Social Movements in India: An Overview
Social Movements in India: An Overview
Independent India
[Link] Movements: Social movements are organized, collective efforts by individuals or groups to bring
about social, political, or cultural change. Examples include the civil rights movement, women's suffrage
movement, and environmental movements.
[Link] and Demonstrations: People often engage in collective action by participating in protests or
demonstrations to express their grievances or advocate for specific changes. This can range from
peaceful marches to more confrontational forms of protest.
[Link] Strikes and Protests: Workers may engage in collective action to demand better working
conditions, higher wages, or other labour-related issues. This can take the form of strikes, walkouts, or
other forms of labour protests.
[Link] Organizing: Collective action at the community level involves residents working together
to address local issues, such as housing, education, or public services. Community organizing often aims
to empower individuals and communities to advocate for their needs.
[Link]: Boycotts involve a collective decision by individuals or groups to abstain from using, buying,
or supporting a particular product, service, or institution as a form of protest or to achieve a specific
goal.
Advocacy Campaigns: Groups may engage in advocacy campaigns to influence public
opinion or policymakers. This can include lobbying, media campaigns, and other
efforts to raise awareness and support for a particular cause.
Online Activism: In the digital age, collective action frequently extends to online
platforms. Social media and other online tools enable individuals to organize and
mobilize for various causes, often with global reach.
Or the attempts may represent a socially shared demand for Secondly, the collective attempt is designed to
change in some aspects of the social order. promote change or resist change in the society
in which the attempt is made.
Turner and Kilhan define a social movement as a “collectivity
which acts with some continuity to promote or resist change So collective attempt may be to alter,
in the society or group of which it is a part. inaugurate, supplant, restore or reinstate all or
some aspects of the social order.
Toch (1965) emphasises that a social movement is an effort by
a large number of people to solve collectively a problem they
feel they share in common.
Social movements involve collective action by the people.
Any form of collective action cannot be labelled as a social movement, even if it is directed
towards changing the existing social values.
For example, in some places when a car or a truck knocks down a pedestrian a mob collects
immediately and starts beating up the driver. The mob is provoked because the driver’s
actions have led to injury or loss of life. Hence this could be regarded as a form of collective
action to ensure sanctity of life and to prevent rash driving. But can we call this a social
movement? No, because this is just an impulsive outburst.
Hence, another feature of a social movement is that it should be sustained and not
sporadic.
Similarly, social movement differs from a crowd by being a long-term collectivity, not a
quick spontaneous grouping.
However, they have one feature, which excludes them from being social movements. These movements are
institutionalised movements.
By this, we mean that trade unions, cooperatives or such other organisations function under a given set of rules. These
include procedures for recruitment and subsequently, expulsion, exclusion and punishment.
The membership of these organisations is not open to all. In fact, membership may not be open to even those who are
expected to be participants in the movement.
A trade union is expected to fight for protecting and enhancing workers’ rights. However, all workers do not automatically
become members of a trade union. They can become members only if they agree to the objectives of the trade union and
they formally enrol as a member.
Similarly, a cooperative which is expected to help poor peasants will not automatically include all such people as its
members. There are some formalities to be fulfilled such as registration of membership, purchase of shares etc. Therefore
these organisations have a formal set of rules for membership. Only those accepting and abiding by these rules can hope
to be included as members can be dropped or suspended from membership.
A movement, which is institutionalized in the above manner, can function with a fixed
structure and a hierarchy. In other words, the structure of such organisations cannot change.
A trade union will have its hierarchy based on authority. There will be a president, secretary
committee members etc. Each of them has separate responsibilities and they hold varying
degrees of authority. This type of hierarchy is necessary for any institutionalized movement.
In fact, this is what helps it to sustain itself.
Social movements, on the other hand, will not have any of the above features. The two
features of social movements, namely, sustained action and spontaneity operate
simultaneously. These together distinguish a social movement from other movements.
The existence of either of these features does not result in a social movement. To explain,
earlier examples of trade unions and cooperatives show that these movements have
sustained over a period of time. But this is because they are institutionalized and not because
they are spontaneous. On the other hand, sporadic outbursts such as beating up a rash driver
are collective behaviour, which is spontaneous. It is not a social movement because it is not
sustained.
We are laying stress on spontaneity because social movements do not follow a fixed pattern of hierarchy.
They are thus able to innovate new features of an organization.
Institutionalization would in fact prevent any form of innovation because of its fixed structures.
If we now take into account the features which we have discussed so far, we can define social movements
as, collective action by large groups of people which is directed towards changing some of the values,
norms and social relations in a society but which are spontaneous and sustained.
We had mentioned earlier in this section pertaining to the two qualifying features of social movements.
That a social movement constitutes a collective attempt not only to promote change but also to resist
change. This feature has to be kept in mind because all social movements do not attempt to change the
existing situations. For instance, we all know that right from the nineteenth century there have been
collective attempts to remove the social practice of sati. Raja Ram Mohan Roy actively campaigned against
sati and was chiefly responsible for legal action being taken against sati in the nineteenth century.
Even during his time, there were collective attempts to resist the introduction of the law abolishing sati.
Even today there is a sizeable section of the population who do not recognise or pay heed to the law
against Sati.
Features of Social Movements
Features of Social Movements:
Social movements are complex and diverse phenomena, but they often share certain features that characterize their nature
and dynamics. Here are some key features of social movements:
[Link] Identity: Social movements involve individuals who come together based on a shared identity or common
cause. This collective identity serves as a unifying force and provides a sense of belonging among participants.
[Link] Goals and Objectives: Social movements typically have specific goals and objectives that they seek to achieve.
These goals can range from addressing social injustices and advocating for policy changes to promoting cultural shifts or
challenging established norms.
[Link] Action: Social movements involve collective action, where individuals work together to bring about social
change. This can take various forms, including protests, demonstrations, advocacy campaigns, and other organized efforts.
[Link]: Successful social movements mobilize individuals to actively participate in the cause. Mobilization involves
recruiting supporters, raising awareness, and encouraging people to take action to achieve the movement's goals.
[Link] Structure: Social movements often have some form of organizational structure, whether formal or
informal. This structure helps coordinate activities, distribute responsibilities, and maintain communication among
participants.
[Link]: Social movements may have leaders or spokespersons who emerge to guide and
represent the movement. However, leadership structures can vary, and some movements embrace a
more decentralized or collective leadership model.
[Link] and Symbolic Elements: Social movements often utilize cultural and symbolic elements to
convey their message and create a sense of identity. This can include slogans, symbols, rituals, and
other cultural expressions that resonate with participants and the broader public.
[Link] Presence: Social movements engage with the media to raise awareness and shape public
opinion. Media coverage can be crucial for reaching a wider audience and influencing public discourse
about the issues the movement addresses.
[Link] of Participants: Social movements often attract a diverse range of participants, including
individuals from different social, economic, and demographic backgrounds. This diversity can enhance
the movement's credibility and broaden its appeal.
[Link] Mobilization: Social movements require resources to sustain their activities. This includes
financial support, human resources, and access to communication channels. Effective resource
mobilization is crucial for the longevity and impact of a movement.
1. Tactics and Strategies: Social movements employ various tactics and strategies
to achieve their goals. These can include peaceful protests, civil disobedience,
legal action, lobbying, and other forms of activism depending on the nature of
the movement and the context.
3. Networks and Alliances: Social movements often form networks and alliances
with other like-minded organizations or movements. Building connections with
allies can amplify the movement's impact and provide additional resources and
support
A 'Social movement has the following characteristics:
i) A social movement is deliberate, intentional, and planned in accordance with the goals and targets it aims to
achieve. The efforts are made as per the strategy adopted by the concerned social movement organisation;
ii) A social movement is a collective endeavour and not the result of an individual's efforts. It involves collective
action as different from individual action. "However, when the collective action is somewhat sustained, as
distinct from a sporadic occurrence, it does take the form of a movement.
This collective action, however, need not be formally organised but should be able to create an interest and
awakening in a sufficiently large number of people. Hence, a social movement essentially involves sustained
collective mobilization through either informal or formal organisation.“
iii) A social movement is directed towards change relating to a specific aspect at hand with the given 'movement'
organisation. The change aimed at could be partial or complete in some statutes, norms, traditions, and values;
iv) Most of the social movements have some ideological base. It is the ideology which has been made as a base
for attracting people to join a movement and work in accordance with the specified targets and goals;
v) To run its activities properly, the social movement has an
organisation. It cannot be as formal as a government or
private organisation. It is rather a loose, Major Determinants
informal or partial organisation. Without having any
organisational base it becomes difficult for the social
movement to go ahead with its activities; and
Raising Awareness: Social movements often begin by raising awareness about a particular issue or cause. By
bringing attention to social injustices or problems, movements can educate the public and generate support for
change.
Shifting Public Opinion: Through advocacy, protests, and other activities, social movements can influence public
opinion. As more people become aware of and sympathetic to a cause, societal attitudes may shift, creating a
foundation for broader support for social change.
Mobilizing and Empowering Individuals: Social movements mobilize individuals to actively participate in
advocating for change. By empowering people to take action, movements create a collective force that can
influence institutions, policies, and societal norms.
Pressure on Decision-Makers: Social movements often target decision-makers, such as government officials,
lawmakers, or corporate leaders, to push for policy changes or reforms. Public pressure generated by the
movement can influence decision-makers to address the concerns raised.
Legislative and Policy Changes: Successful social movements can lead to the introduction, modification, or
repeal of laws and policies. For example, civil rights movements have played a crucial role in the establishment
of anti-discrimination laws and policies.
Cultural Change: Social movements can contribute to shifts in societal norms and values. By
challenging existing cultural attitudes, movements may promote more inclusive and equitable
perspectives, fostering long-term cultural change.
Institutional Reforms: Social movements can drive reforms within institutions, including
educational, healthcare, and criminal justice systems. These reforms may address issues such as
systemic discrimination, unequal access to resources, or abusive practices.
International Impact: Some social movements transcend national borders, drawing attention to
global issues. International pressure and solidarity can influence governments and organizations to
address issues ranging from human rights abuses to environmental concerns.
Economic Impact: Social movements can impact economic systems by influencing consumer
behaviour, corporate practices, and investment decisions. Boycotts and other economic strategies
may be employed to promote social and environmental responsibility.
Long-Term Cultural and Behavioral Changes: Social movements can contribute to lasting changes in
attitudes and behaviours. As societal perceptions evolve, individuals may adopt new values and ways
of interacting, contributing to broader cultural shifts.
Life-Cycle of a Social Movement
Herbert Blumer, Marcel Mauss, and Charles Tilly gave the life cycle of a social movement:
Emergence: This is the initial stage where a social movement begins to form in response to perceived grievances or issues.
Individuals or groups come together, often sparked by a triggering event or social injustice, and start to articulate shared
concerns and goals.
Coalescence: During this stage, the movement gains momentum as organizers and activists work to build a collective
identity, define goals, and mobilize support. There is an increased focus on organizing activities, recruiting participants, and
developing strategies for achieving the movement's objectives.
Bureaucratization/Institutionalization: As a movement grows and becomes more established, there may be efforts to create
more formal organizational structures and strategies. This stage involves the development of bureaucratic elements, such as
leadership roles, decision-making processes, and communication channels. Movements may also seek to institutionalize their
goals through legal and policy changes.
Decline/Success/Transformation: Social movements can experience different outcomes. Some movements achieve their
goals and gradually decline as their objectives are met. Others may face repression, internal divisions, or external
challenges, leading to decline. Successful movements may undergo transformation, adapting to new challenges or evolving to
address different issues.
Co-Optation:
[Link] Movements:
Goal: Seek specific changes within existing social, political, or economic systems.
Examples: Civil rights movements, environmental movements, and labour movements advocating for better working
conditions.
[Link] Movements:
Goal: Advocate for a fundamental transformation of the existing social, political, or economic order.
Examples: Socialist revolutions, anti-colonial movements, movements for political independence.
[Link] Movements:
Goal: Resist or roll back social changes, often in defence of traditional values or institutions.
Examples: Moral majority movements, movements opposing certain cultural or social changes.
[Link]-Culture Movements:
Goal: Challenge and reject dominant cultural norms and values, often seeking alternative lifestyles.
Examples: Hippie movement, punk movement, and various subcultures challenging mainstream norms.
[Link] Movements:
Goal: Provide a means for individuals to express their identities, feelings, or values.
Examples: Arts and cultural movements, LGBTQ+ pride movements, and various
identity-based movements.
[Link] Movements:
Goal: Advocate for peace, anti-war movements, and disarmament.
Examples: Anti-nuclear movements, protests against specific wars, and peace advocacy
groups.
[Link] Movements:
Goal: Seek to promote or resist changes based on religious principles.
Examples: Religious revival movements, fundamentalist movements, and
movements based on religious teachings.
[Link] Movements:
Goal: Advocate for the rights and interests of workers.
Examples: Trade unions, strikes, movements for workers' rights.
[Link] Movements:
Goal: Address environmental issues and promote sustainable practices.
Examples: Green movements, conservation movements, climate change activism.
The first factor is relative deprivation. A social movement usually starts because people are unhappy
about certain things. They may feel that they are not getting enough. In other words, they feel that
they are deprived of something.
The Naxalite movement would have this as a cause. The peasants felt that they were being exploited
and deprived of their rights and the fruits of their labour. They therefore decided to protest.
A movement against or for reservation does not mean that the concerned castes feel that they are
totally deprived of educational facilities. They in fact feel that given their ability they are getting less.
What we are trying to stress here is that social movements do not arise only when there are extreme
conditions, e.g. contradiction between the very rich and the very poor.
Social movements can arise out of relative expectations and not necessarily out of extreme or
absolute conditions.
Relative deprivation is formally defined as an actual or perceived lack of resources required to maintain the quality of life
(e.g. diet, activities, material possessions) to which various socioeconomic groups or individuals within those groups have
grown accustomed, or are considered to be the accepted norm within the group.
In simpler terms, relative deprivation is a feeling that you are generally “worse off” than the people you associate with and
compare yourself to. For example, when you can only afford a compact economy car but your co-worker, while getting the
same salary as you, drives a fancy luxury sedan, you may feel relatively deprived.
The development of the concept of relative deprivation is often attributed to American sociologist Robert K. Merton,
whose study of American soldiers during World War II revealed that soldiers in the Military Police were far less satisfied
with their opportunities for promotion than regular GIs.
In proposing one of the first formal definitions of relative deprivation, British statesman and sociologist Walter Runciman
listed four required conditions:
However, the concept itself does not determine at what point relative
deprivation becomes more objective than absolute deprivation.
Structural Strain
However, all social movements do not arise out of relative deprivation. They can also originate from structural strain. When
the prevailing value system and the normative structure do not meet the aspirations of the people, the society faces strain.
What happens at this time is that a new value system is sought so as to replace the old.
This leads to conflicts and tension. Usually, individuals in such a situation violate social norms.
American sociologist Robert K. Merton developed strain theory, a concept connected to both the functionalist
perspective on deviance and Émile Durkheim's theory of anomie. Merton asserted that societies are composed of two core
aspects: culture and social structure.
Our values, beliefs, goals, and identities are developed in the cultural realm. They form in response to existing social
structures that ideally provide the means for the public to achieve their goals and live out positive identities. Often, though,
people lack the means to achieve culturally valued goals, leading them to feel strain and possibly engage in deviant
behaviour.
Merton developed strain theory by examining crime statistics by class. He found that people from lower socioeconomic
classes were more likely to commit crimes that involved acquisition (stealing in one form or another). He argued that when
people cannot attain the "legitimate goal" of economic success through "legitimate means"—dedication and hard work—
they may turn to illegitimate means of doing so. The cultural value of economic success looms so large that some people are
willing to acquire wealth, or its trappings, by any means necessary.
It was Neil Smelser who in his work, Theory of Collective Behaviour, propounded the strain theory. This theory
treats the structural stream as the factor underlying the consequences amounting to collective behaviour.
At various levels of norms, values, mobilisation, and situational facilities, structural strain occurs. When the
persons are under strain they endeavour to plan out a strategy to come out of it.
The situations make the generalised beliefs and the concept of strain provides structural conditions.
The structural conditions made available through the strain and the crystallisation of generalised beliefs coupled
together require some stimulating and precipitating factors to start a social movement.
Strain has been considered by Smelser as the impairment of relations between different components of a
system leading to weak and poor functioning of the system; the deprivation under strain is included in it. Strain
theory considers conflict as an underlying factor to the system's malfunctions and the theory of relative
deprivation lays stress upon the conflict element as productive of change.
Let us take the example of the women’s movement to illustrate the point. In a largely
traditional society like India, women are usually assigned passive roles. A woman is
expected to be subordinate to males. It is believed that as a daughter a female must
obey her father; as a wife, her husband and as a widow, her sons. Such a value
system would encourage women to be content as housewives and mothers. The
duties outside the house, such as education, earning a livelihood etc. are the domain
of males. Over the years we can see that opportunities for both education and
employment are being increasingly made available for women.
As a result, the roles of women are changing. However, the value system remains
the same. Therefore, women may take up jobs but their household duties remain
unchanged. This obviously results in a greater burden of work on the working
woman.
In employment, too women are discriminated against. All jobs are not open to them. For
example, though the employment of women as salaried workers has increased they are mainly
employed as school teachers (that too in primary schools) or as office employees. In other jobs,
such as factory work, the number of female employees has decreased. In technical education,
there is no legal discrimination against women, but we find that there are very few women
engineers. In management institutes too the number of female students is very few.
These disparities occur mainly because we have, in keeping with our value system, categorised
certain types of employment as ‘manly’ or masculine. Factory work, engineering, flying planes,
managing industries or offices are ‘manly’ jobs. Women are more suited to ‘feminine’ jobs such as
teaching children, working as typists, receptionists, telephone operators, air hostesses etc.
Parents and elders impress upon girls the type of jobs, which are suitable for. If a girl has an
aptitude for engineering her parent may dissuade her from taking it up as a career and may
possibly impress on her to read home science instead. Therefore even when there is no legal
ban, the value system forces women not to pursue certain careers.
Moreover, if a woman’s place is in the home, a single woman working in the city and
living alone is viewed as something unusual. Girls who go out to work or study are
looked down upon in many places. People feel that if women educate themselves and
take up jobs they will neglect their traditional duties and they will refuse to
subordinate themselves to the men folk.
Independent-minded girls or those who are bold enough to venture out of their homes
are regarded as easy prey to males. Such people are victims of eve teasing.
An accumulation of all these factors has made women challenge the existing values.
This has resulted in the women’s movement, which is also referred to as the feminist
movement.
Women who have become conscious of these prejudices and evils in society are now
collectively trying to redefine the value system. This need has arisen because the
traditional value system is causing strain on women who want to think and act as
independent beings. As such this movement is not directed against males. It is only an
assertion that a new value system based on the equality of all human beings should
replace the existing value system.
Resource Mobilization Theory
Resource mobilization theory is used in the study of social movements and argues that the success of
social movements depends on resources (time, money, skills, etc.) and the ability to use them.
When the theory first appeared, it was a breakthrough in the study of social movements because it
focused on variables that are sociological rather than psychological.
No longer were social movements viewed as irrational, emotion-driven, and disorganized. For the
first time, influences from outside social movements, such as support from various organizations or
the government, were taken into account.
In 1977, John McCarthy and Mayer Zald published a key paper outlining the ideas of resource
mobilization theory. In their paper, McCarthy and Zald began by outlining terminology for their
theory: social movement organizations (SMOs) are groups that advocate for social change, and a social
movement industry (SMI) is a set of organizations which advocate for similar causes.
Additionally, resource mobilization theorists look at how an organization's resources impact its
activities (for example, SMOs that receive funding from an external donor could potentially have
their choices of activities constrained by the donor's preferences).
Types of Resources
According to sociologists who study resource mobilization, the types of resources needed by social
movements can be grouped into five categories:
Material resources: These are the tangible resources (such as money, a location for the organization to
meet, and physical supplies) necessary for an organization to run. Material resources can include
anything from supplies for making protest signs to the office building where a large nonprofit is
headquartered.
Human resources: This refers to the labour needed (whether volunteer or paid) to conduct an
organization's activities. Depending on the organization's goals, specific types of skills may be an
especially valuable form of human resources. For example, an organization that seeks to increase access
to healthcare may have an especially great need for medical professionals, while an organization focused
on immigration law may seek out individuals with legal training to get involved in the cause.
Social-organizational resources: These resources are ones that SMOs can use to build their social
networks. For example, an organization might develop an email list of people who support their cause;
this would be a social-organizational resource that the organization could use itself and share with other
SMOs that share the same goals.
Cultural resources: Cultural resources include knowledge necessary to conduct the
organization's activities. For example, knowing how to lobby elected representatives,
draft a policy paper, or organize a rally would all be examples of cultural resources.
Cultural resources can also include media products (for example, a book or
informational video about a topic related to the organization's work).
Moral resources: Moral resources are those which help the organization to be seen as
legitimate.
For example, celebrity endorsements can serve as a type of moral resource: when
celebrities speak out on behalf of a cause, people may be spurred to learn more about
the organization, view the organization more positively, or even become adherents or
constituents of the organization themselves.
New Social Movement Theories:
The new social movement theories (the term "theory" is not appropriate because it is
not one specific theory, but a smorgasbord of somewhat different theories) arose
during the 1960s, primarily in several different West European countries.
These theories arose as a reaction to the deficiencies of classical Marxist theories for
analyzing collective action.
New social movement theories (NSMT) move away from the typical Marxist framework
of analyzing collective action from a primarily economic perspective.
Instead, these theories look to other motivators of collective action that are rooted in
politics, ideology, and culture. In addition, NSMT focuses on new definers of collective
identity, like ethnicity, gender, and sexuality to understand the causal factors for
collective action (Buechler, 1995).
The fundamental struggle that workers in a postmodern society face has to do with
maintaining a balance of life-work issues -- this is in direct contrast to workers in the
"modern" society of yesteryears who faced problems pertaining to exploitation by
the ruling classes.
NSMT posits that this tussle between individual rights and state's rights occurs in a
background of postmodern societal values that are grounded in a desire for
community, self-actualization, and personal satisfaction
To put it in a nutshell, traditional social movement theories
(many of which were grounded in Marxist ideology) focused
on issues primarily related to the exploitation of one societal
class by another;
Demand for Land Reforms: There were demands for the abolition of the zamindari system, giving land to the tillers, ceilings
on land holdings, consolidation of fragmented land, etc. These were seen in movements like the Telangana uprising.
Focus on Indebtedness: With rising input costs and inadequate institutional credit, farmers' movements demanded loan
waivers, easier credit access, and loan restructuring, especially after droughts or crop failures.
Protests against Input Prices: Movements against high electricity tariffs, fuel prices, and fertilizer costs have taken place like
the tractor rallies to Delhi.
Opposition to Globalization: There were farmer protests against export-import policies, lowering import duties, and
agreement terms of WTO that were seen as against India's agricultural interests by many farmers.
Demand for Remunerative Prices: Starting from the 1970s, movements began demanding reasonable minimum support
prices, bonuses for foodgrains, a better public procurement system and policies that made agriculture viable for small
farmers.
Regional Character: Most protests emerged with specific regional farmer interests rather than a unified national movement
e.g. Maharashtra, MP, Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Haryana etc. witnessing different but largely peaceful rallies.
Organized Leadership: Farmer unions provided organized leadership, unlike pre-independence spontaneity. Key unions
include Bhartiya Kisan Union, Shetkari Sangathana, All India Kisan Sabha etc.
Naxalbari Uprising
• It soon spread to other parts of West
Bengal like Kolkata, as well as parts of
• Took place in May 1967 in the Naxalbari Odisha and Andhra Pradesh, by peasant
village area of Darjeeling district, West Bengal groups conducting armed raids against
landlords
•It started in 1993 in Tehri Garhwal, Uttarakhand led by scientist and activist Dr Vandana Shiva to
conserve indigenous seed varieties and resist the growing corporatization of Indian agriculture through
commercial seed monopolies and the introduction of genetically modified (GM) seeds.
•It underscored the importance of seed diversity evolution over centuries by small farmers as fundamental
for Indian food security and farmer livelihoods. It opposed single high-yielding hybrid seeds, dependence
on multinational seed corporations and distortions of the green revolution that undermine traditional
wisdom.
•Through training, collaborating with decentralized seed banks and protests, the movement has helped
secure policies like the Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers Rights Act 2001 recognizing community
stewardship over plant genetic resources.
•It promotes in-situ on-farm conservation of diverse native seed heritage, supports organic sustainable
agriculture and builds community seed reserves based on public participation.
•The movement brought international attention to defending the seed sovereignty of peasants. It wants
seed patents abolished and has opposed World Trade Organization laws that facilitate biopiracy.
Environment Movement
There were no major environmental movements in India prior to independence in 1947. The reasons include:
The Indian economy under colonial rule was predominantly agrarian with limited large-scale industrialization. Hence,
there were minimal environmental impacts that could have sparked activism.
A number of local peasant and tribal uprisings did take place against British encroachment of land and forests like that
in Kumaon but they were small-scale, unorganized and lacked an explicit environmental angle.
The mainstream national movement centred around swaraj or self-governance overshadowed practically every other
issue. Environmentalism specifically did not find prominence the way economic exploitation or discrimination did in
public discourse.
The majority of Indians lacked environmental consciousness during the British Raj and had more imminent concerns
like food security, poverty, high rents and taxes rather than wider habitat conservation.
However, some scholars consider the 1731 martyrdom of over 300 Bishnois in Khejerli protecting Khejri trees as one
of India’s first environmental protests. However, most pre-independence conservation was likely limited to protecting
resources for material livelihood.
It was only in the 1970s, that organized environmental activism began in India - around the time of the Chipko
movement, wildlife conservation calls, concerns over large dams and their displacement impacts etc. So explicit eco-
activism emerged largely in the post-independence era. However, early traditional conservation practices did exist.
Bishnoi
Movement Amrita Devi, a female villager could not bear to witness the
destruction of both her faith and the village’s sacred trees. She
• Year: 1700s hugged the trees and encouraged others to do the same. 363
Bishnoi villagers were killed in this movement.
• Place: Khejarli, Marwar region,
Rajasthan state.
The Bishnoi tree martyrs were influenced by the teachings of
• Leaders: Amrita Devi along with Bishnoi
villagers in Khejarli and surrounding Guru Maharaj Jambaji, who founded the Bishnoi faith in 1485
villages. and set forth principles forbidding harm to trees and animals.
• Aim: Save sacred trees from being cut
down by the king’s soldiers for a new The king who came to know about these events rushed to the
palace. village and apologized, ordering the soldiers to cease logging
• King Abhay Singh of Jodhpur, in the operations.
1730s, when building his new palace,
ordered his soldiers to cut down the Soon afterwards, the maharajah designated the Bishnoi state
trees for wood in Khejarli village.
as a protected area, forbidding harm to trees and animals. This
• As a symbol of protest, Amrita Devi legislation still exists today in the region.
stood against the soldiers and fought for
the life of trees by clinging onto them.
Some of the key reasons that led to the emergence of environmental movements in India after independence are:
[Link] and Development Projects - Large dam construction, mining, setting up of thermal plants, clearing of forests
etc. started impacting local ecosystems and tribal communities dependent on them.
[Link] of Rehabilitation - Displacement due to large projects without proper resettlement or compensation caused the
organizing of affected groups.
[Link] and Wildlife Conservation - Rising awareness to protect endangered ecosystems like the Ghats, Nilgiris, and
Sundarbans as plant and animal species came under threat.
[Link] Exploitation - Overextraction of resources like excessive logging, large-scale poaching and land use changes
triggered activism to conserve nature.
[Link] and Community Rights - Eco-centred livelihoods of indigenous people being threatened led to the safeguarding of jal-
jangal-jameen (water-forest-land) that sustains them.
[Link] Crisis – The onset of erratic weather, floods, droughts etc made ecological stability a mainstream issue needing
mitigation.
[Link] Development - Disadvantages of globalization, privatization and neo-liberal reforms for rural communities and
environment.
[Link] Gaps - Inadequate environmental regulations and implementation failures prompting civil society intervention.
Chipko Movement:
Mr. Bahuguna enlightened the villagers by conveying the
•Year: 1973 importance of trees in the environment which check the
erosion of soil, cause rains and provide pure air. The women of
•Place: In Chamoli district and later in Tehri- Advani village of Tehri-Garhwal tied the sacred thread around
Garhwal district of Uttarakhand. trunks of trees and they hugged the trees, hence it was called
the ‘Chipko Movement’ or ‘hug the tree movement’.
•Leaders: Sundarlal Bahuguna, Gaura Devi,
Sudesha Devi, Bachni Devi, Chandi Prasad The main demand of the people in these protests was that the
Bhatt, Govind Singh Rawat, Dhoom Singh benefits of the forests (especially the right to fodder) should go
Negi, Shamsher Singh Bisht and Ghanasyam to local people. The Chipko movement gathered momentum in
Raturi. 1978 when the women faced police firings and other tortures.
•Aim: The main objective was to protect the The then state Chief Minister, Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna set
trees on the Himalayan slopes from the axes up a committee to look into the matter, which eventually
of contractors of the forest. ruled in favour of the villagers. This became a turning point in
the history of eco-development struggles in the region and
around the world.
•Narmada Bachao Andolan
•Year: 1985
•Place: Narmada River, which flows through the states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra.
•Leaders: Medha Patker, Baba Amte, Adivasis, farmers, environmentalists and human rights activists.
•Aim: A social movement against a number of large dams being built across the Narmada River.
What was it all about: The movement first started as a protest for not providing proper rehabilitation and resettlement for
the people who have been displaced by the construction of the Sardar Sarovar Dam. Later on, the movement turned its
focus to the preservation of the environment and the ecosystems of the valley. Activists also demanded the height of the
dam be reduced to 88 m from the proposed height of 130m. World Bank withdrew from the project. The environmental
issue was taken to court.
In October 2000, the Supreme Court gave a judgment approving the construction of the Sardar Sarovar Dam with a condition
that the height of the dam could be raised to 90 m. This height is much higher than the 88 m which anti-dam activists
demanded, but it is definitely lower than the proposed height of 130 m. The project is now largely financed by the state
governments and market borrowings. The project is expected to be fully completed by 2025.
Although not successful, as the dam could not be prevented, the NBA has created an anti-big dam opinion in India and
outside. It questioned the paradigm of development. As a democratic movement, it followed the Gandhian way 100 per cent.
Save Silent Valley Movement
•Year: 1978
•Place: Silent Valley, an evergreen tropical forest in the Palakkad district of Kerala, India.
•Leaders: The Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP) an NGO, and the poet-activist Sughathakumari played
an important role in the Silent Valley protests.
•Aim: In order to protect the Silent Valley, the moist evergreen forest from being destroyed by a hydroelectric
project.
What was it all about: The Kerala State Electricity Board (KSEB) proposed a hydroelectric dam across the
Kunthipuzha River that runs through Silent Valley. In February 1973, the Planning Commission approved the
project at a cost of about Rs 25 crores. Many feared that the project would submerge 8.3 sq km of
untouched moist evergreen forest. Several NGOs strongly opposed the project and urged the government to
abandon it.
In January 1981, bowing to unrelenting public pressure, Indira Gandhi declared that Silent Valley would be
protected. In June 1983 the Center re-examined the issue through a commission chaired by Prof. M.G.K.
Menon. In November 1983 the Silent Valley Hydroelectric Project was called off. In 1985, Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi formally inaugurated the Silent Valley National Park.
Dalit Movements
The Dalit movement in India, led by Jyotirao Phule, was a significant social reform movement that aimed to
address the social and economic discrimination faced by the Dalits, who were historically marginalized and
oppressed. Jyotirao Phule was a 19th-century social reformer, thinker, and activist from Maharashtra, India.
[Link]-Caste Philosophy: Jyotirao Phule was a strong critic of the caste system, which he believed was a
social evil that perpetuated inequality and discrimination. He advocated for the annihilation of caste and the
establishment of an egalitarian society.
[Link] for the Marginalized: Phule emphasized the importance of education as a means of
empowerment for the Dalits and other marginalized communities. He and his wife, Savitribai Phule, played a
crucial role in promoting education for Dalit girls and boys, opening schools for them.
[Link] Equality: Phule advocated for social equality and challenged the prevailing social norms that
discriminated against the Dalits. He believed in the inherent worth and dignity of all individuals, irrespective
of their caste or social background.
[Link] of Brahmanical Hegemony: Phule targeted Brahminical dominance in the social, religious, and
educational spheres. He criticized the orthodox Hindu practices that perpetuated social hierarchies and
worked towards creating a more inclusive and just society.
[Link] of Satyashodhak Samaj: In 1873, Jyotirao Phule founded the
Satyashodhak Samaj (Society of Truth Seekers), which aimed to challenge
and reform oppressive social norms. The organization worked towards
promoting education, social justice, and the upliftment of the marginalized.
[Link] and Impact: Jyotirao Phule's efforts laid the foundation for the social
and political mobilization of Dalits in India. His work inspired later leaders like
B.R. Ambedkar, who played a crucial role in the drafting of the Indian
Constitution and the furtherance of Dalit rights.
B.R. Ambedkar, an eminent scholar, jurist, and social reformer in India, led a powerful anti-caste movement that sought to
eradicate caste-based discrimination and untouchability. Ambedkar, who himself was born into a Dalit (formerly known as
untouchable) family, dedicated his life to fighting for the rights of the marginalized and oppressed communities. Here are some
key aspects of Ambedkar's anti-caste movement:
[Link] of Caste: Ambedkar was a strong advocate for the annihilation of caste. He believed that the caste system was
a major obstacle to social justice and equality. His seminal work, "Annihilation of Caste," was originally written as a speech
for the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal, an anti-caste Hindu reformist group. However, due to disagreements over its radical content,
the speech was never delivered at the Mandal's conference. Ambedkar later published it as a pamphlet.
[Link] to Buddhism: Ambedkar played a crucial role in the Dalit Buddhist movement. In 1956, he and his followers
embraced Buddhism as a means of rejecting the caste-based discrimination inherent in Hinduism. The mass conversion
ceremony took place in Nagpur and is known as the Navayana or Neo-Buddhist movement.
[Link] Representation: Ambedkar recognized the importance of political power for social transformation. He was a key
figure in the drafting of the Indian Constitution and advocated for the inclusion of affirmative action provisions, known as
reservations, to address historical injustices and provide opportunities for marginalized communities in education and
employment.
[Link] Mahasabha: Ambedkar founded the "All India Scheduled Castes Federation" in 1942, later renamed the "Republican
Party of India" (RPI), to provide a political platform for Dalits. The RPI aimed to address the political and social issues faced by
the Scheduled Castes (Dalits) and worked towards their upliftment.
Educational Empowerment: Ambedkar emphasized the importance of education
as a tool for empowerment. He believed that education could help uplift
marginalized communities and advocated for free and compulsory education for
all.
[Link] Movement - Active in the early 1900s in central and north India. Aimed
to promote education, improve socio-economic conditions, and establish equality
and human rights for Dalits and lower caste groups.
DPM selected the name “Dalit Panthers,” after reading about the U.S. Black Panthers in Time magazine. The DPM combined
the work of Ambedkar with the militancy and self-defence of the Black Panthers to combat atrocities against Dalits.
DPM co-founders Namedo Dhasal, Raja Dhale, J. V. Pawar, and Arun Kamble were poets and writers. Their anti-
establishment poetry and short stories published in Dhasal’s magazine Vidroh (“Revolt”) were powerful realistic descriptions
of the oppression of Dalits and their revolutionary struggles for change. DPM also used self-defence in response to atrocities
against Dalits, held election boycotts, demonstrated against the ruling Congress Party, and attacked Hindu deities to protest
Dalit caste oppression.
They also expanded the term Dalits to include other oppressed peoples such as low (Scheduled) castes, neo-Buddhists,
landless and poor peasants, and exploited women. The notoriety of the DPM’s poems, short stories, and street protests led
to the rapid growth of over 30 loosely organized groups of the DPM in Mumbai.
In 1974 the DPM leaders Dhasal and Dhale disagreed about having a Marxism-Buddhism ideology versus a strictly Buddhist
identity. Outside pressures on DPM included intense police surveillance and Indira Gandhi’s State of Emergency from 1975-
1977. On March 7, 1977, Dhasal and Pawar announced the dissolution of the DPM as a result of this infighting and political
repression.
Women’s Movements
The women's movements in India prior to independence were
Women's Education Movement:
characterized by the efforts of numerous individuals and
organizations that sought to address various social issues
Pandita Ramabai: Ramabai was a social
affecting women. These movements were diverse, reflecting
reformer who worked for women's
the regional, cultural, and social diversity of India. Here are
education and the improvement of their
some key women's movements before independence:
social status. She founded the Arya
Mahila Samaj to promote education for
Social Reform Movements:
women.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Brahmo Samaj: In the early 19th Women's Temperance Movements: Women
century, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, a social reformer, played a were actively involved in the temperance
crucial role in challenging oppressive practices such as Sati movements, advocating for the prohibition
(the immolation of widows on their husband's funeral pyre) of alcohol. Leaders like Shevantibai Nikam
and advocating for women's education. The Brahmo Samaj, and Ramabai Ranade were associated with
founded by Roy, promoted widow remarriage and women's the temperance movement in Maharashtra.
rights.
Dalit Women's Activism:
Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar: Another prominent social
reformer, Vidyasagar worked for the abolition of child
Savitribai Phule: Alongside her husband, Jyotirao Phule,
marriage and advocated for the improvement of
Savitribai Phule was a pioneer in the field of women's
women's education.
education. She worked for the upliftment of Dalits and
women, advocating for their rights and education.
The Gulabi Gang is a women's movement in India that originated in the Banda district of Uttar Pradesh. It was
founded by Sampat Pal Devi in 2006.
The name "Gulabi" refers to the pink saris worn by the members of the gang.
The Gulabi Gang is known for its activism, particularly in addressing issues related to gender-based violence, social
injustice, and corruption.
Founder - Sampat Pal Devi: Sampat Pal Devi, a social activist from Uttar Pradesh, founded the Gulabi Gang to
address issues faced by women in rural areas. She was motivated to take action against domestic violence, abuse,
and other forms of exploitation faced by women.
Pink Sari Uniform: Members of the Gulabi Gang wear distinctive pink saris as their uniform. This choice of colour is
intentional and serves to make the group easily identifiable.
Activism Against Gender-Based Violence: The Gulabi Gang focuses on combating gender-based violence, including
domestic abuse and violence against women. Members of the gang intervene in cases of violence, providing
support to the victims and taking action against the perpetrators.
The #MeToo movement in India gained prominence in 2018 as part of the global movement
that encourages survivors of sexual harassment and assault to share their experiences. The
movement aims to raise awareness about the prevalence of such incidents, challenge a
culture of silence, and hold perpetrators accountable. In India, the #MeToo movement gained
momentum on social media platforms, leading to revelations about sexual misconduct in
various sectors. Here are some key points about the #MeToo movement in India:
Prominent Allegations:
Several high-profile allegations were made against individuals in the media, entertainment,
journalism, and other sectors. Prominent personalities, including journalists, actors, and
directors, faced accusations of sexual harassment.
Origins: It began as a protest against an attempt in 1948 by the government of the Dominion of Pakistan to introduce
Urdu as the sole official language for all of Pakistan. This was seen as a move to suppress Bangla and the cultural identity
of the Bengali people.
Demands: The demands of the movement were to make Bangla one of the state languages of Pakistan given that East
Bengal had a Bengali-speaking majority. Protesters opposed the imposition of Urdu which was spoken by a minority in East
Pakistan (modern Bangladesh).
Key Events: The movement witnessed its martyrdom in 1952 when police killed several protesting Dhaka University
students. This led to major strikes and non-cooperation movements uniting the people. UN recognized 21 February (the
date of the killings) as International Mother Language Day in tribute.
Outcome: After Bangladesh’s independence in 1971, Bangla finally gained status as the national language. The 1952
killings are remembered as a key moment when linguistic identity asserted itself against Pakistani domination, culminating
later in the independence struggle and the birth of Bangladesh as a separate nation upholding its linguistic heritage.
Significance: Thus, though starting originally as a cultural movement, it intertwined language rights with Bengali
nationalism against unjust domination leading to recognition of the importance of linguistic identity in governance and
state formation.
Anti-Hindi Agitations – This began in the late 1930s in present-day Tamil Nadu led by E.V. Ramaswami (Periyar) and C.N.
Annadurai. Opposed the adoption of Hindi as a national language given linguistic diversity, fearing Hindi dominance would
suppress other languages.
The anti-Hindi agitations refer to the opposition movements in some parts of India against the adoption of Hindi as the
sole official national language.
Origins: It originated in the late 1930s in the Madras Presidency (modern-day Tamil Nadu), led by prominent leaders like E.V.
Ramaswami Naicker and C.N. Annadurai.
Causes: The roots were in fears that Hindi-Hindu-Hindustani linking Hindi to a Northern Hindu identity would make Hindi
imposition suppress linguistic diversity and disadvantage non-Hindi regions.
Demands: Protesters demanded equal status to all languages in public administration and states' rights to choose their
official languages. They opposed forcing a single national language.
Key Events: Anti-Hindi protests intensified in January 1965 across Tamil Nadu and included self-immolations, riots and striking
government workers. This led the central government to assure protection for English and state languages as official
languages.
Outcome: English and 22 state languages were eventually listed as official languages through the Official Languages Act in
1963. Hindi became official but not the national language. State language autonomy was guaranteed.
Significance: These agitations highlighted unity across classes in resisting Hindi hegemony. They shaped India's unique three-
language policy balancing national integration needs with regional linguistic rights.
Some key movements demanding recognition of separate language status for certain dialects in India are:
[Link]: Bodos are the largest tribal community inhabiting Assam. Since the 1960s they have demanded a
separate language status apart from being considered an Assamese dialect. This is tied to aspirations for a
separate Bodoland state given their distinct culture.
[Link]: Spoken in the Jammu region, Dogri speakers have lobbied the central government for recognition as a
separate language independent of Hindi/Punjabi since the 1960s. In 2003 it was finally recognized as the official
language of Jammu and Kashmir.
[Link]: Spoken in Bihar and Nepal, it was only in 2003 that Maithili was included in the Eighth Schedule of the
Constitution as a separate Indian language and not merely a dialect of Hindi. This followed a long campaign by
Maithili writers and scholars citing a rich history and literature.
[Link]: Spoken in coastal Karnataka and Maharashtra as well as Goa, the Konkani Language Agitation
beginning in 1986 campaigned for official language status for the language and against Marathi imperialism. It
achieved national language status in 1992.
The recognition movements emphasized the unique cultural identities amongst these linguistic communities
within larger regional language groupings. They highlighted demands for safeguarding sub-regional linguistic
heritages against fears of assimilation or domination by politically dominant languages like Hindi or Assamese.
The formation of linguistic states in India during the 1950s and 1960s was a significant political and administrative
restructuring aimed at reorganizing states based on linguistic lines. The linguistic states were created to address demands
for linguistic identity, recognizing the diversity of languages spoken in different regions of the country. The reorganization
was a complex process, and the States Reorganization Act of 1956 played a crucial role in this transformation.
[Link]: Before independence, the colonial administration had organized states based on administrative
convenience rather than linguistic or cultural affinity. This led to situations where people speaking different languages were
part of the same state.
[Link] Linguistic State - Andhra Pradesh: The demand for linguistic states gained momentum with the "Jai Andhra"
movement in the 1950s, where people in the Telugu-speaking regions of Madras State (now Tamil Nadu) demanded a
separate state. The movement culminated in the formation of Andhra Pradesh on October 1, 1953, as the first linguistic state
in independent India.
[Link] Reorganization Commission (1953-1955): In response to demands for linguistic states, the government appointed
the States Reorganization Commission (SRC) in 1953 under the chairmanship of Justice Fazal Ali. The SRC was tasked with
recommending the reorganization of states.
Recommendations of the SRC: The SRC submitted its report in
1955, recommending the reorganization of states on linguistic
lines. It suggested the creation of states based on the majority
language spoken by the people in a particular region.
[Link] was led by the Santhal tribal community of Jharkhand against zamindari exploitation of land, high
taxation, restrictions over forest access and erosion of indigenous cultural autonomy.
[Link] in Bhognadih village on June 30, 1855, led by brothers Sidhu and Kanhu and spread across parts
of Bihar, Odisha, and Bengal with violent clashes against moneylenders and British forces.
[Link] rebels declared sovereignty over Santhal lands, nullified British laws and called for the British to quit
their territory through guerrilla warfare tactics. At its peak, over 10,000 Santhals participated.
[Link], with superior firepower the rebellion was brutally crushed by the British army by the end of
1856 with leaders like Sidhu-Kanhu killed. Over 15,000 Santhals were also killed in the clashes.
[Link] showed fierce tribal resistance protecting ancestral domains and rights while highlighting colonial land
policies displacing communities like Santhals steadily into economic destitution and erosion of autonomy.
[Link] revolt led the British to introduce the Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act in 1855 and establish a special
administrative unit for the Santhal region.
The valiant Santhal struggle left a lasting legacy for tribal self-assertion movements that continued against
marginalization in post-independence India as well.
The Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act 1855 was a legislation introduced by the British colonial government in India
following the Santhal rebellion of 1855-56. Some key features:
It provided special protection for the land rights of Santhal tribal peasants in the Santhal Pargana division located across
parts of Jharkhand, Bihar and West Bengal.
It declared null and void all land settlements and leases previously made with non-tribals or diku outsiders in designated
Santhal areas from around 1800 onwards. This sought to restore alienated Santhal land.
The act conferred rights and occupancy titles to Santhal raiyats (tenants) who had lost land during earlier Permanent
Settlement land reforms, providing relief from zamindari exploitation and high rents.
It imposed limits on the transfer of tribal land to non-Santhals in future and introduced the requirement of valid prior
certification for such transfers to prevent fraud dispossession.
Special officers were appointed to implement the Act's provisions regarding tribal land rights and settle any disputes
over tenure within Santhal villages.
The legislation marked a key colonial policy response and concession to the demands of Santhal rebels to protect their
traditional habitat and resource base to prevent further unrest.
While limitations remained, the 1855 Tenancy Act was a significant step by the British authorities to safeguard Santhal
tribal land autonomy after recognizing the failures of earlier land policies that provoked mass tribal unrest.
The Bhil revolt of 1913-14 was a tribal uprising against British colonial rule in western India.
The rebellion involved the Bhil adivasi community and was concentrated in the Khandesh region spanning parts of present-
day Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh.
It was triggered by oppressive land policies, excessive taxation, rising debt burdens, and exploitation of Bhil peasants under
the British-appointed malguzars resulting in widespread poverty and land alienation.
The revolt soon spread through guerrilla techniques led by the Bhil leader Govind Guru along with allies like Motilal Tejawat
who mobilised over 5000 Bhil peasants and declared sovereignty over their land.
Rebels launched raids on British government buildings, destroyed land records, and killed or drove out moneylenders,
traders and officials who were seen as oppressors of the Bhils. This disrupted British authority.
However, the British swiftly deployed large forces and suppressed the revolt through brutal action by 1914. Govind Guru
was arrested and killed in custody although tribal resistance continued for some years.
The uprising highlighted the harsh economic displacements and threat to customary tribal land rights due to colonial agrarian
policies and administrative interventions that provoked the militant Bhil rebellion.
While the revolt was crushed, it demonstrated the strong desire for autonomy and self-assertion among the marginalized
Bhil community against the steady erosion of their livelihoods and habitat under British rule in western India.
The Jharkhand movement refers to the long struggle by tribal communities in southern Bihar to establish a
separate state of Jharkhand to protect their indigenous rights and autonomy. Some key aspects:
[Link] demands for a separate tribal-majority Jharkhand state emerged in the 1950s spearheaded by groups like
the Jharkhand Party and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM).
[Link] argued decades of exploitation and discrimination under non-tribal dominated Bihar governments left
the region impoverished with rampant land alienation and displacement despite its abundant mineral
resources. A separate state was seen as political empowerment.
[Link] protests through petitions, demonstrations etc. by successive tribal leaders like Jaipal Singh Munda
and Shibu Soren continued over decades often facing violent state crackdowns.
[Link] sustained struggle culminated on November 15, 2000, when the new state of Jharkhand with sovereign
powers was carved out from Bihar after the passage of the Bihar Reorganization Act by the Indian Parliament.
However, the new state has only partially addressed tribal grievances with governance and delivery failures,
corruption allegations and lingering socio-economic inequities continuing to trigger occasional unrest.
Thus, the decades-long mass mobilization achieved its key goal of statehood but equitable development,
cultural alignment and rehabilitation of displaced tribes remain unfinished demands fueling sporadic activism.
The tribal movement against Vedanta mining in Odisha's Niyamgiri hills was an iconic eco-social struggle
to uphold indigenous rights and habitat. Some salient aspects:
UK-based Vedanta Resources subsidiary Sterlite Industries got clearance in 2004 to mine bauxite in
Niyamgiri hills which are home to 8,000 endangered Dongria Kondh tribals and rich biodiversity.
However, the Dongria Kondhs depended on the hills' forests and streams for livelihood and viewed the
mountain as sacred. They formed 'Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti' in opposition.
Sustained 12-year protests supported by global activists led the Union ministry in 2010 to make gram
sabha consent mandatory for this project, a directive enabled by Forest Rights Act 2006 provisions.
In the Palli Sabha vote held in 2013, all 12 tribal hamlets voted a resolute 'no' to mining underscoring the
attached cultural significance of ecology for tribes like Kutia Kondhs despite alleged pressure tactics.
This landmark referendum and struggle upheld indigenous rights while the Supreme Court verdict in the
same year revoked clearance to Vedanta for violating ecology and failing to consult or address tribal
concerns.
The movement spotlighted dilemmas of development and succeeded through constitutional means in
blocking corporatization in fifth Schedule tribal zones at the cost of fragile habitats central to the
existence of marginalized communities.
Student’s Movement
India has a rich history of student movements that played a crucial role in the country's struggle for
independence from British colonial rule. These movements were characterized by their fervent
nationalism, calls for social reform, and opposition to colonial policies. Here are some notable student
movements before India's independence:
Partition of Bengal (1905): The decision to partition Bengal by the British in 1905 was met with
widespread protests, including active participation from students. The partition was perceived as an
attempt to divide and rule by creating religious divisions. Students played a significant role in the
Swadeshi Movement that followed, promoting the use of indigenous goods and boycotting British
products.
Rowlatt Act and Jallianwala Bagh Massacre (1919): The Rowlatt Act, which allowed for the arrest and
detention of people without trial, led to protests across the country. The Jallianwala Bagh massacre in
Amritsar in 1919 further fueled discontent. Students were actively involved in organizing protests
against these repressive measures.
Quit India Movement (1942): The Quit India Movement, a mass protest launched
by Mahatma Gandhi, received active support from students. Many left their
schools and colleges to join the movement, and student activism played a role in
challenging British authority.
Mandal Commission:
However, the decision faced strong opposition, particularly from students belonging to upper castes,
who felt that the reservation policy would limit their access to educational and job opportunities.
The protests were prominent in the Hindi heartland, including states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and
Rajasthan. Students organized rallies, demonstrations, and strikes against the reservation policy.
The anti-Mandal protests brought to the forefront deep-seated caste tensions and highlighted the
challenges associated with affirmative action policies in India. Despite the opposition, the Mandal
Commission recommendations were eventually implemented, marking a significant moment in Indian
social and political history. The reservation policy aimed to address historical inequalities and promote
social justice, but it also sparked debates and discussions about the appropriate means of achieving
these goals in a diverse and complex society.
The JP Movement, led by Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), was indeed a significant chapter in India's political history. Here are
more details about the JP Movement and its impact:
The JP Movement emerged in response to growing concerns about corruption, inflation, and the perceived erosion of
democratic values during the government of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
Jayaprakash Narayan, a veteran independence activist and a respected political figure, called for a "Total Revolution" to
address these issues and bring about systemic change.
Call for Total Revolution: JP called for a comprehensive transformation of the political, social, and economic systems in
India. The movement sought to involve people from all walks of life, emphasizing non-violence and mass mobilization.
Student Involvement: Students played a crucial role in the movement. Many universities and colleges became hotbeds of
anti-government protests. Student activism was a driving force in organizing rallies, strikes, and demonstrations across
the country.
Nationwide Protests: The movement gained momentum with mass protests in various parts of India. People from different
sections of society, including workers, farmers, and professionals, joined the movement, creating a broad-based coalition
against the government.
Demands for Resignation: The movement demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and called for
electoral reforms to ensure free and fair elections.
Declaration of Emergency (1975):
Faced with mounting opposition and the increasing popularity of the JP
Movement, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared a state of emergency on June
25, 1975. This decision allowed her to suspend civil liberties, arrest political
opponents, and govern by decree.
The Emergency era (1975-1977) was marked by censorship, mass arrests, and
the curtailment of fundamental rights. It was a dark period in India's democratic
history.
•The Emergency was lifted in 1977, and general elections were held. The Janata
Party, a coalition of opposition parties, emerged victorious, marking the end of
Indira Gandhi's rule.