Philippine History Self-Regulated Module
Philippine History Self-Regulated Module
RPHIST 1 READINGS IN
PHILIPPINE HISTORY
REFERENCES......................................................................................... 127
COURSE DESCRIPTION: The course aims to expose students to different facets of Philippine history
through the lens of eyewitnesses. Rather than rely on secondary materials such as textbooks, which is
the usual approach in teaching Philippine history, different types of primary sources will be used covering
various aspects of Philippine life. Students are expected to analyse the selected readings contextually
and in terms of content. The end goal is to enable students to understand and appreciate our rich past by
deriving insights from those who were actually present at time of the event.
The course analyses Philippines history from multiple perspectives through the lens of selected
primary sources coming from various disciplines and of different genres. Students are given opportunities
to analyse the author’s background and main arguments, compare different point of view, identify biases
and examine the evidences presented in the document. The discussions will tackle traditional topics in
history and other interdisciplinary themes that will deepen and broaden their understanding of Philippine
political, economic, cultural, social, scientific and religious history. Priority is given to primary materials
that could help students develop their analytical and communication skills. The end goal is to develop the
historical and critical consciousness of the students so that they will become versatile, articulate,
broadminded, morally upright and responsible citizens. This also includes mandatory topics on Philippine
constitution, agrarian reform, and taxation. In compliance with CMO No. 2 s. 2019, Indigenous education
was likewise included.
Class Attendance. Regular attendance and participation in classroom discussions are essential to the
completion of the subject. It is therefore expected that you will attend all classes prepared and have
read the required reading materials.
Academic papers. These include essays, reaction/position/reflection paper, and research paper on a
specific topic.
Assignment. All homework or assignments are expected to be passed on time and completed. This
might include readings for the next day’s lesson, individual or group assignment. Late assignment
can still be accepted considering that the reason is valid and that you will present the necessary
document.
Final requirement. You will be asked to collaborate with your classmates to produce a synthesis that
examines the role of a specific issue in promoting/hindering nation building, and provide appropriate
recommendations rooted in a historical understanding of the issue. Output should trace the evolution
of the chosen topic through at least three periods.
Output may be in the form of research paper, exhibit, documentary, webpage and/or other
innovative modes.
Sample Topic: Challenges in the Implementation of Agrarian Reform in the Philippines
Concepts -IDENTIFIES and - IDENTIFIES and - Identifies SOME (not -Does NOT IDENTIFY
ACCURATELY ACCURATELY all) key concepts; key concepts or
explains the relevant explains the relevant
key concepts key concepts - Does NOT FULLY -identifies but FAILS to
and ACCURATELY use key concepts or
-APPROPRIATELY - but sometimes uses explain each identified
uses relevant key concepts concept -uses key concepts
INAPPROPRIATELY 10
concepts throughout inappropriately
the essay - Use of concepts is throughout the essay
- or uses concepts SUPERFICIAL and/or
- CONSISTENTLY INCONSISTENTLY INACCURATE at times
uses the relevant key
concepts throughout
the essay
Interpretations, -Uses EVIDENCE and -uses EVIDENCE and -does follow SOME -uses SUPERFICIAL or
Inferences REASON to come to REASON to obtain EVIDENCE to IRRELEVANT evidence
logical conclusions; justifiable, logical conclusions that are to come to ILLOGICAL
conclusions mostly logic or valid; or invalid conclusions
-makes deep rather
than superficial -makes VALID -inferences are more 0exhibits CLOSED-
inferences inferences but some often than not MINDEDNESS or
20
are SUPERFICIAL UNCLEAR or NOT HOSTILITY toward
-inferences are based in evidence evidence/reason;
CONSISTENT with one -inferences are maintains views based
another CONSISTENT with one - inferences are on self-interest
another ILLOGICL
INCONSISTENT,
and/or SUPERFICIAL
Citations & All references and One references or Two references or Reference and citations
References citations are correctly citations missing or citations missing or errors detracts 10
written and present incorrectly written incorrectly written significantly from paper
Storytelling Develops an interesting Starts with an interesting Story is confusing or not Does not tell a story
Techniques story from the point of story, but has no clear interesting
view of a central theme
character
Sources Uses and cites primary Uses only secondary Uses sources that do not Does not use outside
and secondary sources sources that support the support the narrative sources
that relate directly to the narrative
narratives
Production Has high-quality sound, Production values could Poor production makes Technical problems ruin
Values video editing and be better, but don’t the story hard to the video; the story is lost
transitions interfere with the story understand
Originality Product shows a large Product shows some Uses other people’s Uses other people’s
amount of original original thought. Work ideas (giving them credit) ideas, but does not give
thought. Ideas are shows new ideas and the credit
creative and inventive. insights But there is little evidence
of original thinking
SCORE
STUDY SCHEDULE
This is an online course, which means that we do not meet “face-to-face” in a classroom. However,
the objectives and expected learning outcomes are the same as a “face-to-face course. We do not have a
text book in this course. We will use various reading materials from internet. A list of references is found at
the end of this module.
I. Modular Approach. This module presents the course content in three major divisions (First Grading,
Midterms, and Finals). The first part presents the Philippines history from multiple perspectives through the
lens of selected primary sources. In the midpart, it tackles the controversial issues in history that will deepen
and broaden students understanding of history. The last part will develop the historical and critical
consciousness of the students so that they will become versatile, articulate, broadminded, morally upright
and responsible citizens by exploring the mandatory topics on Philippine constitution, agrarian reform, and
taxation and incompliance with CMO No. 2 s. 2019, Indigenous education was likewise included.
II. Assessment Tasks. The tasks embedded in this module are mostly quizzes, essays, analysis and a critique
paper to help you learn to formulate arguments; present evidences; and evaluate a course of action. You are
also expected to synthesize and interpret primary and secondary sources and use these sources to explain
an event, historical phenomena or a political course of action. In addition, this enables you to see the
Thus, there is a need for you to cite your primary and/or secondary sources properly to avoid
plagiarism.
III. Feedback Structure. The feedback shall be coursed through any of the following modes:
1. Communication via online platforms (ie., Canvas, Facebook, and electronic mail)
2. Video conferencing modes (ie., Zoom, Google Meets, Facebook live stream)
LEARNING OBJECTIVES:
1. Discuss the meaning of history
2. Connect the relevance of history with the student’s chosen course.
3. Discuss the basics of historiography
4. Evaluate primary and secondary sources for credibility, authenticity and provenance
5. Differentiate primary and secondary sources; external and internal criticisms.
6. Identify significant people and their contribution in the on the connection of e development of
Philippine historiography.
7. Identify the characteristics of contemporary Philippine historiography
8. Explain the importance of knowing the history in achieving the economic growth of the country.
This Unit presents the definition and significance of history which transcends the typical definition of
history as the study of the past. This Unit will help us realize that history is more than just events, name or
even dates. It plays a crucial role in one’s life as well as the nation. This chapter will also give you a
glimpse of historiography; the distinction between primary and secondary sources and is familiarize with the
different kinds of historical sources.
What is History?
The word history was used by the Greek Philosopher Aristotle. It meant a systematic account of a
set of natural phenomena, whether or not chronological ordering was a factor in the account; and that usage,
though rare, still prevails in English in the phrase natural history. However, in the course of time, the equivalent
Latin word scientia (English, science) came to be used more regularly to designate non-chronological
systematic accounts of natural phenomena.
History deals with the study of past events presented in chronological order and often with
explanation. Others define it as His story and sanaysay na may saysay.
The study of history is significant because it:
is a window into the past;
helps us appreciate multiple perspectives and interpretations;
strengthens our critical thinking skills;
gives us understanding of other people and cultures;
can be influential in shaping human affairs; and
provides a better understanding about the present situation
provides informed perspective about the world.
guides on making judgments.
“History is not ‘what happened in the past’; rather, it is the act of selecting, analyzing,
and writing about the past…”
(James Davidson and Mark Lytle, 1982)
Historians are individuals who write about history. They seek to understand the present by examining
what went before. They undertake arduous historical research to come up with a meaningful and organized
reconstruction of the past. But whose past are we talking about? This is a basic question that a historian
needs to answer because this sets the purpose and framework of a historical account. Hence, a salient feature
of historical writing is the facility to give meaning and impart value to a particular group of people about their
past.
Historians only get to access representation of the past through historical sources and evidences since
an exact and accurate account of the past is impossible for the reason that we cannot go back to the past.
We cannot access the past directly as our subject matter.
Therefore it is the historian’s job not just to seek historical evidences and facts but also to interpret
these facts. “Facts cannot speak for themselves.” It is the job of the historian to give meaning to these facts
and organize them into timeline, establish causes, and write history. Meanwhile, the historian is not a blank
The historian has to create a narrative that can stand the test of time. To get it right, he has to see
things from many points of view and puts on the different hats of a historian - as a detective, a judge, a
storyteller or a philosopher.
Reflection:
Are you willing to put on the hats of a historian and embark the journey of attempting to
understand the past in order to ensure a brighter future for you and the next generation to come?
Historiography is the study of the history and methodology of the discipline of history.
It is also defined by Furay and Salevouris (1988) as “the study of the way history has been and is written –
the history of historical writing... When you study ‘historiography’ you do not study the events of the past
directly, but the changing interpretations of those events in the works of individual historians.”
Questions of historiography include the following:
1. Who writes history, with what agenda in mind, and towards what ends?
2. How accurate can a historian ever hope to be, analyzing past events from the vantage point of the
historian’s present?
3. Does the historian's own perspective, impacted as it undoubtedly is by gender, age, national and
ideological affiliation, etc., contribute to an "agenda" that the historian's work is playing into, unwittingly
or consciously?
4. Does the very selection of sources (and, by extension, the decision to exclude certain other sources)
prejudice the outcome of the historian's work in certain ways?
5. What about the types of sources, both primary and secondary, an historian chooses to base his or
her work upon? Do they too contribute to the above-mentioned "agenda"?
HISTORICAL SOURCES
The historians’ most significant research tools are historical sources. In general, historical
sources can be classified between primary and secondary sources.
Primary sources. These are contemporary accounts of an event, written by someone who
experienced or witnessed the event in question. Primary sources are the raw materials of history —
original documents and objects which were created at the time under study.
NOTE: Examining primary sources give you a powerful sense of history and the
complexity of the past and can also guide you toward higher-order thinking and better
critical thinking and analysis skills.
On the other hand, the functions of secondary sources is to interpret primary sources, assign
value to, conjecture upon, and draw conclusions about the events reported in primary sources. These
are usually in the form of published works such as journal articles or books, but may include radio or
television documentaries, or conference proceedings.
- Sources which were produced by an author who used primary sources to produce
material. In other words, secondary sources are historical sources, which studied a certain
historical subject (Torres, 2018)
- A secondary source interprets and analyzes primary sources. These sources are
one or more steps removed from the event
- Secondary sources may have pictures, quotes or graphics of primary sources in
them ([Link]
Examples
Bibliographies
Biographical works
Reference books, including dictionaries, encyclopaedias
Articles from magazines, journals, and newspapers after the event
Literature reviews and review articles (e.g. movie reviews, book reviews)
History books and other popular or scholarly books
Works of criticism and interpretation
Textbooks
Examples: history textbook; printed materials (serials. Periodicals which interprets previous
research)
Topic: Tejeros Convention
Primary Source – Santiago Alvarez’ account
Secondary Source – Teodoro Agoncillo’s Revolt of the Masses
However, a student should not be confused about what counts as a primary or a secondary source,
or a tertiary source even. However, this classification is usual but not automatic. If a historian chooses to
write the history of education in the 1980s,he can utilize textbooks used in that period as a primary source.
If a historian wishes t study the historiography of the Filipino-American War for example, he can use works
of different authors on the topic as his primary sources as well. Both primary and secondary sources are
useful in writing and learning history. However, historians and students of history need to thoroughly
scrutinize these historical sources to avoid deception and to come up with the historical truth (Candelaria, J.
L. P. 2018).
HISTORICAL CRITICISM (based from the presentation of Ma. Florina Orillos-Juan, PhD)
Many documents have primary and secondary segments. For instance, examining a newspaper as a
historical source entails a discerning mind to identify its primary and secondary components. A news item
written by a witness of an event is considered as a primary source, while a feature article is usually considered
as a secondary material. Similarly, a book published a long time ago does not necessarily render it as a
primary source. It requires reading of the document to know its origin.
To ascertain the authenticity and reliability of primary sources to be used in crafting a narrative, a
historian needs to employ two levels of historical criticism, namely external criticism and internal criticism.
External Criticisms
Also known as lower criticism
The practice of verifying the AUTHENTICITY of evidence by examining its physical characteristics;
consistency with the historical characteristic of the time when it was produced; and the materials
used for evidence. Examples of the things that will be examined when conducting external criticism
of a document include the quality of the paper, the type of the ink, and the language and words used
in the material among others (Candelaria and Alporha, 2018).
Is a tool used by historians to determine the VALIDITY of a document, particularly a document with
some sort of historical significance.
It ventures towards inquiry regarding
o Authorship
o Originality and accuracy of the copy
o If errors are found it helps assess the nature of errors found (if they are scribal errors or
others of errors
The problem of AUTHENCITY
o Determine the date of the document to see whether they are anachronistic
o Determine the author
Handwriting An anachronism is
Signature something placed in the
Seal wrong time period.
o Anachronistic style Historical anachronism
Idiom, orthography, punctuation is committed when a
o Anachronistic reference to events historian uses a word or
Too early, too late, too remote a historical concept that
o Provenance or custody is taken out of context
and uses it to describe
or interpret a past
event.
A Self-regulated Learning Module 14
o Semantics
Determining the meaning of a text or word
o Hermeneutics
Determine ambiguities
Internal Criticism
Refers to the accuracy of the content of a document
It looks at the truthfulness and factuality of the evidence by looking at the author of the source, its
context, and the agenda behinds its creation, the knowledge which informed it, and its intended
purpose (Candelaria and Alporha, 2018).
The problem of credibility
Relevant particulars in the documents – is it credible?
Test of Credibility
o Identification of the author
To determine his reliability; personal attitudes
o Determination of the approximate date
Handwriting, signature, seal
o Ability to tell the truth
Nearness to the event, competence of witness, degree of attention
o Willingness to tell the truth
To determine if the author consciously or unconsciously tells falsehood
o Corroboration
i.e. historical facts – particulars which rest upon the independent testimony of two or
more reliable witnesses
Questions to ponder:
COLONIAL HISTORIOGRAPHY
The development of Philippine historiography can be traced back during the Spanish period.
The early friars with their zeal to propagate Christianity studied the cultures of the early Filipinos and
faithfully recorded their valuable observations. Although the writings of the early friars were basically
missionary history, their recorded observations on the life of the early Filipinos are indispensable in
the understanding of the Philippine pass. Since the early historians were Spanish friars, their
accounts were focused on the Spanish history of the Philippines specifically their missionary
experience in the country. Although their accounts contained biases against the early Filipinos, the
information they provided can be used by Filipino historians to correct the mistakes committed by
early historians. Contemporary historians can use a postcolonial reading on the documents to
eliminate the colonial bias. In this way, the myths that were written by the chroniclers regarding the
Filipinos and their culture can be corrected.
The writings of history during the Spanish period were not confined to the hands of the friars.
The secular historians during the Spanish period can be divided into the following:
a. Spanish officials in the Islands;
b. Foreign residents and writers; and the
c. Filipino Ilustrado
Learning from the fate of its colonial predecessor, the United States did not only use brute force but
also effected ingenious ways of pacification such as the use of education as a tool to control their subjects
and increase political and economic power of the elite few. These colonial instruments were so ingrained
among Filipinos that they perceived their colonial past in two ways: initially maltreated by “wicked Spain” but
later rescued by “benevolent America.” This kind of historical consciousness has effectively erased from the
memories of Filipino generations the bloody Filipino-American War as exemplified by the Balangiga Massacre
in Eastern Samar and the Battle of Bud Bagsak in Sulu. Consequently, such perception breathes new life to
the two part view of history: a period of darkness before the advent of the United States and an era of
enlightenment during the American colonial administration. This view has resonated with Filipino scholars
even after the Americans granted our independence in 1946.
The writing of history during the American period can be considered better compared to the writings
of history during the Spanish period. Although, most of the writings were extremely biased, still there were
few Americans who wrote in favour of the Filipinos. Historians during this period can be classified into
Filipino Ilustrado, American colonial officials, non-colonial officials and the so-called academic historians.
[Link] Agoncillo
In the 1950s, Teodoro Agoncillo pioneered nationalist historiography in the
country by highlighting the role of the Filipino reformists and revolutionaries from 1872,
the year that saw the execution of the GomBurZa priests, to the end of the Philippine
Revolution as a focal point of the country’s nation-building narrative. Two of his most
celebrated books focus on the impact of the Philippine Revolution: The Revolt of the
Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan (1956) and Malolos: The Crisis of the
Republic (1960).His writings veered away from emphasizing colonial period and regarded
events before 1872 as part of the country’s “lost history.” He argued that what where
written in the documents before 1872 are the history of old Spain in the Philippines. For
Agoncillo, we cannot see a substantive role of the Filipinos in history because Filipinos before 1872 were
passive followers of the Spaniards.
2. Renato Constantino
he discourse of “lost history” was not accepted by another known scholar, Renato
Constantino, whose published work entitled, “The Miseducation of the Filipino” became
a staple reading for academics and activists beginning in the late 1960s. Constantino
advanced the idea of a “people’s history” – a study of the past that sought to analyze
society by searching out people’s voices from colonial historical materials that typically
rendered Filipinos as decadent, inept and vile. Following this mode of historical inquiry,
he authored The Philippines: A Past Revisited (1975), a college textbook that offered a
more critical reading of Philippine history compared to Agoncillo’s History of the Filipino
People (1973). Undoubtedly, these two nationalist scholars inspired or challenged other
historians to re-evaluate the country’s national history.
Constantino defined history as the collective people’s struggle towards the full realization of freedom
and liberty. He emphasized that the real mover of history are the masses and superman does not exist only
leaders who became great because they were working with the people.
3. Zeus Salazar
Other Filipino historians set new directions in redefining Philippine
historiography in the last 30 years of the 20th century. The first of these scholars is Zeus
Salazar who conceptualized “Pantayong Pananaw” as an approach to understanding
the past from our own cultural frame and language. He emphasized the value of our
Austronesian roots in defining Filipino culture and encouraged other scholars to conduct
outstanding historical researches in Filipino such as the work of Jaime Veneracion’s
Kasaysayan ng Bulacan (1986).
The Pantayong Pananaw has opened new venues and themes for historians to study
like the world view of the indigenous, anting-anting, symbolic representation, reduccion, and other themes
4. Reynaldo Ileto
Equally important is the contribution of Reynaldo Ileto who wrote about
his“history from below”treatise in his ground-breaking work, Pasyon and Revolution:
Popular Movements in the Philippines, 1840-1910 (1979). In this work, Ileto endeavored
to recognize the way of thinking of ordinary folks by using alternative historical sources
such as folk songs and prayers. His other works spurred new interpretations such as
common topics such as Jose Rizal, Philippine-American War, and American colonization.
For Ileto, it is proper for historians to look into the other center of power, i.e. folk, healer,
cults, tulisanes, and columns. In doing this, historians will be able to present the other side
of history that were muted by the dominant historiography. The book of Reynaldo Ileto’s ”Pasyon and
Revolucion” can be considered as a turning point in the history of Philippine historical writing. He opened new
venues that can be used by scholars in their research.
5. Samuel Tan
There is also Samuel Tan, another prolific historian who is best remembered for mainstreaming the
role and relevance of Filipino Muslims in the country’s national history. His definitive work, The Filipino Muslim
Armed Struggle, 1900-1972 (1978),sought to examine the struggle of Filipino Muslims in the context of 20th
century nation-building dynamics during the American colonial regime and subsequent postcolonial Filipino
administrations. In his book, A History of the Philippines (1987), Tan attempted to write a national history
reflective of the historical experiences not only of lowland Christianized Filipinos but also of the other cultural
communities in the archipelago.
2. Why do you think most history textbooks are secondary sources? Justify your answer.(10 points)
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3. Explain the advantages and disadvantages of accessing online primary sources. (10 points)
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TASK 3: Identify one significant event that happened in your life. Take a picture of the primary source
that you can use as an evidence of the said event. Paste the picture inside the box and discuss
how it qualifies as a primary source.
15 10 5 1
15 10 5 1
LEARNING OBJECTIVES:
1. Define and explain significant concepts related to problems in interpreting history.
2. Give specific example for each problem in interpreting history
3. Assess the danger brought by historical negationism and revisionism.
4. Identify a woman who changed Philippine history and give her contributions.
5. Explain the need to rewrite Philippine history through the lens of gender equality (SDG 5)
LESSON 1: MULTIPERSPECTIVY
What is multiperspectivity?
K. Peter Fritzche has emphasized that multiperspectivity is a process, “a strategy of understanding,”
in which we take into account another’s perspective (or others’ perspectives) in addition to our own (Fritzsche,
2001). That process entails understanding that we too have a perspective which has been filtered through
our own cultural context, reflects our own standpoint and interpretation of what has happened and why, our
own view of what is and is not relevant, and may also reflect other prejudices and biases. In this respect,
multiperspectivity is not just a process or strategy, it is also a predisposition, “{it} means to be able and willing
to regard a situation from different perspectives” (Low-Beer, 1997). The preconditions for this are:
a. willingness to accept that there are other possible ways of viewing the world than one’s own and
that these may be equally valid and equally partial; and
b. willingness to put oneself in someone else’s shoes and try see the world as they see it, that is, to
exercise empathy.
Broadly speaking, then, it would appear that the main defining characteristics of multiperspectivity in
history and history teaching are that it is a way of viewing, and a predisposition to view historical events,
A perspective is a view which is limited by the standpoint of the person expressing it. This of course,
applies as much to the “producers” of source material (the participants in past events, the eye-witnesses, the
chroniclers, the officials and collators of information) as it does to the historian.
Just as figurative artist’s perspective is constrained by practical considerations such as technique and
the position from which he or she chooses to draw a particular subject, so there are clearly number of practical
limitations facing historians. Their perspective on a particular historical event or development will be restricted
by the range of relevant languages in which they are fluent, their familiarity with the kinds of script employed
by those who wrote the documents which they need to use, the volume of information and evidence available,
the range of sources which they can us (a particular problem when trying to determine and understand the
views and experiences of people who are illiterate or semi-illiterate), and he accessibility of those sources.
These are all practical constraints and to a large degree from the potential mass of information that might
conceivably be relevant.
Similar constraints of time and space affect the sources which the historian uses and school students
learning to work with a combination of primary and secondary sources are taught to take into account:
how close the source was to the events being studied: a participant, an eye-witness, a journalist
interviewing participants and witnesses soon afterwards, a newspaper photographer, a television
reporter, an official collating evidence from a variety of sources, an historian writing about it
subsequently, etc.
and
how soon after the event the observations in the source were recorded.
Hopefully, they also learn that proximity to events, both in time and space, does not necessarily
guarantee a more reliable and valid account of what happened. As Example A sows, reliable witnesses can
still differ in their account of what happened. Here, a modern historian, Harvey Pitcher, has compared the
accounts of several American and British eye-witnesses who were present at the meeting of the Second
Congress of Soviets on 25 October 1917 in the Smolny Palace in what was Petrogard, hen the gunfire which
signalled the Bolshevik coup d’état and taking of the Winter Palace to the walk-out of numerous delegates
from other parties. It shows very clearly that even trained observers in the same place and at the same time
can still differ widely in their observations. It also highlights another potentially valuable lesson for the student,
namely, that a source based on first hand evidence produced at the time is no necessarily more reliable than
an account produced at a much later date by a historian who has had the opportunity to compare and cross
reference various sources.
“what you see matters less than how you see it. One witness sees a rabble of unkempt individuals
making a nuisance of themselves in the streets; another sees a heroic popular demonstration; while a third
is impressed most of all by the colour and spectacle… Different witnesses approach a scene with different
expectations and preoccupations… (Pitcher)
Historians also have their preconceptions and preoccupations. Their perspectives are not just shaped
by the evidence in the sources to which they have access. Sometimes these preconceptions and
preoccupations are personal and professional. A historian who seeks to offer a political perspective of events
is likely to present what happened in a different way, emphasize different factors, assign greater significance
to certain consequences and developments than, say, the economic or social historian.
Similarly, the personal and professional expectations and preconceptions of other interpreters of
history, such as television producers making documentaries about specific events will reflect a concern not
just to ell the audience what happened and why but to do so in ways which may reflect current thinking about
what makes a good history documentary with the emphasis sometimes being more on what makes good
television rather than good history.
At the same time, as historiographical surveys usually reveal, historians and other commentators on
the past, like the rest of us, are children of their times. Their perspective is influenced by the generation to
which they belong and they will tend to interpret the past through contemporary lenses.
There are three related dimensions that have been identified which have potential relevance to
multiperspectivity:
1. We can view historical events and development from a multiplicity of vantage-points of view. To
do this, we need to know what was hear, seen or felt. We also need to know how reliable each
source is, partly by comparing and cross-referencing the evidence they provide but also by
evaluating contextual information on each source: who they were, what role they played, where
they were at the time, what they were doing at the time, how they obtained the information, and
so on. Above all, this process of evaluation needs to take into account the conditions which may
have imposed constraints on what each source saw, heard or felt, whether these be physical,
technical or self-imposed.
2. We can view historical events and developments from a multiplicity of points of view. To do this,
we need to understand the motives underpinning these various points of view, whether they be
the perspectives of the authors of the various sources or of the person or persons referred to in
those sources. Broadly speaking, there are three constituent elements to this process:
a. It involves trying to understand the logic behind the view being expressed. Why would they
think like this? On what grounds have they based this view? Why might they have believed
some bits of information and not others? Why did they see some information as relevant
and discard the rest?What options were open to them? What led them to choose thisp
articular course of action out of all the possibilities open to them? Etc.
3. We can also view historical events and developments through a multiplicity of historical accounts
and interpretations (including accounts produced at different times, for different purposes and for
different audiences). This tends to involve noting the similarities and differences in focus, narrative
structure, interpretation and emphasis and the key points of consensus and disagreement, i.e.
historiographical analysis.
NOTE:
1. Multiperspectivity is NOT simply the application of historical method. It AIMS to extend the breadth
and scope of the historical analysis of a particular topic or phenomenon.
2. Multiperspectivity can also extend the scope of the historical account by examining how the
different perspectives relate to each other; how they have shaped and been shaped by each other.
Source: lifted from Stradling, R. 2003. Multiperspectivity in history teaching: a guide for teacher
Interpretations are in essence thoughtful efforts to represent and explain past events.
Interpretations include 3 vital elements:
Past events--Interpretations are the reflections of those of us studying the past, not of
the participants in those events. We refer to the collection representations of the past
done by historians as historiography. The views of participants from the past
constitute our primary sources or historical evidence. Without the process of
reflection removed from the event by time the creator of the view is inevitably partially
influenced by the impact the person/event had on them.
NOTE: Put these 3 elements together, linking them to the historical evidence surrounding your
topic. The result will be a defensible, intelligible historical interpretation.
History provides us with narratives that tell us who we are, where we came from and where
we should be going. It defines a trajectory which helps construct the essence of a group’s identity,
how it relates to other groups, and ascertains what its options are for facing present challenges A
group’s representation of its history will condition its sense of what it was, is, can and should be,
and is thus central to the construction of its identity, norms, and values. Representation in history
helps to define the social identity of peoples, especially in how they relate to other peoples and to
current issues of international politics and internal diversity.
Taking groups’ representations of their history into account can help us understand why countries
will react differently to a challenge where their common interests are ostensibly the same
Throughout history, women have made extraordinary contributions to their societies Some are well
known, some less so, but all have been trail blazers
Gabriela Silang
o Gabriela Silang is perhaps the most well-known among all the Filipino heroines, but
she is almost always mentioned in tandem with her husband, Diego. Since their
achievements are usually written about together, many forget that she had her own
fair share of heroic acts as “the first Filipina to lead an uprising against a foreign power.”
Silang was a fearless Ilocaña warrior who assumed her husband’s role as commander
of rebel troops after his assassination in 1763. She rallied fighting forces (including the
native Itneg people) to carry on the war against Spain in their home province of Ilocos,
launching guerrilla attacks against Spanish garrisons — attacks that caused Spanish
soldiers to fear her name.
o For her final battles at the liberation of Vigan, she led over 2,000 men to go against an
army of over 6,000 Spanish soldiers backed by a powerful artillery. The battle proved
unsuccessful for the General, so she and 80 remaining troops retreated to unexplored
regions of Abra, where they were eventually captured. The Spanish made her witness
the public executions of her men before publicly hanging the General herself in
September 1763. Despite the loss, Gabriela Silang is still recognized for her immense
courage in fighting for the independence of Ilocos.
Tandang Sora
o More than just a road in Quezon City, Tandang Sora, whose real name is Melchora
Aquin, was fondly called the Mother of the Revolution. She was a single mother who
managed the farm left by her deceased husband while raising her six children.
Teresa Magbanua
o Known as the Visayan Joan of Arc, Teresa Magbanua was originally a teacher who
received a degree in education from a school in Manila. She married a wealthy
businessman who owned large plots of land, which she helped cultivate. During this
time, she developed her skills in horseback riding and marksmanship.
o Upon learning that her brothers joined the uprising against the Spaniards, she
persuaded her uncle, General Perfecto Poblador, to let her join the Katipunan’s
women’s chapter in Panay as an experienced horse rider and marksman. The General
agreed, making Magbanua the first and only woman to lead troops in the Visayas
during the revolution. Her patriotic spirit helped her successfully lead a group of bolo
troops during the Battle of Barrio Yoting and the Battle of Sapong Hills, which were
instrumental to the liberation of IloIlo City. Later on, she joined the guerrilla forces in
fighting against the Americans in Jaro, IloIlo. She continued to fight for the country’s
independence until the Japanese occupation, when she sold all her belongings to help
fund the guerilla movement.
Magdalena Leones
o Having passed away only last year, Cpl. Magdalena Leones remains to be one of the
lesser-known World War II veterans, even though she is the only Asian woman to have
been awarded the Silver Star in World War II by the United States. Born in the
mountains of Kalinga, Leones was the daughter of an evangelical missionary. Since
NOTE: These names are only some of the many notable Filipinas whose achievements deserve
to be credited.
Ito ang binigyang linaw ni Professor Emeritus Maria Luisa T. Camagay, PhD ng UP Departamento ng
Kasaysayan ng Kolehiyo ng Agham Panlipunan at Pilosopiya.
Madalas na ginagamit ng publiko ang salitang “historical revisionism” at ang popular na opinyong naririnig
ay ang pagtutol dito.
Ayon kay Camagay sa kanyang panayam, “Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Pilipino sa Pag-aaral ng
Kasaysayan,” ang “historical revisionism” ay normal na bahagi ng pagsusulat ng kasaysayan.
“Nagkakaroon ng pagrerebisa ng kasaysayan kung may bagong ebidensiyang nadiskubre, kung may
bagong interpretasyong lumalabas, at bagong facts,” aniya.
Dagdag dito, ang revisionism ay isang napakahalagang bahagi (essential part) ng proseso ng pag-alam sa
kasaysayan.
“Revisionism is an essential part of the process by which history, through the posing of new problems and
investigation of new possibilities, enlarges its perspectives and enriches its insights,” paliwanag ni
Camagay.
Samantala, taliwas naman sa historical revisionism ang historical negationism na tinatawag ding historical
distortion at historical denialism.
“Sa historical negationism o pagbabaluktot ng kasaysayan, may hidden agenda ang nagsusulong nito. At
lumilikha pa sila o gumagawa ng bagong ebidensiya (fabrication of evidence or forgery of documents),” ani
Camagay.
Isang halimbawa ng historical negationism na isinalaysay ni Camagay ay ang lantarang pagsulat ni David
Irving ng kasaysayang itinatanggi ang naganap na Holocaust noong Ikalawang Digmaang Pandaigdig
(World War II). Si Irving ay isang manunulat na Briton. Ayon kay Camagay, sinasabi ni Irving sa kanyang
mga akda na imbento lamang ang Holocaust.
“Noong 1949, mayroong pinasang batas ang Austria na bawal magsabing walang Holocaust. Ito ang batas
na pinagbasehan ng pagparusa kay Irving,” ani Camagay.
Ipinaliwanag ni Camagay na nagkakaroon o hindi maiiwasan ang historical revisionism, “dahil lahat ng
interpretasyon sa kasaysayan ay provisional.”
Ayon kay Camagay, iba ang katotohanan na may maliit na titik “k” sa Katotohanan na may malaking titik
“K.” Layon ng historyador na mailahad ang katotohanan na may maliit na titik.
“Layon ng historyador na maglahad ng katotohanan at hindi ang Katotohanan. Sa madaling sabi, hindi
sinasabi ng historyador na ang kanyang interpretasyon ng nakaraan ay Katotohanang hindi mabubuwag,”
saad ni Camagay. “Ang layon niya ay ilahad ang katotohanang bunga ng masinop niyang pagsusuri ng
ebidensiya at matibay na batayan ng kanyang mga konklusyon,” dagdag niya.
Aniya, ang pagkakaroon ng iisang Katotohanan hinggil sa nakaraan ay hindi makatutulong sa pag-unawa
ng kasaysayan dahil sinusupil nito ang iba pang katotohanan at ikinukubli ang masalimuot na
interpretasyon ng nakaraan.
“Dapat nating tanggapin na maraming truth. There is no single, eternal, immutable ‘truth’ about past events
and their meaning,” saad ni Camagay.
Marcos in History
President Ferdinand E. Maros assumed power on December 30, 1965 and became the second
president re-elected to office in 1969 He became the head of state from 1966 to 1986, established an
authoritarian regime in the Philippines that came under criticism for corruption and for its suppression of
democratic process.
In the 1970s, the economy of the Philippines declined It was left behind by other neighbouring
countries (Hays, 2015). The country lost what it was able to achieve in the 1950s and 1960s because of
corruption in government, cronyism, and mismanagement of resources (Hays, 2015). It has been ruled by
political leaders who have different interests and goals It is apparent in the case of Philippines that the
decisions, policies, and laws that political leaders created and implemented have had significant effects on
the Filipino people.
Historical revisionism
According to Krashner (2019), historical revisionism is the reinterpretation of a historical account or
narrative based on actual facts and aforementioned evidence While according to Cristobal, historical
distortion occurs when historical accounts or narratives are changed to suit a personal agenda. It involves
disinformation and lies to change history
2. Apolinario Mabini
- Apolinario Mabini was one of the most renowned heroes in the Philippines Today, it is widely
accepted that the sublime paralytic or “dakilang lumpo” suffered from polio which cause his paralysis.
This is thanks to a 1980 autopsy which corrected the historical narrative on Mabini’s condition. Prior
to the conclusive autopsy, there were other theories as to the paralysis of Mabini such as syphilis
which was later debunked
Criteria 10 7 5 3
Visual Text All of the images Most of the images Some of the Few of the images
(photographs/images) are appropriate to are appropriate to images are are appropriate to
the topic, the topic, appropriate to the the topic,
evocative, visually evocative, visually topic, evocative, evocative, visually
(x2) captivating, and captivating, and visually captivating, captivating, and
show unique show unique and show unique show unique
perspectives of the perspectives of the perspectives of the perspectives of the
theme. theme. theme. theme.
Typography & Title and captions Title and captions Title and captions Title and captions
Semantics compliment the compliment the sometimes seldom compliment
images and work images and often compliment the the images and do
(the meaning,
together work together to images but not work together
arrangement, and harmoniously to reinforce the inconsistently work to reinforce the
appearance of printed reinforce the theme theme. together to theme.
matter) consistently. reinforce the
(x1) theme.
Overall Impression/ Photo essay evokes Photo essay often Photo essay Photo essay
Aesthetic Effect strong emotion and evokes emotion and occasionally evokes inconsistently
evidences evidences emotion and evokes emotion
(x2)
creativity. The creativity. The evidences some and evidences little
presentation as a presentation as a creativity. The creativity. The
whole is whole is presentation as a presentation as a
aesthetically aesthetically whole is whole is spits in the
harmonious. pleasing aesthetically face of aesthetics.
pleasing
Theme Theme is clear and Theme is clear and Theme is clear and Theme is unclear or
(the universal insight well-developed well-developed well-developed not well-developed
throughout entire throughout most of throughout some of throughout the
that is communicated
photo essay. the photo essay. the photo essay. photo essay.
by the essay)
(x2)
LINK IT!
Sustainable Development Goal 5 (SDG5) aims to achieve gender equality and empower all women
and girls. Women and girls, everywhere, must have equal rights and opportunity, and be able to live free of
violence and discrimination Women’s equality and empowerment is one of the 17 SDGs, but also integral to
all dimensions of inclusive and sustainable development
Write an essay explaining the need to rewrite Philippine history through the lens of gender equality
(30 points).
15 10 5 1
15 10 5 1
LEARNING OBJECTIVES:
1. Analyze the context, content and perspective of different kinds of primary resources.
2. Determine the contribution of different kinds of primary source in understanding history.
3. Develop critical and analytical skills with exposure to primary sources
4. Practice skills of critical oral expression and dialogue through interpreting and analyzing primary and
secondary sources.
5. Explain the significance of enhancing global partnership to achieve sustainable development (SDG
17)
The goal of this Unit is for you to be familiarize with the primary documents in different historical periods,
You will be looking at a number of primary sources and be able to evaluate its content in terms of historical
value and examine the context of their production.
The Manunggul Jar dated back to around 710-890 BCE. It was discovered in 1964 in
Manunggul Cave in Palawan. The jar’s cover has two human figures riding on a boat. The human
figure at the back is holding a paddle with both hands while the one in front has its two arms crossed
against the chest. The boat also has eyes and mouth. The upper portion of the jar has curved scrolls.
Archaeological findings show that this jar was used for secondary burial, a prehistoric burial practice
wherein only the bones were put in a jar within a year after the death of a person. The bones were
washed and painted with a red hematite as part of the preparatory practices for secondary burial. The
jar was then placed in the most lighted and attractive part inside the cave. (Source:
[Link] (last accessed on 16 January 2013)
27th April 1995—I was 11 years old when I visited the National Museum -- the repository of our cultural,
natural and historical heritage. I remembered the majesty of climbing those steps and walking past the Neo-
classical Roman columns until I was inside the Old Congress Building.
Today, if the Metropolitan Museum’s identifying piece was the painting Virgenes Cristianas Expuestas Al
Populacho by Felix Resurrecion Hidaldo and the GSIS Museum its Parisian Life by the painter Juan Luna,
the National Museum’s, El Spoliarium, Luna’s most famous piece. Many people come to the museum just
for this painting. But another less-popular but quite significant piece was the Manunggul jar.
The Manunggul jar was one of the numerous jars found in a cave believed to be a burial site (Manunggul,
was part of the archaeologically significant Tabon Cave Complex in Lipuun Point, Quezon, Palawan) that
was discovered on March 1964 by Victor Decalan, Hans Kasten and other volunteer workers from the
United States Peace Corps. The Manunggul burial jar was unique in all respects. Dating back to the late
Neolithic Period (around 710 B.C.), Robert Fox described the jar in his landmark work on the Tabon Caves:
The burial jar with a cover featuring a ship-of-the-dead is perhaps unrivalled in Southeast Asia; the work of
an artist and master potter. This vessel provides a clear example of a cultural link between the
archaeological past and the ethnographic present. The boatman is steering rather than padding the "ship."
The mast of the boat was not recovered. Both figures appear to be wearing a band tied over the crown of
the head and under the jaw; a pattern still encountered in burial practices among the indigenous peoples in
Southern Philippines. The manner in which the hands of the front figure are folded across the chest is also
a widespread practice in the Islands when arranging the corpse.
The carved prow and eye motif of the spirit boat is still found on the traditional watercraft of the Sulu
Archipelago, Borneo and Malaysia. Similarities in the execution of the ears, eyes, nose, and mouth of the
figures may be seen today in the woodcarving of Taiwan, the Philippines, and elsewhere in Southeast Asia.
My familiarity with the Manunggul jar was spurred by the image in the PHP1,000 bill, circulated in 1995.
After a few years, when I took a cultural history subject during my undergraduate course in UP Diliman
under Dr. Bernadette Lorenzo-Abrera, the Manunggul jar was given a whole new meaning. When an
archaeological find was explained anthropologically, it was imbibed with far-reaching implications in re-
writing its history.
The Manunggul jar served as a proof of our common heritage with our Austronesian-speaking ancestors
despite the diversity of cultures of the Philippine peoples. Traces of their culture and beliefs were seen in
different parts of the country and from different Philippine ethno-linguistic groups.
It was also a testament of the importance of the waters to our ancestors. The seas and the rivers were their
conduit of trade, information and communication. According to Peter Bellwood, the Southeast Asians first
developed a sophisticated maritime culture which made possible the spread of the Austronesian-speaking
peoples to the Pacific Islands as far Madagascar in Africa and Easter Island near South America. Our
ships—the balanghay, the paraw, the caracoa, and the like—were considered marvelous technological
advances by our neighbors that they respected us and made us partners in trade. These neighbors later
then, grew to include the imperial Chinese.
Many epics around the Philippines would tell us of how souls go to the next life aboard boats, passing
through the rivers and seas. The belief was very much connected with the Austronesia belief in the anito.
Our ancestors believed that man is composed of the body, the life force called the ginhawa, and the
kaluluwa (soul). The kaluluwa, after death, can return to earth to exist in nature and guide their
descendants. This explained why the cover of the Manunggul jar featured three faces: the soul, the boat
driver, and of the boat itself. For them, even things from nature have souls and lives of their own. That’s
why our ancestors respected nature more than those who thought that it can be used for the ends of man.
Seeing the Manunggul jar once more, I was also reminded of the inventiveness of the early Filipinos as well
as the concepts and values they hold most-- their concept of the soul, for example, are believed to exist
only on good-natured and merciful people. The belief was that the soul gave life, mind, and will to a person
and if this was what our ancestors valued and exemplified, then our nation was not only great, but lived by
compassionate people.
However, the colonial masters in the past labeled our ancestors no good and even tried to erase our
legacies and values, and despite the media today showing how shameful, miserable and poor our country
is, from time to time there would be people who echo the same values that our ancestors lived by.
In the 1890s, the Katipunan movement of Andres Bonifacio, which spearheaded the Philippine Revolution,
tried to revive the values of magandang kalooban. During the People Power Uprising in1986, we showed
the world the values of pananampalataya, pakikipagkapwa, pakikiramay, pagiging masiyahin, bayanihan,
pagiging mapayapa, and pagiging malikhain --values that were deeply rooted in the Filipino culture. It was
the country's national hero, José Rizal, who once wrote, in his essay, Filipinas Dentro de Cien Años, (The
Philippines Within a Century) that:
With the new men that will spring from her bosom and the remembrance of the past, she will perhaps enter
openly the wide road of progress and all will work jointly to strengthen the mother country at home as well
as abroad with the same enthusiasm with which a young man returns to cultivate his father’s farmland so
long devastated and abandons due to the negligence of those who had alienated it. And free once more,
like the bird that leaves his cage, like the flower that returns to the open air, they will discover their good old
qualities which they are losing little by little and again become lovers of peace, gay, lively, smiling,
The Manunggul jar was a symbol of the National Museum’s important role in spearheading the preservation
the cultural heritage—pamana—using multi-disciplinary techniques. It was a testament of how art can be a
vessel of history and culture with the help of scholars. In this light, a simple jar became the embodiment of
the history, experiences, and aspirations of the people and how the values of maka-Diyos, makatao at
makabansa became part the value system of the Filipinos.
I have visited the manunggul jar numerous times since that April of 1995 at the Kaban ng Lahi room of the
National Museum II—The Museum of the Filipino People (former Department of Finance Building).
Everytime, I look at it I am reminded of how great and compassionate the Filipinos are and how I could
never be ashamed of being a Filipino. Everytime I look at the Manunggul jar, I see a vision that a new
generation of Filipinos will once more take the ancient balanghay as a people and be horizon seekers once
more.
Beliefs
Discovery of represented in
the Jar the Jar
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Source: [Link]
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Purpose of
Description
the Jar
of the Jar
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15 10 5 1
5 3 2 1
Read the narrative of Antonio Pigafetta about the events that occurred on that fateful day of April 27, 1521.
On Friday, April 26, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan, sent one of his sons to present two goats to
the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not
been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of
Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that
they might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with
three boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to
abandon his flock. At midnight, 60 men of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with
. . .some of the chief men. . .We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to
fight then, but sent a message to the natives. . .to the effect that if they would obey the king of Spagnia,
recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but if
they wish otherwise, they should wait to see our lances wounded. They replied that if we had our
lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to
attack them at once; but to wait until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in
order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain pit holes between the houses in
order that we might fall into them. When morning came, 49 of us leaped into the water up to our thighs
and walked through water for more than two crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The
boats could not approach thereafter because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men
remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those men had formed in three divisions
to the number of more than 1500 persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with
exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw
that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen
shot from a distance for about half-hour, but uselessly, for the shots only passed through the shields
which were made of thin wood and the arms (of the bearers.) The captain cried to them, ”Cease firing!
Cease firing! But his order was not at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were shooting our
Source: Pigafetta, Antonio. “First Voyage Around the World.” In the Philippine Islands, Vol. 33, edited by E. Blair and J.
Robertson, 175, 177, 179, 181. Cleveland: A.H. Clark, 1909. Reprinted by Cacho Hermanos, 1973
DATE/TIME EVENTS
TASK2. Make a Contextual (PEST) Analysis on the Battle of Mactan by completing the chart
below. (20 pts.)
15 10 5 1
5 3 2 1
Read the Act of Declaration of Philippine Independence written and read by Ambrocio Rianzares-
Bautista on June 12, 1898 at Cavite el Viejo (Kawit).
In the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite, this 12th day of June 1898: BEFORE ME,
Ambrocio Rianzares-Bautista, War Counsellor and Special Delegate designated to proclaim and
solemnize this Declaration of Independence by the Dictatorial Government of the Philippines, pursuant
to, and by virtue of, a Decree issued by the Egregious Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy. . .
And having as witness to the rectitude of our intentions the Supreme Judge of the Universe,
and under the protection of the Powerful and Humanitarian Nation, the United States of America, we
do hereby proclaim and declare solemnly, in the name and by authority of the people of those
Philippine Islands. That they are and have the right to be free and independent; that they have ceased
to have any allegiance to the Crown of Spain; that all political ties between them are and should be
completely severed and annulled; and that, like other free and independent States, they enjoy the full
power to make War and Peace, conclude commercial treaties, enter into alliances, regulate
commerce, and do all other acts and things which an independent State has a right to do. . .And
imbued with firm confidence in Divine Providence, we hereby mutually bind ourselves to support this
Declaration with our lives, our fortunes, and with our most sacred possession, our Honor.
We recognize, approve, and ratify, with all the orders emanating from the same, the
Dictatorship established by Don Emilio Aguinaldo whom we revere as the Supreme Head of this
Nation, which today begins to have a life of its own, in the conviction that he has been the instrument
chosen by God inspite of his humble origin, to effectuate the redemption of this unfortunate country
as foretold by Dr. Don Jose Rizal in his magnificent verses which he composed in his prison cell prior
to his execution, liberating it from the Yoke of Spanish domination. .
amnesty.
And lastly, it was resolved unanimously that this Nation, already free and independent as of
this day, must use the same flag which up to now is being used, whose design and colors are found
described in the attached drawing, the white triangle signifying the distinctive emblem of the famous
Society of the Katipunan which by means of blood compact inspired the masses to rise in revolution;
the three stars, signifying the three principal islands of this Archipelago – Luzon, Mindanao and Panay
where this revolutionary movement started; the sun representing the gigantic steps made by the sons
of the country along the path of Progress and Civilization; the eight rays, signifying the eight provinces
– Manila, Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Laguna, and Batangas – which declared
themselves in a state of war as soon as the first revolt was initiated; and the colors of Blue, Red, and
White, commemorating the flag of the United States of America, as a manifestation of our profound
gratitude towards this Great Nation for its disinterested protection which it lent us and continues
lending us. . .
In witness thereof, I certify that this Act of Declaration of Independence was signed by me and
by all people here as assembled including the only stranger who attended those proceedings, a citizen
of the U.S.A., Mr. L. M. Johnson, a Colonel of Artillery.
Source: “Declaration of Philippine Independence.” In The Laws of the First Philippine Republic (The Laws of Malolos),
edited by Sulpicio Guevara, 203-206. Manila: National Historical Commission, 1972
3. How did the Filipinos regard the United States of America based on the
document? (5 points) What is your stand on this? Do you agree with the Filipinos the way they looked
at the Americans? (15 points)
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The Laguna Copperplate Inscription is the name of an inscription written on an artifact that has great
significance for the understanding of the history of the Philippines during the 10th century AD – a time
when many scholars believed that the area was isolated from the rest of Southeast Asia.
However, there is little information on the area in the part of this region where the modern country of
the Philippines is now situated. This lack of information led many scholars to believe that it was isolated
from the rest of the region. Thus, the Laguna Copperplate Inscription is an important artifact, as it has
allowed scholars to re-evaluate the situation in this part of Southeast Asia during the 10th century AD.
The Laguna Copperplate is a thin piece of copper sheet measuring about 20 x 20 cm (7.9 x 7.9 inches),
which was discovered around 1987. It has been reported that this artifact was found during dredging
activities with a mechanical conveyor in the Lumbang River, which is situated in the Province of
Laguna. This province is located to the east of Manila, the capital of the Philippines. It is interesting to
note that the Laguna Copperplate only came to the attention of scholars in 1990, when it was offered
for sale to the National Museum in Manila, after attempts to sell it in the antiques market had been
met with little interest.
An Incomplete Artifact
Investigations by Antoon Postma, a Dutch anthropologist, have revealed that the inscription on the
Laguna Copperplate is incomplete, and it is highly likely that there was another similar piece of
copperplate with inscriptions on it that has been lost. In an article published in 1992, Postma wrote
that:
“Moreover, certain persons, after viewing a photo of the LCI (Laguna Copperplate Inscription), alleged,
without being asked, that they had seen a similar piece of copperplate with inscriptions around the
same time (1987). Its importance, however, was not realized then, and the possible second page of
the LCI might have ended up in a local junk yard and been irretrievably lost to posterity.”
The inscription on the surviving copperplate is in itself intriguing, and has provided enough material
for scholars to analyze. For instance, the type of script used in the Laguna Copperplate Inscription
has been identified as the so-called ‘Early Kawi Script,’ a writing system that originated in the
Indonesian island of Java, and was used across much of maritime Southeast Asia during the 10th
century AD.
In fact, this script is said to have been derived from the Pallava script, which has its origins in India.
As for the language of the inscription, it has been found to be heavily influenced linguistically by
Sanskrit, Old Malay, and Old Javanese. Both the type script, and the language of the Laguna
Copperplate Inscription, therefore, shows that this area was not actually isolated from the rest of
Southeast Asia, as had been previously assumed.
The Inscription
The inscription begins by providing a date:
The Saka era has its origins in India (supposedly marking the ascension of the Kushan emperor
Kanishka), and the year 822 is said to correspond with the year 900 AD in the Gregorian calendar.
The use of this calendrical system is further evidence that there were cultural links between this area
of Southeast Asia and its neighbors, which at that time, were largely under the cultural influence of
India.
As for the subject matter of the Laguna Copperplate Inscription, it has been suggested that the
inscription is a “semi-official certificate of acquittal of a debt incurred by a person in high office, together
with his whole family, all relatives and descendants.”
This acquittal is also said to be confirmed by other officials/leaders, some of whom have been
mentioned by name, along with their area of jurisdiction. These officials include “His Honor the Leader
of Puliran, Kasumuran; His Honor the Leader of Pailah, representing Ganasakti; (and) His Honor the
Leader of Binwangan, representing Bisruta.” The recording of these names suggests that there was
some sort of political and social organization in the Philippines of the 10th century AD.
To conclude, the Laguna Copperplate, which would probably not attract instant public attention as
gold or silver artifacts would, is in fact an immensely important object. This seemingly insignificant
artifact has sparked a re-assessment of the history of the Philippines prior to the coming of the
Spanish, in particular the 10th century AD, and the archipelago’s relationship with the rest of Southeast
Asia.
Map showing
the places
inscribed in LCI
according to
Antoon
Postma
Map showing
the places
inscribed in LCI
according to
Jaime Figueroa
Tiongson
TASK1. Compare and contrast the past and present meanings that we attach to the symbols
and colors of the Philippine flag. Your output will be graded based on accuracy of information.
(30 points)
PAST PRESENT
(based from the Act of Declaration of Philippine
Independence)
Issue #1. Sen. Pacquiao files a bill proposing 9th ray in sun in PH flag
([Link]
CRITERIA 10 7 5 3
Score
Attention The introductory The introductory The author has an The introductory
Grabber paragraph has a paragraph has a interesting paragraph is not
strong hook or hook or attention introductory interesting AND is
attention grabber grabber, but it is paragraph but the not relevant to the
that is appropriate weak, rambling or connection to the topic.
/10
for the audience. inappropriate for topic is not clear.
This could be a the audience.
strong statement, a
relevant quotation,
statistic, or question
addressed to the
reader.
Focus or The thesis The thesis statement The thesis The thesis
Thesis statement clearly names the topic of statement outlines statement does not
Statement names the topic of the essay. The some or all of the name the topic AND
the essay and author'sposition is main points to be does not preview /10
outlines the main stated discussed but does what will be
points to be not name the topic. discussed.
discussed. The
author's position is
strongly and clearly
stated.
Speech
of
Her Excellency Corazon C. Aquino
President of the Philippines
During the Joint Session of the United States Congress
Three years ago, I left America in grief to bury my husband, Ninoy Aquino. I thought I had left it also to lay to
rest his restless dream of Philippine freedom. Today, I have returned as the president of a free people.
In burying Ninoy, a whole nation honored him. By that brave and selfless act of giving honor, a nation in
shame recovered its own. A country that had lost faith in its future found it in a faithless and brazen act of
murder. So in giving, we receive, in losing we find, and out of defeat, we snatched our victory.
For the nation, Ninoy became the pleasing sacrifice that answered their prayers for freedom. For myself and
our children, Ninoy was a loving husband and father. His loss, three times in our lives, was always a deep
and painful one.
Fourteen years ago this month was the first time we lost him. A president-turned-dictator, and traitor to his
oath, suspended the Constitution and shut down the Congress that was much like this one before which I am
honored to speak. He detained my husband along with thousands of others – senators, publishers and anyone
who had spoken up for the democracy as its end drew near. But for Ninoy, a long and cruel ordeal was
reserved. The dictator already knew that Ninoy was not a body merely to be imprisoned but a spirit he must
break. For even as the dictatorship demolished one by one the institutions of democracy – the press, the
Congress, the independence of the judiciary, the protection of the Bill of Rights – Ninoy kept their spirit alive
in himself.
The government sought to break him by indignities and terror. They locked him up in a tiny, nearly airless cell
in a military camp in the north. They stripped him naked and held the threat of sudden midnight execution
over his head. Ninoy held up manfully–all of it. I barely did as well. For 43 days, the authorities would not tell
me what had happened to him. This was the first time my children and I felt we had lost him.
When that didn’t work, they put him on trial for subversion, murder and a host of other crimes before a military
commission. Ninoy challenged its authority and went on a fast. If he survived it, then, he felt, God intended
him for another fate. We had lost him again. For nothing would hold him back from his determination to see
At any time during his long ordeal, Ninoy could have made a separate peace with the dictatorship, as so many
of his countrymen had done. But the spirit of democracy that inheres in our race and animates this chamber
could not be allowed to die. He held out, in the loneliness of his cell and the frustration of exile, the democratic
alternative to the insatiable greed and mindless cruelty of the right and the purging holocaust of the left.
And then, we lost him, irrevocably and more painfully than in the past. The news came to us in Boston. It had
to be after the three happiest years of our lives together. But his death was my country’s resurrection in the
courage and faith by which alone they could be free again. The dictator had called him a nobody. Two million
people threw aside their passivity and escorted him to his grave. And so began the revolution that has brought
me to democracy’s most famous home, the Congress of the United States.
The task had fallen on my shoulders to continue offering the democratic alternative to our people.
Archibald Macleish had said that democracy must be defended by arms when it is attacked by arms and by
truth when it is attacked by lies. He failed to say how it shall be won.
I held fast to Ninoy’s conviction that it must be by the ways of democracy. I held out for participation in the
1984 election the dictatorship called, even if I knew it would be rigged. I was warned by the lawyers of the
opposition that I ran the grave risk of legitimizing the foregone results of elections that were clearly going to
be fraudulent. But I was not fighting for lawyers but for the people in whose intelligence I had implicit faith. By
the exercise of democracy, even in a dictatorship, they would be prepared for democracy when it came. And
then, also, it was the only way I knew by which we could measure our power even in the terms dictated by
the dictatorship.
The people vindicated me in an election shamefully marked by government thuggery and fraud. The
opposition swept the elections, garnering a clear majority of the votes, even if they ended up, thanks to a
corrupt Commission on Elections, with barely a third of the seats in parliament. Now, I knew our power.
Last year, in an excess of arrogance, the dictatorship called for its doom in a snap election. The people
obliged. With over a million signatures, they drafted me to challenge the dictatorship. And I obliged them. The
rest is the history that dramatically unfolded on your television screen and across the front pages of your
newspapers.
You saw a nation, armed with courage and integrity, stand fast by democracy against threats and corruption.
You saw women poll watchers break out in tears as armed goons crashed the polling places to steal the
ballots but, just the same, they tied themselves to the ballot boxes.
You saw a people so committed to the ways of democracy that they were prepared to give their lives for its
pale imitation. At the end of the day, before another wave of fraud could distort the results, I announced the
people’s victory.
“I was witness to an extraordinary manifestation of democracy on the part of the Filipino people. The ultimate
result was the election of Mrs. Corazon C. Aquino as President and Mr. Salvador Laurel as Vice-President of
the Philippines.”
Many of you here today played a part in changing the policy of your country towards us. We, Filipinos, thank
each of you for what you did: for, balancing America’s strategic interest against human concerns, illuminates
the American vision of the world.
When a subservient parliament announced my opponent’s victory, the people turned out in the streets and
proclaimed me President. And true to their word, when a handful of military leaders declared themselves
against the dictatorship, the people rallied to their protection. Surely, the people take care of their own. It is
on that faith and the obligation it entails, that I assumed the presidency.
As I came to power peacefully, so shall I keep it. That is my contract with my people and my commitment to
God. He had willed that the blood drawn with the lash shall not, in my country, be paid by blood drawn by the
sword but by the tearful joy of reconciliation.
We have swept away absolute power by a limited revolution that respected the life and freedom of every
Filipino. Now, we are restoring full constitutional government. Again, as we restored democracy by the ways
of democracy, so are we completing the constitutional structures of our new democracy under a constitution
that already gives full respect to the Bill of Rights. A jealously independent Constitutional Commission is
completing its draft which will be submitted later this year to a popular referendum. When it is approved, there
will be congressional elections. So within about a year from a peaceful but national upheaval that overturned
a dictatorship, we shall have returned to full constitutional government. Given the polarization and breakdown
we inherited, this is no small achievement.
My predecessor set aside democracy to save it from a communist insurgency that numbered less than 500.
Unhampered by respect for human rights, he went at it hammer and tongs. By the time he fled, that insurgency
had grown to more than 16,000. I think there is a lesson here to be learned about trying to stifle a thing with
the means by which it grows.
I don’t think anybody, in or outside our country, concerned for a democratic and open Philippines, doubts
what must be done. Through political initiatives and local reintegration programs, we must seek to bring the
insurgents down from the hills and, by economic progress and justice, show them that for which the best
intentioned among them fight.
As President, I will not betray the cause of peace by which I came to power. Yet equally, and again no friend
of Filipino democracy will challenge this, I will not stand by and allow an insurgent leadership to spurn our
offer of peace and kill our young soldiers, and threaten our new freedom.
Yet, I must explore the path of peace to the utmost for at its end, whatever disappointment I meet there, is
the moral basis for laying down the olive branch of peace and taking up the sword of war. Still, should it come
Like Lincoln, I understand that force may be necessary before mercy. Like Lincoln, I don’t relish it. Yet, I will
do whatever it takes to defend the integrity and freedom of my country.
Finally, may I turn to that other slavery: our $26 billion foreign debt. I have said that we shall honor it. Yet
must the means by which we shall be able to do so be kept from us? Many conditions imposed on the previous
government that stole this debt continue to be imposed on us who never benefited from it. And no assistance
or liberality commensurate with the calamity that was visited on us has been extended. Yet ours must have
been the cheapest revolution ever. With little help from others, we Filipinos fulfilled the first and most difficult
conditions of the debt negotiation the full restoration of democracy and responsible government. Elsewhere,
and in other times of more stringent world economic conditions, Marshall plans and their like were felt to be
necessary companions of returning democracy.
When I met with President Reagan yesterday, we began an important dialogue about cooperation and the
strengthening of the friendship between our two countries. That meeting was both a confirmation and a new
beginning and should lead to positive results in all areas of common concern.
Today, we face the aspirations of a people who had known so much poverty and massive unemployment for
the past 14 years and yet offered their lives for the abstraction of democracy. Wherever I went in the
campaign, slum area or impoverished village, they came to me with one cry: democracy! Not food, although
they clearly needed it, but democracy. Not work, although they surely wanted it, but democracy. Not money,
for they gave what little they had to my campaign. They didn’t expect me to work a miracle that would instantly
put food into their mouths, clothes on their back, education in their children, and work that will put dignity in
their lives. But I feel the pressing obligation to respond quickly as the leader of a people so deserving of all
these things.
We face a communist insurgency that feeds on economic deterioration, even as we carry a great share of the
free world defenses in the Pacific. These are only two of the many burdens my people carry even as they try
to build a worthy and enduring house for their new democracy, that may serve as well as a redoubt for freedom
in Asia. Yet, no sooner is one stone laid than two are taken away. Half our export earnings, $2 billion out of
$4 billion, which was all we could earn in the restrictive markets of the world, went to pay just the interest on
a debt whose benefit the Filipino people never received.
Still, we fought for honor, and, if only for honor, we shall pay. And yet, should we have to wring the payments
from the sweat of our men’s faces and sink all the wealth piled up by the bondsman’s two hundred fifty years
of unrequited toil?
Yet to all Americans, as the leader of a proud and free people, I address this question: has there been a
greater test of national commitment to the ideals you hold dear than that my people have gone through? You
Three years ago, I said thank you, America, for the haven from oppression, and the home you gave Ninoy,
myself and our children, and for the three happiest years of our lives together. Today, I say, join us, America,
as we build a new home for democracy, another haven for the oppressed, so it may stand as a shining
testament of our two nation’s commitment to freedom.
Source: [Link]
congress-september-18-1986/
CRITERIA 10 7 5 3 Total
Mechanics Written work has Written work is Written work has Written work has /10
no errors in word relatively free of several errors serious and
selection and errors in word persistent errors
in word selection
use, sentence selection and in word selection
and use,
structure, use, sentence and use,
sentence
spelling, structure, sentence
structure,
punctuation, and spelling, structure,
spelling,
capitalization spelling,
Total /50
LINK IT!
Sustainable Development Goal 17 (SDG17) aims to strengthen the means of implementation and
revitalize the global partnership for sustainable development.
The Laguna Copperplate inscription proves that prior to the coming of the colonizers, the Philippines
was already a society with international trading networks. This is only compounded by the mention of Medang
Kingdom in Indonesia, which implies that pre-Spanish Philippines already had a strong cultural and trade
links with other empires across Southeast Asia
Write an essay explaining the significance of enhancing global partnership to achieve sustainable
development (30 points)
15 10 5 1
15 10 5 1
LEARNING OBJECTIVES:
1. Demonstrate the ability to formulate arguments in favor or against a particular issue
using primary sources.
2. Use conflicting evidence in a paper or in other learning activities to achieve historical accuracy
3. Demonstrate the ability to evaluate and explain multiple, complex sources or ideas when
explaining a thesis statement or arguments
4. Give ways on how efforts to protect and safeguard the region's cultural and natural
heritage (SDG 10)
In this Unit, four issues with different conflicting views and interpretations will be discussed.
Interpretations vary according to who reads the primary source, when it was read, and how it was read. As
history students, you must be trained and equipped to recognize different types of interpretations, and how
they differ from each other.
Historians use facts gathered from primary sources and then shape them so that their audience can
understand and make sense of them. This process is called as interpretation. In order to study
interpretations students need to be able to recognise different types of interpretations, know why they might
differ, and how to critically evaluate them. Moreover, it is also important that one should be able to grasp
the idea of history as a construct otherwise he will be unable to make sense of conflicting and competing
accounts of the past which present themselves in their daily lives.
_____1. The first Christian Mass celebrated on the Philippine soil was made in an island which Pigafetta
called as “Mazaua.”
_____2.There is only one account of the First Catholic Mass in the Philippines.
_____3.The Cry of Pugadlawin marked the end of Bonifacio’s leadership on the KKK
_____4.The execution of Gomburza was a blunder on the part of the Spanish government.
_____5.The execution of GOMBURZA inspired Filipino patriots to call for reforms and eventually
independence.
_____6.Using primary and secondary sources, there were five places identified as the site of the Cry of the
Rebellion.
_____7.Cry of the rebellion happened in present-day Quezon City.
_____8. The document of the retraction of Jose Rizal is being hotly debated as to its authenticity.
_____9. Rizal retracted while he was in Dapitan.
_____10. The Cry of Pugadlawin was the beginning of the Philippine Revolution against the Spaniards.
Butuan has long been believed as the site of the first Mass. This has been the case for three
centuries, culminating in the erection of a monument in 1872 near Agusan River, which commemorates the
expedition’s arrival and celebration of Mass on April 8, 1521. The Butuan claim has been based on a rather
elementary reading of primary sources from the event. It must be noted that there are only two primary
sources that historians refer to in identifying the site of the first Mass. One is the log kept by Francisco Albo,
a pilot of one of Magellan’s ship, Trinidad. The other and the more complete was the account by Antonio
Pigafetta, First Voyage Around the world. Pigafetta like Albo, was a member of the Magellan expedition and
an eyewitness of the events, particularly, of the first Mass.
IN the book, The Great Island, Fr. Miguel Bernad, S.J., also included a long scholarly essay on the
centuries-old controversy regarding the site of the first mass celebrated in the Philippine islands, which has
exercised many Filipinos and scholars, including those of our present generation.
According to Antonio Pigafetta, the Italian chronicler of the Magellan expedition, the mass was held on
Easter Sunday, on an island called “Mazaua.” Two native chieftains were in attendance, the rajah of
Mazaua, and the rajah of Butuan.
After the mass, the party went up a little hill and planted a wooden cross upon its summit.”
The subject of controversy is the identity of Mazaua. There are two conflicting claims as to its identity. One
school of thought points to the small island south of Leyte, which on the map is called Limasawa. The other
school rejects that claim and points instead to the beach called ‘ao,’ at the mouth of the Agusan River in
northern Mindanao, near the village (now the city) of Butuan.
In his article, Fr. Bernad reexamines and assesses the evidence for these two claims. He gives each claim
its due and a hearing of whatever evidence are in its favor.
I should disclose here that I am not the first to take up this subject in the Manila Times. Just recently, a
colleague, Michael ‘Xiao’ Chua, in his column of Jan. 20, 2019 reported that a panel has been created to
review the Butuan claim to have been the site of the first [Link] takes her brood bagel shopping
Pastells‘ shift in opinion from Butuan to Limasawa was due to a rediscovery and a more attentive study of
the primary sources on the subject:
Pigafetta’s account and Francisco Albo’s log of the expedition. Pigafetta and Albo were eyewitnesses.
Pastells wrote:
“Magellan did not go to Butuan. Rather, from the island of Limasawa, he proceeded directly to Cebu.”
Among the Philippine scholars of the early 20th century who rejected the Butuan tradition in favor of
Limasawa was Jayme de Veyra.
Since then, the Limasawa opinion has been generally accepted, although there remains a small but
vigorous group determined to push the Butuan claim.
Consequently, the Butuan claim as the site of the first Mass has no leg to stand on.
Ferdinand Magellan never visited Butuan.
The Resil Mojares panel has a huge mountain to scale in Fr. Bernad’s scholarly reexamination and
analysis.
Criteria 10 7 5 3 Score
Introduction Well-developed Introductory Introduction states Thesis and/or
Background/hi introductory paragraph contains the thesis but does problem is vague or /10
storyDefine paragraph contains some background not adequately unclear. Background
the problem detailed background , information and explain the details are a
Thesis a clear explanation or states theproblem, background of the seemingly random
Statement definition of the but does not explain problem. The collection of
problem, and a thesis using details. States problem is stated, information, unclear,
statement the thesis of the but lacks detail. or not relatedto the
paper. topic.
Conclusion Conclusion
summarizes the Conclusion Conclusion Conclusion does
main topics summarizes main summarizes main not adequately
without repeating topics. Some topics,but is repetitive. summarize the
previous suggestions for No suggestions for main points. No
sentences; writer’s change are change and/or suggestions for
opinions and evident. opinions are change or opinions
suggestions for included. are included.
change are logical
and well thought
out.
MAIN POINTS Three or more main Three or more main Three or more main Less than three /20
Body points are well points are present points, but all lack main points,with
Paragraphs developed with but may lack detail development. poor
Refutation supporting details. and development in development of
(x2) one or two. ideas.
Refutation Refutation Refutation
paragraph(s) paragraph(s) paragraph(s) Refutation missing or
acknowledges the acknowledges the missing and/or vague.
opposing view and opposing view but vague
summarizes their main doesn’t summarize
points. points.
Logical, compelling Overall, the Progression of ideas in Arrangement of /10
progression of paper is logically essay essay is unclear and
ideas in essay;clear developed. is awkward, yet illogical. The writing
structure which Progression of moves the reader lacks a clear sense
ORGANIZATION enhances ideas in essay through the text of direction. Ideas,
and showcases the makes sense without too much details or events
central idea or theme and moves the confusion. The writer seem strung
and moves the reader easily sometimes lunges together in a loose
reader throughthe through the text. ahead too quickly or or random fashion;
text. Organization spends too much time there is no
On January 20, 1872,the Cavite Mutiny, an uprising of military personnel at the Spanish arsenal in
Cavite, took place. This event subsequently led to the execution of the Filipino priests Mariano Gomez,
Jose Burgos and Jacinto Zamora, otherwise known as GOMBURZA. The Cavite Mutiny is a major factor in
the awakening of Filipino nationalism at that time.
The 12th of June of every year since 1898 is a very important event for all the Filipinos. In this
particular day, the entire Filipino nation as well as Filipino communities all over the world gathers to celebrate
the Philippines’ Independence Day. 1898 came to be a very significant year for all of us— it is as equally
important as 1896—the year when the Philippine Revolution broke out owing to the Filipinos’ desire to be free
from the abuses of the Spanish colonial regime. But we should be reminded that another year is as historic
as the two—1872.
Two major events happened in 1872, first was the 1872 Cavite Mutiny and the other was the martyrdom
of the three martyr priests in the persons of Fathers Mariano Gomes, Jose Burgos and Jacinto Zamora
(GOMBURZA). However, not all of us knew that there were different accounts in reference to the said
event. All Filipinos must know the different sides of the story—since this event led to another tragic yet
meaningful part of our history—the execution of GOMBURZA which in effect a major factor in the awakening
of nationalism among the Filipinos.
Jose Montero y Vidal, a prolific Spanish historian documented the event and
highlighted it as an attempt of the Indios to overthrow the Spanish government in Mutiny – is a revolt
the Philippines. Meanwhile, Gov. Gen. Rafael Izquierdo’s official report magnified among a group of
the event and made use of it to implicate the native clergy, which was then active people to oppose,
in the call for secularization. The two accounts complimented and corroborated change, or overthrow
with one other, only that the general’s report was more spiteful. Initially, both an organization to
Montero and Izquierdo scored out that the abolition of privileges enjoyed by the which they were
workers of Cavite arsenal such as non-payment of tributes and exemption from previously loyal. The
force labor were the main reasons of the “revolution” as how they called it, however, term is commonly used
other causes were enumerated by them including the Spanish Revolution which for a rebellion against
overthrew the secular throne, dirty propagandas proliferated by unrestrained press, any force.
democratic, liberal and epublican books and pamphlets reaching the Philippines,
and most importantly, the presence of the native clergy who out of animosity
against the Spanish friars, “conspired and supported” the rebels and enemies of Spain. In particular,
Izquierdo blamed the unruly Spanish Press for “stockpiling” malicious propagandas grasped by the
Filipinos. He reported to the King of Spain that the “rebels” wanted to overthrow the Spanish government to
install a new “hari” in the likes of Fathers Burgos and Zamora. The general even added that the native clergy
The two Spaniards deemed that the event of 1872 was planned earlier and was thought of it as a big
conspiracy among educated leaders, mestizos, abogadillos or native lawyers, residents of Manila and Cavite
and the native clergy. They insinuated that the conspirators of Manila and Cavite planned to liquidate high-
ranking Spanish officers to be followed by the massacre of the friars. The alleged pre-concerted signal among
the conspirators of Manila and Cavite was the firing of rockets from the walls of Intramuros.
According to the accounts of the two, on 20 January 1872, the district of Sampaloc celebrated the feast of
the Virgin of Loreto, unfortunately participants to the feast celebrated the occasion with the usual fireworks
displays. Allegedly, those in Cavite mistook the fireworks as the sign for the attack, and just like what was
agreed upon, the 200-men contingent headed by Sergeant Lamadrid launched an attack targeting Spanish
officers at sight and seized the arsenal.
When the news reached the iron-fisted Gov. Izquierdo, he readily ordered the reinforcement of the
Spanish forces in Cavite to quell the revolt. The “revolution” was easily crushed when the expected
reinforcement from Manila did not come ashore. Major instigators including Sergeant Lamadrid were killed
in the skirmish, while the GOMBURZA were tried by a court-martial and were sentenced to die by
strangulation. Patriots like Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Antonio Ma. Regidor, Jose and Pio Basa and other
abogadillos were suspended by the Audencia (High Court) from the practice of law, arrested and were
sentenced with life imprisonment at the Marianas Island. Furthermore, Gov. Izquierdo dissolved the native
regiments of artillery and ordered the creation of artillery force to be composed exclusively of the
Peninsulares.
On 17 February 1872 in an attempt of the Spanish government and Frailocracia to instill fear among the
Filipinos so that they may never commit such daring act again, the GOMBURZA were executed. This event
was tragic but served as one of the moving forces that shaped Filipino nationalism.
Dr. Trinidad Hermenigildo Pardo de Tavera, a Filipino scholar and researcher, wrote the Filipino version
of the bloody incident in Cavite. In his point of view, the incident was a mere mutiny by the native Filipino
soldiers and laborers of the Cavite arsenal who turned out to be dissatisfied with the abolition of their
privileges. Indirectly, Tavera blamed Gov. Izquierdo’s cold-blooded policies such as the abolition of privileges
of the workers and native army members of the arsenal and the prohibition of the founding of school of arts
and trades for the Filipinos, which the general believed as a cover-up for the organization of a political club.
On 20 January 1872, about 200 men comprised of soldiers, laborers of the arsenal, and residents of
Cavite headed by Sergeant Lamadrid rose in arms and assassinated the commanding officer and Spanish
officers in sight. The insurgents were expecting support from the bulk of the army unfortunately, that didn’t
happen. The news about the mutiny reached authorities in Manila and Gen. Izquierdo immediately ordered
the reinforcement of Spanish troops in Cavite. After two days, the mutiny was officially declared subdued.
Tavera believed that the Spanish friars and Izquierdo used the Cavite Mutiny as a powerful lever by
magnifying it as a full-blown conspiracy involving not only the native army but also included residents of Cavite
and Manila, and more importantly the native clergy to overthrow the Spanish government in the Philippines. It
is noteworthy that during the time, the Central Government in Madrid announced its intention to deprive the
Meanwhile, in the intention of installing reforms, the Central Government of Spain welcomed an
educational decree authored by Segismundo Moret promoted the fusion of sectarian schools run by the friars
into a school called Philippine Institute. The decree proposed to improve the standard of education in the
Philippines by requiring teaching positions in such schools to be filled by competitive examinations. This
improvement was warmly received by most Filipinos in spite of the native clergy’s zest for secularization.
The friars, fearing that their influence in the Philippines would be a thing of the past, took advantage of
the incident and presented it to the Spanish Government as a vast conspiracy organized throughout the
archipelago with the object of destroying Spanish sovereignty. Tavera sadly confirmed that the Madrid
government came to believe that the scheme was true without any attempt to investigate the real facts or
extent of the alleged “revolution” reported by Izquierdo and the friars.
Convicted educated men who participated in the mutiny were sentenced life imprisonment while members
of the native clergy headed by the GOMBURZA were tried and executed by garrote. This episode leads to
the awakening of nationalism and eventually to the outbreak of Philippine Revolution of 1896. The French
writer Edmund Plauchut’s account complimented Tavera’s account by confirming that the event happened
due to discontentment of the arsenal workers and soldiers in Cavite fort. The Frenchman, however, dwelt
more on the execution of the three martyr priests which he actually witnessed.
Considering the four accounts of the 1872 Mutiny, there were some basic facts that remained to be
unvarying: First, there was dissatisfaction among the workers of the arsenal as well as the members of the
native army after their privileges were drawn back by Gen. Izquierdo; Second, Gen. Izquierdo introduced rigid
and strict policies that made the Filipinos move and turn away from Spanish government out of disgust; Third,
the Central Government failed to conduct an investigation on what truly transpired but relied on reports of
Izquierdo and the friars and the opinion of the public; Fourth, the happy days of the friars were already
numbered in 1872 when the Central Government in Spain decided to deprive them of the power to intervene
in government affairs as well as in the direction and management of schools prompting them to commit frantic
moves to extend their stay and power; Fifth, the Filipino clergy members actively participated in the
secularization movement in order to allow Filipino priests to take hold of the parishes in the country making
them prey to the rage of the friars; Sixth, Filipinos during the time were active participants, and responded to
what they deemed as injustices; and Lastly, the execution of GOMBURZA was a blunder on the part of the
Spanish government, for the action severed the ill-feelings of the Filipinos and the event inspired Filipino
patriots to call for reforms and eventually independence. There may be different versions of the event, but
one thing is certain, the 1872 Cavite Mutiny paved way for a momentous 1898.
The road to independence was rough and tough to toddle, many patriots named and unnamed shed
their bloods to attain reforms and achieve independence. 12 June 1898 may be a glorious event for us, but
we should not forget that before we came across to victory, our forefathers suffered enough. As we enjoy
our freedom, may we be more historically aware of our past to have a better future ahead of us. And just like
what Elias said in Noli me Tangere, may we “not forget those who fell during the night.”
Criteria 10 7 5 3
For decades, the authenticity of Jose Rizal’s retraction documents have raised Retraction means a
issues, scepticism, and heated debates among those who seek to know the truth statement saying
regarding this controversy. However, the lack of evidence and different statements that something you
by significant people involved have only contributed to the complications and said or wrote at an
uncertainty which envelope this fiery argument. "I retract with all my heart whatever earlier time is not
in my words, writings, publications and conduct have been contrary to my character true or correct
as a son of the Catholic Church.", this was the statement in the document which
made the historians believed that Rizal had retracted.
Raging Controversy.
Several historians report that Rizal retracted his anti-Catholic ideas through this document However,
there are doubts of its authenticity given that there is no certificate of Rizal's Catholic marriage to Josephine
Bracken. Also there is an allegation that the retraction document was a forgery. Ricardo Pascual concluded
that the retraction document, said to have been discovered in 1935, was not in Rizal's handwriting.
Senator Rafael Palma, a former President of the University of the Philippines and a prominent Mason,
argued that a retraction is not in keeping with Rizal's character and mature beliefs. He called the retraction
story a "pious fraud." Others who deny the retraction are Frank Laubach, a Protestant minister; Austin
Coates, a British writer; and Ricardo Manapat, director of the National Archives. Those who affirm the
authenticity of Rizal's retraction are prominent Philippine historians such as: Nick Joaquin, Nicolas
Zafra of UP León María Guerrero III, Gregorio Zaide, Guillermo Gómez Rivera, Ambeth Ocampo, John
Schumacher, Antonio Molina, Paul Dumol and Austin Craig They take the retraction document as authentic,
having been judged as such by a foremost expert on the writings of Rizal, Teodoro Kalaw (a 33rd degree
Mason) and "handwriting experts...known and recognized in our courts of justice", H. Otley Beyer and Dr.
José I. Del Rosario, both of UP.
Historians also refer to 11 eyewitnesses when Rizal wrote his retraction, signed a Catholic
prayer book, and recited Catholic prayers, and the multitude who saw him kiss the crucifix before
his execution. A great grandnephew of Rizal, Fr. Marciano Guzman, cites that Rizal's
4confessions were certified by 5 eyewitnesses, 10 qualified witnesses, 7 newspapers, and 12
historians and writers including Aglipayan bishops, Masons and anti-clericals. One witness was
the head of the Spanish Supreme Court at the time of his notarized declaration and was highly
esteemed by Rizal for his integrity. Because of what he sees as the strength these direct
evidence have in the light of the historical method, in contrast with merely circumstantial
evidence, UP professor emeritus of history Nicolas Zafra called the retraction "a plain unadorned
fact of history." Guzmán attributes the denial of retraction to "the blatant disbelief and
stubbornness" of some Masons.
The flow of history is as inexorable as the tidal flow of an angry ocean. But ever, so often in
our collective recollection, it is remembered that sometimes the skillful use of forgery can redirect
the flow of history itself.
In the Philippines today, forgery is usually resorted to redirect the flow of money from the
rightful beneficiary to the unworthy pockets of invisible people. That money is usually the target of
forgery is known and practiced all over the world, but forgery in the hands of the wily, has power
to effect a redirection of events and undoing of history. It has the power to obscure or belie an
occurrence or create an event that did not actually transpire. It also has the power to enslave and
destroy.
In October 1600, the Muslim Ottoman Army and a Christian army, led by Austrians, with
Hungarian, French, Maltese and German troops were battling it out for territory called Kanizsa.
The Ottoman army was outgunned and outmanned, but the Ottoman commander, Tiryaki Hasan
Pasha was a clever man. He knew that the Hungarians were not too happy to be allied with the
Austrians. So he sent fake letters, designed them to be captured by the Austrians. The letters
contained Hungarian alliance with Ottoman forces. The Austrian upon reading the fake letters
signed by a reliable source (obviously forged) decided to kill all Hungarian soldiers. The
Hungarians revolted and the Christian army disintegrated from within. Thus, did the Ottomans
won the battle, by issuing forged communication.
During World War II, the British, to protect the secrecy of the Allied plan to invade Sicily in
1943, launched operation Mincemeat. This was a deception campaign to mislead German
Intelligence about the real target of the start of the Allied Invasion of Europe. A series of
seemingly genuine secret documents, with forged signatures, were attached to a British corpse
dressed in military uniforms. It was left to float somewhere in a beach in Spain, where plenty of
German agents were sure to get hold of it.
The body with the fake documents was found eventually and its documents seen by
German agents. The documents identified Sardinia and Corsica as the targets of the Allied
invasion. The Germans believed it, and was caught with their pants down when allied forces hit
This kind of deception was also used by the British against the Germans in North Africa. They
placed a map of British minefields, then attached them to a corpse. The minefields were non-
existent but the Germans saw the map and considered it true. Thus, they rerouted their tanks to
areas with soft sand where they bogged down.
In 1944, a Japanese sea plane crashed near Cebu. According to Japanese military officials
who were captured, and later released, they were accompanying Gen. Koga, Commander in
Chief of the Japanese Combined Fleet. Gen. Koga died in the crash. A little later, Filipino
fisherman recovered some Japanese documents. They delivered the documents to US
Intelligence. The documents revealed that Leyte was lightly defended. As a result, the Americans
shifted their invasion target to Leyte instead of Cotabato Bay in Mindanao.
On October 17, 1944 the invasion of Leyte went underway. Leyte was lightly defended as the
Koga papers have indicated. But it was during the invasion of Leyte when the Japanese navy
launched their last offensive strike against the US fleet, with the objective of obliterating it once
and for all. They nearly succeeded. After this near-tragic event, the Koga papers were considered
by some military strategists as spurious and could have been manufactured by the Japanese to
mislead the American navy into thinking that Leyte was a defenceless island. That Leyte was a
trap. And the Americans nearly fell into it.
In recent memory, there was an incident in which the forging of documents served to negate
the existence of an independent Philippines.
In 1901, the Americans managed to capture a Filipino messenger, Cecilio Segismundo who
carried with him documents from Aguinaldo. The American then faked some documents complete
with forged signature, telling Aguinaldo that some Filipino officers were sending him guerrillas
with American prisoners. With the help of a Spanish traitor, Lazaro Segovia, the Americans
assembled a company of pro-American Filipino soldiers, the Macabebe scouts. These were the
soldiers who penetrated the camp of Aguinaldo, disguised as soldiers of the Philippine Republic.
They managed to capture Aguinaldo. With the president captured, his generals began to
surrender, and the Republic began to fall.
The document of the retraction of Jose Rizal, too, is being hotly debated as to its
authenticity.
It was supposed to have been signed by Jose Rizal moments before his death. There were
many witnesses, most of them Jesuits. The document only surfaced for public viewing on May 13,
1935. It was found by Fr. Manuel A. Gracia at the Catholic hierarchy’s archive in Manila. But the
original document was never shown to the public, only reproductions of it. However, Fr. Pio Pi, a
Spanish Jesuit, reported that as early as 1907, the retraction of Rizal was copied verbatim and
published in Spain, and reprinted in Manila. Fr. Gracia, who found the original document, also
copied it verbatim.
So which is which?
Those who strongly believed the faking of the Rizal retraction document, reported that the
forger of Rizal’s signature was Roman Roque, the man who also forged the signature of Urbano
Lacuna, which was used to capture Aguinaldo. The mastermind, they say, in both Lacuna’s and
Rizal’s signature forging was Lazaro Segovia. They were approached by Spanish friars during the
final day of the Filipino-American war to forge Rizal’s signature.
This story was revealed by Antonio K. Abad, who heard the tale from Roman Roque himself,
them being [Link] this day, the retraction issue is still raging like a wild fire in the forest of
the night. Others would like to believe that the purported retraction of Rizal was invented by the
friars to deflect the heroism of Rizal which was centered on the friar abuses. Incidentally, Fr. Pio
Pi, who copied verbatim Rizal’s retraction, also figured prominently during the revolution. It was
him, Andres Bonifacio reported, who had intimated to Aguinaldo the cessation of agitation in
exchange of pardon.
There are also not a few people who believe that the autobiography of Josephine
Bracken, written on February 22, 1897 is also forged and forged badly. The document
supposedly written by Josephine herself supported the fact that they were married under the
Catholic rites. But upon closer look, there is a glaring difference between the penmanship of the
document, and other letters written by Josephine to Rizal.
Surely, we must put the question of retraction to rest, though Rizal is a hero, whether he
retracted or not, we must investigate if he really did a turn-around. If he did not, and the
documents were forgeries, then somebody has to pay for trying to deceive a nation.
TASK 1: Read each item below and answer the question in a separate document. (40 points)
1. What are the reasons of the prominent historians in affirming the authenticity of Rizal's
retraction? (10 points)
_______________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________________
2. What are the proofs used to defend the authenticity of Rizal’s retraction? (10 points)
3. What possible reasons could have pushed Jose Rizal to write his retraction document according
to those who believe that he really retracted? (10 points)
_______________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________________
Task 2: Read the article about Rizal’s retraction and write a 500 words position paper on the
retraction of Rizal (50 points)
10 7 5 3
CATEGORY Score
Attention The introductory The introductory The author has an The introductory /10
Grabber paragraph has a paragraph has a interesting paragraph is not
strong hook or hook or attention introductory interesting AND is
attention grabber grabber, but it is paragraph but the not relevant to the
that is appropriate weak, rambling or connection to the topic.
for the audience. inappropriate for topic is not clear.
This could be a the audience.
strong statement, a
relevant quotation,
statistic, or question
addressed to the
reader.
The Philippine Revolution of 1896 began with what later known as the “First Cry” or the initial
move of the Filipinos to begin the revolution for independence.
The tearing up of cedulas and proclaiming the start of the fight for independence happened after the
Katipunan was exposed on August 19, 1896 and the Spaniards began to crack down on suspected rebels.
It was believed that the first cry occurred there on August 26, however it was contradicted by the different
Katipunan personalities who claimed that they were there at that time. National Historical Commission of
The Philippines claimed that, the First cry of the Philippine Revolution of 1896 happened on August 23,
1896 at Pugadlawin, now part of Project 8 in Quezon City.
The debate has long been clouded by a lack of consensus on exactly what is meant by the
“Cry.” The term has been applied to three related but distinct events -
The “pasya” – the decision to revolt;
The “pagpupunit” – the tearing of cedulas; and
The “unang labanan” – the first encounter with the Spanish forces
These three events did not all happen at the same time and place. When and where the “cry”
should be commemorated thus depends on how it is defined.
POSITION/
BACKGROUND
OF THE
PERSON
DATE
PLACE
NUMBER OF
PARTICIPANTS
WHAT
HAPPENED
1. On your own analysis of the reading, why there were differences in their accounts? (10 points)
2. What is the significance of determining the date and place of the Cry? (10 points)
3. What is your own stand on the issue? Is it Pugadlawin? Or Balintawak? (10 points)
SCORE
CRITERIA 1 3 5 Q1 Q2 Q3
Relevance of The essay did not Answer is brief Answer is
answer to the answer the with insufficient complete;
question question detail. Unrelated sufficient detail
issues were provided to
introduced and/or support
minor errors in assertions;
content. answer focuses
only on issues
related to the
question; factually
correct.
Thoroughness of None of the Most of the basic Deals fully with the
answer relevant details details are entire question.
were included included but some
are missing.
Score /10 /10 /10
When the United States went to war with Spain, the US Pacific Fleet was dispatched to the
Philippines to defeat the Spanish Pacific fleet. Under Commodore Dewey, the United States sankthe
entire Spanish fleet without losing a single ship (and suffering only one man wounded) in theBattle of
Manila Bay.
After this, a strange 3-way negotiation developed between Commodore Dewey of the
American Navy, the Spanish army in the Philippines, and Filipino rebels under General Emilio
[Link] the Americans and the Filipinos had a common enemy in Spain, they were not
formally allied, and the Spanish commander refused to surrender to his former colonists under
Aguinaldo.
Eventually, as more American troops began to arrive in the Pacific, the Spanish garrison
surrendered to the Americans, even though the Filipinos had a much larger force, and one that had
been just outside of Manila since the naval battle there. The new American commander of Manila
refused to let the Filipino Army into the city until he received instructions from PresidentMcKinley about
what was planned for the Philippines.
When the Spanish-American War ended with the signing of the Treaty of Paris, the United
Statesincluded a payment of $20 million to Spain for its colonial rights to the Philippines. U.S. President
McKinley announced a policy of “benevolent assimilation”: U.S. colonial rule of the Philippines to help
prepare the Filipinos for self-rule.
Before the US Senate ratified the treaty, on February 4, 1899, a member of the Filipino rebel
force tried to enter U.S.-occupied Manila, and was killed by an American soldier. This began theFilipino
insurrection, fighting between the U.S. Army and the Filipino rebels. The insurrection eventually ended
in 1901, when Aguinaldo was captured by American troops in a daring raid.
The Philippines remained an American colony until 1942—when it was conquered by the
Japanese in World War 2—and again beginning in 1945, until it was granted independence in1946.
As early as May 24, 1898, a few days after the Americans’ victory against the Spaniards in the
Battle of Manila Bay and after the Philippine revolution against Spain, Aguinaldo established a
government for the Filipinos. On June 12, 1898, he declared Philippine independence.
The Americans in the Philippines witnessed and were well aware of these acts of Aguinaldo; yet,
in the midst of all these, they remained silent, neither showing support for Aguinaldo’s pronouncements
nor expressing objections. In the meantime, U.S. troop reinforcements kept arriving in the islands when
there was clearly no need for them—Aguinaldo and his men had all but defeated the Spaniards, driving
their top officials to hide within the walls of Manila.
Stealthily, the U.S. government negotiated peace with Spain, the latter ceding the Philippines to
the U.S. in exchange for money.
On December 21, 1898, a few days after Aguinaldo learned of the contents of the Treaty of Paris,
President McKinley issued his Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation, where he explicitly announced that
the U.S. was taking control of the Philippine islands. Then and only then was Aguinaldo able to confirm his
suspicion: the Filipinos’ allies were traitors after all. They had no intention of granting independence to the
Filipinos when the Spaniards had been driven away, as they had either promised or led the Filipinos to
believe. Rather, they fully intended to fill in the shoes of the Spaniards.
Americans have been taught that their great native land acquired the right to rule the Philippines
on December 10, 1898, pursuant to the provisions of the Treaty of Paris. Being the champions offreedom
that they were known to be, however, the Americans declared that their decision to exercise sovereignty
over a people two oceans away from their own land was prompted by their desire to help organize these
people so that they may enjoy the true blessings of democracy.
According to President McKinley, “the mission of the United States [in the Philippines] is one of
benevolent assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule.” This “high mission”
is to “[support] the temperate administration of affairs for the greatest good of thegoverned.”
Yet only a few months earlier, McKinley had given instructions to the American peace
commissioners in Paris which included the following statement: “Incidental to our tenure in thePhilippines
is the commercial opportunity to which American statesmanship cannot be indifferent. It is to use every
legitimate means for the enlargement of American trade.”
What the government of U.S. President William McKinley called the “Phillipine Insurrection
(insurrection: a revolt against an established authority or government) of 1899” was in truth theFilipinos’
fight for their nation’s independence, which their leader then, Emilio Aguinaldo, declared on June 12,
1898, but which the American in these islands completely and deliberately ignored, prompting the
Filipinos to attempt to realize it by way of force.
While the true intentions of the U.S. government in the Philippines were made known with
President McKinley’s Benevolent Assimilation proclamation, Aguinaldo, hoping that the USSenate would
not ratify the Treaty of Paris (which would render it null and void), tried diplomatic ways of convincing
the American officials to grant the Philippines their independence. The Americans went along with
Aguinaldo’s moves: they were buying time.
After the incident of February 4, 1899, word reached the U.S. that the Philippine-American War
was triggered by a violent attack by the natives. This lie served its purpose—two days after the incident,
the U.S. Senate ratified the Treaty of Paris.
To the American civilians and other foreigners in the islands, however, it was clear that the
Philippine-American War was started by the American soldiers, not the Filipino rebels. How elsecould the
following be explained? On February 2 and 3, 1899, the Filipinos employed in differentcapacities in the
American ships were dismissed. On February 4, 1899, 200-300 American soldiers were sent to Sta. Ana,
where the incident that triggered the Philippine-American War took place. All the foregoing point to one
clear fact: the February 4, 1899 incident was premediated by the Americans to justify the start of hostilities.
The American authorities hid from the American public the ugly truth about the Philippine- American
War. As mentioned earlier, it was publicized as the Philippine Insurrection of 1899, when it was in fact a
people’s heroic fight for their much desired freedom and independence. Not many Americans in their
homeland came to know the extent of the human rights abuses that the Americans committed in that war.
The American soldiers employed some methods of torture during the Philippine-American War,
aimed at extracting confessions from the Filipino rebels regarding the names of their fellow rebels, the
site of their headquarters, or where they were hiding their arms and ammunition.
Sometimes, the same methods of torture were used as punishment for certain “crimes” of the
natives—as when the latter failed to pay “taxes” to American soldiers. American soldiers described
these incidents of torture (and said they were used hundreds of times) in their lettershome.
The American soldiers described other human rights violations they committed. One officer wrote
home, “We burned hundreds of houses and looted hundreds more. Some of the boys madegood hauls of
jewelry and clothing… Caloocan was supposed to contain seventeen thousand inhabitants. The Twentieth
Kansas swept through it, and now Caloocan contains not one living native…”
Perhaps the most successful lie perpetrated by the U.S. military and media was that the
Philippine-American War ended in 1901 after Aguinaldo’s capture. While it is true that Aguinaldo was the
recognized leader of the rebels and, as such, when he laid down his arms, hismen followed suit, it is
nonetheless true as well that many Filipino rebels held on to their weapons and continued the fight, though
sporadically or in a fragmented way.
What is hardly known to the American public and Filipinos alike is that when the war in the
northern part of the Philippines subsided with Aguinaldo’s capture, the American troops werepulled out
of there and sent to the South—to the island of Mindinao—to commence the war against the Muslim
Flipinos there. The Americans had succeeded in postponing the war until about 1903, because of the
Bates Agreement they had signed with the leaders of the Muslims, which promised the latter self-rule
in exchange for their recognition of U.S. rule in name. In 1903, when they were ready to fight the
Muslims after pulling their men out of the north, the Americans cancelled the agreement and waged
war against the Muslims, with the aim of establishing full U.S. control over Mindinao.
The war against the Muslims lasted until the end of 1913. Months before the war ended in 1913,
the U.S. troops massacred about 500 Muslim Filipinos at Bud Bagsak.
What conclusion can you draw regarding the US’s conduct or motivations during
the Philippine-American War? Explain your answer
“Cry” Secularization
Mutiny Garrotte
“Iron Fist” Retraction
Rafael Izquierdo Roman Roque
Insurrection
Sustainable Development Goal 11 (SDG11) aims to strengthen efforts to protect and safeguard the
cultural and natural heritage.
In every country, cultural heritage is both a record of life and history and also an irreplaceable source of
creativity and inspiration. It includes the sites, things, and practices a society regards as old, important, and
worthy of conservation
Write an essay explaining the importance of cultural heritage to history (30 points).
15 10 5 1
15 10 5 1
LEARNING OBJECTIVES:
1. Effectively communicate using various techniques and genres, their historical analysis of a particular
event or issue that could help others understand the topic.
2. Propose recommendations/solutions to present day problems based on their understanding.
3. Analyze social, political, economic, and cultural issues besetting the country using the lens of history.
4. Recognize that some problems of today are consequences of the decisions and events that happened
in the past.
5. Create an infographic on the salient features of the Constitution.
PRETEST: Write T if the statement is correct and F if incorrect. Write your answer before the number.
_____1.The Americans introduced the concept of private property to the Filipinos.
_____2.The Filipino people may propose changes in the constitution by referendum.
_____3.A change in the 1987 Constitution will drastically change Filipino lives.
_____4.The 1987 Constitution is a direct response against Marcos dictatorship and tyranny.
_____5.Changes in the Constitution is only valid and effective if ratified or approved by the President.
_____6.The Hacienda sugar plantation is owned by the Ayala family.
_____7.The 1987 Constitution sets limitation on the exercise of the power to tax.
_____8.With martial law, the whole Philippines was declared a land reform.
_____9.Failure to pay tax is punishable by law.
_____10Taxation requires voluntary contribution from inhabitant to support the government.
One of the major programs of CARP is Land Tenure Improvement, which seeks to hasten distribution of
lands to landless farmers. Similarly, the Department offers Support Services to the beneficiaries such as
The legal basis for CARP is the Republic Act No. 6657 otherwise known as Comprehensive Agrarian
Reform Law (CARL) signed by President Corazon C. Aquino on June 10, 1988. It is an act which aims to
promote social justice and industrialization, providing the mechanism for its implementation, and for other
purposes.
Even before the Spaniard came into these Islands, the idea of private ownership of land was not
prevalent. Land was commonly owned by the community or barangay, cultivated communally or
individually by members of the barangay.
When the Spaniard came in 1521, common ownership of land slowly took the backseat, and private
property became dominant, paving the way to Encomienda system.
The encomienda was a vehicle used to collect taxes from Filipinos, who tilled the land and
surrendered part of their produce to the encomendero as tribute in the form of agricultural crops,
poultry, woven mats, etc. Towards the end of the 18th century, there was a mad scramble for wealth
thru world trade. Thus, encomienda were replaced by haciendas.
Pre-Spanish Period: “This land is Ours God gave this land to us”
Before the Spaniards came to the Philippines, Filipinos lived in villages or barangays ruled by chiefs or
datus. The datus comprised the nobility. Then came the maharlikas (freemen), followed by the aliping
mamamahay (serfs) and aliping saguiguilid (slaves). However, despite the existence of different
classes in the social structure, practically everyone had access to the fruits of the soil. Money was
unknown, and rice served as the medium of exchange.
The Torrens system, which the Americans instituted for the registration of lands, did not solve
the problem completely. Either they were not aware of the law or if they did, they could not pay the
survey cost and other fees required in applying for a Torrens title.
TASK1: Read each item below and answer the question in a separate document. (52 points)
1. How did the Spanish government distribute lands on the Filipino Farmers? (10 points)
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________
2. What were the problems with the early agrarian policies? Give 1 and explain(10 points)
3. Which of the early agrarian laws are really beneficial to tenant farmers? Justify your answer.(10 points)
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________
4. What do you think is the most significant agrarian law? Justify your answer(10 points)
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________
5. With so many agrarian reform law, why do you think farmers remain dissatisfied? Justify your answer
(10 points)
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________________________
CRITERIA 1 3 5 SCORE
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5
Relevance of The essay did not Answer is brief Answer is
answer to the answer the with insufficient complete;
question question detail. Unrelated sufficient detail
issues were provided to
introduced and/or support
minor errors in assertions;
content. answer focuses
only on issues
related to the
question; factually
correct.
Thoroughness None of the Most of the basic Deals fully with the
of answer relevant details details are entire question.
were included included but some
are missing.
TOTAL SCORE
1. Spanish Period
2. American Period
3. Commonwealth
Period
New Republic
4. President Manuel A.
Roxas
5. Elpidio R. Quirino
6. Ramon Magsaysay
7. President Carlos P.
Garcia
8. President Diosdado
P. Macapagal
9. President Ferdinand
E. Marcos
10. President Corazon
C. Aquino (1986-1992)
11. President Fidel V.
Ramos
12. President Joseph E.
Estrada
13. President Gloria
Macapacal-Arroyo
14. President Benigno
Aquino III
Spanish period. During this period tax is being imposed to support the colony, several taxes and
monopolies were established.
The government introduced a “New Income – Generating means”. Examples are the following:
1. Manila – Acapulco Galleon Trade (1565 – 1815)
The Spanish government continued trade relations with these countries and Manila
became the Center of Commerce-China, Japan, Maluccas, Siam, India, Cambodia, Borneo.
Galleon Trade is a ship trade going back and forth yearly between Manila and Acapulco.
The fundamental income is generating business for the Spanish. The Galleon trade brought
silver from Nueva Castilla and silk from China by way of Manila. During the Galleon trade, force
labor was a character of Spanish colonial taxation and was required from the Filipinos. Male
Filipinoswere obligated to serve which results to deaths in seventeenth century.
3. Bandala
Bandala system was implemented by Spanish authorities in the Philippines that requires
native Filipino farmers to sell their goods to the government.
Bandala (from the Tagalog word “mandala” , a round stack of rice stalks to be threshed),
an annual forced sale and requisitioning of goods such as rice.
5. Tribute/ “Buwis
When Spaniards came, they started to collect “tributos” (tributes). The purpose of it is to
develop and improve the islands and to maintain it as well. Also, the collect tributes are for the
government officials’ salary and for the expenses of the clergy.
The “buwis” (tribute), which could be paid in cash or kind, with tobacco, chickens,
produce, gold, blankets, cotton, rice, or other products depending on the region of the
[Link] duties and income tax were also collected.
In 1884, the payment of tribute was put to a stop because of the “cedula” wherein
colonists were required to pay for personal identification. Everyone over the age of 18 was
obliged to pay their cedula.
During the 17th and 18th centuries, the Contador de' Resultas served as the Chief Royal
Accountant whose functions were similar to the Commissioner of Internal Revenue. He was the
Chief Arbitrator whose decisions on financial matters were final except when revoked by the
Council of Indies.
Taxation in the Philippine during Spanish colonial period was characterized by a heavy
burden place.
Taxation under the Americans. The Americans aimed to make the economy self-sufficient by running
the government with the possible sum revenue and create surplus in the budget.
From 1898 to 1903, the Americans followed the Spanish system of taxation with some
modifications. Later on, the Urbana would be replaced by tax on real state, which became known as land
tax. The problem with the tax was that land titling in the rural area was very disorderly. The Internal
Revenue Law of 1904- was passed as a reaction to the problems of collecting land tax.
It prescribed ten major sources of revenue:
Taxation During The Commonwealth Period. New measures and legislation were introduced to make
the taxation system appear more equitable during the commonwealth. Income tax rate were increased in
1936, adding a surtax rate on individual net income in excess of 10,000. Income tax rates of corporation
were also increased.
In 1937 the cedula tax was abolished which appeared to be progressive move. In 1940 a residence tax
was imposed on every citizen aged 18 years old and every corporation.
Fiscal Policies at Present. The policy of taxation in the Philippines is governed chiefly by
the Constitution of the Philippines and three Republic Acts.
Fiscal Policy
Constitution: Article VI, Section 28 of the Constitution states that "the rule of
taxation shall be uniform and equitable" and that "Congress shall evolve refers to the
a progressive system of taxation" "measures
employed by
National law: National Internal Revenue Code—enacted as Republic Act governments to
No. 8424 or the Tax Reform Act of 1997and subsequent laws amending it; stabilize the
the law was most recently amended by Republic Act No. 10963 or the Tax economy,
Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion Act and, specifically by
manipulating the
Local laws: major sources of revenue for the local government units (LGUs)
are the taxes collected by virtue of Republic Act No. 7160 or the Local levels and
Government Code of 1991, and those sourced from the proceeds collected allocations of
by virtue of a local ordinance. taxes and
government
___________________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________________
2. How can the government improve tax collections without imposing much tax to the consumer?
(10 points)
___________________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________________
CRITERIA 1 3 5 SCORE
Q1 Q2
Relevance of The essay did not Answer is brief with Answer is complete;
answer to the answer the question insufficient detail.
sufficient detail
question Unrelated issuesprovided to support
were introduced assertions; answer
and/or minor errors focuses only on
in content. issues related to the
question; factually
correct.
Thoroughness of None of the relevant Most of the basic Deals fully with the
answer details were included details are included entire question.
but some are
missing.
TOTAL SCORE /10 /10
Free trade agreement is a pact between two or more nations to reduce barriers to imports and exports
among them. Under a free trade policy, goods and services can be bought and sold across international
borders with little or no government tariffs, quotas, subsidies, or prohibitions to inhibit their exchange. The
concept of free trade is the opposite of trade protectionism or economic isolationism ([Link]).
Read and with a learning buddy answer the question that follows.
Source: [Link]
urging-ratification-of-executive-agreement-with-the-usa-june-21-
1946/#:~:text=The%20Bell%20Act%2C%20or%20Philippine,to%20Filipino%20citizens%20and%20corporations.
I have asked that this joint session be called in order that I may report to the Congress on the actions now
required to provide for future trade and economic relations with the United States.
The American Congress has lately passed a Philippine Trade Act and a Philippine War Damage Act Those two
acts provide the pattern of United States aid for our reconstruction and for the rehabilitation of our national
economy. Without this assistance we are faced immediately by disaster. Without the helping hand thus extended
to us, I do not believe we can survive.
I do not pretend to tell this Congress that this legislation or the money voted us by the United States Congress
will automatically accomplish the rehabilitation of the Philippines. It is my duty to advise you that we must look
forward to years of sacrifice and toil to accomplish our aims. Our future is grim, brightened only by the patriotic
determination of the Filipino people to succeed, at whatever cost.
In my report to the Congress on the state of the nation, I described our present precarious economic condition.
We are today living through the most crucial period of our life as a nation. Each day brings its crisis to our
attention. We are faced by difficulties and decisions which test our capabilities to lead our people.
The obstacles are great and numerous. They will require all our wisdom and courage. One of our sources of
hope is the help we have been offered by the United States. That nation which is about to grant us our freedom
has also tendered to us the means of solving our economic problems, a protected place in the American market
for 28 years and funds to help us rebuild our shattered land.
Such are the purposes of the Trade Act and the War Damage Act. I am directing your attention today largely to
the Trade Act which grants us the protection of American tariff preferences.
The American Congress, in order to provide those trade preferences, had to cut across all the protective features
of American tariff law. These preferences are being offered exclusively to the Philippines.
A new and unprecedented legal formula had to be devised. That formula consists of an Executive Agreement to
be negotiated by the President of the United States with the President of the Philippines. Authorization for the
Agreement is contained in section 401 of the Trade Act. That section also requires the acceptance by the
I wish to report to the Congress, therefore, that I am proceeding to negotiate this Executive Agreement in
accordance with the provisions of the Trade Act. As soon as it is complete and duly signed, I will submit it to this
Congress for approval. I hope to be able to present the Agreement to you early next week. I am making every
effort to hasten the conclusion of negotiations in order to give the Congress as much time as possible to reach
a decision.
This Congress has never been asked to deliberate upon a more vital matter. Your decision will determine the
fate of this nation for the next generation. I need not ask the gentlemen of the Congress to lay politics and political
expediency aside. I know that regardless of party or faction every one of you recognizes his heavy responsibility.
I ask merely that you examine all the facts and make your decisions accordingly. My recommendations are well
known by now. I propose that you approve the Executive Agreement that I will soon transmit to you. It is my
considered judgment that to do otherwise would be to invite economic and finally political catastrophe.
The Trade Act and some of its provisions have been under violent attack in some parts of the press and in some
public circles during the past two months. I would like to be able to say that public discussion has been in
progress. I am afraid I cannot describe what has been going on as discussion. There have been
misrepresentations and misstatements of fact. Some political leaders have been willing to make capital out of a
question which should be above politics. I shall undertake, in the course of this report, to present the facts
regarding this legislation and to correct some of the gross misrepresentations which have been made. I have no
doubt as to what your decision will finally be. Yet I feel that the Filipino people have the right to be correctly
informed, to have their fears set at rest, and to view in intelligent perspective the proposals which have been
made.
There are perhaps some plausible arguments against some portions of the Philippine Trade Act. If I had been
permitted to promulgate it by personal edict, it would have been different in many respects from the Act we are
considering today. But no one man can hope to see his own ideas completely accepted in an act of Congress.
It is well if that this is so.
Let me recall, for the benefit of those who might not know, the procedure by which the United States Congress
enacts legislation. There are introduced into the Congress at every session an average of 8,000 different
measures. Of this tremendous number no more than a few hundred are ever acted upon. The rest die in
committee. Many desirable proposals suffer this fate. Any controversial measure to be approved by Congress
must have a support so widespread as to demand priority over all others clamoring for congressional attention.
Many proposals urgently desired by the national administration never see the light of day. In a Congress occupied
by so many various and conflicting concerns, there is no other way.
Those of us who are old enough to remember can well recall the difficulties we faced in getting Philippine
legislation through past Congresses when national problems in the United States were far less complex than
they are today. It was only by a coalition of divergent interests that the first independence act was forced through
the American Congress. It took that same coalition, backed irresistibly by an administration in the first flush of its
early prestige, to secure the passage of the Tydings-McDuffie Act.
Moreover, each administrative department of the federal government is called upon to make a minute inspection
of all legislation to insure that it is in conformity with the overall policies of the United States. The views of all
these departments must be taken into consideration. There is established by these means a long and dangerous
gauntlet of individual guardians of particular interests and policies. Such a system is inevitable for the
maintenance of a continuous national policy in a nation so huge and with interests so vast.
I have gone into some detail in sketching this background. It was not without reason. I hope you will now realize
how difficult it is to get legislation which satisfies any particular group or which conforms to any ideal plan.
The Trade Act had to run such a gauntlet. For six months it was considered by the various committees of
Congress. It was entirely revised no less than five times during this process. In the end it required no less than
the personal intervention of President Truman to effect a reconciliation of many viewpoints and interests.
Filipino officials representing this Government during the framing of this legislation desired at first perpetual free
trade but later agreed to 20 years of free trade. Senator Tydings proposed twelve years of gradually increasing
tariffs. The State Department insisted upon the elimination of preferences at the earliest possible date. The
Agriculture Department was opposed to granting the Philippines a sugar quota. There were other departments
which had similar strong views on various aspects of the legislation. In September, 1945, the first Bell Bill was
introduced providing 20 years of free trade. A few weeks later the first Tydings Bill was introduced providing
twelve years of gradually increasing tariffs. In October, Senator Tydings introduced a second bill prescribing
twelve years of declining trade preferences and authorizing 100,000,000 dollars in war damages. In November,
President Truman brought about the compromise between the Bell and Tydings proposals. Senator Tydings,
President Osmeña, Representative Bell, High Commissioner McNutt and representatives of the administrative
departments agreed to a plan for 8 years of free trade and 25 years of gradually decreasing preferences. The
period of declining preferences was later shortened to 20 years. That is substantially the proposal which is before
us today.
Many hearings were held on this measure before both the House Ways and Means and the Senate Finance
Committees. Those hearings extended over a period of six months. The Philippine representative in Congress,
Commissioner Romulo, testified many times. High Commissioner McNutt testified at great length and on many
occasions. President Osmeña sent letters to the Congress which are in the record for all to read. As long ago as
last October 12 he appealed for the passage of the Bell Bill. Commissioner Romulo has consistently asked the
approval of this measure in all its various forms. Commissioner McNutt spent two and a half months in
Washington, from February until April, in a supreme and finally successful effort to get this legislation through.
Without his patient and tireless efforts, I do not believe that any of the Philippine legislation would have been
passed before now.
The Trade and War Damage bills were finally approved in April of this year. Much has been said recently
regarding so-called onerous provisions in these Acts. But all the violent protests are of very recent vintage. It is
a fact that there was no formal protest from Philippine sources until this legislation was on the point of
passing―on the eve of our national elections, to be exact. Let us examine some of these protests, with some
reference, perhaps, to their timing. I shall speak first of all of section 341 of the Trade Act, which provides
as follows:
“The disposition, exploitation, development, and utilization of all agricultural, timber, and mineral lands of the
public domain, waters, minerals, coal, petroleum, and other mineral oils, all forces and sources of potential
This is the so-called equal rights provision. In order to fulfill the obligations imposed upon us by this provision we
must amend our Constitution. Had I been in Washington at the time, I would have vigorously protested against
its unilateral quality and, had it been insisted upon, I would have suggested other means of accomplishing the
same objective. If we trace the legislative history of this provision, we will find that it was in the first version of
the Bell Bill introduced on September 25th, 1945. It was accepted at that time by the Commonwealth
Government. I have assurance that it was approved by a former Secretary of Finance as well as by the head of
the Commonwealth Government. No opposition to it was even expressed until November 16th, when it was
mildly suggested by the Resident Commissioner that this provision should better be, included in a treaty of
friendship. But the same provision persisted in every successive version of the Bell Bill. It was insisted upon
most vigorously by Representative Harold Knutson, the author of what is now known as the Knutson Amendment.
Today we are faced by the fact that section 341 is a part of the Trade Act. There is no way of divorcing it from
the Trade Act. If I could, I would remove it, not because of the alleged dangers it holds for us—I believe these to
be non-existent―but rather because of the manner and form in which it is included. I do not believe that these
reasons should weigh too heavily with us at this time, confronted as we are with the fact that this provision is
part of the law. I have no fear whatsoever that the granting to American citizens of rights equal to those of
Filipinos in the development of our natural resources will bring about an imperialistic exploitation of our country.
This was not the intention of Congress. I am certain it will not happen.
It is perhaps too distant in the past for most of us to remember, but it is most interesting to note, that the provision
in our Constitution protecting our natural resources from exploitation is not of Filipino but of American origin. The
prevention of this exploitation has been the constant concern of the American Government from the very
beginning of the occupation in 1898. Our laws restricting the acquisition of public lands and the development of
our mineral resources can be traced back to the first Philippine Bill approved by the United States Congress in
1902. These wise provisions were implemented by the Philippine Commission and consistently repeated in the
successive organic acts until finally these provisions found lodgment in our Constitution.
It seems to me therefore that to suspect the American Congress of conspiring to open the flood-gates to an
imperialistic deluge, is to deny every fact we know. To impute this motive to the United States Government is to
ascribe evil to virtue itself and to put an ugly countenance upon the noble stewardship maintained here by the
United States for the past 48 years. A nation that for these many years has striven patiently and at great cost to
uplift us politically and socially, a nation that has preserved for us our national patrimony so that when we shall
become independent we may enjoy it in full measure and pass it on to our posterity—such a nation does not
deserve the scurrilous attacks which have lately been made. I can ascribe those attacks only to lack of
information or to malice. They do not befit our dignity as a people or nation. They arouse resentment among our
trusted friends in Congress to whom it is proposed that we appeal for redress.
Today those who make these attacks are furnishing ammunition to the enemies of democracy elsewhere in the
world. They are besmirching the good name of the nation which, more than any other, is the hope of all the
underprivileged and defenseless peoples of the earth.
No, I will not attribute such motives to the American Congress. I will not believe that Congress intended any
unworthy purpose. The Congressional intent was simply to invite and encourage American capital to invest in
the Philippines and aid in our rehabilitation. The equal rights provision was not designed as a protection for
American interests already here—it is intended to reassure potential investors that the Philippines is a safe area
for enterprise, safe against discrimination for the next 28 years. Every responsible Filipino leader I know desires
That does not mean that we should not be on guard against ruthless exploitation and imperialism. We must
maintain a constant vigilance against the dangers of such exploitation by persons of any alien nationality, or
even by Filipinos. We now have ample legal safeguards to accomplish that. The Government need not open up
lands or resources for development or can halt at any time the dissipation of such resources. The Government
itself can assume the responsibility of their development. The Government has the power to expropriate public
utilities; the Government has the power to tax and control conditions of employment. Of course we shall not use
those powers except to prevent abuses. But if abuses occur, we shall not hesitate to use the legal authority that
is already available or set up new devices of restriction and control to protect our national interests. The Executive
Agreement will set up no barriers to our exercise of all legal means to prevent predatory exploitation or the
domination of our economy by selfish economic interests. Commissioner McNutt himself has publicly urged us
to maintain such safeguards. And in the very remote possibility that the American Government should ever
change its policy and seek to further imperialistic designs here, we have the recourse of terminating the Executive
Agreement on five years’ notice.
I wish to emphasize again and again that all the arguments which have been made against this provision have
been based not on facts but on fears. I refuse to be frightened by the ghost of imperialism. Americans have had
equal rights—potentially more than equal rights― for 48 years in the Philippines. America could have made of
the Philippines a Belgian Congo. I look about me and see no evidence of outrageous exploitation. Instead of
being made slaves we have been freed. Instead of teaching us obedience, America has taught us love of liberty.
Instead of overseers, America has sent us teachers. Since 1913, the balance of trade between the United States
and the Philippines has been heavily in our favor in every single year until the outbreak of the war. If this provision,
whatever its form, will help us survive economically as an independent nation, I will go along with it for the
emergency period. I do not propose to sacrifice the national welfare on the altar of pride. I will not be Lazarus on
a heap of ruins.
At the proper time I shall propose the required amendment to our Constitution but I shall recommend it as an
Ordinance appended to the Constitution to be effective only during the life of the Executive Agreement.
I will now refer to section 402, sub-section (f). This is the provision pegging the peso to the dollar. It has been
cited as an infringement upon our sovereignty and free choice. Those who make that citation forget, perhaps,
that the peso is already pegged to the dollar in the Bretton Woods International Monetary Agreement which has
been duly ratified by the Philippine Senate. In a world searching for security, the stability of monetary values is
an economic essential. We cannot expect to retain the freedom to raise or lower the value of our peso and retain
the confidence of traders in other parts of the world. As far as pegging the peso to the dollar is concerned, the
dollar is the standard of value for all world currencies today. By connecting our peso with the American dollar,
we stand within the magic and charmed circle of standard value, the dollar area, to which all currencies are being
attracted today. This provision does no more than require us to do something which it is to our own unquestioned
interest to do. But if this arrangement should work a hardship on us, we are not without recourse. The ratio of
the peso to the dollar can be changed with the approval of the President of the United States.
Some voices have been raised in protest against the absolute quotas provided for certain of our exports to the
United States. It is said that this is discrimination. Such a charge cannot in my judgment be maintained. These
quotas are the very same—in the case of cigars, our new quota is greater―that we had in the American market
before the war. The quotas were originally established as a compromise to allay the opposition of American
These quotas are now being continued in the post-independence period as an offset against the trade
preferences we are given. But these fixed quotas are now a source of considerable advantage to us. By
establishing a ceiling on the amount of these commodities we can ship to the United States, we are automatically
forced, after our production reaches quota limits, to diversify in other non-quota fields. That is one advantage we
gain. A second benefit lies in the 28-year insurance of these quotas. We are assured for that period of time of
having a market for these goods up to the amount of our quota. No other country has such an assurance.
In the case of sugar, all producing areas including those inside continental United States are under quota, but
none of these areas has a quota assurance for a period longer than two years. In the Philippines we are given a
28-year guarantee, a guarantee which supersedes any sugar act which Congress might pass in the future. The
same is true of cordage.
The President of the United States is given authority to establish quotas on other Philippine commodities entering
the United States when those imports threaten American producing interests. That is also a fair safeguard. As
long as the United States grants us the privilege of preferential tariffs, we must respect America’s right to
safeguard her own interest against Philippine products which have a market in the United States as a result of
tariff protection.
We are told that there are no quotas on American commodities entering the Philippines. For the time being we
desire none. We want as many imports as we can possibly get. If, during the course of the 28 years of the
Agreement, we find any Philippine industry threatened by imports from America, we are free, in my judgment, to
establish quotas on those imports or devise other means of protecting our infant industries. I find nothing
unreciprocal about this provision.
One other aspect of the rehabilitation legislation against which criticisms have been leveled is the so-called tie-
up between the Trade Act and the War Damage Act. That connection is established by section 601 of the War
Damage Act which provides that no war damage payments in excess of 1,000 pesos may be made to private
individuals or corporations until the Executive Agreement has been proclaimed to be in effect by the President
of the United States. This provision has been described as a club to require our acceptance of the Bell Act. I
consider this allegation to be completely baseless. Honestly speaking, I see no particular purpose in section 601
since to my mind the Trade Act is as essential, if not more so, to our national welfare as the War Damage Act
and it is inconceivable to me that the Executive Agreement provided in the Trade Act could be rejected. There
is a natural and organic connection between the two Acts. In the original Tydings version they were both in the
same bill and were separated only for reasons of legislative convenience to make simultaneous consideration in
the Senate and the House possible.
Actually and legally section 601 associates only part of the war damage payments with the Executive Agreement.
Regardless of whether we accept the Executive Agreement, the P240,000,000 for the reconstruction of our public
buildings, roads, bridges, and harbors are still to be spent in our behalf. The P200,000,000 worth of surplus
property will still be transferred to us. Private war damage payments up to 1,000 pesos are to be made in any
event. The other payments are made contingent upon the effectiveness of the Executive Agreement only
because they are part of the pattern of economic reconstruction. It would be senseless, for instance, to make
payment for the reconstruction of a sugar central or a coconut mill if there were no market for the sugar or the
coconut oil. It was the clear and consistent intention of Congress that the War Damage funds be used for the
rehabilitation of industries destroyed by war. Special and careful provision is made in the War Damage Act to
prevent individuals from collecting war damages and transferring the payments out of the Philippines. Buildings
and structures must be rebuilt or in process of rebuilding, as a condition precedent to receiving war damage
Let us not imagine that the war damage authorization represents a windfall of dollars ready to be distributed
among us for whatever purposes might meet individual fancies. These funds are carefully earmarked and their
expenditure safeguarded so that they must be used for rehabilitation purposes. But these funds alone are only
a part of the amount of money that will be needed to rebuild our land. Vast amounts of fresh capital must be
attracted to accompany the war damage money to give us a productive economy adequate to our needs. Of the
$620,000,000 authorized for war damage payments, $400,000,000 is set aside to compensate for damage to
private property. That $400,000,000 must be divided among all the claimants and the number of claimants will
total more than half a million. According to the survey of the War Damage Corporation of the United States
Government, total losses suffered by private persons and corporations amounted to $464,420,000. Damage
inflicted on church property amounted to $139,000,000. These figures are today considered extremely
conservative. All these losses must be met out of the $400,000,000 authorized by Congress. These losses
include automobiles, household furniture, and office equipment. The buildings which were damaged include club
houses, auditoriums and theaters. The amount of money which will be paid out for the rehabilitation of productive
enterprises is but a part of the total available amount. And if that amount is the only money we have for the
rehabilitation of our economy, those who pin all their hopes on war damage payments may look forward to a
rude awakening.
It was not the intention of Congress to make these payments a bribe to induce our acceptance of the Trade Act,
because Congress well knew the war damage money is but a fraction of the capital we require. The Bell Act
provision and the subsequent encouragement of trade and productive enterprise are in themselves intended as
an inducement and as a lure for capital investment here. Without that investment we are lost. No bank will lend
us money unless we have a productive economy. We cannot have a productive economy without markets and
without the capital required to produce for those markets. The three elements of our rehabilitation are first, a
market for our goods; second, capital to enable us to revive our production; and third, labor and enterprise to
produce. To coordinate this trilogy the United States Congress provided, first, trade preferences; second,
assurances to capital; and third, a part of the funds we will need to rebuild and reconstruct. To strike out any one
of these elements is to destroy the whole of the master plan for our rehabilitation.
I have gone into great detail in regard to the so-called onerous provisions of the Trade Act. It might be well by
contrast to recite the beneficial provisions regarding which there can be no question.
The Trade Act provides eight years of completely free trade and twenty years of gradually increasing tariffs or
declining duty-free quotas as the case may be. For sugar and cordage, for instance, increasing tariffs are
provided. For coconut oil, tobacco products and some others which could not withstand the imposition of any
tariffs, declining duty-free quotas are stipulated.
These are provisions which have never been made for any other foreign country on earth. These are provisions
which violate America’s basic international trade policies. Yet without these provisions, our industries cannot
even begin to function. The tariff preferences are basically and fundamentally essential to us.
When consideration of this legislation was begun seven months ago, it was believed an impossible task to secure
congressional approval of such provisions. But in the end, they were approved.
The tariff duties, when they begin to be assessed against our products in 1954, are to be assessed at the lowest
world duty charged to any nation in the world including Cuba. That means that Cuba, for instance, which has
enjoyed a 20 per cent preferential in the American market since 1901, will be at a disadvantage compared to the
Philippines until 1974.
We are guaranteed a two-cent preferential in processing taxes on our copra, also for 28 years, thus guaranteeing
for that period an exclusive market in the United States for Philippine copra. No other country can compete in
the face of this preferential.
Whereas, the United States agrees to tie its hands in the allocation of sugar quotas and in the assessment of
processing taxes on coconut oil for those 28 years, we make no such concession. This is a provision completely
unilateral in our favor, completely non-reciprocal.
The United States, under this Act, in effect revises all its tariff laws, all its reciprocal trade agreements with all
the countries in the world, departs from its own international trade policy, and sets up a special trade relationship
with the Philippines.
It might be well for us to remember that our forthcoming independence is a free grant by the United States.
Added to that grant are the economic privileges I have already referred to. The nation whose productive power
and armed might brought Germany and Japan to their knees is committed to the guarantee of our security and
of our survival. We could have no more magnificent sponsor of our independence.
We are a prostrate nation. The apparent well-being of some of our citizens today leads them to puff up with
dignity, like the bullfrog of Aesop’s fable. But let us look at the real plight of our people, and the real situation
which stares at us from every quarter.
What if we reject the Executive Agreement, and assert our pride and dignity and demand that Americans stay
out of the Philippines and refrain from making investments here? What is our situation then? What are our
prospects, on the one hand of obtaining a better bill, and on the other of getting along without the Trade Act at
all? In the first place, I do not believe we could at this time get a better Act. After July 4th, we will be without
congressional representation. Any proposition submitted to Congress in our behalf after July 4th must be the
product of an inter-departmental agreement within the United States Administration. I do not think such an
agreement possible without months of deliberation. And while these deliberations are going on, the Congress
will adjourn. This is an election year in the United States.
While the present Congress is favorably disposed toward us, I cannot forecast the complexion or attitude of the
next Congress.
We, ourselves, are not agreed on what a perfect trade formula would be. Some are against free trade. Some are
for perpetual free trade. Some wish our pre-war industries revived. Some wish them to remain destroyed.
Should we be so foolish as to ask the United States Government to reconsider, I doubt if there would be
legislation enacted before 1948. I doubt whether it would be as satisfactory legislation as that which we have
today.
What of the other alternative, of dispensing with the Trade Act entirely?
Let us look at the facts of life. After July 4th, without this Executive Agreement, we will be on a full foreign duty
basis, like any other foreign nation, with respect to the United States.
That means, at pre-war production levels, an income from exports of approximately 60 million pesos, using
current prices as a standard. Our imports this year from the United States will be valued at approximately 600
million pesos. If we are to rehabilitate ourselves, the amount of imports must be increased next year. The result
will be that at the end of 1947, we will have denuded the Philippines of practically every peso and every centavo
which the American GI’s and others brought in here, the so-called nest-egg on which we have been living and
doing business for the past 18 months. We will be penniless.
It is easy to say that we can raise our own food and live, as we lived under the Japanese. Do we wish to push
our people back into the middle ages of subsistence and economic isolationism? Of course, we do not. But
unless we attract capital from abroad, and even more important, unless we can begin immediately to increase
our exports of our major cash crops, we are doomed to disaster and worse.
We must be reminded that should we reject this Trade Act, and deprive ourselves of preferential markets, we
prejudice completely our applications for loans from the United States Government. No government would lend
us money in the absence of a productive economy that would permit us to repay the loan.
I do not think that there is any question of confronting such a situation. There is no reason to expect that this
Congress will refuse to meet this question in its true light.
I have described and defended the Trade Act at great length. I sincerely believe that we have only one choice,
and that is, to accept it. Let me point out to the Congress, that were we to be actuated by partisan considerations,
the majority party might oppose this legislation. We are not responsible for it. We had nothing to do with its
formulation or passage. But we do not intend to take a partisan attitude toward a question which involves our
national existence.
One supplementary reason for this stand is our strong conviction that, as we approach independence, we must
establish firmly the principle of continuity of foreign policy. I know of no more vital principle for the promotion of
the respect of the world for our nationhood, for our stability, for our political maturity. I will not put this Government
in a position of denying the commitments entered into with the United States by the last administration, merely
for a doubtful political advantage. I believe it my patriotic duty to follow this policy. I hope to see developed among
our people an understanding that politics halts at the water’s edge. We will not, we must not, play politics with
our commitments abroad.
I have placed before you a momentous choice. There is no time for delay. We cannot gamble with the lives of
our people. They must have assurance of future work. We must draw now the pattern of national reconstruction
to permit the development of a broader, a richer, a more productive economy, than we ever had in the past.
All the dreams we have dreamed, of democracy, of social security, of agrarian reform, of prosperity and
happiness for our people, hinge on your actions and your debates. By the wisdom of your decisions hangs the
fate of this nation. In imposing this responsibility upon you, I need not go further. I need not indicate to you at
any greater length the course you should follow.
I appeal to your patriotism and to the love I know every member here holds for his native land, to act in good
conscience for the welfare of his country. Chart now the course this nation must follow in the years to come. Tell
our people now that you have faith in our nation and in the ability of their Government to safeguard them from
The basic blueprint of our economic recovery is here. It is for you to accept. It is for you even to reject. I assure
the Congress that in accepting and in implementing the program that has been designed, they will be giving to
the people of the Philippines, and to our friends and well-wishers throughout the world, the signal that we are on
our way in a great crusade, 18,000,000 strong, to reach the haven of economic security which all the world is
seeking today.
******
NOTE.―The President was authorized by Congress on July 3, 1946, in the last law of the Commonwealth,
No.733, to enter into this executive agreement by which the Philippines binds itself to carry out the provisions of
U. S. Public Law 371, approved on April 30, 1946, entitled “An Act to Provide for the Trade Relations between
the United States and the Philippines, and for Other Purposes.”
The Bell Act, or Philippine Trade Act of 1946 as this law is generally known, required the amendment of the
Philippine Constitution so as to allow American citizens and corporations to exploit the natural resources and
operate public utilities, which privilege was restricted to Filipino citizens and corporations. Without this
constitutional amendment, the Philippines would not be able to enjoy the trade and other privileges offered in
the Trade Act as well as in its companion measure, the Philippine Rehabilitation Act of 1946, otherwise known
as the War Damage Act.
TASK: Answer the following the following questions based on the message of President Manuel
Roxas.
1. Based on the message of President Manuel Roxas, what is Bell Trade Act and Parity Rights all about?
________________________________________________________________________________________
3. What are the reasons why there is a need to amend the 1935 Constitution?
_______________________________________________________________________________________
4. Do you think that the content of the Bell Trade Act and the Parity clause is just and fair to the Filipinos?
Justify your answer.
_______________________________________________________________________________________
6. If you are the president of the country that time, will you amend the Constitution to pave the way for Parity
Act? Justify your answer.
_______________________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________________________
A Constitution refers to the body of rules and maxims in accordance with which the
powers of sovereignty are habitually exercised. The purposes are: a) to prescribe the
permanent framework of a system of government; b) to assign to the several departments their
respective power and duties; and c. To establish certain first principles on which the government
is founded. An unconstitutional act is not a law; it confers no rights; it imposes no duties; it
affords no protection; it creates no office; it is inoperative as if it had not been passed at all (See
Art 7 Civil Code).
The Constitution of the Philippines is the supreme/fundamental law of the land. The Constitution
currently in effect was enacted in 1987, during the administration of President Corazon C. Aquino, and is
popularly known as the “1987 Constitution.” Philippine constitutional law experts recognize three other
previous constitutions as having effectively governed the country:
a. The 1935 Commonwealth Constitution
b. The 1973 Constitution
c. 1986 Freedom Constitution
Constitutions for the Philippines were also drafted and adopted during the short-lived governments of
President Emilio Aguinaldo (1898) and Jose P. Laurel (1943).
1935 Constitution. In 1916, the US passed the Jones Act which specified that independence would only
be granted upon the formation of a stable democratic government modelled on the American model, not the
French model as the previous constitution had been. The US approved a ten-year transition plan in 1934 and
drafted a new constitution in 1935. World War II and the Japanese invasion on December 8, 1941, however,
interrupted that plan. After heroic Filipino resistance against overwhelming odds finally ended with the fall of
Bataan and Corregidor in 1942, a Japanese “republic” was established, in reality, a period of military rule by
Philippine independence was eventually achieved on July 4, 1946. The 1935 Constitution, which featured
a political system virtually identical to the American one, became operative. The system called for a President
to be elected at large for a 4-year term (subject to one re-election), a bicameral Congress, and an independent
Judiciary.
1973 Constitution. Ferdinand Marcos was elected president in 1965 and was re-elected in 1969, the
first president to be so re-elected. Desirous of remaining in power beyond his legal tenure, he declared martial
law in 1972, just before the end of his second and last term, citing a growing communist insurgency as its
justification. He then manipulated an ongoing Constitutional Convention and caused the drafting of a new
constitution – the 1973 Constitution – which allowed him to rule by decree until 1978 when the presidential
system of the 1935 Constitution was replaced with a parliamentary one. Under this new system, Marcos held
on to power and continued to govern by decree, suppressing democratic institutions and restricting civil
freedoms.
The 1973 Constitution, promulgated after Marcos’ declaration of Martial law, was supposed to introduce
a parliamentary-style of government. Legislative power was vested in a National Assembly whose members
were elected for six-year terms. The President ideally supposed to be elected as the symbolic and purely
ceremonial head of State from the Members of the National Assembly from a six-year term and could be re-
elected to an unlimited number of terms61.
The 1973 Constitution was a deviation from the Philippines’ commitment to democratic ideals. . Marcos
abolished Congress and ruled by presidential decree (P.D.) from September 1972 until 1978, when a
parliamentary government with a legilature called the National Assembly replaced the presidential system. But
Marcos exercised all the powers of president under the old system plus the powers of prime minister under the
new system.
The 1987 Constitution. Corazon C. Aquino began her term by repealing many of the Marcos-era
regulations that had repressed the people for so long. In March, she issued a unilateral proclamation
establishing a provisional constitution. This constitution gave the President broad powers and great authority,
but Aquino promised to use them only to restore democracy under a new constitution. This new constitution
was drafted in 133 days by an appointed Constitutional Commission of 48 members and ratified by the people
in a plebiscite held on February 2, 1987. It was largely modeled on the American Constitution which had so
greatly influenced the 1935 Constitution, but it also incorporated Roman, Spanish, and Anglo law.
2. Do you think there is a need to change the existing constitution? Reason out your answer.
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The Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) or the Republic Act No. 10963 was signed into
law by President Rodrigo Duterte on December 19, 2017 and implemented on January 1, 2018. It was the
initial package of the Comprehensive Tax Reform Program, which aims to rationalize the Philippine tax system.
The TRAIN Law seeks to generate enough revenue over the next three years, and on and on, so that the
government can provide better services, work on infrastructure projects that will help us develop economically,
and put an end to the country’s complex tax system.
The overarching goal of the first package of the TRAIN is to "create a simpler, fair, and more efficient
system through this program, the richer tax payers of the Philippines will pay a greater contribution to enable
the government to execute its programs and services targeted to the general improvement of the country,
especially the less fortunate.
There are six (6) main key provisions, three (3) additional excise taxes, and four (4) financial taxes.
1. Simplified Value Added Tax
The government's aim to elevate the less fortunate in the Philippines and drive development is
exemplified as the TRAIN repeals 54 out of 61 of the non-essential VAT exemption. In order to
protect these less fortunate persons, as well as small and micro businesses, they are exempted
from VAT on goods and services of marginal establishments.
2. Income Tax
The TRAIN lowers the Personal Income Tax (PIT)f or all taxpayers except the rich". Additionally,
minimum-wage earners are still exempted from PIT. The Law also ensures a minimum wage earner
who incurs a small raise will not have his overall salary (with the PIT deducted) less than minimum
wage. Also, married couples where both parties are working may be exempted up to a total of
₱500,000. This does not include the exemption from the first ₱90,000 of their thirteenth month pay
and additional bonuses. Finally, Self-employed and professionals with gross sales below VAT can
only pay 8% flat tax instead of their income and personal tax
3. Cars
There shall be levied, assessed and collected an ad valorem tax on automobiles based on the
manufacturers or importer’s selling price.
4. Excise Tax of petroleum products
This tax aims to increase efforts towards decreasing the consumption of harmful fuel, and
veering towards a healthier, more sustainable future. The price of fuel also varies due to the global
inflation of oil.
Gas prices and diesel are yet another high-impact item under TRAIN, especially because these
excise taxes have not been touched since 1997. Excise taxes cover those consumer products and
goods with negative effects and affect those who use more of it by asking them to pay more.
5. Sugar
8. Financial Taxes
There are four taxes that were adjusted along with the TRAIN Law. Firstly, the documentary
stamp tax was increased by 100% except on loans with only 50% increase, but not for savings,
property, and non-life insurance. Secondly, the final tax on foreign currency deposit unit (FCDU)
was increased from 7.5% to 15% of interest income. Thirdly, capital gains tax of non-traded stock
was increased from 5% to 10% of final net gains. Finally, the stock transaction tax was increased
from 0.5% to 0.6% of total transaction value.
9. Finally, there are three additional taxes that do not fall under the aforementioned categories. These
are the tax on lottery winnings and PCSO prizes, documentary stamp tax, and mining tax. With the
implementation of the TRAIN Law, all PCSO lotto prizes are taxed at 20% if the prize exceeds
₱10,000. The documentary stamp tax has been doubled, resulting in stamp taxes ranging from
₱1.50 to ₱3.00. Finally, excise tax rates on all non-metallic minerals and quarry resources, and all
metallic minerals including copper, gold and chromite, will be doubled, from 2% to 4%, as well as
excise tax on indigenous petroleum, which will be doubled from 3% to 6%.
TASK1: After reading about the TRAIN LAW, write a reaction paper stating your position on the
issue. A Reaction Paper is a type of assignment which requires personal opinion and
conclusions on a given topic.
CRITERIA 10 7 5 3
Content and - Content is - Content is - Content is not - Content is
Development comprehensive, accurate and comprehensive and incomplete.
(x2) accurate, and persuasive. /or persuasive. - Major points are
persuasive. - Major points are - Major points are not clear and /or
- Major points are stated. addressed, but not persuasive.
stated clearly and - Responses are well supported. Questions were not
are well supported. adequate and - Responses are adequately /20
- Responses are address inadequate or do answered.
excellent, timely assignment. not address
and address - Content and assignment.
assignment purpose of the - Content is
including course writing are clear. inconsistent with
concepts. regard to purpose
- Content and and clarity of
purpose of the thought.
writing are clear.
TASK 2 :Make an Infographic on the salient features of the 1987 Philippine Constitution.
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, an infographic (or information graphic) is “a visual
representation of information or data”. An infographic is a collection of imagery, charts, and minimal text that
gives an easy-to-understand overview of a topic.
10 7 5 3
Sustainable Development Goal 16 (SDG16) aims to promote the rule of law at the national and
international levels and ensure equal access to justice for all.
The rule of law is a principle of governance in which all persons, institutions and entities, public and
private, including the State itself, are accountable to laws that are publicly promulgated, equally enforced and
independently adjudicated, and which are consistent with international human rights norms and standards. It
requires, as well, measures to ensure adherence to the principles of supremacy of law, equality before the law,
accountability to the law, fairness in the application of the law, separation of powers, participation in decision-
making, legal certainty, avoidance of arbitrariness and procedural and legal transparency.
A rule of law framework that includes the following:
Reflect on the importance of rule of law in a democratic country such as the Philippines.
15 10 5 1
15 10 5 1
2. What is the most important lesson which I can apply in my daily life?
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