VIRTUSMUN’24 UNSC

STUDY GUIDE
Agenda Item: The Middle East on the Brink of War:
Mediating the Iran-Israel Conflict After Iran’s
Missile Attack on Israel

Under Secretary General: Ahmed Elkahlout

14-15 December 2024

Dream even bigger.

Welcome to the future.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Welcome Letter……………………………………………………………….3
2. Introduction to the Committee………………………………………………4
3. Introduction to the Agenda Item……………………………………………4
4. General Overview…………………………………………………………….5
4.1 Historical Background…………………………………………………...5
4.2 Origins…………………………………………………………………….6
4.3 Deepening Ties……………………………………………………………7
4.4 Allies to Enemies………………………………………………………….9
4.5 Hezbollah………………………………………………………………….9
4.6 Proxy War……………………………………………………………….10
4.7 Nuclear Threat…………………………………………………………..11
4.8 Prospects for Conflict…………………………………………………...12
5. Timeline of Key Events……………………………………………………..13
5.1 Early 20th Century-World War II……………………………………..13
5.2 1948–1979: Close Relations Between Israel and Iran………………...13
5.3 1979: Islamic Revolution – Turning Point……………………………..13
5.4 1980s–1990s: Indirect Confrontation………………………………….14
5.5 2000s: Tensions over Nuclear Program………………………………..14
5.6 2010s: Cyber and Proxy Warfare……………………………………...14
5.7 2020s: Escalation and Regional Realignments………………………..15
6. Aftermath.19
6.1 Further Implications of Iranian Missile Strikes………………………20
6.1.2 Military Implications…………………………………………...20
6.1.3 Economic Implications………………………………………….21
6.1.4 Diplomatic Implications………………………………………...21

7. Mission of the Security Council……………………………………………22

8. Questions to be Answered……………………………………………22
9. Possible Solutions……………………………………………………..23
10. Bibliography and References………………………………………..24

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 Welcome Letter

Dear delegates of the Security Council,

It is my utmost pleasure to serve as your Under-Secretary-General in the very first edition of

VirtusMUN 2024. During the conference, as delegates of the UNSC, you will have the
opportunity to represent the perspectives, policies, and interests of your assigned countries in
one of the most powerful bodies of the United Nations.

In one form or another, conflicts have always had a constant presence throughout human
history, shaping global dynamics. As the history of and the situation in the Middle East is
particularly interesting, I never once got bored writing this study guide. The challenges we
face today are multifaceted, but I am confident that your expertise, dedication, and teamwork
will lead to impactful outcomes. I genuinely hope this guide will help you do this even better.

Have fun and have a good conference,

Don’t hesitate to contact me if you have any questions (0541 513 3188)

Ahmed Elkahlout

Under Secretary General of UNSC

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Introduction to the Committee

The United Nation Security Council, the United Nations’ principal crisis-management body,
is empowered to impose binding obligations on the 193 UN member states to maintain peace.
The Security Council’s five permanent and ten elected members meet regularly to assess
threats to international security, including civil wars, natural disasters, arms proliferation, and
terrorism.

Structurally, the Security Council remains largely unchanged since its founding in 1946,
stirring debate among members about the need for reforms. In recent years, members’
competing interests have often stymied the Security Council’s ability to respond to major
global conflicts and crises, including the COVID-19 pandemic, Russia’s annexation of
Crimea and subsequent invasion of Ukraine, and the war between Israel and Palestinian
militant group Hamas.

The Security Council has five permanent members: the United States, China, France, Russia,
and the United Kingdom collectively known as the P5. Any one of them can veto a
resolution. The Security Council’s ten elected members, which serve two-year,
nonconsecutive terms, are not afforded veto power. The P5’s privileged status has its roots in
the United Nations’ founding in the aftermath of World War II. The United States and the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) were the outright victors of the war, and, along
with the United Kingdom, shaped the postwar political order.

Introduction to the Agenda Item

The geopolitical landscape of the Middle East has long been shaped by the rivalry between
Iran and Israel, a conflict rooted in deep-seated political, religious, and territorial disputes.
This conflict has been intensified after the missile attack of Iran. Delegates should analyze
the background of the missile attack and the role of international actors. Also delegates
should come up with beneficial solutions to possible outcomes and global impacts.

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General Overview

Historical Background

Iran was a focal point of

Israeli foreign policy almost

as soon as the new state

was established in 1948.

After initial stumbles, the

two countries developed a

close relationship based on

shared interests in keeping

the Soviets out and pan-Arabism down. Various types of diplomatic, military and trade ties

endured for some three decades; Iran was an important source of oil for Israel. But the mutual

interests that

sustained relations withered after the 1979 Iranian revolution and the Soviet Union’s

collapse in 1991. The theocracy began seeking regional influence by doing more than

the Arabs to aid Israel’s enemies, while the Americans replaced the Soviets as the

mullahs’ bête noir.

Despite its enmity toward the Jewish state, Iran secretly bought weapons from

Iran after Iraq’s 1980 invasion. The sales ended in the mid-1980s without producing the

rapprochement that some Israelis had hoped for. Relations deteriorated further as Iran

took a front line position against Israel by training and equipping Lebanon’s Hezbollah,

and encouraging Palestinian attacks on Israel from Gaza and the West Bank. In 2006,

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Israel and Hezbollah fought Israel’s longest war. Due partly to Iran’s rearming of

Hezbollah, Israel’s northern border remains a serious flashpoint.

By 2010, tensions had reached unparalleled heights due to the combination of

Iran’s suspected pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability and its virulent rhetoric, which

stressed Israel’s illegitimacy and even its disappearance. Israel has considered

unilateral military action to impede Iran’s nuclear efforts, although its leaders would

prefer the United States and the international community persuade or compel Iran to

abandon any program that could be used to develop a nuclear weapon.

Origins

After the Israeli War of Independence, Iraq cracked down on its Jewish

population. As the prospect of pogroms grew, Israel sought ways to smuggle Jews out

of Iraq, which had forbidden emigration. Iran provided an exit route for Jews, at a price.

Israeli agents were deployed to Iran to facilitate the rescue of Iraqi Jews, but also to

cajole Iranian officials to establish diplomatic relations with new state, mainly through

bribery. These initial efforts failed, owing largely to domestic opposition orchestrated

by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. But Israel maintained a permanent delegation in

Tehran that served as a de facto diplomatic mission. Ambassadors were ultimately

exchanged in the 1970s.

Israeli outreach to the Pahlavi regime was defined by the ―periphery doctrine,‖

devised by Israeli Prime Minister David Ben Gurion, diplomatic advisor Reuven

Shiloah and Mossad chief Isser Harel. They were motivated by the Eisenhower

administration’s spurning of Israel after the 1956 Suez War and the need to replace the

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lost backing of a great power with some other source of support. The underlying

concept was that Israel could leapfrog hostile Arab regimes on its borders by cultivating

de facto alliances with non-Arab states at the edge of the Arab world, and vulnerable

non-Muslim ethnic groups within it: Türkiye to the north, Iran to the east and

predominantly Christian Ethiopia to the south, were the key regimes. Lebanese

Maronites and Iraqi Kurds were the essential ethnic groups.

Israel’s strategy hinged on a common interest in resisting the spread of pan-

Arabism, unleashed by popular Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, and in

winning Washington’s favor by aligning with the United States against Soviet

encroachment. Young Reza Shah Pahlavi appreciated these advantages, but he also

believed that friendship with Israel would foster U.S. support. Jews, he thought, were a

powerful influence on American policy.

Deepening ties

As relations matured, thousands of Israelis went to Iran to work in the defense

industry as military advisors—with the SAVAK intelligence as mentors—and in the

agricultural and health sectors as technical consultants. The expatriate community

became large enough to warrant the creation of an Israeli school in Tehran. Israelis

helped the shah pursue his highest priorities, including:

● Creating a powerful military to deter Soviet aggression

● Exerting Iran’s influence in the Persian Gulf, where Tehran was to occupy

islands—claimed by the UAE—astride large oil deposits

● And advancing the goals of his White Revolution.

For Israel, the burgeoning relationship was a clear success story for Ben Gurion’s

strategy of the periphery. It:

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 ● Reduced its diplomatic isolation

● Aligned it with the United States

● Strengthened Iraq’s main adversary

● Facilitated the rescue of Iraqi Jews

● Ensured the security of Iran’s large Jewish population

● And yielded a cash bonanza.

In the late 1970s, Mossad concluded Iranians were angered by the shah’s

domestic policies, but believed he could suppress opposition. Jerusalem, therefore, was

as surprised as Washington by the monarch’s collapse. The revolutionary regime

immediately severed diplomatic ties with Israel, turning over the Israeli Embassy to the

Palestine Liberation Organization. But Israel hoped that the status quo ante would be

restored once revolutionary fervor faded and the new regime recalculated its strategic

interests.

Iraq’s 1980 invasion of Iran fulfilled this hope, for a time. Iran’s desperate

military, decimated by purges and the loss of Western military assistance, forced the

regime to turn to Israel for crucial supplies. Weapons, munitions, aircraft spare parts

and combat engineering equipment were transferred to Iran in an extensive covert

operation that later meshed with the Iran-Contra conspiracy launched by the Reagan

administration. By 1982, it became clear that weapons sales were not going to renew

Iranian friendship, but the profits retained Israel’s interest. Transfers continued until the

mid-1980s, when they petered out, in part because Iran’s failure to pay on time

undermined the incentives of middlemen.

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Allies to enemies

Israel adjusted to the loss of Iran as a partner. The Camp David peace agreement

ended the threat of renewed Arab-Israeli war, which diminished the need for a

periphery strategy and close relations with Iran. The Iran-Iraq War weakened both

countries, in turn improving Israel’s strategic environment. And Tehran’s efforts to

incite revolution and undermine secular Arab governments, except for Syria, distracted

Israel’s adversaries.

The 1988 ceasefire between Iran and Iraq removed any basis for secret

engagement with Israel. The Soviet Union’s demise in 1991 also ended Tehran’s fear of

a ―smash and grab‖ attack aimed at the Khuzestan oilfields and a warm water port. The

Islamic Republic’s interests shifted to seducing Arab and Muslim public opinion, which

meant an even harder line toward the Jewish state. Iran’s real-politik hostility toward

Israel was reinforced by ideological and obsessive enmity. President Mahmoud

Ahmadinejad is the most visible purveyor of anti-Semitic notions, but such beliefs have

circulated among Iran’s leadership since the revolution. Israel’s support for the ancien

regime inflamed these views. A confluence of strategic interest and religious rivalry has

shaped Iran’s severely negative attitude toward Israel.

Hezbollah

In 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon to destroy the PLO, sideline Syrian

influence, and install a friendly Christian government in Beirut.

Within days, Tehran deployed Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in

eastern Lebanon to show support for their Shiite brethren. The IRGC

never directly confronted Israeli troops. But Israel’s prolonged

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occupation alienated the southern Shiites and opened the door for greater Iranian

intervention.

Iran trained and equipped a small Shiite splinter group that evolved into a

highly capable Hezbollah militia with a network of social services for Lebanon’s largest

sect. Hezbollah soon became Israel’s deadliest threat, responsible for dozens of attacks

against Israeli troops in Lebanon. By 2000, Israel decided its interests would be better

served by withdrawing from Lebanon—marking the first voluntary Israeli withdrawal

from occupied Arab territory without a peace treaty.

Proxy war

Tehran’s role in Hezbollah’s emergence as a serious regional foe put Iran on

Israel’s borders by proxy. In the decade following its 2000 withdrawal, Israel concluded

that Iran was, in effect, at war. In 2002, the Israeli Navy seized the Karine A, a ship

owned by the Palestinian Authority which had been loaded with a vast array of

weapons, explosives and ammunition at Iran’s Kish Island. Since the mid-1990s, Iran

had been funding Palestinian Islamic Jihad and training Palestinians at the Dara

Kazwin barracks outside Tehran. But a large arms shipment to the Palestinian

Authority was a quantum leap.

During this period, Israel and the United States also tracked large Iranian arms

shipments to Lebanon’s Hezbollah via Syria. Hezbollah acknowledged these shipments

as part of ―resistance‖ against Israel. In 2006, Hezbollah guerrillas attacked an Israeli

patrol along the border and seized two soldiers. A new Israeli government, eager to

demonstrate resolve and convinced Hezbollah was acting as a tool of Iran, responded

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harshly. In the 34-day war, Israel’s longest conflict, an Israeli ship was nearly sunk by

an Iranian cruise missile and northern Israel was inundated by rockets supplied by Iran

to Hezbollah. The war reinforced Israeli views that Lebanon had become Iran’s frontline

against it.

Nuclear threat

Iran’s nuclear program intensified Israeli

anxieties. In 2005, President Mahmoud

Ahmadinejad’s denial of the Holocaust

and statements about Israel’s

disappearance added an apocalyptic

dimension. The prospect of a

nuclear-armed Iran was widely seen as

an existential threat. Israeli Prime

Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reportedly

compared Iran to the Amalekites, whom

the Bible says tried to exterminate the

Israelites. Most Israelis do not believe

that Iran would attack using nuclear

weapons. Rather, they fear that a

nuclear-armed Iran would be emboldened to take risky actions that could lead to war. Israelis

also fear their best and brightest will emigrate, rather than live under an Iranian nuclear

shadow.

In 2009, Israel appealed publicly—somewhat quixotically—to the Arab world to

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cooperate against Iran. Limited cooperation had already started, with the transit of

Israeli submarines through the Suez Canal allegedly en route to the Persian Gulf.

Reports of discussions between Israelis and Saudis in third countries also surfaced.

Israel even staged a large-scale exercise over the Mediterranean Sea. The force

deployments and flight profiles in this exercise closely resembled what would be

required for a raid on Iranian nuclear facilities. In addition, the 2007 Israeli air raid that

destroyed Syria’s unfinished nuclear reactor was widely seen as a statement of Israel’s

intention to prevent the rise of a hostile nuclear power in the Middle East.

Prospects for conflict

Israel’s position as of September 2010 was that Iran’s nuclear program is a problem

for the international community. Netanyahu has told numerous audiences that he

expected the United States to block Iranian progress toward a threshold or weapons

capability. Israelis have little confidence, however, that sanctions will suffice.

Nevertheless, Israel’s incentives to strike will vary with several factors:

In the fall of 2010, there was no agreement on some of these factors, especially on the

feasibility of an attack. The IDF Chief of Staff, Gen. Gabi Ashkenazi, openly shared his

skepticism about Israel’s ability to carry out a successful strike. Military action is not

likely in the near term, given the pace of diplomacy, the lead-time for sanctions to bite

and ongoing talks between the United States and Israel on the way forward. The wild

card is an outbreak of fighting with Hezbollah that leads to an Israeli attack against

Iran. This scenario might happen, for example, if rockets supplied by Iran to Hezbollah

killed a large number of Israeli civilians.

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Timeline of Key Events

Early 20th Century – World War II

● 1925–1941: The Pahlavi Dynasty in Iran, especially under Reza Shah, modernizes the

country and has a relatively neutral stance toward Jewish communities.

● 1933–1945: World War II and the Holocaust devastate European Jewry. After WWII,

the concept of a Jewish homeland gains international support.

1948–1979: Close Relations Between Israel and Iran

● 1948: Israel is established as a state. Iran initially does not recognize Israel but is one

of the first Muslim-majority countries to establish de facto relations due to shared

interests and the Shah's pro-Western policies.

● 1950s–1970s: Israel and Iran form a close alliance, cooperating on trade, intelligence,

and military affairs. Iran becomes a major supplier of oil to Israel, and both nations

see the alliance as a counterbalance against Arab states.

● 1975: Iran and Israel sign agreements on arms, agriculture, and economic cooperation,

further strengthening their relations.

1979: Islamic Revolution – Turning Point

● 1979: Iran undergoes the Islamic Revolution, replacing the Shah's regime with an

Islamic Republic led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The new government adopts

an anti-Israel stance, calling Israel the "Little Satan" (the U.S. being the "Great

Satan").

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 ● Post-1979: Iran cuts all official ties with Israel, supports anti-Israel militant groups

(such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Palestine), and calls for Israel's

elimination. This marks the beginning of hostile relations between the two nations.

1980s–1990s: Indirect Confrontation

● 1982: Iran begins supporting Hezbollah in Lebanon, an anti-Israel Shiite militia. Iran

funds and arms groups opposed to Israel.

● 1990s: Israel becomes increasingly concerned about Iran’s support for Hezbollah and

Palestinian groups. Iran develops its ballistic missile program and pursues nuclear

technology, heightening Israel's security concerns.

2000s: Tensions over Nuclear Program

● 2000s: Iran’s nuclear program, claiming peaceful purposes, raises suspicion. Israel

fears Iran is developing nuclear weapons. Diplomatic efforts and international

sanctions aim to curtail Iran’s nuclear ambitions.

● 2005: Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, President of Iran, makes anti-Israel statements,

including calling for Israel to be "wiped off the map." This rhetoric escalates tensions.

2010s: Cyber and Proxy Warfare

● 2010: The Stuxnet cyberattack, allegedly carried out by Israel and the U.S., targets

Iran’s nuclear facilities, delaying its nuclear progress.

● 2011: Israel is believed to have targeted Iranian scientists in covert attacks to slow

Iran's nuclear program. Iran accuses Israel and vows retaliation.

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 ● 2015: The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), or Iran Nuclear Deal, is

signed, putting limits on Iran’s nuclear program. Israel opposes the deal, claiming it

does not prevent Iran from developing nuclear capabilities in the long term.

● 2018: The U.S. withdraws from the Iran Nuclear Deal. Iran resumes some nuclear

activities, causing renewed tensions with Israel.

2020s: Escalation and Regional Realignments

2020: Iran’s top nuclear scientist, Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, is assassinated, with Iran

blaming Israel for the attack.

2020: The Abraham Accords are signed between Israel and several Arab states (UAE,

Bahrain, Morocco, Sudan), shifting alliances in the region. Iran opposes these

accords, which strengthen Israel's position in the Middle East.

2021: Israel and Iran continue to engage in indirect conflicts through cyber warfare,

espionage, and military operations, particularly in Syria, where Iran supports the

Assad regime and supplies weapons to Hezbollah.

2024 1 April: On 1 April, Israel aircraft attacked the Iranian consulate in Damascus,

killing two Iranian generals, seven Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)

officers, and a Syrian woman and her child

2024 13 April: On the evening of 13 April 2024, Iran launched a drone and missile

attack on Israel, targeting—among other unconfirmed trajectories—sites in the

Israeli-occupied Golan Heights and Arad region and two airbases in the Negev desert.

The attack was named Operation True Promise with the code name Ya Rasul Allah .It

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comprised more than 200 missiles and drones according to The Washington Post and

included ballistic missiles according to Iranian news agency IRNA. Both CNN and

Reuters later reported that more than 300 standoff weapons had been launched toward

Israel. An Israeli military spokesman specified that Iran had launched 170 drones, 30

cruise missiles, and 120 ballistic missiles. According to IDF spokesperson Daniel

Hagari, approximately 350 rockets were launched at Israel from Iran, Iraq, Lebanon,

and Yemen, also noting that the attack consisted of 60 tons of explosive materials.

According to the Iranian Chief of General Staff Mohammad Bagheri, the primary

targets included the Nevatim Airbase from which Israel launched the attack on the

Iranian consulate, as well as the intelligence center in the Israeli-occupied part of

Mount Hermon that supplied the intelligence. The operation was limited to a

retaliatory attack for the Israeli attack on the Iranian consulate. Other targets included

the Ramon Airbase in the south of Israel, Tel Aviv, and Dimona, which is home to the

Shimon Peres Negev Nuclear Research Center. According to IRGC's Tasnim News

Agency, the tactic used consisted of saturating the Iron Dome and David's Sling with

a first wave of hundreds of HESA Shahed 136 loitering munitions to clear the way for

dozens of cruise and ballistic missiles in the second wave. A total of 185 of the newer

and faster-flying, jet-propelled Shahed 238 loitering munitions were also used.

Hezbollah said it launched dozens of BM-21 Grad rockets at an Israeli air defense site

in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights. The group said the attack took place shortly

after midnight local time. Houthis launched drones.

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To prepare for the attack, Israel, alongside Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Kuwait,

closed their airspace on 13 April; Iran only closed its airspace to VFR flights, and

Egypt and Syria put its air defense on high alert.

According to Or Fialkov, an Israeli military researcher, some of the missile types used

by Iran were the Emad with a warhead of 750 kg, Ghadr-110 with a warhead of

between 650 kg and 1000 kg, Kheibar Shekan with a 500 kg warhead, and probably

Shahab-3B with a warhead of 700 kg.

2024 19 April: On 19 April 2024 at 5:23 a.m. IRST, the Israeli Air Force launched

airstrikes targeting an air defense facility within Iran. The limited airstrikes targeted

an air defense radar site at an airbase near Isfahan, in central Iran. Israeli missiles

appear to have hit their target directly. Satellite images suggest that a surface-to-air

missile battery was damaged or destroyed. There was no extensive damage to the base

itself. The attack was launched in response to the Iranian drone and missile strikes in

Israel, which itself was an Iranian retaliation for the Israeli airstrike on the Iranian

consulate in Damascus.

Iranian media and social media reported minor explosions near Isfahan, where Iran

has nuclear facilities, a drone manufacturing facility, and a major airbase. Iranian state

media said that Israeli drones flying over the region were shot down by the Iranian

Air Defense Force. Three Iranian officials confirmed to The New York Times that

Israel was involved. US officials confirmed that at least three missiles from Israeli

aircraft had struck Iran. No strikes were reported on Iran's nuclear sites.

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 2024 1 October: On 1 October 2024, Iran launched about 200 ballistic missiles at

targets in Israel, in at least two waves, the largest attack during the ongoing

Iran–Israel conflict. Iran's codename for the attack was Operation True Promise 2. It

was the second direct attack by Iran against Israel, the first being the April 2024

strikes.

Iran claimed that the attack was an act of "self-defense" in retaliation for Israel's

assassinations of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, Hezbollah leader Hassan

Nasrallah, and IRGC general Abbas Nilforoushan. The attacks, while more successful at

saturating Israeli air defenses than in April, did not appear to cause extensive damage. Israel

said it had shot down most of the missiles and there had been no harm to its Air Force's

capabilities. The US Navy and Jordan also reported intercepting missiles. The two fatalities

caused by the attacks were a Palestinian man killed directly by missile debris and an Israeli

man indirectly. Four Palestinians, two Israelis and two Jordanians sustained minor injuries.

The area of the Nevatim Airbase in the Negev was hit by 20 to 32 missiles, which damaged a

hangar and taxiway. Several other missiles hit the Tel Nof Airbase, a school in the nearby

town of Gedera, and an area north of Tel Aviv around the headquarters of the Israeli

intelligence services Mossad and Unit 8200, damaging homes and a restaurant. Israeli media

were barred from publishing the exact locations of impacts. Analysts suggested that Israel

had deprioritized protecting Nevatim since "the cost of repairing a damaged hangar or

runway is far lower than the cost of using an Arrow interceptor." Iran used the Fattah-1 and

Kheibar Shekan.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called it a "big mistake" and vowed that Iran

"will pay" for it. The US promised "severe consequences" and pledged to work with Israel to

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ensure Iran faces repercussions for its actions.] Iran claimed the targets it attacked were those

involved in the Israel–Hamas war.

Aftermath

Hours after the beginning of the attacks, Iran's envoy to the United Nations stated that the

retaliatory attack "can be deemed concluded" and that Iran would respond with "stronger and

more resolute" actions if Israel were to "make another mistake". It also urged the U.S. to stay

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away from the Iran–Israel conflict. President Ebrahim Raisi said that Iran had taught a

"lesson" to Israel through the attack as the Supreme Leader promised. IRGC commander

Major General Hossein Salami called the attack "more successful than expected" and

threatened retaliation for any Israeli counterattack. The IRGC also threatened to prosecute

those expressing support for Israel online. The Iranian government opened criminal

investigations into several news outlets for their coverage of the strikes.

Further Implications of Iranian Missile Strikes

The attacks conducted by the Islamic Republic of Iran, whether through conventional

methods or proxies including Hezbollah and Hamas to damage Israeli infrastructure, financial

interests and military assets have not only demonstrated the global community its military

implications, but also the economic and diplomatic faces of this conflict among two regional

powers.

Military Implications

Regarding military implications, Iran’s strike and coordination capabilities have been

showcased globally, with the use of saturation tactics against sophisticated defense systems

enhancing their missile doctrines, including long-range precision strikes. Iran’s success is

also evident in its integration of proxy forces (Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Hamas),

effectively pressuring Israeli forces on multiple fronts through multi-domain attacks

involving drones, UAVs, and missiles. From Israel’s perspective, these strikes have allowed

for the assessment of the Iron Dome’s effectiveness against varied threats, including saturated

and dispersed attacks targeting strategic points. This has led to improvements in multi-layer

defense coordination and the development of strategies to counteract saturation missile

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strikes, protecting Israeli territories from external harm. The involvement of American

advisors has further enriched Israel’s evaluations and strategic response. As regional

dynamics shift to facilitate the evolving warfare, sides are being determined.

Economic Implications

The conflict has numerous implications across various sectors, including global energy

markets, regional economies, and the defense industry. In global energy markets, the ongoing

tensions have caused oil price unpredictability and concerns maritime security, as critical

shipping routes face disruptions. This uncertainty has also affected the investment climate,

shifting patterns in both regional and global markets. In regional economics, disruptions in

trade routes have exposed issues in infrastructure, driving nations to explore economic

cooperation initiatives to stabilize their economies. Meanwhile, in the defense industry, the

rising demand for advanced military technologies has sparked an arms race, with both sides

focusing on military technology assessment. The issue of technology transfer has also

become a concern as countries consider their involvement in the conflict.

Diplomatic Implications

The diplomatic implications of the Iran-Israel conflict are vast and have sparked multiple

international responses. The UN Security Council has held emergency sessions to address the

crisis, while regional powers have begun positioning themselves according to their interests

in the conflict. Global diplomatic initiatives have emerged, with several countries attempting

to mediate the tensions, though with limited success. In terms of alliance dynamics, the

strong US-Israel relationship stands tall, while Iran-Russia cooperation continues to

strengthen. China's diplomatic role is also becoming more prominent, as it seeks to increase

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its influence in the region. Meanwhile, regional alignments are shifting, with countries

adjusting their strategies based on the ongoing conflict. As for the peace process, Israeli-Arab

normalization efforts are now at risk, while the Palestinian question continues to be a major

obstacle. Efforts to stabilize the region are continuously hindered to this day.

Mission of the Security Council

The mission of the United Nations Security Council in this conflict is to mitigate the negative

implications of the Iran-Israel conflict and release the pressure from regional and global

actors militarily, diplomatically and economically in order to ensure the continuity of

governmental activities within the region. The UN Security Council is to conduct strategic

situation assessment, evaluating Iranian military assets along with missile systems, Israeli

defense systems, proxy force dynamics including both Iranian-aligned (Hamas) and regional

proxies (Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Houthi Movement, Iraqi Militias and Syrian Allied Forces).

The UN Security Council is to establish a diplomatic framework composed of UN actions,

regional organizations and dialogue facilitation between regional and global actors.

The UN Security Council is to establish a Crisis Prevention Mechanism (CPM) through

military de-escalation, implementation of short and long-term solutions and diplomatic

initiatives to uphold the values of the United Nations, international law and the UN Charter.

Questions to be Answered

1. How can the UNSC step in to mediate between Israel and Palestine, and make sure

both sides abide by?

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 2. What can the UNSC do to stop Iran from interfering more in the Israel-Palestine

conflict and worsening the situation?

3. What actions can the UNSC take to protect civilians in both Israel and Palestine?

4. How can the UNSC push both sides to respect ceasefires and any agreements made?

5. What approach should the UNSC take towards Jerusalem’s status in peace talks

without complicating the issue?

6. What can the UNSC do to get humanitarian aid into Gaza and the West Bank while

preventing military usage?

7. How can the UNSC deal with the rising power of militant groups like Hamas and

Islamic Jihad in Palestine?

8. How can the UNSC make sure any peace agreement takes both Israel’s security and

Palestine’s need for statehood into account?

9. What should the UNSC do to make both Israel and Palestine return to the negotiating

table?

Possible Solutions

1. Organization of an immediate ceasefire can be facilitated.

2. The UNSC can ensure all sides gather at the negotiation table.

3. The UNSC can create a demilitarized zone in critical areas.

4. Humanitarian aid can be allowed into Gaza with oversight from UNSC inspectors.

5. The UNSC can propose a two-state solution to protect the statehood of both sides.

6. The UNSC can facilitate the formation of a regional security pact.

7. The UNSC can establish a long-term peacekeeping operation.

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[Link] (Image Source)

[Link] (Image Source)

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United Nations. (2024). "Secretary-General's Report on Middle East Security." UN

Document A/78/PV.56.

ahgat, G. (2024). "Iran-Israel Relations: From Shah to Islamic Republic." Routledge.

Cohen, M. (2023). "Israel's Strategic Doctrine in the Middle East." International

Security, 47(2), 78-102.

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