Gender Differences in Fear of COVID-19 for late adolescents

19044528030
University of Delhi
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Aim
To understand the gender differences in COVID-19 fear amongst late adolescents

Gender refers to the attitudes, feelings and behaviors that a given culture associates with
a person's biological sex. Behavior that is compatible with cultural expectations is referred to as
gender‐normative; behaviors that are viewed as incompatible with these expectations constitute
gender non‐conformity (American Psychological Association, 2015).
Gender refers to the characteristics of women, men, girls and boys that are socially
constructed. This includes norms, behaviours and roles associated with being a woman, man, girl
or boy, as well as relationships with each other. As a social construct, gender varies from society
to society and can change over time (World Health Organization, 2019).
Gender identity involves a sense of one’s own gender, including knowledge,
understanding, and acceptance of being male or female (Egan & Perry, 2001). One aspect of
gender identity involves knowing whether you are a girl or boy, which most children can do by
about 2½ years of age (Blakemore et al., 2009). Many people describe gender identity as a
deeply felt, inherent sense of being a boy, a man, or male; a girl, a woman, or female; or a
nonbinary gender (e.g., genderqueer, gender-nonconforming, gender-neutral, agender,
gender-fluid) that may or may not correspond to a person’s sex assigned at birth, presumed
gender based on sex assignment, or primary or secondary sex characteristics (American
Psychological Association, 2015).
Gender expression refers to an individual's presentation, including physical appearance,
clothing choice and accessories and behavior that communicates aspects of gender or gender role
(American Psychological Association, 2015). Gender expression may or may not conform to a
person’s gender identity. For instance, a person whose gender identity is of a male can choose to
have a gender expression typically considered of a female. Gender roles are sets of expectations
that prescribe how females or males should think, act, and feel (Santrock, 2012).

Gender Inequalities and health

Gender is hierarchical and produces inequalities that intersect with other social and
economic [Link] gender norms also harm people of different gender identities, who
are frequently subjected to violence, stigma, and discrimination. Access to health information
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and services is often more difficult for women and girls than it is for men and boys. Mobility
restrictions, a lack of decision-making power, lower literacy rates, discriminatory attitudes
among communities and healthcare providers, and a lack of training and awareness among
healthcare providers and health systems of the specific health needs and challenges of women
and girls are all examples of these barriers.

Gender Stereotypes
Gender typing refers to acquisition of a traditional masculine or feminine role (Santrock,
2012). Gender Stereotypes are defined as the broad categories that reflect our impressions and
beliefs about females and males (Santrock, 2012). Gender stereotypes can include personality
traits (e.g. aggressive for men, emotional for women), physical characteristics (e.g. strong for
men, soft for women), occupations (e.g. engineering for men, teaching for women), and activities
or behaviors (e.g. fixing electricals for men, decorating for women).
Instrumental traits reflecting competence, rationality, and assertiveness, were regarded as
masculine; expressive traits, emphasizing warmth, caring, and sensitivity, were viewed as
feminine. Cross-cultural research in 30 nations reveals that the instrumental-expressive
dichotomy is a widely held stereotype around the world (Williams & Best, 1990).

Perception of Gender at Different Life Stages

According to Berk (2006), children label their own and others’ sex, using such words as
“boy”, “girl”, “man”, “woman” between 18 months and 3 years. Once these categories are in
place, children sort out what they mean in terms of activities and behaviors. Preschoolers have
trouble understanding that males and females can be different in terms of their bodies but similar
in many other ways. By age 5, gender stereotyping of activities and occupations is well
established. During middle childhood and adolescence, knowledge of stereotypes increases and
expands to areas of personality traits and achievement (Signorella et al.,1993). Older children
realize that gender-stereotypic attributes are associated, not defining, features of gender.
Consequently, beliefs about characteristics and capacities possible for males and females become
more flexible (Martin et al., 2002).

Influences on Gender Stereotypes

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Gender is a key dimension of children’s development (Best, 2010; Martin & Ruble,
2010). Development is a co-construction of biological, cultural, and individual factors working
together (Baltes et al., 2006). This view suggests that both nature (biology) and nurture
(environment) influences give equally valuable insights into how gender-stereotyped knowledge
and behaviours are transmitted to children. The major influences are biological, environmental,
cognitive and cultural factors.

Biological Influences
Gender stereotyping served an adaptive function from the evolutionary standpoint
(Geary, 1999; Maccoby, 2002). Males were primed to compete for mates and females were
primed towards rearing children. Hence, these differences from an evolutionary perspective
suggests that biology can influence gender stereotypes. Biological influences on gender
stereotyping can be further explained by focusing on two important factors: cross-cultural
similarities in gender stereotypes and hormonal influences on gender-role behaviour.

Cross-Cultural Similarities. Initially the concept of instrumental and expressive traits

attributed to men and women respectively was thought to be on the basis of genetic differences
between the sexes. To understand it’s social implications cross-cultural studies were done (Berk,
2017).
These studies showed varying results. For example in Nyansiongo in Kenya both male
and female kids are given the responsibility of household chores such as washing dishes and
taking care of small children. Therefore, as compared to other tribal settings, girls score more on
dominance and assertiveness and boys display help-giving and emotional support (Witting &
Edwards, 1988a). These results are in contrast to earlier mentioned instrumental and expressive
traits of boys and girls. Cross-cultural studies have proved to be inconclusive, nevertheless they
suggest the role of culture can somewhat reduce gender stereotyping but these roles aren’t
completely reversed.
Sex Hormones. Hormones are chemical substances that are secreted by endocrine glands
into the bloodstream. Androgen is the male sex hormone and Estrogen is the female sex
hormone. Androgens exhibit male-typical sexual behaviour and aggression suppress maternal
care-giving in a variety of species (Lephart et al., 2001; Sato et al., 2004).
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Significant amount of studies are done to understand the linkages between sex hormones
and certain behaviours that lead to gender stereotyping. Although a greater number of studies
focus on the effects of androgen in males and how it contributes to “masculine” behaviour,
female behaviour is viewed in the opposite light of these “masculine” traits.
A study revealed that higher fetal testosterone levels measured from amniotic fluid were
linked to increased male-typical play, such as increased aggression, in 6- to 10-year-old boys and
girls (Auyeung et al., 2009). By the age of two, girls withdraw from aggressive and physical
rough play activities of boys. They prefer quiet and much calmer activities involving cooperative
roles. The tendency to evaluate one’s own sex more positively and expectations of negative
reactions from others for play with other-sex children also contribute to gender segregation (
Ruble et al., 2006) and consequently leads to gender stereotyping.
Estrogen and Androgens are released in both males and females but they differ in
concentration. Usually, oestrogen is in higher concentration in females and androgen is produced
in higher quantities in males. Although there are some exceptions.

Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia (CAH). It is a genetic physical disorder where adrenal

glands enlarge and release more androgens. Girls born with this disorder are born with
masculinised male external genitals (Berk, 2017). As a result, girls with CAH show more
inclination towards activities that are usually associated with males. For example, they like
playing with boys’ toys in childhood. Greater the exposure to prenatal androgens, the more
“masculine” their play and career interests are (Hall et al., 2004, Servin et al., 2003). Hence, girls
with CAD are less likely to follow traditional female attributed behaviours.

Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome. In this genetic condition, androgen receptor sites are
partially or completely impaired (Berk, 2017). As a result, the level of androgen in the body is
reduced. Males with this condition show a feminine gender-typed behaviour, including toy
choices, play behaviour and preference for girl playmates (Jurgensen et al., 2007).
These are some cases of exceptional sexual development and people with these genetic
disorders fail to conform to gender-role adoption and gender stereotyping.
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Environmental Influences
As mentioned earlier, both biology and environment have an influence on maintaining
gender-stereotypes. Biology (genes) sets a limit and within that limit the environment influences
development (including gender, and gender stereotyping). An individual’s environment includes
various influences such as parents, teachers, media and peers.

Parents. Parents constitute an intimate environment of the children and adolescents.

They also influence gender-stereotyping behaviours. In many cases parents provide differential
treatment to girls and boys. In childhood fathers more than mothers encourage
“gender-appropriate” behaviour, and they place more pressure to achieve on sons than on
daughters (Wood et al., 2002). Younger children receive more direct training in gender roles than
older children- as gender stereotyping occurs rapidly in early childhood (Golombok et al., 2008).
From infancy onwards parents provide different environments to boys and girls, their
rooms are painted differently, usually blue for boys and pink for girls. They also actively
reinforce independence in boys and closeness and dependency in females (Berk, 2017) . During
adolescence also, this differential treatment continues, boys are encouraged to be more
independent and their requests for help are ignored while daughters are encouraged about asking
for help. In a recent study, parents selected more language and arts related courses for girl
children and more science courses for sons. (Tenenbaum, 2009). Hence, parents create an
environment that develops gender-stereotypes in young children.

Teachers. In classrooms, men and women teachers usually value obedience and
discourage assertiveness (Fagot, 1985a). This thought is harmful for both boys and girls, boys
feel out of place and girls who are more likely to conform experience a lesser sense of
independence and self-esteem. Teachers’ frequent disapproval and controlling discipline with
boys grows from the expectation that boys misbehave more than girls - this belief is based on
gender- stereotypes (Berk, 2017). Hence, it further propagates gender-stereotypes in children and
they internalise this belief in them.

Peers. Peer context is a potent source of gender-role learning (Berk, 2017). Children who
spend more time with same-sex peers show greater gains in gender-stereotyping- in terms of toy
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choices, activity level and aggression (Martin & Fabes, 2001). This is because they spend more
time and energy with same-sex friends and internalise various habits and behaviours from them.
Children also develop social influences based on learnt gender-stereotypes. Boys rely on
commands, threats and physical force whereas girls use polite requests, persuasion and
acceptance. As boys and girls separate and form same-sex groups, in-group favouritism occurs
and results in “two distinct sub-cultures” of shared knowledge, beliefs, interests and behaviours.
(Maccoby, 2002 ; Ruble et al. 2006).
This peer learning that further propagates gender-stereotyped narratives can be modified.
Mixed-sex activities and recreational activities can help broaden the development of both sexes
and reduce gender-stereotyped behaviour to some extent (Berk, 2017).

Media. Media portrayals are mostly gender-typed. Media includes movies, cartoons,
magazines, newspapers, TV commercials, storybooks and more. In various cartoons, males are
main characters, and take main characters and the plot is centred around the male. Females are
given background roles and assist the male character. Males display assertiveness, creativity and
heroic gestures while females are submissive, dependent and passive (Tepper & Cassidy, 1999;
Turner-Bowker, 1996). This gender-typed portrayal can be learnt by children through
observational learning.

Cognitive influences
Cognitive factors include mental actions or processes of acquiring knowledge and
understanding through thought, experience, and the senses. It is an important factor in
understanding how a person's own thoughts propagate gender stereotypes and reflects that in
their behaviour. Gender Schema Theory helps in understanding this concept. It is an information
processing approach that explains how environmental pressures and children’s cognition work
together to shape gender typing (Martin et al., 2002). It integrates various elements of gender
typing into a unified picture of how masculine and feminine orientations emerge and are often
strongly maintained ( Berk, 2017 ) .
Children observe various gender roles and learn them, in addition to this, they organise
these experiences into gender schemas, categorisation into feminine and masculine traits (Berk,
2017). Because of the development of gender schemas, they feel these schemas should be
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consistent with their behaviour. Therefore, it colours their self perception and it becomes gender-
typed.

Gender Stereotyping and Culture

Ramet (1996), proposed the concept of gender culture which is defined as a society’s
understanding of what is possible, proper and perverse in gender-linked behaviour. This suggests
that each society generates its own standards for gender-linked behaviour. Williams and Best
(1982) conducted various cross-cultural studies of gender stereotypes using data collected from
30 cultures and it led to a conclusion that majorly gender stereotypes are universal but
contemporary researchers have found that gender stereotyping may be moderated by cultural
values.
In India, an ideal man is considered to be competent, stable, tough, confident, strong,
accomplished, non-conforming, aggressive and is considered to be a ‘leader’. Whereas, an ideal
woman is considered to be warm, emotional, kind, polite, sensitive, friendly, gentle and
considered to be a ‘follower’ ( Srichand M., 2014).

Gender Similarities and Differences

Gender is undoubtedly a very large part of our identity. These differences are reflected in
many gender stereotypes like men rarely share their feelings, while women are extremely
emotional as individuals. Through centuries there are several attributes that are consistently
identified as masculine or feminine, their broad acceptance, and their stability over time suggest
that gender stereo- types are deeply ingrained patterns of thinking within all of us ( Berk,2017 ).

Physical development
There are a lot of studies that show that women and men are physically different. Women
have about twice the body fat of men, most con- centrated around breasts and hips. In males, fat
is more likely to go to the abdomen. On the average, males grow to be 10 percent taller than
females relatively. From conception on, females have a longer life expectancy than males, and
females are less likely than males to develop physical or mental disorders as well. Males have
twice the risk of coronary disease as females. And when it comes to our brains those are much
alike, whether the brain belongs to a male or a female (Halpern et al, 2007). Later however,
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researchers have found some differences in the brains of males and females as well (Hofer et al,
2007). For example, An area of the parietal lobe that functions in visuospatial skills is larger in
males than females (Frederikse et al, 2000). And the areas of the brain involved in emotional
expression show more metabolic activity in females than males (Gur et al, 1995).

Cognitive Development
There are not a lot of gender differences in general intelligence that have been found but
some gender differences have been found in cognitive areas (Blakemore et al, 2009). For
example, Research has shown that in general girls have slightly better verbal skills than boys,
although in some verbal skills areas the differences are substantial as well (Blakemore et al,
2009). There are some other differences too like one such area is math that has been examined
for possible gender differences is visuospatial skills, which include being able to rotate objects
mentally and determine what they would look like when rotated. A recent research review also
revealed that boys have better visuo- spatial skills than girls (Halpern et al., 2007).

Socio-emotional Development
Three areas of socioemotional development in which gender similarities and differences
have been studied extensively are aggression, emotion, and prosocial behavior. One of the most
consistent gender differences is that boys are more physically aggressive than girls are
(Baillargeon et al, 2007; Brendgen, 2009). The difference occurs in all cultures and appears very
early in children’s development (White, 2001). The physical aggression difference is especially
pronounced when children are provoked. Both biological and environmental factors have been
proposed to account for gender differences in aggression. Biological factors include heredity and
hormones. Environmental factors include cultural expectations, adult and peer models, and social
agents that reward aggression in boys and punish aggression in girls.
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Aggression. It is one of the most significant sex difference. The sex differences in verbal
aggression (threats of physical harm, name-calling, and hostile teasing) and relational aggression
(aimed at damaging another’s social relationships) are minima. Girls often appear much more
relationally aggressive than boys because many girls use relational tactics nearly exclusively.
Boys, by contrast, draw on a diversity of means to inflict harm—whatever works at the moment.
Although children of both sexes find relational aggression to be very hurtful, girls find it
especially so, reporting more distress and judging it to be more unjust than boys do (Galen &
Underwood, 1997; Murray et al, 2006). Because girls place a high value on close relationships,
harming a friendship is a powerful way to hurt a peer. There are other reasons, too, that relational
aggression accounts for the large majority of girls’ hostile acts. As girls spend more time in close
proximity to adults and are more sen- sitive to adult approval. They may emphasize relational
aggression because it is hard for adults to detect and, therefore, to punish.
Since centuries it has been accepted that boys should grow up to be masculine and girls to
be feminine. In the 1970s, however, as both females and males became dissatisfied with the
burdens imposed by their stereotypical roles, alternatives to femininity and masculinity were
proposed. Instead of describing masculinity and femininity as a continuum in which more of one
means less of the other, it was proposed that individuals could have both masculine and feminine
traits. This led to the development of the concept of androgyny.

Androgyny. It refers to the presence of positive masculine and feminine characteristics in

the same person (Bem, 1977; Spence & Helmreich, 1978). The androgynous boy might be
assertive (masculine) and nurturant (feminine). The androgynous girl might be powerful
(masculine) and sensitive to others’ feelings (feminine). Gender experts, such as Sandra Bem,
argue that androgynous individuals are more flexible, competent, and mentally healthy than their
masculine or feminine counterparts. For example, One study found that girls and individuals
high in femininity showed a stronger interest in caring than did boys and individuals high in
masculinity (Karniol et al., 2003).
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Depression. It is a feeling of being sad, frustrated, and hopeless about life, accompanied
by loss of pleasure in most activities and disturbances in sleep, appetite, concentration, and
energy—is the most common psychological problem of adolescence. And it very much exists
actively amongst girls and boys. It has been studied that girls are more prone to Depression in
comparison to boys and stressful life events and gender-typed coping styles seem to be
responsible. Early-maturing girls are especially prone to depression, par- ticularly when they also
face other stressful life events. And adolescent gender intensification may strengthen girls’
passivity, dependency, and tendency to ruminate on their anxieties and problems—maladaptive
approaches to tasks expected of teenagers in complex cultures. Consistent with this explanation,
adolescents who identify strongly with “feminine” traits ruminate more and tend to be more
depressed, regardless of their sex (Lopez et al., 2009; Papadakis et al., 2006). Girls who
repeatedly feel overwhelmed develop an overly reactive physiological stress response and cope
more poorly with challenges in the future (Hyde et al, 2008; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2006). In this
way, stressful experiences and stress reactivity feed on one another, sustaining depression. In
contrast, girls with either an androgynous or a “masculine” gender identity show low rates of
depressive symptoms (Priess et al., 2009; Wilson & Cairns, 1988).

Communication
Deborah Tannen (1990), wrote a book called “ You Just Don’t Understand: Women and
Men in a Conversation”. This book suggests that there are significant differences in
communication patterns of men and women. Differences occur in terms of non-verbal
communication and their interaction patterns in relationships. Men’s language is more direct,
succinct and instrumental and women’s language is more indirect, elaborative and affective.
( Helgeson, 2012).
Hall et al., 2000 conducted a meta-analytic review of literature and concluded that
females smile and gaze more than males; females stand closer to others, face others more
directly, and are more likely to touch other people; males have more expansive body movements
(i.e., take up more space) than females; females are more accurate in interpreting others’
emotional expressions and are better able to convey emotions than males ( Hall et al., 2000, as
cited in Helgeson, 2012). Thus, there are significant differences in non-verbal mode of
communication in the two genders as well.
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Emotional differences in gender

In a study by Blakemore et al in 2009, it was found that girls are more likely to express
their emotions openly and intensely than are boys, especially in displaying sadness and fear.
Girls also are better at reading others’ emotions and more likely to show empathy than are boys.
Males usually show less self-regulation of emotion than females, and this low self-control can
translate into behavioral problems (Eisenberg et al., 2004).

Differences in Prosocial behaviour

Females view themselves as more prosocial and empathic (Eisenberg & Morris, 2004).
Across childhood and adolescence, females engage in more prosocial behavior (Hastings et al.,
2007). The biggest gender difference occurs for kind and considerate behavior with a smaller
difference in sharing.

Gender in Context
Considering gender in context is an extremely important aspect to study as most of our
behaviour differs with different situations at hand. Both the concept of androgyny and gender
stereotypes talk about people in terms of personality traits such as “aggressive” or “caring.”
However, which traits people display may vary with the situation (Leaper & Friedman, 2007).
Thus, the nature and extent of gender differences may depend on the context (Blakemore et al.,
2009) consider helping behavior. The stereotype is that females are better than males at helping.
But it entirely depends on the context. As in situations in which males feel a sense of competence
and that involve danger, males are more likely than females to help. (Eagly & Crowley, 1986)

Fear
According to de Hoog et al. (2008), fear is defined as an unpleasant emotional state that
is triggered by the perception of threatening stimuli. Ralph (2008), proposed a more pragmatic
definition, considering fear as an intervening variable between a set of context-dependent stimuli
and suites of behavioural response. These stimuli can either be physical, psychological or social.
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Traditionally, fear is considered to be a negative response but it is an evolutionary response that

is learnt and also serves as a protective feature.

Components of fear
Lang’s tripartite model (1985) posits that three main components characterize a fear
response: physiological arousal (e.g., increased heart rate and heavy breathing), cognitive
(subjective) distress (e.g., “I’m going to die”), and behavioral avoidance (e.g., a strong urge to
escape or flee). These components may occur in tandem with one another (concordance) or they
may vary independently (discordance). Hence, these components are only “loosely coupled”,
which means that someone might show, for example, physiological and behavioral indications of
fear or panic without much of the subjective component, or vice versa.

Difference between fear and anxiety

Anxiety refers to the apprehensions about the future. It is a generalised response to an
unknown threat or conflict and this response pattern is a multidimensional blend of unpleasant
emotions and cognitions but also the presence of physiological and behavioural components.
(Butcher, J.N., 2019). Although anxiety is closely related to fear, it has a significant difference
among them.
Fear is a biochemical and emotional response towards a known external threat. Fear is the
form of real danger while anxiety is related to imagined danger. Fear is associated with the fight
and flight response as when a person experiences a fearful situation, for example, encountering a
group of smugglers, the person develops fear which directs the person to seek for a fight or flight
response urging immediate action from its body and mind (Butcher, J.N., 2019).
However, anxiety is based on threats and dangers of events to occur in the future. For
example, facing the audience during a college performance which prepares the person with
thoughts about what will happen if they aren’t able to perform well. The lack of immediacy to
respond and the adaptive value of mild levels of anxiety, sets it apart from fear and there lies the
difference between these two closely related terms.

Health Anxiety
Health anxiety is an obsessive and irrational worry about having a serious medical
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condition. It’s also called illness anxiety, and was formerly called hypochondria. This condition
is marked by a person’s imagination of physical symptoms of illness.
Or in other cases, it’s a person’s misinterpretation of minor or normal body sensations as
serious disease symptoms despite reassurance by medical professionals that they don’t have an
[Link] our body is sending us the signs that you’re ill, it’s normal to be concerned. Health
anxiety is marked by constant belief that you have a symptom or symptoms of a severe illness.

COVID-19 Anxiety
Since COVID-19 was declared an international public health emergency, people around
the world have experienced dramatic disruptions to their everyday lives. Youth are enduring
pervasive social isolation and missed milestones, along with school closures, quarantine orders,
increased family stress, and decreased peer interactions, all potential precipitants of
psychological distress and mental health difficulties.
For many people, the uncertainty surrounding coronavirus is the hardest thing to handle.
We still don’t know exactly how we’ll be impacted, how long this will last, or how bad things
might get. And that makes it all too easy to catastrophize and spiral out into overwhelming dread
and panic.
The actual COVID-19 pandemic scenario has generated a context of uncertainty,
helplessness, and inequality. Fernández et al conducted a cross-sectional study in 2020 to explore
the differential presence of symptoms of anxiety, depression, and acute stress between men and
women during the COVID-19 outbreak in Spain. To assess symptoms of anxiety and depression,
the Hamilton Anxiety Scale (HARS) and the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) were used. The
results found that regarding anxiety symptoms, males had significant lower HARS scores (M =
14.1, SD = 9.8) than females (M = 18.4, SD = 10.2). Also, males had significant lower BDI
scores than females. In the same line, a weaker depressive syndrome in males was observed. This
study concluded that the response to COVID-19 appears to be different between men and
women.
Pinchoff et al (2020) conducted a mobile phone-based survey from April 3–22, 2020 in
Uttar Pradesh and Bihar among 1,666 adolescents and young adults (18–24 years old) randomly
selected. Participants answered questions on demographics, COVID-19 knowledge, attitudes,
and preventive behaviors practiced, and impacts on social, economic and health outcomes.
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Descriptive analyses and linear probability regression models were performed separately for men
and women. Compared to men, women were seven percentage points (pp) less likely to know the
main symptoms of COVID-19. Women were 22 pp less likely to practice key preventive
behaviors compared to men. Women were also more likely to report recent depressive symptoms
than men. Their findings underscore that COVID-19 is already disproportionately impacting
adolescent girls and young women and that they may require additional targeted,
gender-sensitive messaging to foster behavior change
Doshi et al conducted an online survey study in 2020 to assess the level of fear of
COVID-19 among the Indian population by employing the convenient snowball sampling
method. The study population had a composition of 45.6% males and 54.4% females of the age
group 20-40 years. The seven-item Fear of COVID-19- 19 Scale (FCV-19S) was used to assess
the fear related to COVID-19 and a total of 1519 responses (1499 responses for final analysis)
were collected and scored according to the five-point Likert scale and compared using t-test and
ANOVA to map the demographic differences. Results indicated that females had 1.29 times
higher perceptions of fear of COVID-19 when compared with their male counterparts.
A cross-sectional study conducted by Sathe et al in 2020 examined psychological distress
and fear of COVID-19 among the general population of India during the lockdown through
Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K10), and the Fear of COVID-19 Scale. 590 responses
were collected by snowball sampling of participants hailing from a wide range of
socio-economic, regional, educational backgrounds. 38% of the respondents were observed to
have reported psychological distress significantly (P <0.05). The Chi-square tests also depicted a
significant association (P <0.05) with female gender, single status, lower and lower-middle
Socio-Economic Status and being a student and seem to have higher levels of anxiety and fear of
the COVID-19 pandemic.
A study by Bisht et al in 2021 assessed the effect of gender and age differences on the
level of fear of COVID-19 and stress due to COVID-19. Due to the restraints of the ongoing
lockdown, the study was conducted online in the northern Indian state of Uttarakhand. The
method consisted of a Chi-square test of independence designed by the researchers that
comprised eight questions. The sample consisted of 399 adults randomly selected from across the
state such that at least 10 participated from each of the 13 districts. The sample pool comprised
285 males and 114 females. The results concluded that the fear of COVID-19 is independent of
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both gender as well as age group. On the other hand, it was found that while the stress due to
COVID-19 is independent of gender, it is dependent on age group, such that older people face
more stress due to COVID-19 than the younger ones.
Since the COVID-19 pandemic is still ongoing, studying fear of COVID-19 deemed
essential and relevant. As mentioned in the above studies COVID-19 fear is a rampant
phenomenon and since the pandemic is still ongoing, there isn’t much literature related to
COVID-19 fear and various variables. Gender differences could be an important variable to
explore with respect to COVID-19 fear, especially in adolescents because they’re in a period of
identity development. It is possible that COVID-19 fear has impacted females and males
differently because as mentioned above there are differences in the way they interact socially,
perceive threats and how they react in unprecedented situations. It is particularly important to
study gender differences with respect to the fear of COVID-19 in grade XII students because this
period of their life is marked by stress as they are in the process of developing their identity and
trying to position themselves in their social world. The social world they knew of changed
completely due to the COVID-19 pandemic and so did the process of their identity formation,
therefore, they are more susceptible to fear of COVID-19 and how COVID-19 would impact
their future life. Additionally, they have uncertainty regarding twelfth grade academic evaluation
which could be another potential source of fear and anxiety. Hence, keeping in mind the above
discussion the aim of the present study was decided as “To assess the level of COVID-19 fear in
late adolescents” as a survey, and the following objectives were laid down:
1. To examine gender differences on COVID-19 fear among late adolescents.
2. To investigate whether there are gender differences as regards the sources of fear
associated with COVID-19.
Based on the first objective, the following hypothesis was proposed:
Ho = There will be no significant gender differences in the fear of COVID-19 amongst late
adolescents.
HA = There will be significant gender differences in the fear of COVID-19 amongst late
adolescents.
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Method
Design
The present study was of cross-sectional and quantitative design. Cross-sectional study is
conducted on a sample at one specific point in time. Quantitative research is a strategy that
emphasises on quantification in data collection and analysis.

Sample
The total number of participants in the present study were 120, comprising 60 females
and 60 males. They were fresh entrants in XII standard from Delhi NCR’s public schools.
Non-probability sampling technique was used. Under non-probability, purposive and
convenience sampling was employed. In purposive sampling, the researcher selects the sample
based on the objectives of the study. Since we wanted to study gender differences in the fear of
COVID-19 in late adolescents, we targeted females and males from XII standard students of
public schools in Delhi NCR. Convenience sampling is a method where those participants are
chosen who are “convenient” to contact. In this study, participants chosen were those whom we
knew from before, or we contacted them through our friends.

Tools
The Fear of COVID-19 Scale ( FCVS) was used to measure the fear of COVID-19
among girls and boys in the sample. The scale has been recently constructed by Ahoursu et al.,
2020. It is a uni-dimensional seven item scale wherein the participants indicate their level of
agreement with the statements presented using a five point Likert Scale ranging from Strongly
disagree. Disagree, Neutral, Agree and Strongly agree.
The minimum score possible for each item is one and maximum is five. The total score is
calculated by adding each item score. The total score ranges from 7 to 35. Higher the score,
greater is the fear of COVID-19. This scale has sound psychometric properties with internal
consistency alpha as 0.82 and high convergent validity of 0.88
 17

To understand the gender differences in the fears experienced by females and males
related to COVID-19, an open ended question was addressed to the participants to mention three
fears experienced by them with respect to COVID-19.

Procedure
The objective of the present study was to examine the gender differences in the fear of
COVID-19 amongst late adolescents and also the gender differences in the kinds of fear
experienced by them with respect to COVID-19.
Each student researcher collected data from two participants, one female and one male
from class XII students studying in public schools of Delhi NCR. A meeting was conducted with
each participant through Google Meet, they were instructed about the procedure and the topic.
They were informed that they were free to withdraw from the study if it made them
uncomfortable. Any preconceived apprehensions were cleared out and we carried out an
informal conversation with the participant to ease them before they attempted the questionnaire.
Two consent forms were prepared, parental and student consent. Since our participants
were minors we had to take parental consent as well. The questionnaire consisted of consent
forms, a 7-item Fear of COVID-19 scale and an open-ended question where the participants
listed their three fears. The Google forms were shared with the participants via WhatsApp.
Data collection was stopped after 131 responses were received. 66 responses from
females and 65 responses from males were recorded. Some responses were filtered out because
they were incomplete. After filtration, 120 responses were retained, 60 from both females and
males. Individual scoring (of fear of COVID-19 Scale) of each participant was done and a
collective score was added for both genders. Independent mean t-test was carried out using SPSS
software to compare gender differences in fear of [Link] analysis was done for the
open-ended question that asked the participants about their three COVID-19 fears. Separate
categories were created for fears of males and females. 8 categories for females and 8 categories
for men. Frequency analysis was done to know the number of fear responses in each category.
The percentage of each category of fear was calculated by dividing the number of fear responses
in each category with the total number of responses across all the categories and then multiplying
hundred. This was done for both the genders, males and females respectively.
 18

A number of precautions were taken to carry out the study ethically. Informed consent
was taken from the participant and the participant’s parents. Clear instructions were given to the
participants. It was ensured that no pre-exposure to the Google form was given to the
participants.

Results
Table 1
t-Test Results Comparing Males and Females on Fear of COVID-19

Gender n Mean SD df t-test Confidence Confidence p Decision

Interval Interval
(Upper limit) (Lower limit)

Male 60 17.58 6.035 118 -.714 -2.77 1.30 .477 Retain null
hypothesis

Female 60 18.32 5.190

Note. This table demonstrates independent mean t-Test results comparing males and females in
their late adolescence on fear of COVID-19 using SPSS Software

Table 2
Categories and exemplars for female responses
S No. Category Examples

Getting anxious while listening to news

about increasing COVID-19 cases.

The total situation is depressing and makes

one feel lethargic.
1 Mental and Physical health
 19

Fear of lacking motivation for continuing day

to day activities.

Worried of severe health problems due to

COVID-19.

When will the vaccination of the entire nation

be done?

2 Public Health A mistrust of the health system

Getting homestuck for an indefinite time

Fear that things aren't sanitized enough.

3 COVID-19 Protocols Fear of going to public places

Fear of not being able to meet friends

Fear of losing my near and dears

4 Family and loved ones Fear of bringing the virus into my family

5 Economic and Political Crisis Fear for country's health and wealth

Fear of not being able to focus on my studies

Fear about how my exams will be held or

whether they will be conducted or not
Academic/Career and Peer Group
6 relations Fear of offline exams

7 Personal Death Fear of own death

8 No fear No fear at all

Note. This table demonstrates categories and exemplars of fears identified from the responses
given by late female adolescents
 20

Table 3
Categories and exemplars for male responses
S no. Category of fear Examples

COVID-19 would make any person very

uncomfortable because of the sickness.

Fear of being alone/ Being ignored by

everyone,having anxiety.

Fear of getting hospitalised due to severe

1
mental and physical health symptoms.

The fear that corona pandemic will last for an

interminable time
arranging medicines and bed.

2 public health Concerned about my country's health

Fear of becoming the transmitter of this virus.

Fear of less social interaction.

Fear of interacting(by shaking hands or any

interaction one to one),fear of traveling,fear of
coping up with the rest of the world/class after
3 COVID-19 protocols a pandemic.

I will lose someone who I am close to

Losing my family to COVID-19

4 family and loved ones Fear of losing the people I deeply care about.
 21

Fear of COVID-19 swallowing my family

and loved ones

The country is falling into a grave economic

crisis, bringing people to the streets,
including my own family.

financial crisis

The fear that people will die jobless and

5 economic and political crisis hungry as a repercussion of the pandemic.

I am anxious about my studies and how the

boards are gonna take place.

Unable to get through the syllabus.

Fear about my Future.

Academic/Career and Peer Group Not knowing what implications it will have
6 relations on my studies.

I will die.

My own death due to COVID-19" "Fear of

having a painful death.

Whether I will be able to survive this

7 Personal Death pandemic or not.

No fear.

8 No fear I have adapted to the situation and have no

 22

fear related to it.

None.
Note. This table demonstrates categories and exemplars of fears identified from the responses
given by late male adolescents

Table 4

Frequencies and Percentage For Each Category For Males and Females

Frequency Frequency
Categories Sub- categories (females) % (males) %

fears related to
mental and physical
health

losing motivation 5 2.97 0 0

Adverse Effects
on Mental Health 12 7.14 10 6.41

Fear of getting
infected
(physical) 20 11.9 24 15.38

Getting
hospitalised 1 0.59 2 1.28
 23

Fear of not being

able to recover
after infection 4 2.38 0 0

Not being able to

breath 1 0.59 0 0

Sub-total 43 25.59 36 23.07

Fears related to
public health

Vaccination drive
completion 1 0.59 0 0

Lack of
healthcare access 0 0 1 0.64

Scarcity of
resources 0 0 3 1.92

Public Health
System Failure 1 0.59 5 3.21

fear of new
COVID-19 waves 0 0 5 3.21
 24

Sub-total 2 1.19 14 8.97

fears related to
COVID-19 protocols

fear of spreading
infection 3 1.78 1 0.64

fear of
confinement 5 2.97 0 0

fear of social
isolation 7 4.16 11 7.05

fear of the new

normal 8 4.76 4 2.56

fear of
COVID-19 media 1 0.59 0 0

fear of missing
out 0 0 2 1.28

Sub-total 24 14.28 18 11.54

 25

fears related to family

and loved ones

fear of losing
someone 48 28.57 30 19.23

fear of not being

able to help
family 2 1.19 0 0

fear of close ones

getting infected 3 1.78 7 4.49

Sub-total 53 31.54 37 23.72

fears related to
economical and
political crisis

Country's
economy 2 1.19 0 0

Financial stress 3 1.78 5 3.21

political crisis 0 0 1 0.64

 26

Sub-total 5 2.97 6 3.85

Academic/Career and
Peer Group relations

Academic and
board exam stress 20 11.90 17 10.9

Schools not
reopening 8 4.76 0 0

Schools
reopening 0 0 1 0.64

Career and future

stress 8 4.76 10 6.41

Sub-total 36 21.42 28 17.95

fear of death 4 2.38 13 8.34

No fear 1 0.59 4 2.56

 27

Total 169 100 156 100

Note. This table demonstrates the frequencies and percentages for each category and
sub-category of fears identified separately in responses given by late adolescents males and
females.
Figure 1
Percentage of Males in Each Category

Figure 2
Percentage of Females in Each Category
 28

Discussion
The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged the population of affected areas in multiple
dimensions. . The present study was also done with the objective of investigating the levels of
fear as related to COVID-19. The p value obtained was p(.477) > 0.05, thus the null hypothesis
was retained which means that there is no significant gender difference in the fear of COVID-19
among adolescents. However, the mean score of fear of COVID-19 for girls is slightly higher
than that of boys, which is respectively 18.32 and 17.58.

Though this is a small difference and not statistically significant, it is indicative of the fact that
girls did experience more fears than boys. These results are supported by many research studies
revealing that females are more vulnerable to stress and fear as compared to males. Females have
been found to report chronic stress and minor daily stressors, and have rated their life
experiences as more negative and less controllable (Matud, 2004). An Indian study by Acharaya
in 2004 also reinforces the same results wherein girls reported a significantly greater number of
fears. With respect to COVID-19 fear, a research study was also conducted by Doshi et al. in
2020 to assess the Coronavirus fear in the Indian population using the Fear of COVID-19 Scale
(FCV-19S). The results indicated that females significantly displayed higher levels of fear
compared to their male counterparts. In a Cuban study, done to assess gender differences in the
fear of COVID-19 by Perez et al in 2020, it was found that females showed greater vulnerability
as well.
In the present study also the mean scores of COVID-19 fears for boys and girls are in the
moderate range and not in the range of high fear. The possible range of fear scores for
COVID-19 scale is 7-35 and so both boys and girls are manifesting moderate fears and are not
very traumatized by it. The present study was done after 17 months after the onset of
COVID-19. Hence it can be said that both boys and girls have learnt to cope with it rather than
intensely being scared by the same. They have well understood the fact that wearing a mask,
keeping physical distance and vaccinations will protect them to a large extent. Therefore, the
focus is on precautionary measures which makes them feel safe and the level of fear is not so
high. There are also some responses as ‘no fear’ given by both boys and girls when asked to
express three fears related to COVID-19.
 29

The absence of a statistically significant difference in the mean fear scores could also be due to
the fact that a purely a sample from a metropolitan city, Delhi was chosen and only the people
with internet accessibility could participate in our survey indicating a denent or upper middle
class background respectively. By all these factors combined it might be believed that the girls
and boys in the present study have not been exposed to intense gender typing by their socializing
agents at home and at schools as compared to other geographical regions or distinct home
environments.
Gender categorization in terms of instrumental and expressive attributes is more
prevalent in rural India and lower SES. In the upper SES and urban settings, women have more
autonomy, personal freedom and social competence as compared to the rural settings. Studies do
show that adolescent gender intensification strengthens girls’ passivity and dependency, and
tendency to contemplate their anxieties and problems.
A study by Lopez et al in 2009 showed that adolescents who identify strongly with
feminine traits contemplate and tend to be more depressed regardless of their sex. Girls with an
androgynous or even a masculine gender identity show less traits of depressive symptoms. They
can cope better with their causes of stress and don’t resort to emotional coping styles as
helplessness or dependency on others to lessen their stress.
As it is believed in progressive geographical regions there is not much rigidity in gender
typing and there is blurring of the boundaries between girls and boys in terms of their attributes,
activities, careers etc. This could have promoted masculinity and androgyny in the female
identity in the present urban sample and made them more resilient to fear, as reflected in their
mean scores of fears being quite close to boys’ mean scores- leading to no surfacing of a
statistically significant result.

In the crisis period of COVID-19, schools and media are playing a vital role in reducing the fears
associated with it. Media shows a lot of programs of COVID-19 and with special emphasis on
the preventive measures to be taken which lead to greater safety from the virus. The media and
its statistics reflect that the incidents of COVID-19 cases are not so high in New Delhi NCR and
there is a reflection of positivity in the data presented by the media. This leads to the settling
down of anxiety as regards the fear of infection in the general public. Media portrayals were
 30

much more horrific to watch during phase 2 of COVID-19- the number of cases were extremely
high in New Delhi and led to higher levels of fear to watch the patients die in the hospital wards
without oxygen facilities. It seemed as if the whole health system had collapsed and people were
extremely scared and terrified about catching the infection. However, this scenario is not there
and the level of fear is not so high in public and therefore both boys and girls in the present
sample have shown moderate levels of fear.
Teachers and the staff of schools are also taking great pains and devote a lot of time
counselling students to lessen their anxiety and fear of the disease. All these kinds of emotional
support systems could have led to the decrease in the fear levels of boys and girls in this study.
So, both boys and girls have shown a moderate level of fear indicating that they have come to
grips with the situation rather than succumb to it and have not perceived it as extremely
traumatic.
Another aspect which could be responsible for the insignificant gender differences
regarding fear of COVID-19-19 could be that in the present study, the sample size was small and
of a very homogeneous nature - the entire sample was of public school of Delhi NCR.
Thus, this study indicates that although no significant gender differences in the overall
fear of COVID-19 have been found, there are gender differences in the sources of fear
experienced during COVID-19. Therefore, gender differences are present to some extent in the
kinds of fear expressed by boys and girls in this study.
Sources for overall fears of male and female participants were analyzed in terms of the
percentages under various categories shown in the table. The obtained results show that the total
number of fears reported by female participants was 169 which was higher than the number of
fears for males that was 156. A major reason for this discrepancy could be the fact that females
are more prone towards stress and fear. There are various studies which show the higher
vulnerability of females towards anxiety and fear. In a study by Gao et al. (2019), females scored
significantly higher on anxiety than males. The small difference in overall percentage of fears
could be due to the fact that the sample size was small and of a homogenous nature.

In the first category of fear ‘Fears related to mental and physical health’, the overall results show
that female participants scored higher with a percentage of 25.59 as compared to male
participants with a percentage of 23.07. A study by Bahrani and Yusufi in Iran also showed
 31

significant gender differences related to health anxiety thoughts wherein females were more
affected by men. The term health anxiety means a consistent worry about one’s health and a fear
that one has an illness or may contract a disease.
In the sub-category of “losing motivation”, there can be seen a significant difference in
males and females due to their fear of mental and physical health being affected since 2.96% of
women show the fear of losing motivation as compared to no men having the fear of losing
motivation. Also, the fear of not being able to recover after infection revealed a higher
percentage in girls of 2.36 and a complete absence of this fear in the boys. But in the
sub-category of fear of getting infected (physically), boys have shown a higher percentage of
15.38 as compared to females with a percentage of 11.82. Research studies show that males are
more vulnerable to physical diseases and have low immunity as compared to females. Females
are more resistant to infections than men and this is possibly mediated by several factors
including sex hormones. And a study by Min Jin et al. (2020) showed that even though males
and females had similar infection rates, men with COVID-19 showed more severe physical
outcomes as compared to females.

In the second category of fear ‘Fears related to public health’, the obtained results show that
males have higher fears related to public health as compared to females. A percentage of 1.19
females show fears related to public health as compared to a higher percentage of 8.97 in males.
As mentioned above, males are perceived to be more vulnerable as well as fearful to anxiety
about their physical illness. Research in general, points to the fact that males are more
introverted by nature and do not voice their emotions easily and are prone to suppress their
emotions. However, in present times when gender stereotyping is believed to be rare, the
differences observed in terms of fears among both genders have decreased. Regarding public
health, be it most of the subcategories such as scarcity of resources ( males, 1.92 and a complete
absence in females), public health system failures (males,3.21 and females,0.59), lifestyle and
fear of new COVID-19 waves (males, 3.21 and once again complete absence of this type of fear
in females) males have shown consistently higher levels of fear. The stereotype that showing
emotions is for the weak and males must not be weak, is deeply entrenched into their mindset.
Also, another possible explanation for the same would be that the fear of males in the study is
more future-oriented. They have shown a higher fear level regarding the possibility of adverse
 32

future consequences as compared to females. Although, in urban areas there is not much gender
stereotyping, in this study males have proved to be more adept at planning and looking into the
future. Thus they have more fear that an impact on their physical health might be considered as a
failure and might affect their family.

In the third category ‘Fear of COVID-19 Protocols’, girls scored a higher percentage than boys
in almost all subcategories with a total percentage of 14.28 and 11.54 respectively. In line with
many studies mentioned in the literature, girls have been shown to be more worry-prone, higher
on anxiety and more fearful as compared to boys. With the need of necessary precautionary
measures such as wearing face masks in public or maintaining 6ft distance, females are more
worried about spreading infection. The moderately higher discrepancy of fear in girls in the
subcategory of fear of spreading infection (females 1.78 and males 0.64 percentage) can be due
to higher empathy and concern for others. The participants belonged to an urban population
where boys and girls are less exposed to gender typing, are equally social, thus explaining the
almost similar percentages in the subcategory, ‘Fear of Confinement and Social Isolation’.
In the subcategory “Fear of new normal”, females scored a higher percentage of 4.73 as
compared to boys, 2.56. Fear of new normal involves more uncertainty and therefore, has led to
girls showing a higher percentage of fear as compared to boys. These results are again in line
with the results which indicate that girls are higher in anxiety and stress. In this subcategory, the
component of uncertainty is high and therefore girls have shown a higher percentage- they are
more susceptible to stress and anxiety. This is because females are generally higher on empathy
and concern for others. Also females show more affection and sympathy in general or towards
someone who is suffering from any disease or infections. A study by Galasso et al., (2020),
females show higher compliance with COVID-19 rules as compared to men. The fear of new
normal as experienced more in females is because they are now all the more anxious and worried
about the prolonged lockdowns and being away from loved ones in some cases. This is because
of the uncertainty of any situation in one’s life since the beginning of the pandemic. This has also
led to increased fear of their future and the fact that their lifestyle is being affected due to the
current situation.
 33

In the fourth category, ‘Fears related to Family and Loved Ones,’ girls scored a higher
percentage than boys in almost all the subcategories with a total percentage of 31.54 and 23.72
respectively. Numerous studies show that females are higher on empathy and sympathy which is
culturally induced in their personality. Socializing agents discuss and use more emotional words
with females and therefore reinforce emotional sensitivity and concern for others' feelings in
girls. Research shows that the child rearing practices used by the mother emphasize the nurturing
and caring role in [Link], in a study by Dhandapani et al. (2017), it was revealed that
women experience greater stress for their beloved ones. In the subcategory of getting loved ones
infected, males scored a percentage of 4.49 which was higher than that of females who scored a
percentage of 1.78. This can be because of the societal roles of ‘breadwinners’ attributed to men
and therefore they are more protective about their family. On the other hand, due to various
‘gender stereotypes’ believed by the society, men perceive themselves as ‘strong’ by not showing
their true emotions. Females are more emotional as well as higher on empathy, which explains
their fears of losing someone or not being able to help the family. Females are more
relationship-oriented as compared to men usually also because they are being taught about
family, relationships, home and their significance in their lives and they are also expected to
uphold its value since their childhood.

In the fifth category ‘ Fears related to Economical and Political Crisis, ’ it was seen that overall
males had a higher score with a percentage of 3.85 as compared to females with a percentage of
2.97. This could be due to the possibility of males being more occupied with the political and
economical issues. A study conducted by Matud, 2004 revealed that men listed relationship,
finance and work related events as their sources of stress. As seen in the first subcategory
‘Country’s Economy’, females show higher fears of 1.18% than males who showed complete
absence of this fear. The failure of a country's economy going down implies unemployment,
poverty and all this evokes more emotionality in the females as they are higher on the dimension
of concern for the welfare of others as they have been sensitized to this dimension by their
socialization agents. In the subcategories of ‘financial stress’ and ‘political crisis’, males have
shown higher levels of fear. Thus, as consistent with the results it is observed that males are more
politically oriented and are more bothered about the financial stresses of their households as
compared to females.
 34

In the sixth category ‘Fears related to Academics/ Career and Peer Group Relations,’ it was seen
that females expressed higher overall fear with a percentage of 21.42 than males with a
percentage of 17.95. This could have possibly been due to the fact that gender stereotyping in the
urban setting is not so strongly rooted and females are reared to be equally competent as males in
the academic world. The sample of the present study belong to urban areas wherein females are
encouraged to be equally progressive in their career. Corresponding to this, girls have shown a
higher fear with a percentage of 11.83 in the sub-category of academic and board exam stress as
compared to males who scored a percentage of 10.9. Similarly, females have again scored a
higher percentage of 4.73 in the sub-category of ‘schools not reopening’ as compared to males
who have shown an absolute absence of this fear. This indicates that they are more pragmatic and
are more concerned about the current issues related to academics. In the subcategory of career
and future stress boys (6.41 percent) have shown a slightly higher fear as compared to girls (4.73
percent). This could be due to the fact that despite the fact that there is less gender stereotyping,
it is not completely absent in the modern, elite homes. Therefore, males have internalised their
roles of breadwinners and thus are showing more concern and responsibility to support the
family and therefore are more future-oriented and more fearful about career and future stress.
Similarly,when the examples of the fears are scrutinized, males were also seen expressing fear of
implications on their studies or how it will impact their results and not being able to finish the
syllabus on time. Due to the current situation of COVID-19 pandemic, adapting ourselves to an
online mode of education has created a negative impact in context to the academics and social
interaction as well. The fear of death has been expressed more by male participants with a
percentage of 8.34 than female participants with a percentage of 2.38. This could also be
explained through the emotionally fragile nature of men, wherein they cannot deal with abstract
concepts like death. Women, on the other hand, due to being able to express their emotions
openly since childhood have learnt to deal with them efficiently, thus becoming more
emotionally resilient.
Thus, this study indicates that although no significant gender differences in the overall fear of
COVID-19 have been found, there are gender differences in the sources of fear experienced
during COVID-19. Therefore, gender differences are present to some extent in the kinds of fear
expressed by boys and girls in this study.
 35

There were certain limitations of the present research. The present study only accounts
for a small sample and the survey was carried out in an online mode and thus only individuals
having access to the internet have participated in this study and thus the results cannot be
generalised. Online mode did not give the researchers the control over environmental variables
that could have influenced the subjects’ responses in the form. Additionally, building a rapport
with the respondents was not plausible in an online landscape as it would have been
time-consuming to schedule meetings with the participants.. And data collection was solely
based on self-report measure, responses from these measures can involve social desirability into
account as well.

Keeping in mind the above limitations, studies can be done keeping in mind a sample that
is representative of the general population so that it can include other socio-economic strata as
well, this way the results can be generalised as well. Longitudinal studies can be started to
understand the full impact of the pandemic to draw various inferences in the future about various
other variables such as gender differences related to COVID-19 fear as well.

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Appendix

Statement Strongly Agree Agree Neutral Disagree

 39

I am most afraid

of Corona

It makes me

uncomfortable to

think about

Corona

My hands

become clammy

when I think

about Corona

I am afraid of

losing my life

because of

Corona
 40

When I watch

news and stories

about Corona on

social media, I

become nervous

or anxious.

I cannot sleep

because I’m

worrying about

getting Corona

My heart races

or palpitations

when I think

about getting

Corona
 41

Kindly enlist the

three fears

experienced by

you during

COVID-19

pandemic period