: Acacia senegal, known locally as Hashab, and
Acacia seyal, known locally as Talh. Both species spread naturally in the central belt of the low-
rainfall savannah where they grow in pure or mixed stands; in clay plains in the east and sandy
soils in the west. Gum Arabic from Hashab is of higher quality and is mostly produced from trees
grown on farmers' fields. Talh is more likely to grow wild, along the Nile as well as in Darfur, and
to be tapped in the wild. According the field survey findings, annual yields of gum from Talh trees
range between around 200 and 400 grams. The trees are exploited from the ages of 5 to 25.
Gum is produced by the trees in response to wounds; gum sap exudes to protect the tree (Abdel
Nour, 2013). Exudation of gum often occurs naturally in response to damage caused by animals,
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
insects, etc. Harvesting of gum by humans requires first wounding the trees using an axe (sunki).
In Sudan, the wounding (tapping) of trees begins at the end of the rains and before the cold spell
in October/November when tree growth stops, leaves are shed and trees begins the dormancy
stage. In Darfur the season for tapping is November to May. The first harvest is four to six weeks
after tapping and then gum is collected every 10 to 14 days, with between six and 12 collections
each season (Seifel Din and Zarroug, 1996). The tapping process is normally carried out by hired
labour (nafir) but collection of the gum is carried out mainly by family labour.
Gum Arabic production is one of the most important activities of the savannah forests of central
Sudan. The significance of the income gained from gum production is that collection of Gum
Arabic is carried out during the dry season. The activity therefore does not compete with farming
activities. This allows farmers to make use of their slack period and acquire supplementary
income. The activity employs all members of the family for between four and six months per year
and provides seasonal labour for people from other parts of the country, who migrate to the gum
belt area during the season.
Gum Arabic is sold by the producers (those who tap, collect, transport the gum) to local
merchants, who in turn sell the product to town merchants (middlemen) and agents, who sell it
to exporters and processing companies.
The producers generally transport their gum (using animals) to the village merchant who pays
for it in cash or in kind. These transactions take place outside the organized and governmental-
controlled markets. Thus, most producers do not receive the fixed minimum price; they get
inadequate prices for their products. The local merchant serves as a link between the producers
(who are unable to contact town merchants directly) and the town merchants who buy the gum
and undertake the cleaning, grading, repackaging and sorting processes and who transport the
gum to exporting companies. Very little Gum Arabic is consumed domestically and Sudan
commands over 60 per cent of the world's Gum Arabic production and trade.
According to the Gum Arabic Board, at least 30 per cent of the Gum Arabic traded in Sudan is
produced in Darfur. East Darfur is a particularly important production area for talha, from the
Acacia seyal tree. According to Forests National Corporation (FNC) records, of the 32,000 metric
tons (MT) of Gum Arabic produced 2014, 26,000 MT came from A. seyal and the remaining 6,000
MT came from A. senegal.
Gum Arabic and other natural resources have the potential to contribute significantly to the local
rural economy in East Darfur as well as to the national economy, but this potential has not yet
been fully exploited due to constraints on the commodity value chain.
The key factor affecting Sudan's Gum Arabic sector has been the national government policy for
the product, particularly the domestic marketing arrangements and pricing (Buchanan-Smith et
al., 2013). Low prices encouraged cross-border smuggling of Gum Arabic, especially from Darfur
to Chad. In 2009, the Government of Sudan liberalized trade in Gum Arabic and committed to
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
abolishing the export monopoly held by Gum Arabic Company (GAC). This liberalization had an
immediate positive impact on producer prices.
The World Bank had long sought to boost the Gum Arabic sector in Sudan and was the major
advocate of the liberalization of gum Arabic market to end the GAC's monopoly. The Multi-Donor
Trust Fund (MDTF) managed by the World Bank co-funds work to boost Gum Arabic production
in 11 localities in North and South Kordofan, White and Blue Nile, and the states of Sinnar and
South Darfur, in collaboration with the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD).
Against this background, the UN Environment conducted a Gum Talha value chain analysis in
East Darfur, aiming to identify areas of intervention and recommendations for Gum Talha value
chain development, so as to increase gum production, improve producers' market
competitiveness and sustain gum Arabic producers' livelihoods.
Identify the product chain, along with actors involved, their activities and framework
conditions.
Determine the economic benefits distributed between actors and how these benefits are
maintained and controlled.
Identify key constraints and bottlenecks and propose potential market-based solutions
to develop the market chain of gum Arabic and thereby improve livelihoods.
Identify appropriate interventions and a suitable framework to develop the gum Arabic
value chain so as to increase the benefits for producers and other actors.
Value chain approaches are utilized by development practitioners and researchers to capture the
interactions within increasingly dynamic and complex markets and to examine the inter-
relationships between the diverse actors involved (Kaplinsky, 2004; Bolwig et al., 2010). By going
beyond firm- or activity-specific analysis, value chain analysis allows for an assessment of the
linkages between and among productive activities. The value chain approach thus provides a
framework to analyze the nature and determinants of competitiveness in value chains in which
small producers participate. It also provides the basic understanding needed for designing and
implementing appropriate development programmes and policies to support their market
participation. Indeed, many development interventions now utilize the value chain approach as
an important entry point for engaging small producers, individually or collectively, in export
markets for high-value products (Amanor, 2009).
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
There are numerous ways of developing a value chain, including: process, product, functional
and chain upgrading. Process upgrading focuses on increasing the efficiency of production,
within links and between links in the value chain. Product upgrading refers to enhancing the
quality and specifications of the product, whether by creating an entirely new product or by
improving the old product. Changing the scope of activities carried out within the firm as a means
of adding value is functional upgrading. Chain upgrading can involve a move into a new value
chain altogether by using the skills gained from participating in an existing value chain. Product
and process upgrading are the most common VCD strategies, while functional upgrading is
difficult to achieve (Mitchell, Keane and Coles, 2009).
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
The analysis of the gum Arabic value chain in East Darfur included the following steps:
Mapping of the activities in the chain and characterizing the actors participating in the
chain.
Identifying the constraints and bottlenecks in the value chain, and appropriate VCD
strategies to overcome these.
Identifying who benefits from participation in the chain, and assessing how the distribution
of benefits would be influenced by restructuring the chain through various upgrading
strategies (Rich et al., 2011).
Figure 1 illustrates the conceptual framework for the value chain analysis.
Enabling environment
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
3. Method
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Primary data were gathered using interviews, group discussions and direct observations. The
sources of primary data included Gum Talha producers, village traders, town traders, processors
and wholesalers/exporters. Interviews were conducted with people who had first-hand
information about the production and consumption of gum Arabic in the study area (“key
informants”). This data informed the initial mapping of the value chain.
The key informants for this study were selected using the snowball sampling technique, whereby
participants identify other respondents. It is an informal method, particularly relevant in
qualitative, explorative and descriptive research using interviews. The use of snowball sampling
limits the validity of the sample, however, due to non-random sampling and bias towards the
inclusion of individuals with relationships. These limitations were mitigated by increasing the
number of respondents and using additional methods and sources for triangulation.
Semi-structured in-depth interviews were held to collect primary data from value chain actors at
each stage. Information collected included the characteristics of actors, the cost of inputs, price
of outputs, the mechanisms of access, intra-group integration and their links to upper and lower
stages in the chain, and the processes at each stage. The interviews were conducted based on
semi-structured questionnaires followed by additional questions (depending on the responses)
to clarify or expand on particular issues of interest. The number of in-depth interviews conducted
during the study was 197. In addition, informal conversations were held with local community
members.
A summary of the key information collected about the respondents’ via the in-depth interview is
presented in Table 1.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Group discussions were held with the village committees (five to 10 members), tribal leaders
(sheikhs and omdas) and local community members and producers in each of the study areas
(Photo 1). The focus of the discussions was on the production and trading of Gum Arabic, market
potential, and the opportunities and constraints along the chain.
Photo 1: Group discussion with gum producers in Um Sigayi weekly market © Photo credit: Yahia Omar Adam
Secondary data was collected (on production, trading, taxes and other fees, and related issues)
from FNC offices, locality finance offices, NGOs working in the area, the Ministry of Agriculture,
the customs authority, internet sources and from previous related research works and other
relevant sources.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Direct observations were made of the process of producing Gum Arabic in the forests, as well as
of sales in the market places, and of cleaning and packaging by labour employed by agents.
These gave the researcher an insight into the production and trade of the product. These
activities and the interactions between the actors were observed and in some cases recorded
using digital cameras. This non-participant observation provided accurate information and was
used to check the information collected through the interviews, especially in relation to sensitive
topics such as prices and benefits.
3.4. Triangulation
The combination of approaches and data collection tools employed for the study, and the
multiple sources enhanced the validity and reliability of the information collected and allowed
triangulation of data, especially on sensitive issues like prices, gum quantities, benefits, costs,
and the interactions between different actors. For example, the selling prices provided by
respondents were cross-checked with information about the buying prices. Additional
investigation was carried out when there were discrepancies.
Mapping the value chain and preparing a graphic presentation of the various actors
involved in the chain, their principal activities, links between them and the framework
conditions.
Quantifying the physical flow, value added and distribution of benefits along the chain.
Mapping access and identifying and presenting the various mechanisms used by actors
to gain control and maintain access to benefits.
The initial map of the value chain was developed with inputs from key informants, then was
further refined by supplementing detailed information derived from the responses to the in-depth
semi-structured interviews with value chain actors and field observations.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
The quantitative data regarding the cost benefit structures, value added, benefit distribution were
estimated using the formula below. Gross margin was calculated as an indicator for benefit
distribution along the value chain.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
4. Results
Photo 2a: A producer holding an axe; Photo 2b: A wound on a Talh tree © Yahia Omar Adam
According to the surveyed producers, tapping is practiced during the dry season. It begins after
the rains at the end of October or in early November. At this time the trees have started to shed
their leaves. Tapping ends before the rainy season begins (i.e. end of May or early June). The
production season is six months long but depends on the onset and end of the rains. Producers
usually observe weather conditions before starting gum collection. The season of tapping and
collection of gum corresponds with the off-season in the study area, when there are no
significant rain-fed crop production activities.
The first harvest of gum nodules is collected two weeks after tapping. Gum continues to exude
from the same injured spot and is collected every seven days. Gum is harvested from each tree
between six and 12 times during the season.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Photos 3a and 3b: Sticky gum from the Talha tree © Yahia Omar Adam
Photo 4: Natural stands of Talha (A. seyal) in Gemayzia, Abu Jabra locality © Yahia Omar Adam
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Normally, tribal leaders distribute the forested land to their people for gum production. The
distributed areas range in size between five and 150 feddan, based on the capacity of the
producers to tap the area. Such area distribution and demarcation is very important for avoiding
conflicts between producers. In addition, it ensures the property remains with the tribal leaders.
However, the benefits shared between the producers and the tribal leaders are not clear.
Tapping is normally done by “taya”, i.e. the areas where the producers establish camps for
cooking, sleeping, collection and packing of the gum (Photo 5). Each taya covers an area of about
150 feddans. Depending on the density of the A. seyal trees, five to ten producers work in one
taya. The camps are established in central places for ease of access to the entire production
area and for the transport of the gum to weekly markets or agents in urban areas.
The study revealed that the gum Arabic value chain comprises eight major groups of actors, as
follows:
i. Gum producers (those who produce gum on forested land with production permission).
ii. Traders at the local level (village traders).
iii. Traders at the town level (middlemen, agents of urban merchants).
iv. Sellers to agents.
v. Agents (buyers for processors).
vi. Manufacturers and exporters (processing companies and other commercial enterprises);
vii. The government (FNC, Tax office, Zakat administration).
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
The actors engaged in the value chain and their activities are presented in Table 2.
Actors Activities
Producers Tree tapping, gum collection, packing, bringing gum to weekly markets
Town traders Gum collection from village traders, cleaning, sorting, repacking, weighing,
transport, fee and tax paying
Agents Gum collection, cleaning, sorting, repacking, weighing, transport, fee and
tax paying
As observed in the field, producers take the gum to the village weekly markets, and sell it to village
traders, middlemen and brokers who, in turn, sell the gum to agents. Some of the village and town
traders deal with all weekly markets and others buy from just one or two markets, depending on
their capital and the transaction size. The agents purchase Gum Arabic on behalf of processing
companies and other commercial enterprises. The main locations where agents bought the gum
in the visited areas were Abumatarig in Bahr Al Arab locality and Sinaidira in El-firdos locality
(Photo 6).
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
In East Darfur State, Talh trees are found in pure stands, especially in Um Ajaja administrative
Unit (Abu Jabra locality), while Hashab trees are scattered (Photo 7). Therefore, much less
Hashab gum is available in East Darfur than Talh. Some Hashab gum is imported from South
Darfur State, especially from Boram locality, but only in small quantities. Some areas in East
Darfur have more Hashab than the areas covered for the study, but those areas, including the
eastern localities (Abu Karinka, Yassin, etc.), were not covered by this study for security reasons.
The majority of traders have relationships with producers that begin before tapping, while some
traders begin their relationships with producers only when buying gum in the rural markets. The
majority of traders provide producers with an interest-free loan, followed by sharing and finally
by the Shail system in which the payment is made either in cash or cash plus food before the
gum producer harvests the gum. Most traders in Gemazyia (Abu Jabra locality) have shops in
gum collection areas. This strategy is very important for securing the supply of gum at very low
prices without competing with other traders.
The agents buy the Gum Arabic for processing companies in return for a commission. The
processing companies are significant buyers of Gum Arabic by virtue of their financial capacity
and the available cash they have for payment. The agents do not deal directly with the producers
or with village traders.
The socioeconomic characteristics of Gum Arabic actors are believed to have a great impact on
their sales decisions as well as on the design and implementation of the interventions for Gum
Arabic production and marketing development at the local level.
Gender roles and responsibilities in the study area are influenced by social, economic and
cultural factors. The local community in East Darfur is patriarchal and resource ownership is
male dominated, but women are heavily involved in economic activities, including agricultural
production, fuel wood collection, drinking water collection, and gum tapping and collection.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Nevertheless, the survey results revealed that the majority of the gum producers are male (69.2
per cent) (Table 3).
Half of the male producers (50 per cent) indicated livestock as their most important income
source, but 60 per cent of the female producers considered Gum Arabic as their most important
income source (Table 3). While all of the surveyed male producers work full-time on producing
and selling Gum Arabic during the season, only half of the female producers do so.
Most male producers (70 per cent) and almost all female producers (90 per cent) have no
education, with only 2 per cent of the male producers having completed primary education.
Almost a third (28 per cent) of the male producers have Khalwa1 education, however. Around a
third (37 per cent) of the village traders have primary education, while 3.1 per cent of town traders
have university education (Table 3).
According to the responses from male producers, the average family size at the local level is 9,
while for female producers the average is 6, and for village traders the average is 11.
Table 3: Socioeconomic characteristics of the surveyed actors in the Gum Talha value chain
Actors/soci
o-economic P* VT TT E
Class
characterist
ics
Female 30.8% - -
Secondary - - 43.7
1
Religious school in which Muslims study the Holy Koran.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Actors/soci
o-economic P* VT TT E
Class
characterist
ics
Divorced 8.2% -
Widowed 1.8% -
Average 9 6 11 13
Male Female
Actor's Average of
experience years
6 5 10 15 5
Male Female
Figure 3: The sales channels for Gum Talha from East Darfur
Yields of gum depend on factors such as the density of the trees, weather conditions
(temperature, rainfall, etc), site condition, tapping intensity and frequency, etc. The surveyed
producers indicated that they produce three guntars of gum per week (i.e. approximately 150
kg), on average. The total volume of Gum Arabic produced and sold in each locality was
estimated based on the information provided by the sheikh in each weekly market visited, as
presented in Table 4.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
E 027 04.
450
90,000 - More gum
Elevation: was
Abu Jabra 313 produced in
2016 than in
Gemayzia N 09 53. 846
2015.
E 02701. 167
Elevation: 60,000 -
411
Boro N 1025.877
E 2617.126
Elevation: 20,400
434
E 2628.032
E 2612.396
Elevation: 527,340 -
446
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Elevation: 36,000 -
395
El-firdos - 576,000
The gum produced in the study area is sold at local weekly markets to village traders and other
middlemen (Photo 8), who then transport the product to agents located in urban areas or directly
to El Obied in North Kordofan and/or Khartoum.
The major rural markets for Gum Talha in East Darfur are in Um Ajaja, Gemazayia, Abu Sinaidira,
Hibail, Sharashri, Boro and Um Sigiyi. The price for Gum Arabic is fixed by the traders and the
producers have no power to negotiate.
Photo 8: A female gum producer selling gum to a village trader in Boro market © Yahia Omar Adam
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
From the rural markets, the product is trucked to agents in the region or to urban markets where
it is delivered to urban merchants. For example, in Um Ajaja, Sharahri and Abumatarig the agents
transport the gum to Elobeid and Khartoum.
Taxes and local duties on Gum Arabic are collected when the product is transported from the
market or the agent to El Obeid or Khartoum. The various forms of various taxes and local duties
imposed on Gum Arabic are presented in Table 5.
Table 5: Taxes and duty fees on gum Talha for 2013 and 2016, and beneficiaries
Zakat 15 24 Central
government
Urban merchants and agents in Ed Daein buy gum in bulk quantities from local traders and clean
it. This cleaning is the only form of processing at the local level. It is undertaken by women and
involves removing foreign materials such as bark and other gum, and using an axe to crush the
big granules that stick together so as to separate them, then repacking the gum (Photos 9a and
9b).
The cleaning and cutting is very difficult and time consuming. One middle-aged woman reported
that the money she receives is not sufficient given the level of effort required to cut the gum and
repack it. Women are paid 3.5 Sudan ginah (SDG) per guntar and each woman handles between
five and eight guntar of gum each day.
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Photos 9a and 9b: Rural women cleaning and cutting the gum in Abumatarig © Yahia Omar Adam
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
As illustrated in Figure 4, the largest cost item for producers of gum is food. This item accounts
for 45 per cent of total gum production costs each season. The implication of this is that some
rural producers must enter into contracts with village traders and agents so as to obtain
sufficient food during the production season. Under such contracts, the producers receive loans,
either in cash or cash plus food. In return, the producers sell their yields to the village trader or
agent in question. Accordingly, the producers lose power to negotiate on the gum price. They
must accept the price announced by the trader.
4% 2%
18%
45%
9%
22%
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Item Quantity/value ±
S.E
As noted above, the cleaning of the gum is exclusively performed by female labour. This activity
offers full-time employment for many women in urban areas. The women clean between five
and eight guntars of gum per day. For each guntar they clean and pack, they receive up to 5 SDG,
so get a total of between 25 and 40 SDG per day. The agent in Abumatarig employs between 25
and 40 women per day. Urban merchants also employ between six and eight men each day to
load the gum (517 guntars) onto trucks.
them. Because of the long distance to markets and financial limitations, rural producers are not
able to transport their gum to urban markets where they could get higher prices, and the lack of
alternative credit facilities means they can only obtain loans from village traders. Therefore, they
are forced to sell their product to the village traders.
The chain is inefficient in communicating market information, especially to those actors at the
base of the chain. The general manger of two companies in Khartoum felt that companies gain
a high annual net income from gum owing to their strong financial capacity; physical assets
(warehouses in urban centres); social assets, such as strong ties with town traders; backward
integration in the chain; and knowledge of the trading structure. The financial resources used in
the trading of Gum Arabic come from urban merchants in most cases and are lent to producers
and village traders via a traditional share system.
In line with the vertical distribution of benefits, the financial capital required also varies. At the
village level, little financial capital is required for production, while at the village trader level the
financial requirements are moderate. More capital is invested at the town trader and agent level
as they spend more on purchasing, cleaning and transporting the product. Access to credit
facilities and financial resources is a limiting factor for all actors along the Gum Arabic value
chain. The main sources of capital are informal loans and advances from traders and agents.
The types of A. senegal Gum Arabic sold by exporting companies include: Cleaned, Hand Picked
Selected (HPS), Cleaned and Sifted (C&S), Kibbled, Siftings, Dust and Powder. A. seyal Gum
Arabic only exists in the ‘Cleaned’ format. A large proportion of Gum Arabic produced in Sudan
is exported in its raw form, just ‘cleaned’, ‘handpicked‘ or ‘sifted’. Sudanese Gum Arabic is sold
in various parts of the world, including Europe, the USA, India, South America, mainland Asia and
Japan.
The lack of local treatment in Sudan is linked to the difficulty of trading processed Gum Arabic
on the international market; the coalition of competing international processors who limit the
market; and the lack of sufficient financial strength to sustain the processing sector.
Tribal Leaders: Tribal leaders have direct control over the gum-producing forested
areas. They have the traditional right to regulate gum production in terms of
allocation of land with trees within the boundary of the village or in the area under
their responsibility. This means that they also have the right and the ability to limit
access of those who do not belong to their group. The relationship between the tribal
leaders and the producers is not clear, but it appears from close investigation with a
28
Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
producer in Boro market that the tribal leaders collect a kind of resource “rent” from
producers for the resource use. The amount they collect depends on the productivity
and accessibility of the gum production areas. It is not clear, however, how the
resource rent that is collected by tribal leaders is used or distributed in the
community.
Producers: Producers who have no property rights gain access to the forest through
permits from tribal leaders. The producers establish relationships with village
traders, so as to access credit to pay for initial investments in the production process,
including food and tools.
Village traders: Village traders have access to markets and market information.
Collection and distribution of Gum Arabic at rural markets needs moderate financial
capital to pay for the product and sacks (bags) to pack it in. Village traders and
middlemen have access to capital in the form of credit from town traders and agents.
Traders in most cases borrow money on behalf of producers, and therefore those
producers have to sell their products to them. They also have social ties with
producers and town traders as a result of their social identity.
Town traders and agents: Town traders and agents have access to capital and have
knowledge of the quality requirements of exporters due to their access to exporters
and their agents. Higher amounts of capital are invested at the town traders' and
agents' level for cleaning and packing. They also spend more because they purchase
the product in bulk. Town traders use credit arrangement mechanisms and strong
social ties with village traders to maintain their access to benefits.
Forests National Corporation (FNC): The FNC charges traders’ fees and royalties
when they transport gum from rural and urban markets. As of 2016, the FNC collected
16 SDG/guntar from those transporting the gum outside East Darfur.
Government offices: The various government offices charge taxes and other local
duties like zakat, state fees and truck departure fees. The responsible government
offices do not keep data on the taxes and local duties collected in each locality,
however.
Table 9 presents a summary of the mechanisms of access maintenance and control used by the
various actors along the gum value chain, as identified in the study.
29
Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Actor Mechanisms
Payment arrangements
Credit arrangements (advance loan)
Access to capital
Social identity
Knowledge of quality standards
Market information control
Forests National Corporation Control the transportation of gum
(FNC)
Charging fees
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Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
*Figures add up to more than 100% as each gum producer mentioned multiple constraints and
bottlenecks.
Producers’ profits are affected by the lack of market information and lack of capacity to use
such information when available. Some producers are aware that processed gum attracts higher
prices and are aware of market requirements but they lack processing skills and preservation
equipment. Furthermore, they are unable to transport their gum to markets that offer potentially
higher prices and do not have sufficient power to convince the traders and the processing
companies to pay higher prices for raw gum.
From direct observations in the field it was clear that roads to connect the production areas with
markets are poor and in many cases do not exist. Most production areas are remote, so
producers cannot reach markets to trade their gum. Long distances and a lack of roads increase
transportation costs, which make the gum market chain associated with high costs and
ultimately make the chain unattractive to many actors. A fundamental prerequisite for enterprise
growth is public goods, such as roads and infrastructure.
In summary, based on the constraints and bottlenecks listed by the gum producers, the basic
assets needed by gum producers can be divided into three categories:
The assets can be owned by individual actors, communities or entire societies, depending on the
type. For example, a natural asset such as trees may be owned by the state and/or a rural
community. The assets can be seen as stocks or flows. Financial assets, for example, constitute
a stock when held as credit for Gum Arabic activities or a flow when used for establishing gum
trees (a natural asset).
31
Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Flows across the different types of assets are important as they can lead to positive feedback
loops (the building of one asset leads to the building of another), but flows can also lead to asset
erosion (the loss of one asset induces the loss of others). An example of a positive feedback loop
would be the building of human assets through training the rural gum producers in gum drying,
cleaning and sorting to help increase the value of their product and raise their incomes. A
negative feedback loop could be caused by low regeneration capacity of gum trees and a lack of
drinking water (loss of natural assets) that erodes income generation (a financial asset). Another
example of a feedback loop is the acquisition of market information by rural gum producers (a
human asset), which helps obtain higher prices and incomes (financial assets).
32
Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
5.1 Conclusions
Gum Arabic is a high value commodity in East Darfur with great economic importance in rural
areas. It generates incomes for a number of actors engaged in producing, cleaning and trading
the product.
Analysis of the network of actors (producers, village traders, urban traders and agents) and of
the distribution of profits highlights the socially-embedded nature of the value chain and the
complex links between the various processes taking place at the rural level. The empirical results
of this investigation show that downstream actors (traders and companies) are the main
beneficiaries from commercial trade in Gum Arabic from East Darfur. These actors deal with
larger quantities and earn higher incomes. The analysis of the value chain for Gum Arabic
indicates that resource property rights are not the only mechanism for accessing profits from
trade in this product.
Despite the legitimate right of the producers to benefit from gum production and trade, their
access to profits is weak. Producers receive fewer benefits than other actors in spite of their
immense work and dominant role in the value chain of the product. Gum production and trade is
much more profitable for agents and processing companies. However, while increasing the price
of gum at the producer level may be beneficial to producers, the traders, agents and companies
bear relatively higher levels of risk due to their larger capital investments in a context of
fluctuating market prices.
The study found that producers lack training on gum post-handling activities and lack access
to drinking water, market information and financial credit. They also lack organization, so do not
have the ability to negotiate, as a group, with buyers, and cooperate in terms of, for example,
prices, and do not undertake group activities such as sharing the costs of transporting their
product to distant markets.
If producers were able to get access to credit for their initial investment in gum production, they
would have more control over the prices they receive for their product and their profits would
increase tremendously. In addition, value added processing at the local level has high potential
to increase the profits of the producers. Primary processing requires training on processing and
gum standardization measures, processing and preservation equipment, and access to credit.
Economic opportunities for upstream actors do not necessarily translate into incentives to train
producers on how to tap and manage their trees sustainably. However, securing higher profits
could motivate actors to think about sustainable management of natural resources. This would
also help to ensure steady supply of the product and maintain the competitiveness of the sector.
33
Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
5.2. Recommendations
The recommendations presented here are those that are considered to potentially have the
highest impact on the development of the Gum Arabic value chain during the "UN Environment
Project" (Natural Resource Management for Sustainable Livelihoods) in East Darfur.
A necessary step in developing the Gum Arabic value chain is to ensure the producers have
access to the basic assets they need and that producers are empowered. Furthermore, the key
natural resource, the gum producing trees, should be managed sustainably.
The recommended interventions for each particular constraint are presented in Table 11, along
with the goals of each intervention, the relevant stakeholders to be involved and the roles of each.
34
Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
Successful implementation of these interventions for developing the Gum Talha value chain in
East Darfur requires the collaboration of all related stakeholders, including NGOs, the state
government, tribal leaders, the FNC, and United Nations organizations (UN Environment, WFP,
etc.). The participation by all stakeholders will ensure all roles are undertaken, and the
interventions will be accepted and successfully implemented. Moreover, active participation and
commitment from the relevant stakeholders in the interventions will enable the gum actors
themselves to understand and own the Gum Talha value chain development process and
initiatives to establish forest stands after the phase-out of the "Natural Resource Management
for Sustainable Livelihoods" project in East Darfur.
35
Gum Talha (Acacia seyal) Value Chain Analysis in East Darfur, Sudan
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